+-----------------------------------------+ | transcriber's note: special characters | | are encoded thusly: [=a], [=e], and | | [=o] represent "a", "e", and "o" with | | superior macron. | +-----------------------------------------+ notes of a twenty-five years' service in the hudson's bay territory. by john m'lean. in two volumes. vol. ii. london: richard bentley, new burlington street, publisher in ordinary to her majesty. . * * * * * contents of the second volume. chapter i. journey to norway house chapter ii. arrival at york factory--its situation--climate--natives--rein-deer--voyage to ungava--incidents of the voyage--arrival at ungava--situation and aspect chapter iii. exploring expedition through the interior of labrador--difficulties--deer hunt--indian gluttony--description of the country--provisions run short--influenza chapter iv. distressing bereavement--exploring party--their report--arrival at esquimaux--establish posts--pounding rein-deer--expedition up george's river--its difficulties--hamilton river--discover a stupendous cataract--return by george's river to the sea--sudden storm and miraculous escape chapter v. esquimaux arrive from the north shore of hudson's strait on a raft--despatch from the governor--distress of the esquimaux--forward provisions to mr. e----. return of the party--their deplorable condition chapter vi. trip to esquimaux bay--governor's instructions--my report to the committee--recommend the abandonment of ungava settlement--success of the arctic expedition conducted by messrs. dease and simpson--return by sea to fort chimo--narrowly escape shipwreck in the ungava river--impolitic measure of the governor--consequent distress at the post chapter vii. another exploring expedition--my promotion--winter at chimo--obtain permission to visit britain--ungava abandoned chapter viii. general remarks. climate of ungava--aurora borealis--soil--vegetable productions--animals--birds--fish--geological features chapter ix. the nascopies--their religion--manners and customs--clothing--marriage--community of goods chapter x. the esquimaux--probable origin--identity of language from labrador to behring's straits--their amours--marriages--religion--treatment of parents--anecdote--mode of preserving meat--amusements--dress--the igloe, or snow-house--their cuisine--dogs--the sledge--caiak, or canoe--ouimiàk, or boat--implements--stature chapter xi. labrador--esquimaux half-breeds--moravian brethren--european inhabitants--their virtues--climate--anecdote chapter xii. voyage to england--arrival at plymouth--reflections--arrive at the place of my nativity--changes--depopulation--london--the thames--liverpool--embark for new york--arrival--the americans--english and american tourists--england and america--new york chapter xiii. passage from new york to albany by steamer--the passengers--arrival at albany--journey to montreal chapter xiv. embark for the north--passengers--arrive at fort william--despatch from governor--appointed to mckenzie's river district--portage la loche--adventure on great slave lake--arrive at fort simpson--productions of the post chapter xv. statements in the edinburgh cabinet library--alleged kindness of the hudson's bay company to the indians--and generosity--support of missionaries--support withdrawn--preference of roman catholics--the north-west company--conduct of a british peer--rivalry of the companies--coalition--charges against the north-west company refuted chapter xvi. arrival of mr. lefroy--voyage to the lower posts of the mckenzie--avalanche--incidents of the voyage--voyage to portage la loche--arbitrary and unjust conduct of the governor--despotism--my reply to the governor chapter xvii. situation of fort simpson--climate--the liard--effects of the spring floods--tribes inhabiting mckenzie's river district--peculiarities--distress through famine--cannibalism--anecdote--fort good hope saved by the intrepidity of m. dechambault--discoveries of mr. campbell chapter xviii. mr. mcpherson assumes the command--i am appointed to fort liard, but exchange for great slave lake--the indians--resolve to quit the service--phenomena of the lake chapter xix. reflections--prospects in the service--decrease of the game--company's policy in consequence--appeal of the indians--means of preserving them, and improving their condition--abolition of the charter--objections answered chapter xx. wesleyan mission--mr. evans--encouragement given by the company--mr. evans' exertions among the indians--causes of the withdrawal of the company's support--calumnious charges against mr. e.--mr. e. goes to england--his sudden death chapter xxi. sketch of red river settlement. red river--soils--climate--productions--settlement of red river through lord selkirk by highlanders--collision between the north-west and hudson's bay companies--inundation--its effects--french half-breeds--buffalo hunting--english half-breeds--indians--churches--schools--stores--market for produce--communication by lakes chapter xxii. sir g. simpson--his administration * * * * * vocabulary of the principal indian dialects in use among the tribes in the hudson's bay territory * * * * * notes of a twenty-five years' service in the hudson's bay territory. * * * * * chapter i. journey to norway house. i started from stuart's lake on the d of february, and arrived at fort alexandria on the th of march. although the upper parts of the district were yet buried in snow, it had disappeared in the immediate neighbourhood of the establishment, and everything wore the pleasing aspect of spring. mr. f---- was about to remove to a new post he had erected on the west bank of the river. horses were provided for us to perform the journey overland to okanagan. we left on the th; on the th we encamped on the borders of lac vert, having experienced a violent snow-storm in the early part of the day. the lake and circumjacent country presented a beautiful scene; the spurs of the rocky mountains bounding the horizon and presenting a rugged outline enveloped in snow--the intervening space of wooded hill and dale clothed in the fresh verdure of the season; and the innumerable low points and islands in the lake contributing to the variety of the landscape. hitherto we had found much snow on the ground, and our progress in consequence was very slow. our tardy horses subsisting on whatever they could pick during the night, or when we halted for our meals, began to falter, so that we were under the necessity of stopping to allow them to feed wherever any bare ground appeared. on the evening of the th we came in sight of kamloops' lake, which, to my great surprise, was not only clear of ice, but the valley in which it is situated appeared clothed with verdure, while the heights on the other side were still covered with snow. the valley looks to the south, and is protected from the cold winds by the neighbouring high grounds. on arriving at kamloops' post we found two canadians in charge, mr. b---- having set off a few days before for the dépôt at fort vancouver. we met with a cordial reception from his men, who entertained us with horse-flesh and potatoes for supper; and next day we bountifully partook of the same delicacies, my prejudice against this fare having completely vanished. fort kamloops is situated at the confluence of thompson's river and its north branch; the indians attached to it are a tribe of the atnahs. their lands are now destitute of fur-bearing animals, nor are there many animals of the larger kind to be found; they however find subsistence in the variety of edible roots which the country affords. they have the character of being honest, quiet, and well-disposed towards the whites. as soon as the young women attain the age of puberty, they paint their faces after a fashion which the young men understand without explanation. they also dig holes in the ground, which they inlay with grass or branches, as a proof of their industry; and when they are in a certain state they separate from the community and live in small huts, which they build for themselves. should any one unwittingly touch them, or an article belonging to them, during their indisposition, he is considered unclean; and must purify himself by fasting for a day, and then jumping over a fire prepared by _pure_ hands. we left kamloops on the th, and after travelling about twenty miles found the ground covered with snow, which increased in depth as we advanced. the track left by mr. b----'s party was of great service to us. we encamped at the extremity of okanagan lake, where we found a small camp of natives nearly starved to death; the unfortunate creatures passed the night in our encampment, and we distributed as much of our provisions amongst them as we could possibly spare. this encampment afforded me as miserable a night's lodging as i had ever met with; a snow-storm raged without intermission till daylight, when we set out so completely benumbed that we could not mount our horses till we had put the blood in circulation by walking. we overtook mr. b---- on the th, his horses completely jaded and worn out by the fatigues of the journey; the great depth of the snow indeed would have utterly precluded travelling had he not adopted the precaution of driving a number of young horses before the loaded horses to make a track. the country through which we have travelled for the last few days is exceedingly rugged, and possesses few features to interest the traveller. we arrived at the post of okanagan on the th, situated on the left bank of the columbia river. the ground was still covered with snow to the depth of two feet, and had been five feet deep in the course of the winter--an extraordinary circumstance, as there generally falls so little snow in this quarter, that the cattle graze in the plain nearly all winter. the indians are designated okanagans, and speak a dialect of the atnah. their lands are very poor, yielding only cats, foxes, &c.; they subsist on salmon and roots. messrs. f---- and d---- arrived from fort vancouver on the th of april, and we embarked on the th in three boats manned by retiring servants. mr. b---- accompanied us, having obtained permission to cross the rocky mountains. we arrived at colville on the th, where we met with a most friendly reception from a warmhearted gael, (mr. mcd.) the gentlemen proceeding to the dépôt in charge of the accounts of the columbia department generally remain here a few days to put a finishing hand to these accounts--an operation which occupied us till the d, when we re-embarked, leaving messrs. d---- and b---- behind; the former being remanded to fort vancouver; and the latter, having changed his mind, in an evil hour for himself, returned to his old quarters; where he was murdered sometime afterwards by an indian who had lost his father, and thought that the company of his old trader would solace him for the absence of his children. chapter ii. arrival at york factory--its situation--climate--natives--rein-deer--voyage to ungava--incidents of the voyage--arrival at ungava--situation and aspect. i arrived at york factory, the dépôt of the northern department, early in july. this establishment presents a more respectable appearance than any other that i have seen in rupert's land, and reflects no small credit on the talents and taste of him who planned, and partly executed, the existing improvements, all which have been effected since the coalition. when mr. mct. first assumed the command, the buildings were of the most wretched description--the apartments had more the appearance of cells for criminals, than of rooms for gentlemen. the yielding nature of the swampy ground on which the buildings were to be erected rendering it necessary to lay a solid foundation, the object was accomplished in the face of every difficulty, and at a great expense; and the present commodious buildings were commenced, but not finished by the projector. other improvements have been made since then, so that they afford every comfort and convenience that could be expected in so unfavourable a situation. the dépôt is at present under the charge of a chief factor, assisted by a chief trader, a surgeon, and two clerks. here there is always a sufficient supply of goods and provisions on hand to meet the demand of the trade for two years--a wise precaution, as in the event of any accident happening to prevent the vessel from reaching her destination, the trade would not be interrupted. the very emergency thus provided for occurred last autumn; the ship, after dropping anchor in her usual mooring ground, was compelled by stress of weather to bear away for england, after loosing her anchors, and sustaining other serious damages. yet notwithstanding this untoward event, the gentlemen in charge of the different districts set off for the interior with their outfits complete. the climate, although extremely disagreeable, is not considered unhealthy. in summer the extremes of heat and cold are experienced in the course of a few hours; in the morning you may be wearing nankeen, and before noon, duffle. were the heat to continue for a sufficient length of time to thaw the ground thoroughly, the establishment could not be kept up save at a great sacrifice of life, through the mephitic exhalations from the surrounding swamps. the ground, however, seldom thaws more than eighteen inches, and the climate therefore is never affected by them to such a degree as to become unhealthy. one of mr. mct----'s most beneficial improvements was to clear the swamps surrounding the factory of the brushwood with which they were thickly covered; and the inmates are now in a great measure relieved from the torture to which they were formerly exposed from the mosquitoes. these vampires are not so troublesome in the cleared ground, but whoever dares to intrude on their domain pays dearly for his temerity. every exposed part of the body is immediately covered with them; defence is out of the question; the death of one is avenged by the stings of a thousand equally bloodthirsty; and the unequal contest is soon ended by the flight of the tormented party to his quarters, whither he is pursued to his very door. there seems to be no foundation for the opinion generally entertained that the natives do not suffer from the stings of these insects. the incrustation of filth with which their bodies are covered undoubtedly affords some protection, the skin not being so easily pierced; but no incrustation, however thick, can be a defence against the attacks of myriads; and in fact, the natives complain as loudly of the mosquitoes as the whites. the indians of this quarter are denominated swampies, a tribe of the cree nation, whose language they speak with but little variation, and in their manners and customs there is a great similarity. but the swampies are a degenerate race, reduced by famine and disease to a few families; and these have been still farther reduced by an epidemic which raged among them this summer. they were attacked by it immediately on their return from the interior with the produce of their winter hunts, and remained in hopes of being benefited by medical advice and attendance. their hopes, however, were not realized; they were left entirely in charge of a young man without experience and without humanity; and the disease was unchecked. every day the death of some poor wretch was made known to us by the firing of guns, by which the survivors fancied the evil spirit was frightened away from the souls of their departed friends. not many years ago this part of the country was periodically visited by immense herds of rein-deer; at present there is scarcely one to be found. whether their disappearance is owing to their having changed the course of their migrations, or to their destruction by the natives, who waylaid them on their passage, and killed them by hundreds, is a question not easily determined. it may be they have only forsaken this part of the country for a time, and may yet return in as great numbers as ever: be that as it may, the present want to which the indians are subject, arises from the extreme scarcity of those animals, whose flesh and skins afforded them food and clothing. their subsistence is now very precarious; derived principally from snaring rabbits and fishing; and rabbits also fail periodically. their fare during summer, however, soon obliterates the remembrance of the privations of winter: fish is then found in every lake, and wild-fowl during the moulting season become an easy prey; while young ducks and geese are approached in canoes, and are destroyed with arrows in great numbers, ere they have acquired the use of their wings. the white man similarly situated would undoubtedly think of the long winter he had passed in want, and would provide for the next while he could;--so much foresight, however, does not belong to the indian character. fishing and hunting for the establishment affords employment to a few indians during summer, and is an object of competition among them, on account of the incomparable gratification it affords--grog drinking--to which no earthly bliss can be compared in the indian's estimation. to find the company serving out rum to the natives as payment for their services in this remote quarter, created the utmost surprise in my mind: no excuse can be advanced which can justify the unhallowed practice, when the management of the native population is left entirely to themselves. why then is it continued? strange to say, while indians were to be seen rolling drunk about the establishment, an order of council appeared, prohibiting the sale of ardent spirits in any quantity exceeding two gallons to the company's officers of whatever rank, with the view of preventing the demoralization of the natives! most of the natives have a smattering of english, and are said to be a quiet, harmless race, addicted to few bad habits. their remote situation, and impoverished country protect them from the hostile inroads of neighbouring tribes; hence the tame and pacific demeanour by which they are distinguished. the poor swampy often retires to rest without a morsel to eat for himself or family, and that for days together; yet he is under no apprehension from his enemies, and enjoys his night's rest undisturbed; whereas, the warrior of the plain, while he revels in abundance, seldom retires to rest without apprehension; the hostile yell may, in fact, rouse him from his midnight slumber, either to be butchered himself, or to hear the dying groans of his family while he escapes. thus chequered is the life of man with good and evil in every condition, whether civilized or savage. every preparation for our departure being now completed, i took leave of fort york, its fogs, and bogs, and mosquitoes, with little regret. we embarked on the d of august, in a brig that had fortunately escaped the mishaps of the other vessels last autumn; and after being delayed in port by adverse winds till the th, we finally stood out to sea, having spoken the prince rupert just come in. the fields of ice, that had been observed a few days previously, having now entirely disappeared, the captain concluded that the passage was clear for him, and accordingly steered for the south. he had not proceeded far in this direction, however, when we fell in with such quantities of ice as to interrupt our passage; but we still continued to force our way through. convinced at length of the futility of the attempt, we altered our course to a directly opposite point, standing to the north, until we came abreast of churchill, and then bore away for the strait, making mansfield island on the th of september. we encountered much stream ice on our passage, from which no material injury was sustained; although the continual knocking of our rather frail vessel against the ice created a good deal of alarm, from the effect the collision produced, shaking her violently from stem to stern. we were thus passing rapidly through the straits without experiencing any accident worthy of notice, when i inquired of our captain, one evening, how soon he expected to make the island of akpatok. he replied, "to-morrow morning about nine o'clock." we retired to rest about ten, p.m., and i had not yet fallen asleep, when i heard an unusual bustle on deck, and one of the men rushing down to the captain's room to call him up. i instantly dressed and went on deck, where i soon learned the cause;--a dark object, scarcely distinguishable through the fog and gloom of night, was pointed out to me on our lee beam, two cable-lengths distant, on which we had been rushing, propelled by wind and current, at the rate of thirteen knots an hour, when it was observed. a few moments more, and we had been launched into eternity. had the vigilance of the look-out been relaxed for a minute, or had the slightest accident occurred to prevent the vessel from wearing at the very instant, our doom was certain. the western extremity of the island of akpatok, terminating in a high promontory seemingly cut down perpendicular to the water's edge, formed the danger we had so providentially escaped. next day we saw the dismal spot in all its horrors. the island was still partially covered with snow, and no traces of vegetation were discernible; but a fresh breeze springing up we soon lost sight of this desolate spot, and made the mouth of the ungava, or south river, about an hour after sunset. the captain was a perfect stranger on the coast, and had but a very imperfect chart to guide him; he nevertheless stood boldly in for the land, and fortunately discovered the mouth of the river, which we entered as darkness closed in upon us. by this time the breeze, that had carried us on so rapidly, increased to a gale, so that if we had not entered the river so opportunely, the consequences might have been serious. we were utterly unacquainted with the coast, which presented a thousand dangers in the shape of rocks and breakers, that were observable in every direction, as far as the eye could reach to seaward; we therefore congratulated ourselves on our fancied security--for it was only fancied, as will presently appear. we kept firing as we approached the land, with the view of apprizing the people of the post, who were directed to await us at the mouth of the river. no sound was heard in reply until we had advanced a few miles up the river, when we were gratified with hearing the report of muskets, and presently several torches were visible blazing a little ahead. the night was uncommonly dark, the banks of the river being scarcely perceptible; and although it appeared to me we were much nearer then than prudence would warrant, we still drew nearer, when our progress was suddenly arrested. the vessel struck violently on a sunken rock, and heeled over so much that she was nearly thrown on her beam-ends. swinging round, however, with the force of the current, she soon got off again; and our captain, taking the hint, instantly dropped anchor. soon after a couple of esquimaux came alongside in their canoes, who gave us to understand by signs that they were sent to pilot us to the post. next day, as soon as the tide proved favourable, our esquimaux made signs to weigh anchor, which being done, one of them took his station by the side of the helmsman, and never moved a moment from the spot, pointing out the deep channel, with which he appeared well acquainted; although the utmost anxiety appeared depicted in his countenance, lest any accident should happen. once or twice we touched slightly, when he expressed his dissatisfaction by a deep groan; he managed so well, however, that he brought us to good anchoring ground ere nightfall. from a.m. until late in the evening we had only advanced twenty-five miles, although we pressed against the current with top-gallant sails set and a strong wind in our favour. immediately we anchored, captain humphrey and myself determined on rowing up to the post, where we arrived about four, p.m. i need scarcely say with what joy our arrival was hailed by people so seldom visited by strangers, in a situation which had no regular communication as yet with any other part of the world. i was much gratified by the appearance of every thing about the establishment. the buildings had just been finished with materials sent out from england, through the considerate and kindly feeling of the committee, whose compassion had been excited by the accounts they had heard of the miserable hovels in which the people were lodged when the place was first settled. after passing an hour or two examining the fort, (as it is called _par excellence_,) we returned to the ship, and weighing anchor at an early hour the next morning, ( th september,) we were soon brought up to the establishment, and landed without loss of time amid a violent snow-storm. it afforded us no small consolation, however, to reflect that we had no further cause to apprehend danger from icebergs or rocks, and that the post afforded us greater comfort as to living and accommodation than we had been led to expect. the vessel, having discharged cargo, dropped down with the stream on the th, leaving us to reflect in undisturbed solitude on the dreary prospects before us. the clank of the capstan, while the operation of weighing was being executed, echoing from the surrounding hills, suggested the question, "when shall that sound be heard again?" from the melancholy reverie which this idea suggested i was roused by the voice of my fellow exile, "the companion of my joys and sorrows," in whose society such gloomy thoughts could not long dwell. this post is situated in lat. ° ', standing on the east bank of south river, about thirty miles distant from the sea, surrounded by a country that presents as complete a picture of desolation as can be imagined; moss-covered rocks without vegetation and without verdure, constitute the cheerless landscape that greets the eye in every direction. a few stunted pines growing in the villages form the only exception; and at this season of the year, when they shed their leaves, contribute but little to the improvement of the scene. chapter iii. exploring expedition through the interior of labrador--difficulties--deer-hunt--indian gluttony--description of the country--provisions run short--influenza. the company having learned, through a pamphlet published by the moravian missionaries of labrador, that the country produced excellent furs, were induced by the laudable desire of "ameliorating the condition of the natives," to settle it; and a party was accordingly sent overland from moose factory to take possession in the summer of . the moravians, finding their intention thus anticipated, left both the cure of souls and trade of furs to the company. whatever may have been the company's real motives in forming a settlement in this quarter, the profits derived from it added but little to the dividends; the substance that glittered at a distance like gold proved to be but base metal. beavers were nowhere to be found; and although the martens brought an extraordinary high price, they were far from plentiful; while the enormous expense of supplying the district by sea, and supporting it on imported provisions, rendered the "ungava adventure" a subject of rather unpleasant discussion among the partners, most of whom were opposed to the measure from the first. mr. simpson was, in fact, the prime mover of the project, and aware of the discontent caused by its failure, determined on making every effort to reduce the expense, and, if possible, to increase the returns. accordingly, i was directed to push outposts into the interior, to support my people on the resources of the country, and at the same time to open a communication with esquimaux bay, on the coast of labrador, with the view of obtaining in future my supplies from thence by inland route; "there being no question of the practicability of the rivers." so said not he who had seen those rivers. mr. erlandson had traversed the country in the spring of , and represented to me the utter impossibility of carrying my instructions into effect. meantime, the committee, having learned by despatches from york factory that the vessel intended for the business of the district had been lost, and the other, in which i made my passage, placed in so critical a situation as to render her safety in spring a very doubtful matter, considered it advisable to provide for the worst by freighting a small schooner to carry us out our supplies. this vessel very unexpectedly made her appearance on the d of september, and we thus found ourselves supplied with goods and provisions for two years' consumption. having, as above mentioned, learned from mr. erlandson the difficulties of the inland route, and also that a great number of the natives had gone to esquimaux bay, with the intention of remaining there, i considered it incumbent upon me to visit that quarter at an early period of the winter, and i accordingly set out from fort chimo on the d of january. i submit the following narrative of my journey to the reader. "_tuesday, the d of january_, .--i left fort chimo at eleven a.m., accompanied by the following men, _viz._:-- "donald henderson, henry hay, and two indian guides, who are to accompany me throughout the journey; pierre neven and m. ferguson go part of the way, each driving a sled of two dogs, loaded with provisions, the other men having sleds drawn by themselves. "_wednesday, the d._--left our encampment before dawn of day. excessively cold--some of us got frost-bitten, but not severely. our principal guide, finding his companion unable to keep up with us, set off to his lodge in quest of a substitute. encamped early, having proceeded about nine miles. "_thursday, the th._--started at seven a.m. reached high fall creek at nine a.m. halted to wait for our guide, who soon joined us, alone, finding no person willing to accompany him. resumed our march at half-past nine; had not proceeded far, when we perceived that our young guide, pellican, was left considerably in the rear. we waited till he overtook us, and the miserable creature appearing completely exhausted with fatigue, we encamped at an early hour. eight miles. "_friday, the th._--lightened pellican's sled, and set off at five a.m.; fine weather, though sharp. advanced sixteen miles. "_saturday, the th._--as the ice was covered with water close to our encampment, it was deemed advisable to await the light of day. set off at eight a.m., but found it impossible to move forward in consequence of the immense quantity of snow that had fallen during the night. it continuing still to snow, and blowing a violent gale at same time, i gave up the struggle. advanced about a mile. "_sunday, the th._--got up about three a.m., literally buried in snow. our blankets being wet, we waited in our encampment drying them till eight o'clock, when we started with only half loads, with which we intended to proceed to the first lake, and then return for the remainder; but to our great satisfaction we soon discovered that the tempest which had incommoded us so much last night had cleared the ice of snow; we therefore returned for the property we had left; then proceeding at a fine rate, having beautiful weather, we soon reached the lake; when my guides, discovering a herd of deer on an adjacent hill, immediately set off at a bound, followed by pellican and my two _brules_. i saw at once my day's journey was at an end, and accordingly directed my encampment to be made. our hunters joined us in the evening with the choice parts of three deer they had killed. proceeded eight miles. "_monday, the th._--very cold, tempestuous weather. our progress was much retarded by the great depth of snow in the woods through which our route lay. thirteen miles. "_tuesday, the th._--blowing a hurricane; the cold being also intense, we could not venture out on the ice without incurring the risk of being frost-bitten; we therefore remained in our quarters, such as they were, until the weather should moderate. "_wednesday, the th._--my guides appeared very unwilling to quit their encampment this morning, pretending indisposition. they might have been really ill; but the beastly manner in which they had been gorging themselves for the past two days being well known to be the cause of their illness, no one felt disposed to pity them. i therefore sprang into their encampment, and pitching the remainder of their choice morsels into the snow, drove them out before me. travelled through woods the whole day. encamped at half-past three. eighteen miles. "_thursday, the th._--started at five, a.m. soon fell on a large lake, on which we travelled till three, p.m., when we encamped. thus far the lake extends s.e. and n.w., being about two miles in width. as mr. erlandson was the first european who had traversed these inhospitable wilds, i had the gratification of giving his name to the lake. it is reported by the natives to abound in fish of the best quality; rein-deer are also said to be numerous at certain seasons of the year. proceeded fifteen miles. "_friday, the th._--being immoderately cold, and the wind blowing direct in our faces, we could not attempt travelling on the lake. "_saturday, the th._--weather fine. left erlandson's lake about one, a.m.; it still stretched out before us as far as the eye could reach, and cannot be less than forty miles in length; its medium breadth, however, does not exceed two miles and a half. the circumjacent country is remarkably well wooded, even to the tops of the highest hills, and is reported by the natives to abound in martens. a few industrious indians would not fail to turn such advantages to good account; but they can avail the company very little, while the natives alone are in possession of them. went on twenty-four miles. "_sunday, the th._--set off at five, a.m. passed over several small lakes; the country well wooded. entered upon a small river about noon, the banks covered with large pine. encamped at three, p.m. advanced sixteen miles. "_monday, the th._--took our departure at seven, a.m. travelled without halting the whole day. eighteen miles. "_tuesday, the th._--decamped at five, a.m.; the snow very deep in the woods. fell on whale river at ten, a.m. the face of the country presents scarcely any variety; from erlandson's lake to this river it is generally well wooded, but afterwards becomes extremely barren, nothing to be seen on both sides of the river but bare rocks. proceeded sixteen miles. "_wednesday, the th._--started at five, a.m. our route in the morning led us through a chain of small lakes, and brought us out again on whale river, on which we travelled till four, p.m. the appearance of the country much the same as described yesterday. proceeded eighteen miles. "_thursday, the th._--p. neven being unable to travel from indisposition, i resolved on passing the day to await the issue, deeming his malady to be of no very serious nature. in the meantime i took an exact account of my provisions which i found to be so far reduced, that no further assistance was required for its conveyance. i accordingly made the necessary arrangements to send the men back. "_friday, the th._--early in the morning, p. neven (being now convalescent) and mordoch ferguson set off on their return, whilst i and my party proceeded on our onward route. i retained a sled of dogs, intending to drive them myself. we travelled eleven miles on whale river, then struck across the country to the eastward. encamped at four, p.m. fourteen miles. "_saturday, the th._--the moon affording no longer light to find our way in the night, we must now wait till daylight. started at seven a.m.; crossed a point of wood, chiefly larch, of a miserably small growth; then came out on a large lake (comparatively speaking), on which we travelled till four, p.m. thirteen miles. "_sunday, the st._--set off at seven a.m. about eleven, we fell on the fresh tracks of a large herd of deer, which my guides carefully examined; their experience not only enabling them to determine the precise time they had passed, but the very spot where they were likely to be found, which they affirmed was close to us. my dogs being very much reduced, and not having the means of increasing their present modicum of food, i determined on availing myself of an opportunity which might not again occur of procuring a supply. the indians accordingly set off in quest of them, desiring us at their departure to make no fire until the sun had reached a certain position in the heavens which they pointed out to us. we made our encampment at the time appointed, and were soon joined by our hunters, dragging after them a fine doe; they had got only one shot at the herd, which immediately took to the bare hills, where pursuit was in vain. our guides being encamped by themselves, i was curious to ascertain by ocular evidence the manner in which the first kettle would be disposed of, nor did i wait long till my curiosity was gratified. the cannibals fell upon the half-cooked flesh with a voracity which i could not have believed even savages capable of; and in an incredibly short space of time the kettle was disposed of;--and this, too, after their usual daily allowance, which is equal to, and sometimes exceeds, that of the other men, who say they have enough. proceeded seven miles. "_monday, the nd._--on examining the remains of the deer this morning, i found my quadrupeds would benefit but little by my good intentions and loss of time, our guides having applied themselves so sedulously to the doe during the night, as to leave but little for their canine brethren. we started at seven, a.m., the travelling very heavy in the woods. about noon we came upon a large lake, where we made better speed. thirteen miles. "_tuesday, the rd._--travelled through woods the greater part of the day; encamped at four o'clock. sixteen miles. "_wednesday, the th._--decamped at seven, a.m. our route lay through swamps and small lakes, with strips of wood intervening. martens appear to be numerous, but beavers must be extremely rare, for we have discovered no traces whatever of their existence anywhere along our route, though innumerable small lakes and rivers, such as beavers frequent, are to be met with in every direction; but the country produces no food for them. at ten a.m. we arrived at a considerable lake, where my guides told me we had reached the highest land. on asking them if this were the lake where we intended to build, they pointed to the south-west, saying it was four days' journey off in that direction!--so far had i been led from the route i intended to have followed, notwithstanding the perfect understanding i had with my perfidious guides prior to our departure from the establishment. encamped at three, p.m. twelve miles. "_thursday, the th._--immediately on leaving our encampment, we fell on a large river flowing to the north-east, which i took to be george's river. we followed it for a short distance, and then directed our course over bare hills. encamped at three, p.m. eleven miles. "_friday, the th._--having passed the night in a clump of small pines, which sheltered us from the inclemency of the weather, we were not aware of the violence of the storm which was raging round us, until, pursuing our route over a ridge of bare hills, we were completely exposed to its fury. we found the cold intense, the wind blowing in our faces, so that it was impossible to proceed. observing a hummock of wood close to us, we shaped our course for it, where we were no sooner arrived, than it began to snow and drift. the few trees to which we had retreated being far apart, and the wind blowing with the utmost violence, we experienced the greatest difficulty in clearing an encampment. the storm continuing unabated, we passed a miserable day in our snow burrow. two miles. "_saturday, the th._--arose from our comfortless _couché_ at half-past four. the snow having drifted over us, and being melted by the heat of the fire in the early part of the night, we found our blankets and capotes hard frozen in the morning. thawing and drying them occupied us till nine a.m., when we set off. snow very deep. proceeded nine miles. "_sunday, the th._--set off at seven, a.m. snow still increasing in depth, and our progress decreasing in proportion. at one, p.m., we came upon a large river flowing to the north, on which we travelled a short distance; then followed the course of a small stream running in an easterly direction. leaving this stream, our route lay over marshes and small lakes; the country flat, yielding dwarf pine intermixed with larch. encamped at half-past four; advanced eight miles. "_monday, the th._--started at seven. appearance of the country much the same as yesterday. fifteen miles. "_tuesday, the th._--decamped at seven. weather mild, and walking heavy. our principal guide appears rapidly declining in strength, which does not surprise me, considering the laborious duty he has had to perform; always beating the track a-head, without being once relieved by his worthless associate. fourteen miles. "_wednesday, the st._--started at seven. still very mild. observed a few small birch trees. encamped at four, p.m. fifteen miles. "_thursday, the st of february._--started at the usual hour. we have been travelling through a very rough country for these two days past. the fact is, that our guides, having only passed here in summer, are unacquainted with the winter track. we are, therefore, evidently pursuing a circuitous course, which, with every other disadvantage, subjects us to the risk of running short of provisions,--a contingency which our reduced stock warns us to prepare for ere long. we can afford no more food to the dogs; their load is now transferred to the men's sleds. fifteen miles. "_friday, the d._--decamped at seven, a.m. pursued our route over extensive swamps and small lakes, where there is scarcely any wood to be seen. the face of the surrounding country being level, the least elevation commands a most extensive view; but the eye turns away in disgust from the cheerless prospect which the desolate flats present. i deemed it expedient to curtail our allowance of provisions this evening. eighteen miles. "_saturday, the d._--set off at seven, a.m. reached michigama lake at one, p.m.; on which we travelled till five o'clock, when we encamped on an island. proceeded twenty miles. "_sunday, the th._--left our encampment at the usual hour. halted for our scanty meal at ten, a.m. after an hour's delay we resumed our march, and encamped at four, p.m., on an island near the mainland on the east side of the lake, having performed about twenty miles. i here repeated to the indians my earnest wish to proceed to esquimaux bay, by north river, which takes its rise in this lake. they replied that nothing could induce them to comply with my wishes, as inevitable starvation would be the consequence; no game could be found by the way, and we would have, therefore, to depend solely on our own provisions, which were barely sufficient for the shortest route. i had thus the mortification to find, that i should entirely fail in accomplishing the main object i had in view in crossing the country. "_monday, the th._--decamped at seven, a.m. reached the mainland at half-past eight; then ascended a river flowing from the north-east, which discharges itself into michigama lake, pellican taking the lead, being the only one acquainted with this part of the country. the indians shot an otter. no wood to be seen, but miserably small pine, thinly scattered over the country. encamped at gull lake. fifteen miles. "_tuesday, the th._--left our encampment at seven. our guide lost his way about noon, which after an hour's search, he succeeded in finding; when we resumed our slow march, pellican proceeding at a snail's pace, which neither threats nor entreaties could in the least accelerate. encamped at five, p.m. eleven miles. "_wednesday, the th._--started at half-past six, a.m. arrived at the site of an extensive indian camp, which appeared to have been recently occupied. our guides knowing the indians to be their friends from ungava, and their trail leading in the direction of our route, required no longer to be urged on. an immediate impulse was given to pellican's sluggish motions, increasing his speed to such a degree, that it required our utmost exertions to keep up with him. encamped near a high fall on north-west river, which is here walled in by inaccessible precipices on both sides. the view above the fall is interrupted by stupendous rocks; the natives say that the appearance of the river and surrounding country is the same from this fall to michigama lake; the river is deemed to be impracticable for any kind of craft. eighteen miles. "_thursday, the th._--set off at seven, a.m. fine travelling on the river. we passed two portages and rapids. encamped at forty-five minutes past five. twenty miles. "_friday, the th._--decamped at seven. travelling good; the banks of the river high and precipitous, and almost destitute of wood. we observed, however, a few birches. encamped at six, p.m. twenty miles. "_saturday, the th._--started at eight, a.m. about noon we arrived at a wide expansion of the river, where it suddenly bends to the west. here we again quitted the river, directing our course to the eastward. the navigation of this part of the river is represented by the natives to be impracticable, and similar to the upper part. our snow-shoes being the worse for wear, we encamped at an early hour for the purpose of repairing them. advanced fifteen miles. "_sunday, the th._--decamped at seven, a.m. pursued our course through the roughest country i ever travelled. the appearance of it struck me as resembling the ocean when agitated by a storm, supposing its billows transformed into solid rock. we commenced ascending and descending in the morning, and kept at it till night. the men complained much of fatigue. proceeded fourteen miles. "_monday, the th._--the weather being so much overcast that we could not find our way, we remained in our encampment till eight, a.m. encamped at a quarter past five. fifteen miles. "_tuesday, the th._--set off at half-past seven, amidst a tremendous snow-storm, which continued without intermission the whole day; we sunk knee-deep in the snow, and found it not the most pleasant recreation in the world. about noon we passed a hut, which my guide told me had been the residence of a trader, two years ago. late in the evening we arrived at another hut, on north west river, where we found two of mr. mcgillivray's people, who were stationed there for the purpose of trapping martens. nine miles. "_wednesday, the th._--the weather being unpropitious, and finding ourselves very snug in our present quarters, we passed the day enjoying the comfort of a roof. "_thursday, the th._--left our canadian hosts at early dawn; the snow very deep on the river. proceeded till ten, a.m., when d. henderson was suddenly seized by a violent fit, which completely incapacitated him from travelling. discovering a hut close by, a fire was immediately kindled in it, and a place prepared for our invalid to lie down; in our present circumstances nothing more could be done. i waited by him till two, p.m., then pursued my route, accompanied by the indians, leaving h. hay to take care of him. accomplished fourteen miles. "_friday, the th._--set off at four, a.m. arrived at dusk at port smith, where, although i was well known, my esquimaux dress and long beard defied recognition, until i announced myself by name. "_saturday, the th._--an indian was despatched early in the morning, to meet my men with a supply of the north-west panacea, turlington balsam; and i was glad to see them arrive in the evening, more in want of food than medicine." two days after our arrival, all the nascopie or ungava indians, at present residing in this part of the country, numbering seventy or eighty souls, came to the establishment, with the produce of their winter hunts. mr. mcgillivray and myself having come to an understanding regarding them, we both addressed them, representing to them the advantages they would derive from having posts so conveniently situated on their lands, &c. after some deliberation among themselves, they expressed their intention to be guided by our advice, and to return forthwith to their lands. having sent off my despatches by indian couriers, for mashquaro, on the d of march, to be forwarded thence to canada, _via_ the company's posts along the gulf and river st. lawrence, i sent h. hay for my guides (who had gone to pay the _kettles_ of their friends a visit), preparatory to my departure hence, which has been deferred to a much later period than i had calculated upon, from the prevalence of excessively bad weather for a fortnight. hay, having met the indians on the way, returned the same evening; but they were so emaciated that i could scarcely recognise them, looking like so many spectres--a metamorphosis caused by the influenza, at that time prevalent in the country. my principal guide, however, declared himself able to proceed on the journey, with a light load; and it was arranged that pellican should accompany his relative. two young men, who came in with my guide, appearing not quite so much reduced as the others, i proposed to them to accompany me as far as michigama lake, to assist in hauling our provisions, which they consented to do; and they accordingly took their departure along with my guide, on the th of march. myself and two men, along with my "husky" interpreter, followed next morning; but as we are to retrace our steps by the same way we came, it will be unnecessary to narrate the occurrences of each day. we arrived in the evening at the first indian camp, where i found one of the young men i had hired, relapsed into his former malady, and unable to proceed further. this, although a disappointment, did not much affect me, as i had hopes my guide would be able to continue his route, from the circumstance of his having passed on to the farthest camp. when we arrived, about noon next day, and found, not only our guide, but every individual in the camp, suffering under the fatal malady,--this was the climax to my disappointment. i determined on returning to fort smith with my guide, where, by proper treatment, i hoped he might yet recover in time to admit of my returning before the end of the season. i accordingly returned, accompanied by h. hay, who conducted the dog-sledge, on which i had placed my sick indian, leaving d. henderson in charge of the provisions, along with the esquimaux. on the morning of the th, i despatched h. hay to join henderson, with directions to haul the provisions on to mcgillivray's hut, there to await further orders. my guide, for a few days, appeared to be in a hopeless state, refusing sustenance of any kind, and became delirious. this was the crisis of the malady; for he soon began to take some food, and recovered strength daily. he at length proposed to attempt the journey, to which i joyfully assented; and once more took leave of fort smith, on the th of march, and joined my men next day. remaining two days, to give the guide time to recruit his strength, i started on the morning of the d; the indians had recovered strength enough to enable them to proceed towards their winter deposit of provisions, near michigama lake, leaving us an excellent track. we overtook them on the th. i found it impossible to separate my guide from his relatives while we pursued the same route. we arrived on the th at their last stage, and encamped together. next morning as we were about to start, a message arrived from my guide, announcing his determination to proceed no farther, unless pellican were permitted to accompany us. i sent for him immediately, and endeavoured to impress on his mind the unreasonableness of such a proposition, our provisions being scarcely sufficient for ourselves--that it would expose the whole party to the risk of starvation; but i addressed a thing without reason and without understanding, and was accordingly obliged, once more, to yield. we reached the highest land on the d of april, where, on examining our remaining stock of provisions, the alarming fact that it was altogether insufficient to carry us to the establishment, was but too apparent. it was therefore necessary to take immediate measures to avert, if possible, an evil that threatened so fearful consequences; and the only course that presented itself was to divide into two parties,--the one to proceed with all possible despatch to the fort, by the shortest route, and to send forward a supply to the other, which it was anticipated would reach them ere they were reduced to absolute want. pursuant to this resolution i set off, accompanied by the guide and h. hay; leaving d. henderson to make the best of his way, with the esquimaux and pellican. having taken but a very small share of the provisions with us, and meeting with no game on the way, we were soon reduced to the utmost extremity. one of our dogs being starved to death, we were ultimately obliged to knock the surviving one on the head, to supply ourselves with what we considered, in present circumstances, "food for the gods." such as it was, it enabled us to keep soul and body together till we reached fort chimo, on the th of april, where we found all the nascopies of this part of the country assembled to greet the arrival of their long-expected friends--our guides. i immediately selected a couple of smart-looking lads to go to meet my rear-guard,--the other servants about the establishment, who were accustomed to snow-shoes, being absent, watching the deer. on the third day after their departure the couriers returned, with pellican. on inquiring of the latter what had become of my men, he replied that he had left them encamped at a lake about sixty miles distant, where the esquimaux, abandoning himself to despair, could not be prevailed upon to go a step farther; and that he (pellican) had been sent forward by henderson to urge on the party whom they expected. they were within a day's journey of them; and yet the wretches returned immediately on meeting pellican, leaving the others to their fate. no indians i had ever known would have acted so basely; yet these are an "unsophisticated race" of aborigines, who have but little intercourse with the whites, and must, of course, be free from the contamination of their manners. our hunters being now arrived, were sent off, without delay, in quest of the missing; and i had the satisfaction to see my famished _compagnons de voyage_ arrive, on the th of april. chapter iv. distressing bereavement--exploring party--their report--arrival of esquimaux--establish posts--pounding rein-deer--expedition up george's river--its difficulties--hamilton river--discover a stupendous cataract--return by george's river to the sea--sudden storm, and miraculous escape. having thus ascertained the impracticability of the inland communication, i transmitted the result of my observations to the governor--a report which, i doubt not, proved rather unpalatable to his excellency, unaccustomed as he is to have any of his movements checked by that impudent and uncompromising word--impossible. i was much gratified to find that the deer-hunt had proved uncommonly successful; so that i had now the means of carrying into effect the governor's instructions on this point. on the approach of spring, preparations were made for establishing a post inland; guides were hired for the purpose, and every precaution taken to insure success. at this time i was visited by a very grievous affliction, in the loss of my beloved wife, whose untimely death left me in a more wretched condition than words can express. this was truly an eventful year for me;--within that space i became a husband, a father, and a widower;--i traversed the continent of america, performing a voyage of some , miles by sea, and a journey by land of fully , miles, on snow-shoes. as soon as the navigation became practicable (june ), mr. erlandson set off for the interior, with his outfit, in three small canoes, and after much toil reached his destination on the th of july. on the return of the men who had assisted in the transport, i fitted out an expedition to explore the coast to the westward, with the view of ascertaining the capabilities of that quarter, for the extension of the business. the party was absent about a month; and their report was entirely unfavourable to the project of carrying our "ameliorating system" so far. the navigation of the coast is exceedingly dangerous, from the continual presence of ice, and the extraordinary force of the currents. while the coast proved so inaccessible, the interior of the country wears a still more dreary and sterile aspect; not a tree, nor shrub, nor plant of any land, is to be seen, save the lichens that cover the rocks, and a few willows. the native esquimaux, whom our people had seen, evinced the same amicable disposition by which their whole race is distinguished. they received our people with open arms, and some of the young damsels seemed disposed to cultivate a closer intimacy with them than their ideas of propriety, or at least their olfactory nerves, would sanction. the effluvia that proceeds from their persons in the summer season is quite insufferable; it is as if you applied your nose to a cask of rancid oil. in the course of the summer, several esquimaux arrived from the westward, with a considerable quantity of fox-skins,--the only fur this barren country yields. some of these poor creatures had passed nearly two years on their journey hither, being obliged to hunt or fish for their living as they travelled. they set off on their return with a little tobacco, or a few strings of beads;--very few having the means of procuring guns and ammunition. nothing worthy of notice occurred till the month of september, when i was gratified by the arrival of despatches from canada, by a junior clerk appointed to the district. by him we received the first intelligence of the stirring events that had taken place in the colonies during the preceding year. the accounts of the triumphs of my countrymen's arms over french treachery and yankee hatred, diverted my thoughts, for the first time, from the melancholy subject of my late bereavement; the thoughts of which my solitude served rather to cherish than dispel. having learned from the natives that a river fell into the bay, about eighty miles to the eastward, that offered greater facilities for carrying on the business in the interior than our present communication, i ordered the men who had assisted mr. erlandson, to descend by this river,--an enterprise which was successfully accomplished. their report confirming that of the natives, i forthwith determined on establishing a post there; and the season being now far advanced, i had no sooner decided on the step than i set about carrying it into execution. a party was despatched with every requisite for the purpose, about the th of september; and i received a communication from them in october, informing me that they had discovered a convenient situation for erecting the buildings. the materials being found on the spot, and the men aware of the approach of winter, and straining every nerve to secure themselves against its rigours, the buildings, such as they were, were raised and already occupied. in the early part of winter, being, i may say, entirely alone,--for there remained only one man and an interpreter with me,--i amused myself by shooting partridges, which abounded in the neighbourhood that season; but the cold became so excessive as the winter advanced, that i was compelled to forego that amusement, and confine myself to the four walls of my prison, with the few books i possessed as my only companions. my despatches for the civilized world being completed, i was altogether at a loss how to forward them, as none of the natives could be induced, even by a high reward, to undertake the journey. at length one was found who consented to accompany one of my men to mr. erlandson's post, but no farther. my couriers were absent six weeks, and i had the mortification to learn on their return that the packet remained at the outpost, owing to an accident that befel one of the indian guides, and which incapacitated him for the trip. our friends would thus remain in ignorance of our fate for nearly two years. the report received regarding the inland adventure proved very satisfactory as far as the trade was concerned; but the privations suffered by those engaged in it, it was painful to learn; their sole subsistence consisted of fish, rendered extremely unpalatable from the damage it had sustained from the heat of the sun, and a few rabbits and partridges. who would not be an indian trader? early in the month of march the rein-deer made their appearance again, and every countenance brightened up at the thoughts of the approaching pastime. i fell on a plan, however, that divested the sport of much of its attractions, although calculated to ensure greater success. a favourable position being selected, a certain extent of ground was fenced in so as to form a "pound" of nearly a circular shape, a gap being left in it to admit the game from the river side. this done, i caused branches to be placed on the ice above and below the deer pass, which the animals observing, became alarmed, and running from side to side of the open space between the lines of branches, at length made a dash at the opposite side of the river, and entered the trap prepared for them at a gallop, continuing at the top of their speed until stopped by the upper part of the "pound," when they wheeled round, and making for the entrance, were received with a volley of balls from the huntsmen; a continual fire being kept up upon them in this manner until they all dropped. the scene presented by the slaughter was anything but agreeable, yet stern necessity compelled me to continue the butchery; and the success that attended my scheme far exceeded my expectations. the first herd that entered, in number about fifty, burst through the fence; but our works were immediately strengthened, so as to defy their efforts in future to escape. a herd of was soon after entrapped, and in the course of two hours all were killed. having thus obtained an ample stock of provisions, the different parties employed at the fishing and hunting stations were recalled, and preparations were begun for our summer campaign, in which i determined to take an active part. the favourable report of last summer respecting the east or george's river, combined with reports that had reached me since of another large river flowing a short distance to the south of esquimaux bay, suggested the possibility of carrying on our business on this line of communication. with the view, therefore, of carrying this design into effect, i had a boat built in the course of the winter, in which i embarked with a strong crew on the th of june, the river not being clear of ice at an earlier period; and sweeping down on the top of the current at railroad speed, reached the sea in about three hours. it being still early in the day, and no ice to be seen, we pulled for the opposite side of the bay, in the hope of reaching it ere dark. the weather being perfectly calm we advanced rapidly, and had proceeded about seven miles with every prospect of effecting our purpose, when lo! the tide was observed to be making against us; and the ice returning with it, apparently in a compact body, we were placed in rather a critical situation. the sun was declining, while the coast presented a solid wall of ice, which precluded the possibility of landing anywhere nearer than the mouth of south river. towards that point, therefore, the head of the boat was directed, and the crew, seeing the imminence of the danger, rowed with all their might; and by dint of strenuous exertions, we made good our landing ere the ice closed in around us. a few minutes after not a speck of water could be descried. next morning, the ice still covered the bay, leaving only a narrow strip of open water along the shore; into this channel we pushed our boat, and for some time made but little progress, being continually interrupted by pieces of ice, which the high tide detached from the shore. our channel, however, soon widened, and in a short time not a particle of ice could be seen, disappearing as if by magic; for in a few minutes after it began to move, no traces of it could be discovered as far as the eye could reach to seaward. we reached east or george's river, without further interruption, on the d of july, where we were detained by unfavourable weather until the th. the post established here last autumn is situated in a still more cheerless spot than fort chimo, being surrounded by rugged hills, whose sides are covered with the _débris_ of rock, which appears to have been detached from the hills by the process of decay. the post stands at the foot of one of those frightful hills, while another rises immediately in front; the intervening valleys, or cavities, present nothing to enliven the scene, save a few stunted pines, and here and there a patch of snow. the few esquimaux who inhabit this region of sterility and desolation, at first appeared delighted with the idea of having whites among them: finding, however, that our presence yielded them no advantage, they soon became indifferent about us, and proceeded to the moravian settlement with the produce of their hunts, where they obtained their little wants at a far cheaper rate than our tariff allowed. my crew, leaving fort siviright, consisted of ten able men; and an indian guide accompanied us in his canoe. as we ascended, our difficulties increased at every step, the water being much lower than last year. i found myself engaged in a more laborious work than i had ever yet undertaken--towing the boat day after day against a current flowing in a continuous rapid, so as to admit of not one moment's relaxation, unless during the short interval allowed for rest to such as could take it--no easy matter when myriads of sand-flies and mosquitoes filled the air and tortured us incessantly. we continued to advance in this manner, hauling, pulling, carrying, and even launching the boat for about fifteen days, when we reached an expansion of the river, without any perceptible current, and sufficiently deep to admit of the use of the oar. our labour was now supposed to be at an end by those who had explored the river; no further doubts were entertained as to our soon reaching esquimaux bay, where letters from our friends and news from all quarters would reward us for all our toils. let not him who knows not what it is to be shut out from his friends, society, and the great world, year after year, think lightly of the reward which the solitary trader, in his remote seclusion, values so highly. our hopes, however, were soon dissipated. having reached the upper extremity of the still water, we encountered difficulties that defied every attempt to surmount. the lake just referred to proved to be the source of the lower stream; the rivulet that flowed into it from above being so shallow as scarcely to admit of the passage of a small canoe. it was therefore impossible to proceed with the boat, a circumstance that placed me in a rather perplexing position; for i had the outfit for the interior in charge, without which the business, so lately established with every prospect of success, would fail. there was, however, no time to be lost in vain regrets; the advanced period of the season required instant decision, and our stock of provisions was diminishing rapidly. i therefore determined on proceeding to the outpost in the small canoe belonging to our guide, taking two of the men with me, and leaving the rest of the crew to erect a temporary post; and in the mean time sent my guide to apprize the indians in the vicinity of the steps i had taken to supply their wants next winter. these arrangements completed, i embarked in an eggshell of a canoe, so small as not to admit of anything save the smallest possible supply of provisions,--tent, basket, &c. remaining behind. soon after leaving our encampment, we came to a portage some ten miles in length, and struck the river again, where, from the report of the men, i expected no further difficulties would impede our progress. but the event did not answer my expectations; from the continual drought of the season the water proved so low that we had to drag along our canoe, wading in the water, where a boat would have passed with ease last year. in this manner we continued our toilsome voyage without relaxation for several days, carrying our canoe and baggage overland, or wading in the water from early dawn until late at night, when we threw ourselves down on the ground to pass the night without shelter from the weather or protection from the stings of our merciless persecutors the mosquitoes, who pursued their avocation with unwearied assiduity, so that our rest was small, and that little afforded us but scanty refreshment. our progress, but slow, from the difficulties of the route, was rendered still slower by our frequent deviations from our course; my guides having paid but little attention to their instructions last year. we at length reached the post on the th of august, half starved, half naked, and half devoured. a friendly reception, and the good cheer the place afforded, soon restored our spirits, if not our "inexpressibles;" and although much annoyed that no indians could be induced to guide us to esquimaux bay, i determined on making the attempt with such assistance as mr. erlandson could give me, who was well acquainted with the upper part of the river. after one day's rest, we embarked in a canoe sufficiently large to contain several conveniences, to which i had been for some time a stranger,--a tent to shelter us by night, and tea to cheer us by day; we fared, too, like princes, on the produce of "sea and land," procured by the net and the gun. we thus proceeded gaily on our downward course without meeting any interruption, or experiencing any difficulty in finding our way; when, one evening, the roar of a mighty cataract burst upon our ears, warning us that danger was at hand. we soon reached the spot, which presented to us one of the grandest spectacles in the world, but put an end to all hopes of success in our enterprise. about six miles above the fall the river suddenly contracts, from a width of from four hundred to six hundred yards, to about one hundred yards; then rushing along in a continuous foaming rapid, finally contracts to a breadth of about fifty yards, ere it precipitates itself over the rock which forms the fall; when, still roaring and foaming, it continues its maddened course for about a distance of thirty miles, pent up between walls of rock that rise sometimes to the height of three hundred feet on either side. this stupendous fall exceeds in height the falls of niagara, but bears no comparison to that sublime object in any other respect, being nearly hidden from the view by the abrupt angle which the rocks form immediately beneath it. if not seen, however, it is felt; such is the extraordinary force with which it tumbles into the abyss underneath, that we felt the solid rock shake under our feet, as we stood two hundred feet above the gulf. a dense cloud of vapour, which can be seen at a great distance in clear weather, hangs over the spot. from the fall to the foot of the rapid--a distance of thirty miles--the zigzag course of the river presents such sharp angles, that you see nothing of it until within a few yards of its banks. might not this circumstance lead the geologist to the conclusion that the fall had receded this distance? the mind shrinks from the contemplation of a subject that carries it back to a period of time so very remote; for if the rock,--syenite, always possessed its present solidity and hardness, the action of the water alone might require millions of years to produce such a result! after carrying our canoe and baggage for a whole day through bogs, and swamps, and windfalls, in the hope of finding the river accessible, we at length gave up the attempt; and with heavy hearts and weary limbs retracing our steps, we reached the outpost, without accident, after an absence of fifteen days. finding it impossible to remove either the returns, or the small quantity of goods remaining on hand, i determined on leaving a couple of the men to pass the winter here; and mr. erlandson accompanied me to assume the charge of the temporary post, where i had left his outfit. here we arrived on the st of september, and i was delighted at finding my men living in the midst of abundance;--the surrounding country apparently abounding with rein-deer, and the lake affording fish of the best quality. i remained with the men two days to expedite the buildings which were yet unfinished; and in the meantime a party of indians arrived, whom we persuaded to carry our despatches to esquimaux bay. after seeing my couriers off, i left mr. erlandson with two men to share his solitude, and reached the sea without experiencing any adventure worth notice. proceeding along the coast, i was induced, one evening, by the flattering appearance of the weather, to attempt the passage of a deep bay; which being accomplished, there was little danger of being delayed afterwards by stress of weather. this step i soon had cause to repent. the sea hitherto presented a smooth surface; not a breath of wind was felt, and the stars shone out brightly. a few clouds began to appear on the horizon; and the boat began to rise and fall with the heaving of the sea. understanding what these signs portended, we immediately pulled for the shore; but had scarcely altered our course when the stars disappeared, a tremendous noise struck upon our ears from seaward, and the storm was upon us. in the impenetrable obscurity of the night, not a trace of land could be discovered; but we continued to ply our oars, while each succeeding billow threatened immediate destruction. the horrors of our situation increased; the man on the out-look called out that he saw breakers a-head in every direction, and escape appeared to be next to impossible. my crew of scottish islanders, however, continued their painful exertions without evincing the apprehensions they must have felt, by a murmur. the crisis was now at hand. we approached so near to the breakers that it was impossible to avoid them; and the men lay on their oars, expecting the next moment would be their last. in such a situation the thoughts of even the most depraved naturally carry them beyond the limits of time; and by these thoughts, i believe, the soul of every one was absorbed; yet the men lost not their presence of mind. suddenly, the voice of the look-out was heard amid the roar of the breakers, calling our attention to a dark breach in the line of foam that stretched out before us, which he fancied to be a channel between the rocks. a few desperate strokes brought us to the spot, when, to our unspeakable joy, we found it to answer the man's conjecture; but, so narrow was the passage, that the oars on both sides of the boat struck the rocks; a minute afterwards we found ourselves becalmed and in safety. the boat being moored, and the men ordered to watch by turns, we lay down to sleep, as we best could, supperless, and without having tasted food since early dawn. the wind still blew fresh on the ensuing morning; but we found, to our great satisfaction, that we had entered a kind of channel that lay along the shore, where we were protected from the storm by the innumerable rocky islets that stretched along the mainland. regarding the labyrinth of islands through which we had effected a passage in the darkness, we were struck with wonder at our escape; and felt convinced that the hand of providence alone could have guided us through such perils in safety. chapter v. esquimaux arrive from the north shore of hudson's strait, on a raft--despatch from the governor--distress of the esquimaux--forward provisions to mr. e----. return of the party--their deplorable condition. we reached fort chimo on the th september. a greater number of esquimaux were assembled about the post than i had yet seen; and among them i was astonished to find a family from the north side of the strait, and still more astonished when i learned the way they had crossed--a raft formed of pieces of drift wood picked up along the shore, afforded the means of effecting the hazardous enterprise. on questioning them what was their object in risking their lives in so extraordinary an adventure, they replied, that they wanted wood to make canoes, and visit the esquimaux on the south side of the strait. "and what if you had been overtaken by a storm?" said i. "we should all have gone to the bottom," was the cool reply. in fact, they had made a very narrow escape, a storm having come on just as they landed on the first island. the fact of these people having crossed hudson's strait on so rude and frail a conveyance, strongly corroborates, i think, the opinion that america was originally peopled from asia. the asiatic side of behring's strait affording timber sufficiently large for the purpose of building boats or canoes, there seems nothing improbable in supposing that, when once in possession of that wonderful and useful invention--a boat, they might be induced, even by curiosity--that powerful stimulus to adventure--to visit the nearest island, and from thence proceed to the continent of america; and finding it, perhaps, possessed of superior advantages to the shores they had left, settle there. my voyageur was evidently induced as much by curiosity as by the desire of procuring a canoe, to visit the south side of hudson's strait, where the passage is as wide as between the island in behring's strait and the two continents. at an early period of the winter i was gratified by the arrival of despatches from the civilized world. the packet was found by the indians at esquimaux bay, whither i had sent them, and forwarded to me by mr. erlandson's two men. by his letters i was grieved to learn that starvation stared him in the face; the fishing, that promised so well when i passed, having entirely failed, and no deer were to be found. he wrote me, however, that he would maintain his post while a piece of parchment remained to gnaw! the governor's letters conveyed the thanks of the governor and committee for my "laudable exertions;" while his excellency intimated, in language not to be misunderstood, that my promotion depended on my successful management of the affairs of ungava, "which he regretted to find were still in an unpromising state." what effect this announcement had on my feelings need not be mentioned--after a painful servitude of eighteen years thus to be compelled to make renewed, and even impossible exertions ere i obtained the reward of my toil, while many others had reached the goal in a much shorter time without experiencing either hardship or privation,--the injustice i had suffered, or the deceit that had been practised on _me_. as a balm to my wounded feelings, my correspondents in the north informed me that seven clerks had been promoted since i left norway house. many of the esquimaux referred to in a preceding page passed the winter in this quarter, not daring to return in consequence of an hostile rencontre they had had with some of their own tribes on their way hither. the quarrel, like most indian quarrels, originated in an attempt to carry off women: both parties had recourse to arms, and a desperate struggle ensued, in which our visitors were completely defeated, with the loss of several lives. they remained about the post for a short time, admiring its wonderful novelties--wonderful to them--and then proceeded some distance up the river to waylay the deer that had already crossed unobserved by them. the poor creatures, unaware of this fact, remained on the ground until every article that afforded any kind of sustenance was consumed; when they started for the post, leaving the weaker of the party to follow as they best could. they all arrived the same day except two widows, who had lost their husbands in the fray. i sent off two young men with a supply of provisions to meet them, but the wretches, having devoured the food, returned without the women, although i had previously supplied their own wants. next morning i sent off one of my own men, accompanied by an esquimaux; but, as might have been expected, the women were found lying dead on the ice near each other. although mr. erlandson did not particularly request any assistance from me, the report he communicated as to the failure of provisions was sufficient to induce me to use my best endeavours to relieve his wants. with this view i hired an indian lad to act as guide to a party whom i despatched overland with the necessary supplies. the guide assured me they would perform the journey, going and coming, in a month. the appointed period passed, and no accounts of them; and week after week, until i at last despaired of ever seeing them in life. at the end of about two months they made their appearance, but in so deplorable a state of emaciation that we could scarcely recognise them. the roads proved so bad that they were nearly a month on their way going, and consequently they had consumed almost all the provisions they had for the whole trip. mr. erlandson's scanty supply not allowing him to afford them any assistance for their return, they commenced their journey homeward with one meal a day, which they continued until all was gone, when they fed on their dogs; and they finally arrived at the house without having tasted any kind of food for three days. their spectre-like forms excited the greatest pity; the interpreter, who came to tell me of their arrival, was in tears. no time was lost in administering relief; but the greatest caution was necessary in administering it, or the consequences might have been fatal. i was mortified to find, on the approach of spring, that my stock of goods did not admit of supplying the interior; and i was consequently compelled to relinquish the advantages that had cost us so much to acquire. without goods we could not, of course, maintain our position in that quarter. chapter vi. trip to esquimaux bay--governor's instructions--my report to the committee--recommend the abandonment of ungava settlement--success of the arctic expedition, conducted by messrs. dease and simpson--return by sea to fort chimo--narrowly escape shipwreck in the ungava river--inhuman and impolitic measure of the governor--consequent distress at the post. immediately on the opening of the navigation i started for esquimaux bay, with two indians, in a small canoe, and without any of the usual conveniences. mr. erlandson having been ordered to the southern department, followed in another canoe. arrived at the post, we were gratified by the receipt of despatches just come to hand by the ship. the governor's letter apprized me that a vessel would be sent round to ungava every alternate year; and strictly enjoined me to have no further communication with esquimaux bay _overland_, "as much unnecessary expense was incurred by these journeys." thus were we consigned to our fate for a period of two years with as little feeling as if we had been so many cattle, and debarred from all communication with our friends, by word or letter, merely to save a trifling expense! could the honourable company be swayed by so paltry a consideration in subjecting us to so grievous an inconvenience? surely not; a body of men so respectable could neither have authorized nor sanctioned such sordid parsimony. the generous proposition originated with mr. simpson alone, and to him be the honour ascribed. being fully persuaded in my own mind of the utter hopelessness of the ungava adventure, i transmitted a report to the governor and committee on the subject; recommending the abandonment of the settlement altogether, as the enormous expense of supplying us by sea precluded the idea of any profit being ever realised; while it was quite evident the company's benevolent views toward the esquimaux could not be carried into effect. the extreme poverty and barrenness of their country, and their pertinacious adherence to their seal-skin dresses, which no argument of ours could induce them to exchange for the less comfortable articles of european clothing, were insurmountable obstacles. the honourable company, while they wished to supply the wants of the esquimaux, still urged the expediency of securing the trade of the interior. a circumstance that came to my knowledge in the course of the winter promised the attainment of that object. i learned from an old indian, that the fall and rapid i met with on my way to the sea the preceding season, could be avoided, by following a chain of small lakes. my informant had never seen those falls himself, and could, from the oral report he had heard, give but a very imperfect description of the route. still, i determined on making another attempt to explore the whole river, knowing well, that if i succeeded in discovering the new route, there could be no further difficulty in supplying the interior. meantime, i was gratified to learn, by letters from my friend mr. dease, that the expedition in which he had been engaged was crowned with success;--the long sought-after north-west passage being at length laid open to the _knowledge_ of mankind, and a question, that at one time excited the enterprise of the merchant and the curiosity of the learned, settled beyond a doubt. while on this subject, i cannot help expressing my surprise at the manner mr. dease's name is mentioned in the published narrative of the expedition, where he is represented as being employed merely as purveyor. it might have been said with equal propriety that mr. simpson was employed merely as astronomer. the fact is, the services of both gentlemen were equally necessary; and to the prudence, judgment, and experience of mr. dease, the successful issue of the enterprise may undoubtedly be ascribed, no less than to the astronomical science of mr. simpson. having finished my correspondence, i embarked for fort chimo, on board a brig that had been recently built for the trade of this district and that of esquimaux bay. our passage afforded no adventure worthy of notice; icebergs we saw in abundance, whose dimensions astonished us, but having no desire to form a close acquaintance with them, we kept at a respectful distance; and finally entered the ungava river, on the th of august, at so early an hour of the day, that we expected to reach the post ere night-fall. we were doomed to disappointment. as we ascended the river, the breeze fell, and darkness set in upon us; yet we still pressed on. presently, however, so dense a fog arose, that nothing could be seen a yard off. in this dilemma our safest course would have been to anchor, but unfortunately that part of the river was the most unfavourable possible for our purpose, from the extraordinary strength of the current, and the rocky nature of the bottom. our skipper seemed quite at a loss, but accident decided. the vessel struck, altered her course a little, struck again, put about, and struck again and again. the anchor was dropped as the only chance of escaping the dangers in which we were involved. the anchor dragged a short time, and finally caught apparently in a cleft of the rocks. soon after the tide began to flow, and we fancied our dangers over; but the crisis was not yet come. the ebb-tide returned, rushing down with the current of the river with such overwhelming velocity, that we expected the vessel would be torn from her moorings. two men were placed at the helm to keep her steady, but, in spite of their utmost exertions, she was dashed from side to side like a feather, while the current pitched into her till the water entered the hawse-holes. pitching, and swinging, and dashed about in this fearful manner for some time, the anchor was at length disengaged, and dragged along the bottom with a grating noise, which, with the roaring of the rapid, and the whistling of the wind through the rigging, formed a combination of sounds that would have appalled the most resolute. the fog having cleared away, we discovered a point projecting far into the river, some two hundred yards below, towards which we were drifting broadside, and rapidly nearing. the boats were got ready, to escape, if possible, the impending catastrophe, when the vessel was suddenly brought to with a tremendous jerk, and instantly swung round to the tide. by this time, however, its strength was considerably abated, and daylight soon appearing, i sent on an esquimaux who had come on board, with a note to the post, requesting that a pilot should be sent us with the utmost despatch. meantime, seeing our way clear before us, we weighed anchor, and advanced to within three miles of the establishment, when a boat was seen approaching, rowed by six stout islanders. on coming along-side, a rope was thrown to them, and made fast to the fore-stem. four of the men had scrambled on board, when a sudden blast swelled our sails, and propelled us through the water with such force, that the fore-part of the boat was torn away, leaving one of the men floundering in the water, and the other clinging to the rope. the latter was dragged on board, severely bruised; but the former remained in the water for at least two hours, and would have perished before our eyes, had he not got hold of a couple of oars, by which he managed to keep himself afloat. we soon anchored opposite the post, and every exertion being made to expedite the departure of the vessel, we were in the course of a few days left to vegetate in quiet. on examining the quantity of provisions i had received, i was not a little alarmed to find it scarcely sufficient for the consumption of one year, his excellency's communication having acquainted me that it was a supply for two years! thus we were thrown on the precarious resources of the country for life or for death; for if those resources should fail us, we must either remain and starve on the spot, or, abandoning the settlement, endeavour to escape to esquimaux bay and run the risk of starving by the way. economy so ill-timed argued as little in favour of the governor's judgment as of his humanity. admitting our lives were of so trifling a value, the abandonment of the settlement, with all the goods and furs in it, would have subjected the company to a very serious loss. every precaution, however, was taken to provide against a contingency which involved such serious consequences; the men were dispersed in every direction to shift for themselves, some being supplied with guns and ammunition, others with nets, a lake of considerable extent having been lately discovered, which the natives reported to abound with fish. early in the month of december my fishermen came in with the mortifying intelligence of the entire failure of the fishery; and soon after a messenger arrived from the hunting party to beg a supply of provisions, which my limited means, alas! compelled me to deny. not a deer had been seen, and the partridges had become so scarce of late that they barely afforded the means of sustaining life. all i could therefore do for my poor men was to supply them with more ammunition and send them off again. while their lot was thus wretched, mine was not enviable; one solitary meal a day was all i allowed myself and those who remained with me; and i must do them the justice to say, that they submitted to these privations without a murmur, being aware that it was only by exercising the most rigid economy that our provisions could hold out the allotted time; the arrival of the ship being an event too uncertain to be calculated upon. by stinting ourselves in this manner, we managed to eke out a miserable subsistence, without expending much of our imported provisions, until the arrival of the deer in the month of march, when we fared plentifully if not sumptuously. chapter vii. another exploring expedition--my promotion--winter at chimo--obtain permission to visit britain--ungava abandoned. .--on the opening of the navigation i set out on another exploring expedition. without entering into particulars so devoid of interest, i would merely observe that, with patience and perseverance, we ultimately succeeded in making good our passage by the hamilton, or grand river, and found it to answer our expectations in every respect. on arriving at esquimaux bay, we found the vessel from quebec riding at anchor--a joyful sight, since it gave assurance that we should hear from friends and relatives, and receive intelligence of the events that had occurred in the world for the last twelve months. the governor's communication acquainted me with my promotion, and _sincerely_ congratulated me on the event. whether i had reason or not to doubt his sincerity, let the reader judge who knows the treatment i had experienced at his hands. fifteen years ago i was assured of being in the "direct road to preferment,"--twenty years of toil and misery have i served to obtain it. considering myself, therefore, under no obligation to his excellency, i addressed a letter to the directors, expressing my thanks for the benefit they had conferred upon me, and requesting permission to visit the land of my nativity next year. i was fortunate enough to find a couple of canoes at esquimaux bay, sufficiently large to admit of conveying an outfit to the interior, and equally fortunate to find mr. davis, the gentleman in charge of the district, possessed the will and ability to promote my views. all my arrangements at this place being completed, i set off on my return, and was happy to find, on my arrival at the outpost, that the outfit was rendered in safety, not the slightest accident having occurred on the way. i arrived at fort chimo in the beginning of october. the dreary winter setting in immediately, we commenced the usual course of vegetative existence; and i consider it as unnecessary as it would be uninteresting to say anything further concerning it than that this season passed without our being subjected to such grievous privation as during the last. the greater part of the people being distributed among the outposts, reduced our expenditure of provisions so much, that i felt i had nothing now to fear on the score of starvation; and the precautions i had taken the preceding winter enabled us not only to indulge occasionally in the _luxuries_ of bread-and-butter, but also to contemplate the possibility of the non-arrival of the ship without much anxiety. .--on the opening of the navigation i again set out for esquimaux bay, where i found letters from the secretary, conveying the welcome intelligence that my request for permission to visit britain had been granted, and that the directors, agreeably to my recommendation, had determined on abandoning ungava, the ship being ordered round this season to convey the people and property to esquimaux bay. chapter viii. general remarks. climate of ungava--aurora borealis--soil--vegetable productions--animals--birds--fish--geological features. it need scarcely be observed that, in so high a latitude as that of ungava, the climate presents the extremes of heat and cold; the moderate temperature of spring and autumn is unknown, the rigour of winter being immediately succeeded by the intense heat of summer, and _vice versá_. on the th of june, , the thermometer was observed to rise from ° below zero to ° in the shade, the sky clear and the weather calm; this was, in fact, the first day of summer. for ten days previously the thermometer ranged from ° below zero to ° above, and the weather was as boisterous as in the month of january, snowing and blowing furiously all the time. the heat continued to increase, till the thermometer frequently exhibited from ° to ° in the shade. this intense heat may, no doubt, be owing in a considerable degree to the reflection of the solar rays from the rocky surface of the country, a great part of which is destitute of vegetation. when the wind blows from the sea the atmosphere is so much cooled as to become disagreeable. these vicissitudes are frequently experienced during summer, and are probably caused by the sea's being always encumbered by ice. it is remarkable that the severest cold in this quarter is invariably accompanied by stormy weather; whereas, in the interior of the continent, severe cold always produces calm. the winter may be said to commence in october; by the end of this month the ground is covered with snow, and the rivers and smaller lakes are frozen over; the actions of the tide, however, and the strength of the current, often keep ungava river open till the month of january. at this period i have neither seen, read, nor heard of any locality under heaven that can offer a more cheerless abode to civilized man than ungava. the rumbling noise created by the ice, when driven to and fro by the force of the tide, continually stuns the ear; while the light of heaven is hidden by the fog that hangs in the air, shrouding everything in the gloom of a dark twilight. if pluto should leave his own gloomy mansion _in tenebris tartari_, he might take up his abode here, and gain or lose but little by the exchange. "the parched ground burns frore, and cold performs the effect of fire."--milton. when the river sets fast, the beauties of the winter scene are disclosed--one continuous surface of glaring snow, with here and there a clump of dwarf pine, of the bald summits of barren hills, from which the violence of the winter storms sweep away even the tenacious lichens. the winter storms are the most violent i ever experienced, sweeping every thing before them; and often prove fatal to the indians when overtaken by them in places where no shelter can be found. the year previous to my arrival, a party of indians ventured out to a barren island in the bay in quest of deer, taking their women along with them. while engaged in the chase, a sudden storm compelled them to make for the mainland with all possible speed. the women were soon exhausted by their exertions, and, unable to proceed farther, were at length covered by the snow, and left to their fate. as soon as the fury of the storm abated, the men went in search of them; but in vain; they were never found. during winter the sky is frequently illuminated by the aurora borealis even in the day-time; and i have observed that when the south wind, the coldest in this quarter, (traversing, as it does, the frost-bound regions of canada and labrador,) blows for any length of time, the sky becomes clear, and the aurora disappears. no sooner, however, does the east wind blow, which, being charged with the vapours of the atlantic, induces mild weather even in midwinter, than they again dart forth their coruscations--more brightly at first, afterwards more faintly, till, if the wind continue, they again disappear. these phenomena seem to warrant the conclusion that the aurora is produced by the evolving of the electric fluid, through the collision of bodies of cold and warm air. the same phenomena are observable in new caledonia; the east wind, passing over the glaciers of the rocky mountains, cools the atmosphere to such a degree as to cause frost every month in summer; the west wind, on the contrary, causes heat; and there, as in ungava, the change of winds is followed by what may be termed the mountain aurora (_aurora montium_?) during my residence of five years at ungava, the thermometer fell twice to ° below zero; and frequently ranged from ° to ° for several days together; the extreme heat rose to ° at noon in the shade. the soil of ungava consists principally of decayed lichens, which form a substance resembling the peat moss of the scottish moors. in this soil the lily-white "cana" grows, a plant which i have not seen in any other part of the continent, although it may elsewhere be found in similar situations. in the low grounds along the banks of rivers, the soil is generally deep and fertile enough to produce timber of a large size; in the valleys are found clumps of wood, which become more and more stunted as they creep up the sides of the sterile hills, till at length they degenerate into lowly shrubs. the woods bordering on the sea-coast consist entirely of larch; which also predominates in the interior, intermixed with white pine, and a few poplars and birches. the hardy willow vegetates wherever it can find a particle of soil to take root in; and the plant denominated labrador tea, flourishes luxuriantly in its native soil. in favourable seasons the country is covered with every variety of berries--blueberry, cranberry, gooseberry, red currant, strawberry, raspberry, ground raspberry (_rubus arcticus_), and the billberry (_rubus chamæmorus_), a delicious fruit produced in the swamps, and bearing some resemblance to the strawberry in shape, but different in flavour and colour, being yellow when ripe. liquorice root is found on the banks of south river. to enumerate the varieties of animals is an easy task; the extremely barren nature of the country, and the severity of the climate, prove so unfavourable to the animal kingdom, that only a few of the more hardy species are to be found here: viz.-- black, brown, grisly, and polar bears. black, silver, cross, blue, red, and white foxes. wolves, wolverines, martens, and the beaver (but extremely rare). otters, minks, musk-rats, ermine. arctic hares, rabbits, rein-deer; and the lemming, in some parts of the interior. when we consider the great extent of country that intervenes between ungava and the plains of the "far west," it seems quite inexplicable that the grisly bear should be found in so insulated a situation, and none in the intermediate country: the fact of their being here, however, does not admit of a doubt, for i have traded and sent to england several of their skins. the information i have received from the natives induces me to think that the varieties of colour in bears mark them as distinct species, and not the produce of the same litter, as some writers affirm. why, otherwise, do we not find the different varieties in canada, where the grisly bear has never been seen? the sagacious animals seem to be well aware of their generic affinity, since they are often seen together, sharing the same carcass, and apparently on terms of the most intimate fellowship. it is a singular circumstance, that she-bears with young are seldom or never killed; at least it is so extraordinary a circumstance, that when it does happen, it is spoken of for years afterwards. she must, therefore, retire to her den immediately after impregnation; and cannot go above three months with young; as instances have occurred of their being found suckling their young in the month of january, at which period they are not larger than the common house-rat, presenting the appearance of animals in embryo, yet perfect in all their parts. bruin prepares his hybernal dormitory with great care, lining it with hay, and stopping up the entrance with the same material; he enters it in october, and comes out in the month of april. he passes the winter alone, in a state of morbid drowsiness, from which he is roused with difficulty; and neither eats nor drinks, but seems to derive nourishment from sucking his paws. he makes his exit in spring apparently in as good condition as when he entered; but a few days' exposure to the air reduces him to skin and bone. the natives pay particular attention to the appearance presented by the unoccupied dens they may discover in summer: if bruin has removed his litter of the preceding winter, he intends to reoccupy the same quarters; if he allows it to remain, he never returns; and the hunter takes his measures accordingly. the black bear shuns the presence of man, and is by no means a dangerous animal; the grisly bear, on the contrary, commands considerable respect from the "lord of the creation," whom he attacks without hesitation. by the natives, the paw of a grisly bear is considered as honourable a trophy as the scalp of a human enemy. the reports i have had, both from natives and white trappers, confirm the opinion that certain varieties of the fox belong to the same species,--such as the black, silver, cross, and red; all of which have been found in the same nest, but never any of the white or blue. the former, too, are distinguished for their cunning and sagacity; while the latter are very stupid, and fall an easy prey to the trapper; a circumstance of itself sufficient to prove a difference of species. there are two varieties of the rein-deer,--the migratory, and the stationary or wood-deer: the latter is a much larger animal, but not abundant; the former are extremely numerous, migrating in herds at particular seasons, and observing certain laws on their march, from which they seldom deviate. the does make their appearance at ungava river generally in the beginning of march, coming from the west, and directing their course over the barren grounds near the coast, until they reach george's river, where they halt to bring forth their young, in the month of june. meantime the bucks, being divided into separate herds, pursue a direct course through the interior, for the same river, and remain scattered about on the upper parts of it until the month of september, when they assemble, and proceed slowly towards the coast. by this time the does move onward towards the interior, the fawns having now sufficient strength to accompany them, and follow the banks of george's river until they meet the bucks, when the rutting season commences, in the month of october; the whole then proceed together, through the interior, to the place whence they came. in the same manner, i have been informed, the deer perform their migratory circuits everywhere; observing the same order on their march, following nearly the same route unless prevented by accidental circumstances, and observing much the same periods of arrival and departure. the colour of the rein-deer is uniformly the same, presenting no variety of "spotted black and red." in summer it is a very dark grey, approaching to black, and light grey in winter. the colour of the doe is of a darker shade than that of the buck, whose breast is perfectly white in winter. individuals are seen of a white colour at all seasons of the year. the bucks shed their antlers in the month of december; the does in the month of january. a few bucks are sometimes to be met with who roam about apart from the larger herds, and are in prime condition both in summer and winter. these _solitaires_ are said to be unsuccessful candidates for the favours of the does, who, having been worsted by their more powerful rivals in _contentione amoris_, withdraw from the community, and assuming the cowl, ever after eschew female society; an opinion which their good condition at all seasons seems to corroborate. the rein-deer is subject to greater annoyance from flies than any other animal in the creation; neither change of season nor situation exempts them from this torture. their great persecutor is a species of gad-fly, (_oestries tarandi_,) that hovers around them in clouds during summer, and makes them the instruments of their own torture throughout the year. the fly, after piercing the skin of the deer, deposits its eggs between the outer and inner skin, where they are hatched by the heat of the animal's body. in the month of march, the chrysalides burst through the skin, and drop on the ground, when they may be seen crawling in immense numbers along the deer paths as they pass from west to east. the only birds observed in winter are grouse, ptarmigan, a small species of wood-pecker, butcher-bird, and the diminutive tomtit. we are visited in summer by swans, geese, ducks, eagles, hawks, ravens, owls, robins, and swallows. the eider-duck, so much prized for its down, is found in considerable numbers. the geese are of a most inferior kind, owing, i suppose, to the poor feeding the country affords; when they arrive in summer the ice is often still solid, when they betake themselves to the hills, and feed on berries. the lakes produce only white fish, trout and carp. we took now and then a few salmon in the river, and there is no doubt that this fish abounds on the coast. in the sea are found the black whale, porpoise, sea-horse, seal, and the narwal or sea unicorn; the horn of the latter, solid ivory, is a beautiful object. the largest i procured measured six feet and a half in length, four inches in diameter at the root, and a quarter of an inch at the point. it is of a spiral form, and projects from near the extremity of the snout; it presents a most singular appearance when seen moving along above the surface of the water, while the animal is concealed beneath. the geological features of the country present so little variety, that one versed in that interesting science would experience but little difficulty in describing them; a mere outline, however, is all i can venture to present. along the sea-coast the formation is granitic syenite; then, proceeding about forty miles in the direction of south river, syenite occurs, which, about sixty miles higher up, runs into green stone: very fine slate succeeds. at the height of land dividing the waters that flow in different directions, into esquimaux and ungava bays, the formation becomes syenitic schist, and continues so to within a short distance of the great fall on hamilton river; when syenite succeeds; then gneiss; and along the shores of esquimaux bay syenitic gneiss, and pure quartz: lumps of black and red hornblend are met with everywhere. the country is covered with boulders rounded off by the action of water, most of which are different from the rocks _in situ_, and must have been transported from a great distance, some being of granite--a rock not to be found in this quarter. the rugged and precipitous banks of george's river are occasionally surmounted by hills; at the base of all these elevations, deep horizontal indentures appear running in parallel lines opposite each other on either side of the river,--a circumstance which indicates the action of tides and waves at a time when the other parts of the land were submerged, and the tops of those hills formed islands. along certain parts of the coast of labrador rows of boulders are perceived lying in horizontal lines; the lowest about two hundred yards distant from high-water mark, while the farthest extend to near the crest of the adjacent hills. several deep cavities and embankments of sand are observed in the interior, bearing unequivocal marks of having been, at one time, subject to the influence of the sea. i shall conclude these few remarks by observing that, whatever conclusions the geologist may arrive at as to the remote or recent elevation of this country, the tops of the higher hills appear to have been formerly islands in the sea; and i doubt not but the same may be said of the higher lands on every part of the arctic regions. admitting this to have been the case, it contributes to confirm the theory of that distinguished philosopher, sir charles lyell, as to the cause of the changes that have taken place in the climate of the northern regions. chapter ix. the nascopies--their religion--manners and customs--clothing--marriage--community of goods. the indians inhabiting the interior of ungava, or, it may be said with equal propriety, the interior of labrador, are a tribe of the cree nation designated nascopies, and numbering about one hundred men able to bear arms. their language, a dialect of the cree or cristeneau, exhibits a considerable mixture of sauteux words, with a few peculiar to themselves. the nascopies have the same religious belief as their kindred tribes in every other part of the continent. they believe in the existence of a supreme being, the ruler of the universe, and the author of all good. they believe, also, in the existence of a bad spirit, the author of all evil. each is believed to be served by a number of subordinate spirits. sacrifices are offered to each; to the good, by way of supplication and gratitude; to the evil, by way of conciliation and deprecation. their local genii are also supposed to be possessed of the power of doing good, or inflicting evil, and are likewise propitiated by sacrifices; the "men of medicine" are viewed in nearly the same light. a few of them who visit the king's posts, have been baptized, and taught to mutter something they call prayers, and on this account are esteemed good christians by their tutors; while every action of their lives proves them to be as much pagans as ever; at least, to those who look for some _fruit_ of faith, and who may be ignorant of the miraculous efficacy of holy water, and can form no idea of its operation on the soul, they appear so. of all the indians i have seen, the nascopies seem most averse to locomotion; many of them grow up to man's estate without once visiting a trading post. previously to the establishment of this post they were wont to assemble at a certain rendezvous in the interior, and deliver their furs to some elderly man of the party, who proceeded with them to the king's posts, or esquimaux bay, and traded them for such articles as they required. so little intercourse have this people had with the whites, that they may be still considered as unsophisticated "children of nature," and possessed, of course, of all the virtues ascribed to such; yet i must say, that my acquaintance with them disclosed nothing that impressed me with a higher opinion of them than of my own race, corrupted as they are by the arts of civilized life. the nascopie freely indulges all the grosser passions of his nature; he has no term in his language to express the sensation of shame; the feeling and the word are alike unknown. many circumstances might be adduced in proof of this, but i have no desire to disgust the reader. previously to our arrival here, there was not such an article of domestic utility known among them as a spoon; the unclean hand performed every office. they take their meals sitting in a circle round a kettle, and commence operations by skimming off the fat with their hands, and lapping it up like dogs; then every one helps himself to the solids, cutting, gnawing, and tearing until the whole is devoured, or until repletion precludes further exertions, when, like the gorged beast of prey, they lie down to sleep. the nascopies practise polygamy more from motives of convenience than any other--the more wives, the more slaves. the poor creatures, in fact, are in a state of relentless slavery; every species of drudgery devolves upon them. when they remove from camp to camp in winter, the women set out first, dragging sledges loaded with their effects, and such of the children as are incapable of walking; meantime the men remain in the abandoned encampment smoking their pipes, until they suppose the women are sufficiently far advanced on the route to reach the new encampment ere they overtake them. arrived at the spot, the women clear the ground of snow, erect the tents, and collect fuel; and when their arrangements are completed, their lords step in to enjoy themselves. the sole occupation of the men is hunting, and, in winter, fishing. they do not even carry home the game; that duty also falls to the lot of the female, unless when the family has been starving for some time, when the men condescend to carry home enough for immediate use. the horrid practice still obtains among the nascopies of destroying their parents and relatives, when old age incapacitates them for further exertion. i must, however, do them the justice to say, that the parent himself expresses a wish to depart, otherwise the unnatural deed would probably never be committed; for they in general treat their old people with much care and tenderness. the son or nearest relative performs the office of executioner,--the self-devoted victim being disposed of by strangulation.[ ] when any one dies in winter, the body is placed on a scaffold till summer, when it is interred. [footnote : "quidam parentes et propinquos, priusquam annis et macie conficiantur, velut hostias cædunt, _eorumque visceribus epulantur_." the nascopies do not feast on the "viscera" of their victims, nor do i believe the inhabitants of india, or of any other country under heaven, ever did. yet the coincidence is singular, in other respects, at such a distance of time and place.] the nascopies depend principally on the rein-deer for subsistence,--a dependence which the erratic habits of these animals render extremely precarious. should they happen to miss the deer on their passage through the country in autumn, they experience the most grievous inconvenience, and often privations, the succeeding winter; as they must then draw their living from the lakes, with unremitting toil,--boring the ice, which is sometimes from eight to nine feet thick, for the purpose of setting their hooks, and perhaps not taking a single fish after a day's hard work. nevertheless, they must still continue their exertions till they succeed, shifting their hooks from one part of the lake to another, until every spot is searched. they understand the art of setting nets under the ice perfectly. towards the latter end of december, however, the fish gain the deep water, and remain still to the latter end of march. not a fish enters the net during this period. partridges are very numerous in certain localities, but cannot be trusted to as a means of living, as every part of the country affords them food, and when much annoyed at one place they move off to another. it will be seen from the foregoing remarks, that the nascopies, like all other erratic tribes, are subject to the vicissitudes their mode of life necessarily involves; at one time wallowing in abundance, at another dying of want. fortunately for themselves, they are at present the most independent of the whites of any other indians on this continent, the esquimaux excepted. the few fur-bearing animals their barren country affords are so highly prized, that the least exertion enables them to procure their very limited wants; and the skin of the rein-deer affords them the most comfortable clothing they could possess. they have a particular art, too, of dressing this skin, so as to render it as soft and pliable as chamois, in which state it becomes a valuable article of trade. as trading posts, however, are now established on their lands, i doubt not but artificial wants will, in time, be created, that may become as indispensable to their comfort as their present real wants. all the arts of the trader are exercised to produce such a result, and those arts never fail of ultimate success. even during the last two years of my management, the demand for certain articles of european manufacture had greatly increased. the winter dress of the nascopie consists of a jacket of deer-skin, close all round, worn with the hair next the skin, and an over-coat of the same material reaching to his knees, the hair outside. this coat overlaps in front, and is secured by a belt, from which depends his knife and smoking-bag. a pair of leather breeches, and leggings, or stockings of cloth, protect his legs, though but imperfectly, from the cold; his hands, however, are well defended by a pair of gauntlets that reach his elbows; and on his head he wears a cap richly ornamented with bear's and eagle's claws. his long thick hair, however, renders the head-gear an article of superfluity,--but it is the fashion. the dress of the women consists of a square piece of dressed deer-skin, girt round them by a cloth or worsted belt, and fastened over their shoulders by leather straps; a jacket of leather, and cloth leggings. i have also observed some of them wearing a garment in imitation of a gown. the leather dresses, both of men and women, are generally painted; and often display more taste than one would be disposed to give them credit for. the travelling equipage of the nascopies consists of a small leather tent, a deer-skin robe with the hair on, a leather bag with some down in it, and a kettle. when he lies down he divests himself of his upper garment, which he spreads under him; then, thrusting his limbs into the down bag, and rolling himself up in his robe, he draws his knees up close to his chin; and thus defended, the severest cold does not affect him. considering the manner in which their women are treated, it can scarcely be supposed that their courtships are much influenced by sentiments of love; in fact, the tender passion seems unknown to the savage breast. when a young man attains a certain age, and considers himself able to provide for a wife--if the term may be so debased--he acquaints his parents with his wish, and gives himself no further concern about the matter, until they have concluded the matrimonial negotiations with the parents of _their_, not _his_ intended, whose sentiments are never consulted on the occasion. the youth then proceeds to his father-in-law's tent, and remains there for a twelvemonth; at the end of this period he may remain longer or depart, and he is considered ever after as an independent member of the community, subject to no control. marriages are allowed between near relatives; cousins are considered as brothers and sisters, and are addressed by the same terms. it is not considered improper to marry two sisters, either in succession or both at the same time. the nascopies have certain customs in hunting peculiar to themselves. if a wounded animal escape, even a short distance, ere he drops, he becomes the property of the person who first reaches him, and not of the person who shot him; or if the animal be mortally wounded and do not fall immediately, and another indian fire and bring him down, the last shot gains the prize. in their intercourse with us the nascopies evince a very different disposition from the other branches of the cree family, being selfish and inhospitable in the extreme; exacting rigid payment for the smallest portion of food. yet i do not know that we have any right to blame a practice in them, which they have undoubtedly learned from us. what do they obtain from us without payment? nothing:--not a shot of powder,--not a ball,--not a flint. but whatever may be said of their conduct towards the whites, no people can exercise the laws of hospitality with greater generosity, or show less selfishness, towards each other, than the nascopies. the only part of an animal the huntsman retains for himself is the head; every other part is given up for the common benefit. fish, flesh, and fowl are distributed in the same liberal and impartial manner; and he who contributes most seems as contented with his share, however small it may be, as if he had had no share in procuring it. in fact, a community of goods seems almost established among them; the few articles they purchase from us shift from hand to hand, and seldom remain more than two or three days in the hands of the original purchaser. the nascopies, surrounded by kindred tribes, are strangers to the calamities of war, and are consequently a peaceful, harmless people; yet they cherish the unprovoked enmity of their race towards the poor esquimaux, whom they never fail to attack, when an opportunity offers of doing so with impunity. our presence, however, has had the effect of establishing a more friendly intercourse between them; and to the fact that many of the esquimaux have of late acquired fire-arms, and are not to be attacked without some risk, may be ascribed, in no small degree, the present forbearance of their enemies. chapter x. the esquimaux--probable origin--identity of language from labrador to behring's straits--their amours--marriages--religion--treatment of parents--anecdote--mode of preserving meat--amusements--dress--the igloe, or snow-house--their cuisine--dogs--the sledge--caiak, or canoe--ouimiak, or boat--implements--stature. the esquimaux are so totally different in physiognomy and person, in language, manners, and customs, from all the other natives of america, that there can be no doubt that they belong to a different branch of the human race. the conformation of their features, their stature, form, and complexion, approximate so closely to those of the northern inhabitants of europe, as to indicate, with some degree of certainty, their identity of origin. in the accounts i have read of the maritime laplanders, i find many characteristics common to both tribes: the laplander is of a swarthy complexion,--so is the esquimaux; the laplander is distinguished by high cheek-bones, hollow cheeks, pointed chin, and large mouth,--so is the esquimaux; the laplander wears a thick beard,--so does the esquimaux; the laplander's hair is long and black,--so is that of the esquimaux; the laplanders are, for the most part, short of stature,--so are the esquimaux; and the dress, food, and lodging of both peoples are nearly the same. the last coincidence may possibly arise from similarity of location and climate; and, taken by itself, would afford no certain proof of identity of origin; but taken in connexion with the aforementioned characteristics, i think the conclusion is irresistible that the laplanders and esquimaux are of the same race. that the esquimaux and the natives of greenland are also of a kindred race, is a fact ascertained beyond a doubt, from the reports of the moravian missionaries, who have settlements among both. the way in which they must have passed from the one continent to the other, must now be left to conjecture. there is nothing improbable in the supposition that some of them might have been drifted out to sea by stress of weather, and wafted to the shores of greenland; whence some might, in course of time, remove to the opposite coast of america. from the southern extremity of labrador to behring's straits, the esquimaux language is the same, differing only in the pronunciation of a few words. we had a native of hudson's bay with us, who had accompanied captain franklin to the mckenzie and coppermine rivers, and who assured us that he understood the esquimaux of that quarter, and those of ungava, although some thousands of miles apart, as well as his own tribe. in manners, customs, and dress, there is a like similarity. the esquimaux have ever remained a distinct people; the other natives of america seeming to consider them more as brutes than human beings, and never approaching them unless for the purpose of knocking them on the head. every one's hand is against them. i have seen esquimaux scalps, even among the timid _têtes des boules_ of temiscamingue; yet no people seem more disposed to live at peace with their neighbours, if only they were allowed. circumstanced as they are, however, they are likely to suffer hostile aggression for a long time. even a coward, with a musket in his hand, is generally an overmatch for a brave man with only a bow or a sling; but once possessed of fire-arms, they will teach their enemies to respect them, for they will undoubtedly have the advantage of superior courage and resolution. the esquimaux is not easily excited to anger; but his wrath once roused, he becomes furious: he foams like a wild boar, rolls his eyes, gnashes his teeth, and rushes on his antagonist with the fury of a beast of prey. in the winter of , a quarrel arose between two individuals about the sex, which led to a fight; the struggle was continued for a time with tooth and nail; when one of the parties at length got hold of his knife, and stabbed his adversary in the belly. the bowels protruded, yet the wounded man never desisted, until loss of blood and repeated stabs compelled him to yield the contest and his life. gallantry seems to be the main cause of quarrels among them. strange! that this passion should exercise such an influence in a climate, and, as one would be led to suppose, on constitutions so cold; yet nothing is more certain than that the enamoured esquimaux will risk life and limb in the pursuit of his object. with unmarried women there is no risk, as they are entirely free from control; not so with the married, who are under strict surveillance; but the husband's consent asked and obtained--which not seldom happens--saves the gallant's head, and the lady's reputation. their courtships are conducted in much the same manner as among the inland indians, the choice of partners being entirely left to the parents. some are affianced in childhood, and become man and wife in early youth: i have seen a boy of fourteen living with his wife who was two years younger. there are no marriage festivals, and no ceremonies of any kind are observed at their nuptials. polygamy is allowed, _ad libitum_; and the husband exercises his authority as husband, judge, or executioner; no one having any right to interfere. should, however, the woman consider herself ill-treated, she flees to her parents, with whom she remains till an explanation takes place. if it lead to a reconciliation, the parties are reunited; if not, the woman may form a new connexion whenever she pleases. i know not whether the esquimaux can be said to have any idea of religion, as the term is generally understood. the earth, say they, was in the beginning covered with water, which having subsided, man appeared--a spontaneous creation. aglooktook is the name of the man who first created fish and animals: chopping a tree which overhung the sea, the chips that fell into that element became fish; those that fell on the land, animals. their paradise is beneath the great deep; those who have lived a good life, proceed to a part of the sea abounding with whales and seals, where, free from care and toil, they fare sumptuously on raw flesh and blubber, _in secula_ _seculorum_. the wicked, on the contrary, are condemned to take up their abode in a "sea of troubles," where none of the delicacies enjoyed by the blessed are to be found; and even the commonest necessaries are procured with endless toil, and pain, and disappointment. although the "tomakhs," or dead men, become the inhabitants of the sea, they indulge in the pleasures of the chase on their old element, whenever they please; and are often heard calling to each other while in pursuit of the deer. the esquimaux have their "men of medicine," in whose preternatural powers they place the most implicit confidence; by working on the superstitious fears of the people, these impostors obtain much authority. they are allowed to take the lead in every affair of importance; and, in short, all their movements are, in a great measure, regulated by these harlequins, who appear to be the only chiefs among them. they dispose of their dead by placing them on the rocks, and covering them over with ice or stones; these tombs prove but feeble barriers against the wolves and other beasts of prey, who soon carry off the bodies. the property belonging to the deceased is placed by the side of his grave;--his caiak, or skin canoe, his bows, arrows, and spears. thus equipped, the _emigrant_ spirit cannot find itself at a loss on arriving at a better country! it is said by some that the esquimaux abandon their aged parents: from inquiry, as well as observation, i am led to believe there is no foundation for the charge. it is not reasonable to expect that the more refined feelings of humanity should be found in the breast of a savage, or that he should honour his father and mother in the same degree as he whose principles are moulded by the precepts of christianity; yet i must do them the justice to say, that they appeared to me to treat their parents with as much kindness, at least, as any other savage nation i have met with. they do not deny, however, that old people no longer able to provide for themselves, and without any relative to care for them, are sometimes left to perish. no people suffer more from hunger than the esquimaux who inhabit the shores of ungava bay; seals being extremely scarce in the winter season, and no fish to be found; so that the poor creatures are often reduced to the most revolting expedients to preserve life. an esquimaux, who had been about the post for two years, proceeded, in the winter of , to join some of his relatives along the coast. when he returned in the ensuing spring, i observed that his mother and one of his children were missing. on inquiring what had become of them, he replied, that they had been starved to death, and that he and the rest of his family would have shared their fate, had it not been for the sustenance the bodies afforded. the esquimaux always pass the winter near the element that yields them their principal subsistence; and as they are unacquainted with the use of snow-shoes, they cannot follow the deer any distance from the coast. as soon as the rivers are free from ice in summer, they proceed inland and find abundance of food. their manner of preserving their meat is quite characteristic. when an animal is killed the bowels are extracted, then the fore and hind quarters are cut off, and being placed inside the carcass, are secured by skewers of wood run through the flesh. the whole is then deposited under the nearest cleft of rock, and stones are built round so as to secure it from the depredations of wild animals until the hunters return to the coast; when the meat is in high flavour, and considered fit for the palate of an esquimaux epicure. the esquimaux do not share their provisions as the nascopies do, although they relieve each other's wants when their means can afford it: each individual engaged in the chase retains his own game, his claim being ascertained by distinctive marks on the arrows. when a whale is killed a rigid fast is observed for twenty-four hours, not in gratitude to providence, but in honour of the whale, which is highly displeased when this is neglected, studiously avoiding the harpoon afterwards, and even visiting the offender with sickness and other misfortunes. should the summer and fall hunt prove successful, the esquimaux is one of the happiest animals in the creation. he passes his dreary winter without one careful or anxious thought; he eats his fill and lies down to sleep, and then rises to eat again. in this manner they pass the greater part of their time; night and day are the same, eating and sleeping their chief enjoyments. when, however, they do rouse their dormant faculties to exertion, they seem to engage with great good-will in the few amusements they have, the principal of which is playing ball, men and women joining in the game. two parties are opposed, the one driving the ball with sticks towards the goal, the other driving it in the opposite direction; in short, a game of shinty. they have dancing too,--ye gods! such dancing! two rows of men and women, sometimes only of one sex, stand opposite to each other, exhibiting no other motion in their dancing than raising their shoulders with a peculiar jerk, bending their knees so as to give their whole bodies, from the knee upwards, the same motion, and grinning horribly at each other, while not a foot stirs. as to the music to which this _dance_ is performed, i know not well how to describe it. by inflating and depressing the lungs so as to create a convulsive heaving of the breast, a sound is produced, somewhat similar to the groans of a person suffering from suffocation; and it is to this sound they grin, and jerk their shoulders. the whole performance is quite in keeping; the music worthy of the dancing, the dancing worthy of the music. they have boxing too, but do not practise the art after the fashion of the cribs and coopers; they disdain to parry off the blow; each strikes in turn with clenched fist; the blow is given behind the ear, and, as soon as one of the parties acknowledges himself defeated, the combat ceases. they are also adepts at wrestling; i have witnessed frequent contests between them and the inland indians, when the latter were invariably floored. no one enjoys a joke better than an esquimaux, and when his risibility is excited he laughs with right good will, evincing in this, as in every other respect, the difference of disposition between them and the indians, whose rigid features seldom betray their feelings. much the same diversity of character and disposition is to be observed among the esquimaux as among other barbarous tribes. some instances of disinterested kindness and generosity fell under my notice while residing among them, that would have done honour to civilized man. an esquimaux who had attached himself to the establishment from the time of our first arrival at ungava, kept a poor widow and her three orphans with him for several years, and seemed to make no difference between them and the members of his own family. it must be acknowledged, however, that the unhappy widows seldom fall into so good hands; their fate is the most wretched that can be imagined, unless they have children that can provide for them. in years of scarcity they are rejected from the community, and hover about the encampments like starving wolves, picking up whatever chance may throw in their way, until hunger and cold terminate their wretched existence. whatever may be said of the awkwardness of the esquimaux dress, it must be allowed to be the best adapted to the climate that could be used: a pair of boots so skilfully sewed as to exclude the water, and lined with down, or the fine hair of the rein-deer, protects the feet from wet and cold; two pairs of trousers, the inner having the hair next the skin; and two coats or tunics of deer or seal skin, the outer having a large hood that is drawn over the head in stormy weather, and a pair of large mits, complete the dress. the women also "wear the breeks," their dress being similar to that of the men in every respect, with this difference, that the female has a long flap attached to the hind part of her coat, and falling down to her heels; a most extraordinary ornament, giving her the appearance of an enormous tadpole. this tail, however, has its use; when she has occasion to sit down on the cold rocks she folds it up and makes a seat of it. in the winter season the esquimaux live in huts built of snow; and we may imagine what must have been the necessity and distress that could first have suggested to a human being the idea of using such a material as a means of protecting himself from cold. be that as it may, the snow _igloe_ affords not only security from the inclemency of the weather, but more comfort than either stone or wooden building without fire. the operation requires considerable tact and experience, and is always performed by the men, two being required for it, one outside and the other inside. blocks of snow are first cut out with some sharp instrument from the spot that is intended to form the floor of the dwelling, and raised on edge, inclining a little inward around the cavity. these blocks are generally about two feet in length, two feet in breadth, and eight inches thick, and are joined close together. in this manner the edifice is erected, contracting at each successive tier, until there only remains a small aperture at the top, which is filled by a slab of clear ice, that serves both as a keystone to the arch, and a window to light the dwelling. an embankment of snow is raised around the wall, and covered with skins, which answers the double purpose of beds and seats. the inside of the hut presents the figure of an arch or dome; the usual dimensions are ten or twelve feet in diameter, and about eight feet in height at the centre. sometimes two or three families congregate under the same roof, having separate apartments communicating with the main building, that are used as bedrooms. the entrance to the igloe is effected through a winding covered passage, which stands open by day, but is closed up at night by placing slabs of ice at the angle of each bend, and thus the inmates are perfectly secured against the severest cold. the esquimaux use no fuel in winter; their stone lamps afford sufficient heat to dry their boots and clothes, or warm their blubber and raw meat when they are so inclined. they are inured to cold by early habit; the children are carried about in the hoods of their mothers' jackets until three years of age; during this period they remain without a stitch of clothing, and the little things may be sometimes seen standing up in their nests, exposing themselves in the coldest weather, without appearing to suffer any inconvenience from it. the esquimaux never sleep with their clothes on, not even when without any other shelter than the cleft of a rock. it is well known that they eat their food, whether fish or flesh, generally in a raw state; hence their appellation, "ashkimai," in the cree and sauteux, means, eater of raw meat, and is doubtless the origin of the name esquimaux first applied by the earlier french discoverers, and since then passed into general use. they sometimes, indeed, warm their food in a stone kettle over a stone lamp, but they seem to relish it equally well when cut warm from the carcase of an animal recently killed, which they may be seen devouring while yet quivering with life. in winter they prefer raw meat, especially fish, which is considered a great delicacy in a frozen state; the esquimaux stomach, in fact, rejects nothing, raw or boiled, that affords sustenance. like the inland indians, they can bear hunger for an amazing length of time, and afterwards gorge themselves with more than brutal voracity without suffering inconvenience by it. the esquimaux breed of dogs are wolves in a domesticated state, the same in every characteristic, save such differences as may be expected to result from their relative conditions; the dog howls, never barks. these animals are of the most essential service to their masters, and are maintained at no expense. how they manage to subsist appears inexplicable to me; not a morsel of food is ever offered to them at the camp, and when employed hauling sledges on a journey, a small piece of blubber given them in the evening enables them to perform the laborious work of the ensuing day. from ten to fifteen dogs are employed on a long journey. they are harnessed separately by a collar and a single trace passing over their back, and fastened to the fore-part of the sledge. the traces are so arranged that the dogs generally follow in a line, conducted by a leader, who is trained to obey the word of command in an instant; the least hesitation on his part brings the merciless whip about his ears. the lash is about fifteen feet in length, the handle eighteen inches; continual practice enables the esquimaux to wield this instrument of torture with great dexterity. the sledges are about five feet in length and two in breadth; the runners generally shod with whalebone or ivory, and coated over with a plaster of earth and water, which becomes very smooth, and is renewed as often as it is worn out. the esquimaux _caiak_, or canoe, is about twelve feet in length, and two feet in breadth, and tapers off from the centre to the bow and stern, almost to a mere point. the frame is of wood covered with seal-skin, having an aperture in the centre which barely admits of the stowage of the nether man. these canoes are calculated for the accommodation of one person only; yet it is possible for a passenger to embark upon them, if he can submit to the inconvenience--and risk--of lying at full length on his belly, without ever stirring hand or foot, as the least motion would upset the canoe. instances, however, have been known of persons conveyed hundreds of miles in this manner. these canoes are used solely for hunting; and, by means of the double paddle, are propelled through the water with the velocity of the dolphin; no land animal can possibly escape when seen in the water; the least exertion is sufficient to keep up with the rein-deer when swimming at its utmost speed. when the animal is overtaken, it is driven towards the spot where the huntsman wishes to land, and there despatched by a thrust of the spear. the esquimaux of this quarter have not the art of recovering their position, when they upset. an accident of this kind is, therefore, sure to prove fatal, unless aid be at hand. it is seldom, however, that aid is wanting, for these accidents never happen except in the excitement of the sport, especially harpooning whales, when there are always a number present. the _ouimiack_, or skin-boat, is a clumsy-looking contrivance, but not to be despised on that account; from the buoyancy of the materials of which it is built, the ouimiack stands a much heavier sea than our best sea-boat. this kind of craft is rowed by women, and used for the purpose of conveying families along the coast. the few implements these people use for hunting or fishing, display much taste and ingenuity. their caiaks are proportioned with mathematical exactness, the paddles often tastefully inlaid with ivory; their spears are neatly carved, and their bows are far superior to any i have seen among the interior tribes, combining strength and elasticity in an eminent degree. their mode of capturing the white whale is extremely ingenious. a large _dan_, or seal-skin inflated with wind, is attached to the harpoon by a thong some twenty feet in length. the moment the fish is struck the _dan_ is thrown overboard, and being dragged through the water, offers so great a resistance to the movement of the fish that it soon becomes exhausted by the exertion, and when it emerges lies exposed on the water, to take rest ere it dive again. the esquimaux then approaches from behind, and often secures his game with one thrust of the spear. the esquimaux also uses a javelin with considerable skill, and some are so dexterous in the use of the sling as to bring down wild fowl on the wing. the complexion of the esquimaux is swarthy; i have seen some of their children, however, as fair as the children of the fairest people in europe, yet these become as dark as their parents when advanced in years. this circumstance cannot be accounted for by filthiness or exposure to the weather; for i have observed, on the coast of labrador, the descendants of an esquimaux mother and a european father of the third generation as dark as the pure esquimaux; and these, too, enjoyed the comforts of civilized life, were cleanly in their persons, and not more exposed to the weather than others. the esquimaux are low of stature, but i do not think the epithet "dwarfish" applies to them with propriety. with the view of ascertaining this point, i once took five men promiscuously from a party of twenty, and found their average height to be feet inches. some individuals of the remainder measured feet or inches, and one exceeded feet. the fact is, the esquimaux are generally thicker than europeans; their peculiar dress also adds greatly to their bulk, so that they appear shorter than they really are. they are so bound up in their seal-skin garments that their movements are necessarily much impeded by them, we can, therefore, form no idea of their agility; but i do not hesitate to say that their strength exceeds that of any other nation on the continent. the esquimaux features are far from being disagreeable; some females i observed among them whose expression of countenance was extremely prepossessing, and who would pass for "bonnie lasses" even among the whites, if divested of their filth and uncouth dress, and rigged out in european habiliments. the women fasten their hair in a knot on the crown of the head, and anoint it with rancid oil in lieu of pomatum; they also tattoo their faces, with the view, no doubt, of enhancing their charms in the estimation of their blubber-eating lovers. their teeth are remarkably white and regular; the eyes are black, and partake more of the circular than the oval form; the cheek-bones are prominent, forehead low, mouth large, and chin pointed. the esquimaux generally enjoy good health, and no epidemic diseases, as far as i could learn, are known among them. chapter xi. labrador--esquimaux half-breeds--moravian brethren--european inhabitants--their virtues--climate--anecdote. the country denominated labrador, extends from esquimaux bay, on the straits of belleisle, to the extremity of the continent, cape chudleigh, at the entrance of hudson's strait. the interior is inhabited by two tribes of indians, mountaineers and nascopies, members of the cree family. the coast was inhabited at one time by esquimaux only, but the southern part is now peopled by a mongrel race of esquimaux half-breeds, a few vagabond esquimaux, and some english and canadian fishermen and trappers, who are assimilated to the natives in manners and in mode of life. while the european inhabitants adopt from necessity some of the native customs, the natives have adopted so much of the european customs that their primitive characteristics are no longer distinguishable; they cook their victuals, drink rum, smoke and chew tobacco, and generally dress after the european manner, especially the females, who always wear gowns. they have also a smattering of french and english, and are great proficients in swearing in both languages; nor do they seem ignorant of the more refined arts of cheating, lying, and deceiving. taking everything into account, however, we may be surprised that their manners are not more corrupt than they are. a number of small trading vessels from the united states hover about the coast during summer; the accursed "fire-water" constitutes a primary article in their outfit, and is bartered freely for such commodities as the natives may possess. these adventurers are generally men of loose principles, and are ever ready to take the advantage of their customers. the natives, however, are now so well instructed that they are more likely to cheat than be cheated. the esquimaux inhabiting the northern parts of the coast differ in every respect from their neighbours of the south. they have acquired a knowledge of the christian religion, together with some of the more useful arts of civilized life, without losing much of their primitive simplicity. the moravian brethren, those faithful "successors of the apostles," after enduring inconceivable hardships and privations for many years, without the least prospect of success, at length succeeded in converting the heathens, collecting them in villages around them, and at the same time not only instructing them in things pertaining to their eternal salvation, but in everything else that could contribute to their comfort and happiness in the present life. there are four different stations of the brethren; hopedale, nain, o'kok, and hebron. at each station there is a church, store, dwelling-house for the missionaries, and workshops for native tradesmen. the natives are lodged in houses built after the model of their _igloes_, being the best adapted to the climate and circumstances of the country, where scarcely any fuel is to be had: the missionaries warm their houses by means of stoves. the brethren have much the same influence with their flocks as a father among his children. whatever provisions the natives collect are placed at their disposal, and by them afterwards distributed in such a manner as to be of the most general benefit; by thus taking the management of this important matter into their own hands, the consequences of waste and improvidence are guarded against, and the means of subsistence secured. in years of great scarcity the brethren open their own stores, having always an ample supply of provisions on hand, so that through their fostering care the natives never suffer absolute want. the brethren have also goods for trading, which they dispose of at a moderate profit; the profits accruing from the business are thrown into the general funds of the institution. it is said they carry on trade in every part of the world where they have missions. their object is not to acquire wealth for selfish purposes, but to extend the kingdom of christ on earth; to enlighten the nations; and by instructing them in the knowledge of divine truth, to "ameliorate their condition" in this life, and secure their eternal happiness in the life to come. from the paternal anxiety with which these good people watch over the morals of their flocks, they discourage as much as possible the visits of strangers; fearing that intercourse with them might open their eyes to the allurements of vice. in spite of all their vigilance, however, they have sometimes to deplore the loss of a stray sheep. it is an established rule, moreover, with them, never to allow a stranger to sleep within their gates; he is hospitably received and treated with kindness and attention, but on the approach of evening he is apprised that he must shift for himself: care is taken, however, to provide him with lodgings in one of the native huts, where he can pass the night in tolerable comfort. should he not be pleased with his treatment, he is at liberty to depart when he pleases. the european inhabitants of labrador are for the most part british sailors, who, preferring the freedom of a semi-barbarous life and the society of a brown squaw, to the severity of maritime discipline and the endearments of the civilized fair, take up their abode for life in this land of desolation. in course of time the gay frolicksome sailor settles down into the regular grave father of a family; and by sobriety and good conduct, may ultimately secure a comfortable home for his old age. jack's characteristic thoughtlessness, however, sometimes adheres to him even when moored on dry land; and when this is the case, his situation is truly miserable. they pass the summer in situations favourable for catching salmon, which they barter on the spot with the stationary traders for such commodities as they are in want of. when the salmon fishing is at an end, they proceed to the coast for the purpose of fishing cod for their own consumption, and return late in autumn to the interior, where they pass the winter trapping fur animals. the planters, as they are designated, live in houses which they call "tilts," varying in shape and size according to the taste or circumstances of the owner. these buildings are generally formed of stakes driven into the ground, chinked with moss, and covered with bark; they are always warmed with stoves, otherwise the _igloe_ would afford more comfort. the half-breeds live in much the same way as their european progenitors; they are generally sober and industrious; and although unacquainted with any particular form of religious worship, they evince, in their general deportment, a greater regard to the precepts of christianity than many who call themselves christians. they are entirely free from the crimes that disgrace civilized life, and are guilty of few of its vices; should a frail fair, however, make a _faux pas_, it is no bar to her forming a matrimonial connexion afterwards. the women are much fewer than the men, and on this account a greater indulgence may be extended to their faults than otherwise would be. i was surprised to find them all able to read and write, although without schools or schoolmasters. the task of teaching devolves upon the mother; should she (what seldom happens) be unqualified, a neighbour is always ready to impart the desired instruction. the esquimaux half-breeds are both industrious and ingenious; they are at a loss for nothing. the men make their own boats, and the women prepare everything required for domestic convenience; almost every man is his own blacksmith and carpenter, and every woman a tailor and shoemaker. they seem to possess all the virtues of the different races from which they are sprung--except courage; they are generally allowed to be more timid than the natives. but if not courageous, they possess virtues that render courage less necessary; they avoid giving offence, and are seldom, therefore, injured by others. the hudson's bay company obtained a footing here a few years ago, by buying out some of the petty traders, whose operations extended to the interior, and consequently interfered with the hopeful ungava scheme; independently, however, of this consideration, expectations were entertained that labrador might become the seat of a profitable branch of the business, from its various resources in fish, oil, and furs. these expectations were not realized, owing to the strong competition the company met with; while their interference in the trade subjected them to the charge of "grasping ambition," a charge which appears but too well founded, considering the monopoly they possess of the whole fur trade of the continent. "plus le d----e a, plus il voudrait avoir," is an old adage; nor have we any reason to believe that any other mercantile body would be less ambitious of increasing their gains, than their _honours_ of fenchurch-street. there are several establishments along the coast, belonging chiefly to merchants from plymouth and dartmouth, who carry on the salmon and cod fisheries on an extensive scale, and traffic also with the planters. this business was at one time considered very lucrative; of late years, however, competition has increased from all quarters, and prices in the european market have diminished, so that the profits are now greatly reduced. the climate of the southern section of labrador is by no means severe; the thermometer, even in the coldest months of the year, seldom falling lower than ° below zero. along the shores of esquimaux bay, a few spots have been found favourable for agriculture, and potatoes and other culinary vegetables have been raised in abundance. grain, especially oats and barley, would doubtless also thrive; it so happens, however, that the inhabitants are under the necessity of devoting their attention to other pursuits during the season of husbandry; so that the few that attempt "gardening," derive small benefit from it. they sow their seed before starting for the coast, and leave nature to do the rest. i shall close my description of labrador by narrating a rather tragical event that occurred a few years ago. an old fisherman, formerly a sailor, and his only son by an esquimaux squaw, lived together in the greatest amity and concord. the son, after the death of his mother, attended to domestic affairs, and also assisted his father at out-door's work. as the fishing season approached, however, it was considered expedient to hire a female, so that they might give their undivided attention to the fishing. the girl had not remained long with them, when her charms began to make an impression on jack's still sensitive heart; the son also became enamoured; both paid their addresses, and, as a matter of course, the young man was preferred. the demon of jealousy now took possession of the father's breast; and his conduct became so violent and cruel, that his son determined on parting company with him and carrying off the girl. seizing the only boat that belonged to his father, he slipped away under cover of night with his companion, and put ashore on the first island they found. a violent storm arose in the course of the night, and either dashed the boat to pieces on the rocks, or carried her out to sea; and thus the unfortunate lovers were left to their fate. this event happened late in autumn. the winter passed without any word being heard of the lovers; in the ensuing spring their bodies were found clasped in each other's arms, and the young man's gun close by with fifteen notches cut in the stock, supposed to mark the number of days they suffered ere relieved by death. chapter xii. voyage to england--arrival at plymouth--reflections--arrive at the place of my nativity--changes--depopulation--london--the thames--liverpool--embark for new york--arrival--the americans--english and american tourists--england and america--new york. .--i embarked for england on the th of august, on board a small schooner of sixty tons, deeply laden with fish and oil. it is scarcely necessary to observe, that the accommodations the craft afforded were of the meanest kind; but the inconveniences weighed lightly in the scales, when compared with the anticipated delight of visiting one's native land. we had a very fine passage; a steady fair breeze carried us across the broad atlantic in a fortnight. the green hills of cornwall came in view on the st of september, and i had the satisfaction of treading the soil of england early on the d. i remained a few days at plymouth, to feast my eyes on scenery such as i had long been a stranger to;--scenery, i may say, unrivalled by any i had ever beheld at home or abroad. what spot in the world, in fact, can present such varied charms, as the summit of mount edgecumb? where the most refined taste, aided by the amplest means, has been employed for a thousand years in beautifying the glorious landscape. to me, just arrived from _ungava_, the beauties of the scene were undoubtedly heightened by the contrast; and one short visit to mount edgecumb effaced from my mind the dreary prospect of bleak rocks, snow banks, and icebergs, with which it had been so long and so sadly familiar, and inspired it with a rapture and delight to which it had long been a stranger. yet this terrestrial paradise, i am informed, belongs to a noble lord, who is a miserable invalid. alas, for poor humanity! neither wealth nor grandeur preserve their possessors from the ills that flesh is heir to: and this nobleman may, perhaps, envy the lot of the humblest individual that visits his enchanting domain. bidding adieu to plymouth, and its delightful environs, i set out for london on the th of september. the desire of home, however, now urged me forward; so that even the wonders of this wonderful city could not detain me. passing over the uninteresting incidents of steamboat and railroad travelling, i arrived on the th of september at the spot from which i had started twenty-three years before. the meeting of a mother with an only son, after so long an absence, need not be described, nor the feelings the well-known scenes of youthful sports and youthful joys gave rise to. these scenes were still the same, as far as the hand of nature was concerned:--there stood the lofty benmore, casting his sombre shades over the glassy surface of lochba, as in the days of yore; there were also the same heath-covered hills and wooded dells, well stocked with sheep and cattle; but the human inhabitants of the woods and dells--where were they?--far distant from their much-loved native land in the wilds of america, or toiling for a miserable existence in the crowded cities of the lowlands,--a sad change! the bleating of sheep, and lowing of cattle, for the glad voices of a numerous population, happy and contented with their lot, loyal to their sovereign, and devotedly attached to their chiefs! but loyalty and attachment are but fancies, which, in these utilitarian and trading days, are flat and unprofitable; yet the aristocratical manufacturers of beef and mutton may live to feel the truth of the lines of goldsmith:-- "but a bold peasantry, their country's pride, when once destroyed, can never be supplied." i remained about six weeks in my native country, and set out for london, where i arrived early in november,--"the beginning of the gay season;" but it appeared to me the reverse. the city was shrouded in a cloud of condensed smoke and fog, that shut out the light of heaven. during three whole days the obscurity was so great that the steamboats were prevented from plying on the thames, and the gas-lights were seen glimmering through the windows at noon-day. how applicable is the description of the roman historian to the rome of our day:--"caput orbis terrarum, urbis magnificentiam augebant fora, templa, porticas, aquæductus, theatra, horti denique, et ejus generis alia, ad quæ vel lecta animus stupet." my time was too limited, however, and the weather too unfavourable, to admit of my seeing all the "lions;" but who would think of leaving london without visiting that wonderful work--the tunnel,--that lasting monument of the genius of a brunell, and of the wealth and enterprise of british merchants! a cockney may well boast of his great city, its wealth, its vast population, and its magnificent buildings; but with regard to the thames, of which he is equally proud,--he that has seen the st. lawrence, the hudson, the mckenzie, and many others, compared to which the thames is but a rivulet, may be excused if he cannot view its not very limpid waters with the same extravagant admiration as the londoner, who calls the serpentine a river, and dignifies a pond of a few roods in extent with the name of a lake. yet there is one feature about the thames, of which he can scarcely be too proud, and which is unparalleled perhaps in the world,--the often-noticed "forest of masts," extending farther than the eye can reach, and suggesting,--not the silence and solitude of the forests with which i have been familiar,--but the countless population, the wealth, and the grandeur of britain; and the might and the majesty of civilized and industrious man. i took leave of london on the th of september, and set out for liverpool by railroad, and reached it in six hours. i had sufficient time to visit its docks, crowded by the ships of every nation; its warehouses containing the produce of every clime; and, though last, not least in my estimation, the splendid monument erected to the memory of nelson. no monument of stone or brass is necessary to perpetuate our hero's fame; he lives in the heart of every true briton, and will ever live, till british oak and british prowess shall cease to "rule the waves." i embarked on the th of december on board a sailing-packet bound for new york. these vessels are so punctual to the hour of sailing advertised, that, if the wind proves contrary, and blows fresh, they are towed out to sea by steamboats. this proved to be our case, and we kept tacking about in the "chops" of the channel for six days, when a fair wind sprung up that soon carried us out of sight of england. england! great and glorious country, adieu! i shall probably never see thee more; but in quitting thy white-cliffed shores, i quit not my ardent attachment and veneration for thee;--and now for _thy_ eldest daughter beyond the ocean! to me, who had spent so much of my lifetime in solitude, the tedium of the voyage so much complained of was gaiety itself; with three fellow-passengers besides the captain, the time passed very agreeably. on board these floating palaces a passenger, in fact, finds everything that can contribute to his comfort; the best of accommodation, the best of fare, and the best of attendance; so that there is nothing wanting but _stability_, to make him fancy himself in a first-class hotel on shore. the weather proved extremely favourable throughout the passage; not an incident occurred worthy of notice; and on the th of january, , i landed safely at new york, and thus found myself for the first time in a foreign land; and, since fate has so decreed, among a foreign people. yes! they are foreigners, if being called by another name, and living under a different form of government can make them so; yet in language, in laws, in religion, and in blood, we are the same. their ancestors brought abroad with them the same sentiments of regard and attachment to their native land as we feel; they rejoiced in the prosperity of britain; felt proud of her victories, and grieved at her misfortunes. alas, how different the feelings of the present race! britain may, in fact, reckon the americans of the present day her most inveterate foes; those who are of our own kindred, and whom therefore we might expect to stand by us in our hour of need, regard us with more envy and hatred than the "hereditary foes" with whom we have been for centuries engaged in mortal strife. in resisting the arbitrary acts of a misguided government, the american people only proved themselves possessed of the same noble spirit that procured for their english progenitors the confirmation of magna charta, and that hurled a tyrant from his throne. the heroes of the american revolution nobly fought and conquered; they entered the arena with fearful odds against them; they continued the struggle under every disadvantage, save the sacredness of their cause; and finally won the prize for which they contended. of that prize the americans of the present day have undisputed possession; and nothing can be more certain than that the britons of the present day have no wish to deprive them of it--even if they could. what cause, then, can there be for still cherishing those feelings of animosity which the unhappy disruption gave rise to? if our fathers quarrelled, cannot we be friends? but are not the british themselves to blame, in some measure, for the continuance of these irritated feelings? the mercenary pens of prejudiced, narrow-minded individuals contribute daily to add fuel to the flame. our "diaries," and our "notes," replete with offensive remarks, are, from the cheapness of publication, disseminated through the length and breadth of the union, and are in everybody's hands; and those foolish remarks are supposed to be the sentiments of the british nation; when they are in fact only the sentiments of individuals whose opinions are little valued at home, and ought to be less valued abroad. circumstances taken into consideration, i think it very unfair to draw comparisons between the social condition of young america, just become a distinct nation, and of old england, whose empire has lasted a thousand years. the american people are still too much occupied with the necessaries of life to devote much of their time to its elegancies; they are still engaged in the pursuits that ultimately ensure wealth and real independence. those results attained, what is there to prevent the american gentleman from becoming as polished and accomplished as his cousin in britain? can it be supposed, with the least shadow of reason, that the short period that has elapsed since the revolution can have been sufficient to produce that alteration in the character and manners of the americans, which our travellers love to exercise their wit upon? it is impossible. the americans "guessed," and "calculated," and "speculated," while they were british subjects, just as they do now; nor have they learned to chew, and spit, and smoke tobacco since the th of july, . as to the peculiar phrases the americans use in conversation, i am convinced that their forefathers brought the greater part of them from britain, as many of those phrases are to be found in the works of old english authors still extant. the english language as spoken in america, is elegance itself, compared to the provincial dialects of britain, or even to the vile slang one hears in the streets of london. this is a fact that every unprejudiced person who has travelled in america must admit. it appears americans find leisure, of late years, to travel and take notes, as well as their transatlantic brethren; and, in return for the polite attentions of our travellers, describe england and englishmen in the bitter language of recrimination and retort; and thus the enmity between the mother and daughter is kept alive and perpetuated. a publication of this kind fell lately into my hands, entitled, "the glory and shame of england." the writer, said to be a _christian minister_, with the malignity of baser minds, sinks and keeps in the background her "glories," and brings into relief and dwells upon her shameful parts; representing in the most sombre colours the misery of the "squalid" population of our cities. would to god there were not so much truth in the picture! his reverence, however, seems to have lost sight of the clergyman; and in gratifying his resentment against england, and in his zeal to kindle the same unchristian feeling in the breasts of his countrymen, has not hesitated to sacrifice the truth;--and he a clergyman, whose office it is to "proclaim peace on earth, and good-will to men!" that there is much misery and wretchedness in england, none can deny; but will not the well-informed philanthropist consider it rather as our misfortune than our reproach?--consisting mainly, as that mass of wretchedness does, of those ills which neither "kings nor laws can cause or cure." what plan would this philanthropic divine recommend to remove those evils, which, while he affects to deplore, he yet glories over? strip the nobility and land-owners of their possessions--convert our monarchy into a republic--and the church into a "meetin ouse?" these _reforms_ effected, would the people of england be permanently benefited by them? supposing the whole arable soil of england were divided in equal portions among its crowded inhabitants, (passing by the injustice of robbing the present proprietors of their lawful possessions--many of them acquired by the same hard labour or skill by which an artisan gains his weekly wages,) would the equality of property long continue? would not the sloth, improvidence, and imprudence, that ever distinguish a great proportion of mankind; and the industry, foresight, and ambition that characterise others, soon bring many of the equal lots into one, thus forming a great estate, the property of an individual,--when matters would just be at the point where his reverence found them? and then, of course, would follow another "equitable adjustment," to relieve the wants of the poor, whose progenitors had squandered their patrimony. or, admitting that the lots remained in possession of the families to whom they were originally granted, would the produce be equal to the maintenance of their numerous descendants, when the property became divided and subdivided into fifty or a hundred shares? the present proprietors of the soil of england have, undoubtedly, large incomes; but what becomes of those incomes? do they not flow back into the hands of the merchants, tradesmen, servants, &c.?--the greater proportion, at least; for the sums expended by our tourists on the continent form so inconsiderable a portion of those incomes, as not to be worth mentioning. the same may be said of the _alleged_ wealth of the clergy; for (admitting the allegation) it all flows back into the channels whence it issued; and, although neither belonging to the church of england, nor approving of her forms of government, i do not think that her downfall would improve the _temporal_ condition of the people. if we wish to remain a christian nation, we cannot dispense with the services of the clergy; and in order that those services may be efficient, they must be maintained in independence and respectability. as to a republican form of government, that experiment has been already tried in england, and failed; it may be tried again with no better success. the circumstances in which the american people found themselves after the revolution, rendered the adoption of republican institutions both safe and beneficial. they had learned by experience that the remote position of their country secured their independence from the ambitious projects of any power in europe; while they had nothing to fear from any power in america. thus situated, any form of government, consistent with the due maintenance of good order at home, answered their purpose. the nascent republic might, at the period in question, have adopted as its motto, "liberty and equality," with the utmost propriety; for all enjoyed equal liberty, and nearly equal fortunes. experience, however, shows that liberty and equality cannot long exist under any form of government; industry procures wealth, wealth induces ambition, and ambition sighs after distinction and power. while america feels secure from the aggression of her neighbours, great britain is surrounded by powerful states, some of whom afford her daily proofs of their envy of her greatness and their hatred of her power; and only want the ability, not the will, to annihilate both. those states are, for the most part, ruled by absolute or despotic governments, who can call fleets and armies into action without losing a moment in debating the justice or injustice, policy or impolicy, of their movements. with such neighbours as these, would the messenger of peace recommend the "britishers" to adopt a form of government which would necessitate them to debate and consult while their enemies were acting; and to remit to the people to discuss the question of peace or war, when they should be enlisting and drilling them? columbia, happy land! the broad atlantic intervenes between thee and the envy or hatred of europe; thy wide domain, presenting millions of acres of untenanted land, stands open to the industry and enterprise of thy citizens. how thankful, then, ought they to be for the blessings they enjoy, compared with the condition of their brethren "beyond the water," confined as they are to the narrow limits of their sea-girt isle, whose soil is no longer sufficient for the support of its over-crowded inhabitants, and surrounded by hostile nations, who have long since pronounced the sentence, "_delenda est britannia!_" "boz" has already told his countrymen all that is worth telling about new york, and something more. what the "dickens" brought him to the "five points?" did he never visit wapping with the same views, whatever they might be? if he did, did he observe nothing in that sink of filth and wickedness equal to the scenes that shocked him so much in the outskirts of new york? one just arrived from england finds little in this city to excite wonder or admiration, unless it be the extraordinary width of some of the streets. were those streets kept clean, and the liberty of the pigs a little restrained, the citizens might well boast of their superiority to most of the streets of our british cities; and as their taste improves, everything unsightly will be removed. nature has done much for new york: she possesses one of the finest harbours in the world; her climate is pleasant and salubrious; and one of the noblest rivers of america gives her the command of the commercial resources of a country which equals in extent nearly all europe. new york will undoubtedly become one of the first cities in the world; in commerce, in wealth, in population, she has advanced at a prodigious rate within the last fifty years, and her progress is not likely to be arrested. the aqueduct that supplies the town with water, pure, wholesome, and abundant, is well worth the notice of a stranger. this stupendous work was executed at a cost of nine millions of dollars, and conveys the water from a distance of forty miles!--the genius of the engineer and the power of money overcoming every obstacle. the two great reservoirs, near the city, present splendid specimens of that kind of architecture. happening in company to express my opinion of this work, as reflecting the highest credit on the enterprise of the citizens, a gentleman present, evidently an american, in reply to the compliment, observed, "it is very much to their advantage, no doubt, and it will also be much to their credit, if they pay the debt they incurred in constructing it." the fact is, that this and many other public works in the united states, have been executed by british capital. would to heaven that our _sympathising_ friends, who are so jealous in regard to the honour of america, where a few thousand acres of worthless land are concerned, were equally jealous in regard to it when, under the newly-invented name of _repudiation_, the honour of their country is tarnished by a vast system of unblushing robbery! would to heaven that their _sympathies_ were extended to the thousands who are involved in misery and ruin by this audacious system of national perfidy! if the art or ingenuity of the good citizens of new york has not produced very many objects worthy of admiration, the faces of their lovely fair make ample amends for it. among the crowds of charmers who throng the fashionable promenade of broadway, scarcely an ordinary face is to be seen. i, in fact, saw more pretty faces there in one hour than in all my tour in britain. i landed in new york without any prejudice against the americans, and i now take leave of their commercial capital with feelings of esteem and regret. in the society i frequented i neither saw nor heard anything unworthy of, or unbecoming the descendants of britons. some little peculiarities, the natural result of circumstances, i certainly noticed; some differences also in their social life; but i shall leave it to those who are disposed to find fault to criticise these matters. chapter xiii. passage from new york to albany by steamer--the passengers--arrival at albany--journey to montreal. the navigation of the hudson not being yet interrupted by ice, i determined on proceeding to albany by steamboat, in preference to the railroad, with the view of seeing the far-famed scenery of the country through which the river flows. i accordingly embarked on the th of february. we had not proceeded far, however, when we found the face of the country covered with snow; and thus the pleasure i had anticipated from my aquatic trip was in a great measure lost. winter had set in in earnest, and the cold became so severe as we ascended, that the deck was abandoned, and the nearest seat to the stove was considered the best. the passengers being now all crowded below, the group presented a complete epitome of american society: here were members of the legislature proceeding to the capital on parliamentary duty; here also were congregated in the same cabin, merchants, mechanics, and farmers, messing at the same board, and at first mixed up promiscuously together. they did not, however, long continue so; the more respectable part, separating from the crowd, occupied one end of the cabin, the plebeians occupied the other. thus the homogeneous ingredients of the mass having united, no further mixture took place during the passage. it is true, one of patrician rank might occasionally be observed stepping beyond the ideal boundary, and sitting down among the plebeians, probably some of his constituents,--would call for a pipe, and, stretching out his legs, commence to puff, spit, and debate, like one of themselves; and having by these means convinced them that he still considered them as his _equals_, would retire again _ad suos_. the americans are accused by europeans of being cold and reserved towards strangers; for my part, i found them sociable and communicative in the extreme. a few hours after i had embarked on board the steamboat i found myself quite at home. i was much pleased to observe the rational manner in which the passengers amused themselves. little groups were formed, where religion, politics and business matters were discussed with excellent sense and judgment. these seemed to be the common topics of discourse in both ends of the cabin. i frequented both, and saw nothing indecorous or improper in either, save the spitting and the outrageous rush to the table; such a scene as the latter is only to be seen in america. the servants bawl out at the top of their lungs:-- "time enough, gentlemen! time enough! no hurry, no hurry!" onward they rush, however, crowding, pushing, elbowing, until they take their seats. i was, however, particularly struck with the attention shown to the ladies, the great sobriety of all classes, and the total absence of impure or profane expressions in conversation. how unlike the scenes one witnesses on board our steamboats in britain, where the meaner sort of passengers seem to travel on purpose to indulge in drinking! i arrived at albany late on the th, our progress having been much retarded by the quantity of ice drifting in the river. finding that the mail was to start for canada in the course of the night, i decided on going with it, without seeing the capital of new york. owing to the mildness of the season up to the present time, the roads were in the worst possible condition, and the motion of the carriage passing rapidly over the rugged surface of the muddy roads recently frozen solid, was not only disagreeable, but even painful. we continued, however, to jolt on night and day, without rest, save during the short time necessary for changing or baiting cattle. the roads became worse, if possible, as we proceeded. a considerable quantity of snow had fallen lately, which rendered travelling in a wheeled carriage not only disagreeable in the extreme, but also dangerous. we broke down several times, but without serious inconvenience. on one of these occasions we picked ourselves up opposite a farm house, in which we took shelter while the driver was putting matters to rights. it being yet early, the inmates were still in bed; we nevertheless found a rousing fire blazing on the hearth, and seated ourselves around it. all of a sudden the door of a small apartment flew open, and a large black cat sprang in amongst us. "ha! what do you think of that, now?" said one of the passengers, addressing himself to me. "what do you think of the ingenuity of our yankee cats? had boz witnessed that feat, we should have had a page or two more to his notes; and i am sure it would have proved at least as interesting to the reader as the nigger driver's conversation with his cattle." "that's a fact," said i. after being jolted and pitched about until every bone in my body ached again, i reached st. john's on the th; and the snow being now sufficiently deep to admit of travelling with sleighs, the remainder of the journey to montreal was accomplished in comparative comfort. chapter xiv. embark for the north--passengers arrive at fort william--despatch from governor--appointed to mackenzie's river district--portage la loche--adventure on great slave lake--arrive at fort simpson--productions of the post. i spent the remainder of the winter enjoying the good things of this life, and on the th of april received orders to proceed to lachine, preparatory to embarking for the north. i embarked on the th, but the crews were so intoxicated that we were compelled to land on an island near by, to allow them to recover from the effects of their carousals. i was joined here by captain stalk of the st, and lieutenant lefroy of the artillery; the former accompanying us on a jaunt of pleasure, the latter on a scientific expedition. there were also four junior clerks in the company's service. our brigade consisted of three large canoes manned by about fifty canadians, and iroquois indians. we were detained in our insular encampment by stress of weather until the d of may, when we set out. our crews being now perfectly sober, plied their paddles with the utmost good-will, singing and whooping, apparently delighted with their situation. ignorance here was bliss; they little dreamed of the life that awaited them. i may here premise, that as i have already narrated the particulars of a similar voyage, i shall pass on to the different stages of our route without noticing the uninteresting incidents of our daily progress. we arrived at fort william on the th of may, where we exchanged our large montreal canoes for smaller. here captain s. remained to await his passage back to canada; not much disposed to try such a jaunt of pleasure again, i suspect,--and lieutenant l., taking a canoe for himself with a view of prosecuting his scientific researches more at leisure than our go-a-head mode of travelling admitted, left us also. we were detained a day at fort william, repairing canoes, arranging crews, &c., and on the th, i took leave of my excellent _compagnons de voyage_ with sincere regret. on descending lac la pluie river, we landed at an extensive sauteux camp, where we found a protestant (methodist) missionary, with a native interpreter as his only companion. i learned with much regret, that this gentleman's exertions in his vocation had been attended with little or no success, although he had been two years engaged in it; while the romish priests, in the same space of time, had converted numbers. the natives were occupied with the sturgeon fishing, and had apparently been tolerably successful. having procured a supply for the use of our crews by barter, we set off, and without experiencing any accident, reached bas de la rivière on the th of june, where i found letters from the governor, directing me to proceed with all possible speed to york factory. having learned on my way coming up, that one of the gentlemen in mckenzie's river district had resigned, and would quit the country this year,--i felt convinced i should be appointed his successor; that being one of the most wretched parts of the indian country, it was quite a matter of course that i should be sent thither. knowing from dear-bought experience, however, that my constitution could no longer bear the hardships and privations to which i had been so long subjected, i wrote the governor on the subject, and requested that he would grant me an appointment where i might enjoy some degree of comfort--a favour which i humbly conceived my former services entitled me to--otherwise i should retire from the service. we had a fine passage across lake winnipeg, and i landed at norway house with all my party safe and sound, on the th of june. i remained there till the st, and then set out for york factory, where i had been about ten days, when an express arrived from norway house with the governor's final orders to me, and also his reply to my last communication, which i here insert at full length. "red river settlement, "_june_ , . "dear sir, "my eyes are so completely worn out, that i cannot give you a single private line under my own hand. i have perused with attention your private letter of the th instant, and should have been glad had it been in my power to have met your wishes in regard to an appointment; but from the few commissioned gentlemen disposable this season, it was quite impossible to consult wishes. you were, therefore, long before receipt of your letter, appointed to mckenzie's river. that is now one of the finest fields we have for extension of trade, and i count much on your activity for promoting our views in that quarter. but while directing your attention to the extension of _your district_, you must likewise use your best endeavours to curtail the indents, as they have of late been on a most alarming scale, comprehending nearly as many articles as appear in our columbia requisition; if you look on my notes on the last requisition, you will find that i have been under the necessity of making some further curtailments. i am sorry the idea of retiring has entered your mind, as i was in hopes we could count upon some efficient services out of you while still young and vigorous. "the company have of late declined making any purchases of retired interests; it would be therefore quite unnecessary to make any application on that head, as they have lost money by all the recent purchases they have made in that way. "i am at the lower fort, where mr. ross came in on me very unexpectedly, just as we were preparing to get on horseback for the upper part of the settlement, so that i am much pressed for time, which will account for the brevity of this communication. "pray let me hear from you in canada by the last canoes, as i shall not then have taken my departure from montreal. "i remain, &c. &c. (signed) "george simpson." judging, from the instructions contained in the above communication, that i was appointed to the charge of the district, i made up my mind to try how far my health could endure the hardships of which i already had had more than my share; and without a moment's delay, set out for norway house in a light canoe, where i arrived on the th of july. my friend mr. c---- arrived with his returns from athabasca a few days afterwards, and his arrangements being completed on the th, i embarked as a passenger with him. we reached the small river mithai on the th of september, when we found the water so low as barely to admit of the passage of the light boats. it happened most fortunately that there were a number of chippewayan indians encamped on the spot at the time, else we should have been completely at a nonplus. the crews, good souls! hired those indians at their own expense, to carry the greater part of the property in their small canoes to the upper part of the river. at the portage we found a number of half-breeds, with their horses, from the saskatchewan, awaiting our arrival, in the expectation of being employed to transport the goods. nor were they disappointed; sooner than undergo the harassing toil of carrying the outfit across a portage of twelve miles, the men hired the half-breeds, parting with their most valuable articles in payment. several propositions have been made, of late years, to the governor, for sparing the men the inhuman labour of this portage, which they must either perform, or sacrifice a considerable part of their paltry wages to avoid it. it was suggested, for instance, that a sufficient number of horses should be stationed at a certain locality, with the requisite conveniences, near the portage, and a couple of men hired on purpose to take care of them, whose wages the winterers should pay out of their own pockets, which they readily assented to; as the transport, by this arrangement, would only cost them one-third of what it cost them to employ the half-breeds. his excellency, however, was quite "sick" of the portage la loche subject; he knew as much about it as anybody, and felt quite assured that it was the easiest part of the men's duties throughout the voyage! while canoes were used, the duty at portage la loche was not nearly so severe as at present; a canoe carried only twenty-five pieces, and was manned by six men; a boat's crew consists only of seven men, while the cargo consists of from sixty to seventy pieces. the descent of the clear water and athabasca rivers was effected without any accident, and we arrived at athabasca on the th of september; whence i set out again, after a few days' delay, for fort resolution, on great slave lake, where i was detained by stress of weather until the th. i left the post late in the evening, and intended to encamp on an island at a convenient distance; but the season being far advanced, i felt anxious to proceed, and inquired of my pilot whether he thought there would be any risk in travelling all night? "not the least," was the reply; and we rowed on accordingly till morning; when lo! the only objects to be seen were sea and sky. in vain we strained the organs of vision to discover land; there we were, as if in the midst of the ocean, surrounded on all sides by the unbroken circle of the horizon. i do not know that i ever felt more seriously alarmed than at this moment, thus to find myself exposed on an unknown sea, as it might well be termed, in an open boat, and at such an advanced period of the season, without any means of ascertaining what course to steer for land. it would appear our steersman had been napping at the helm in the course of the night, and thus allowed the boat to deviate from her course without noticing it; hence the awkwardness and even the danger of our present situation. while considering with myself what was best to be done, a fine breeze sprang up; i ordered the sail to be hoisted immediately, determined on going before it until we made land, no matter where. fortunately the wind continued steady all day, and we at length reached the land a little after sunset, having run at least forty miles. we put ashore at the first convenient landing we could find, and encamped for the night. having consulted a map i had with me, and observing by the sun the direction in which we had crossed the lake, (for we had actually crossed it at its greatest width,) i could make out pretty clearly that we had turned our backs to our true course! we had, however, a good supply of provisions, and a voyageur is never discouraged while he has the provender before him. having now learned, to my cost, what confidence my pilot was entitled to, i determined on keeping land in view for the future. we embarked early next morning, and, after a tedious and laborious passage of seven days, arrived at big island fishery at the outlet of the lake on the th of october, where i found a boat ready to start with a cargo of fish, in which i embarked; and landing finally at fort simpson on the th, my long trip of five months _per mare et terram_, was brought to a close; and high time it should, for the weather was become excessively cold, and the ice was forming along the beach. i was much grieved to find mr. lewis confined to bed in consequence of a shocking accident he had lately met with, his right hand being blown off by the accidental discharge of his fowling-piece. having perused the governor's official letter to mr. lewis, i found the following paragraph in it relating to myself:--"on retiring from the district next season, you will be pleased to invest mr. mclean with the management, handing to that gentleman all correspondence, papers, &c., connected with the public business." this paragraph, taken in conjunction with the instructions i had previously received, confirmed both mr. l. and myself in the opinion that i was to succeed him in the charge; and we took our measures accordingly. i was very agreeably surprised to find that the high latitude of this locality ( ° north) did not prevent agricultural operations from being carried on with success. although the season had been rather unfavourable, the farm yielded four hundred bushels of potatoes, and upwards of one hundred bushels of barley; the barnyard, with its stacks of barley and hay, and the number of horned cattle around it, had quite the air of a farm standing in the "old country." it is to be regretted that the gentlemen here should have paid so little attention to the cultivation of the soil in former times, as the produce would, ere now, not only have contributed to the support of the establishment, but have afforded assistance to the natives in years of scarcity. for these three years past the distress of the natives in this quarter has been without parallel; several hundreds having perished of want--in some instances, even at the gates of the trading post, whose inmates, far from having it in their power to relieve others, required relief themselves. here, as in most other parts of the wooded country, rabbits form the principal subsistence of the natives, and when they fail, starvation is the sure and inevitable result; but no former period has been so productive of distress, to so fearful an extent, as the present. with the produce of the farm, mr. l. was enabled to save the lives of all those who resorted to his own post; but at forts good hope, norman, and de liard, no assistance could be given; as those posts, like most others in the indian country, depend entirely on the means the country affords in fish, flesh, and fowl, for their subsistence. chapter xv. statements in the edinburgh cabinet library--alleged kindness of the hudson's bay company to the indians--and generosity--support of missionaries--support withdrawn--preference of roman catholics--the north-west company--conduct of a british peer--rivalry of the companies--coalition--charges against the north-west company refuted. a volume of the edinburgh cabinet library, in which the company's territories are described, came lately into my hands. it is there remarked, that "the company's posts serve as hospitals, to which the indians resort during sickness, and are supplied with food and medicine; that when winter arrives, the diseased and infirm are frequently left there; that the company have made the most laudable efforts to instruct and civilize them, employing, at a great expense, missionaries and teachers," &c. i am well aware that the author of this valuable production took it for granted that the information he had obtained, relative to our treatment of the indians, and other matters, was correct, or he would not have permitted it to go forth to the world under the authority and sanction of his name. but without intending any disrespect to the author, i take leave to state that the above quotations have not the slightest foundation in fact. our posts serve as hospitals! i have now passed twenty-four years of my life-time in the country; i have served in every quarter of it; and i own that i have never yet known a single instance of an indian being retained at any inland post for medical treatment. the knowledge the natives possess of the medicinal virtues of roots and herbs, is generally equal to the cure of all their ailments; and we are, in fact, more frequently indebted to them, than they to us, for medical advice. i may mention, however, by way of exception to the general rule, that the dépôts along the coast are well supplied with medicines, and that there are medical men there who administer them to the natives when they apply for them. in the interior we are allowed to doctor ourselves as we best can. what with the salubrity of the climate, and our abstemious fare, we are enabled, with the aid of a little turlington balsam, and a dose of salts, perhaps, to overcome all our ailments. most of us also use the lancet, and can even "spread a plaster, or give a glister," when necessary; but the indians seldom trouble us. as to the instruction the natives receive from us, i am at a loss to know what it is, where imparted, and by whom given. "a tale i could, unfold!" but let it pass: certain it is, that neither our example nor our precept has had the effect of improving the morals or principles of the natives;--they are neither more enlightened, nor more civilized, by our endeavours, than if we had never appeared among them. the native interpreters even grow old in our service as ignorant of christianity as the rudest savages who have never seen the face of a white man. the church missionary society has had two missionaries stationed at red river settlement for some years past, one of whom is designated the company's chaplain, and is allowed l. per annum; the roman catholic bishop, too, receives his l., and doubtless understands, without any inspiration, the company's policy in granting the annuity. the gentleman who conducts the academy has also l. a-year; thus we have l., forming the sum total of the "great expenses" the company are at. it is quite true there are thirteen schools at red river; there are also eighteen windmills, and the company furnishes just as much wind for the mills as funds for the support of the schools or teachers. other teachers than those above specified i have neither seen nor heard of. some years ago five missionaries were sent out to the hudson's bay territory by the wesleyan missionary society. after having laboured for some time in the territory, by a decision of the council the rank of commissioned gentleman, together with the usual allowances attached to that rank, was conferred on them. the missionaries had every reason to be grateful for these acts of kindness, and they both felt and expressed their gratitude. their object, however, in coming to the country was to serve god, not the hudson's bay company; and they proceeded to discharge their duty in the manner their conscience approved, instructing and enlightening the natives with the zeal and perseverance for which their sect is so eminently distinguished. the good fruits were soon apparent; in some parts of the country successful attempts were made to collect the natives: they were taught to cultivate the soil, to husband their produce, so as to render them less dependent on fortuitous circumstances for a living; they were taught to read and write, and to worship god "in spirit and in truth," and numbers "were daily added to the church;" when, lo! it was discovered that the time devoted to religious exercises, and other duties arising out of the altered circumstances of the converts, was so much time lost to the fur-hunt; and from the moment this discovery was made, no further encouragement was given to the innovators. their labours were strictly confined to the stations they originally occupied, and every obstacle was thrown in the way of extending their missions. even after some of them had travelled into the remotest parts, and opened up an amicable intercourse with the natives, they were told that collecting the indians into villages was a measure not to be thought of, as the habitual indolence of the natives precluded the idea of their being induced to cultivate the soil; that even if they were so inclined, the country presented few localities fit for the purpose, &c. notwithstanding the high authority whence these allegations emanated, i think i can show the reader that they are in a great measure without foundation. here (in lat. ° north)[ ] we raise crops of barley and potatoes--the former in abundance every year,--the latter, however, are sometimes cut off by the frosts; but this is no more than happens in canada, and many parts of the united states. the fact is, that there are many favourable situations for agriculture to be found in every district of the company's territories, except perhaps one or two on the shores of hudson's bay. the banks of the athabasca, peace, slave, and mckenzie rivers present many localities fit for farming operations; and in the more southern districts they are, of course, far more frequent. [footnote : on the banks of the mckenzie river.] had the protestant ministers been allowed a free scope, and the encouragement they at first received been continued, they would ere now have had missions established in many districts; and there can hardly be a doubt that they would have succeeded here, as elsewhere, in overcoming the natural sloth of the natives. their good intentions, however, have been frustrated, and they have now the additional mortification of finding themselves supplanted by romish priests, who, no later than last year, were allowed a free passage in the company's craft, even to a district where a protestant missionary had been settled for several years previously, and had made considerable progress in converting the natives. not only was he allowed a passage to the district, but he was lodged and entertained in the company's establishment. the consequences of this strange procedure are obvious: the poor ignorant natives, hearing such conflicting doctrines, are at a loss what to think or what to believe; and, naturally enough, conclude that both are alike impostors, and therefore in many cases decline their instructions. it must be acknowledged, however, that the romish priest is often more successful than the protestant missionary, and that for obvious reasons. with the former, the indian needs only profess a desire to become a christian, and he is forthwith baptized; whereas with the latter, a probationary course--a trial of the proselyte's sincerity--is deemed indispensable. the peculiar dress, moreover, of the romish ministers, and their imposing ritual, make a great impression on the senses of a barbarous people. "_he_ indeed," say the indians, when speaking of the priest, "he indeed looks like a great 'man of medicine;' but these others are just like our traders; we can see no difference." the fact, too, need not be disguised, that we ourselves find the priests far more accommodating than these meddling parsons. the priests, for instance, allow us to amuse ourselves in any manner we think fit, week-day or sunday; and far from finding fault, ten to one if they don't join in the sport; the protestant minister, on the contrary, never allows a violation of the sacred day to pass unnoticed, nor fails to warn the delinquent of the consequences. the priest connives at the indian's hunting on sunday--the minister strictly forbids it: the priests are single--the ministers are generally married, and their maintenance of course involves a far heavier expense. considering these things, no reasonable person can surely find fault with us for preferring those who allow us to put what construction we please on the moral law, and at the same time oppose no obstacles to the advancement of our temporal interests. and here i cannot but express my regret that our protestant churches should have so long neglected the cultivation of a field that promised such rich harvests as the interior of america. the superstitions of the aborigines scattered through the hudson's bay company's territories are so gross, and so inconsistent with unsophisticated common sense; and their prejudices in favour of them have been so much shaken by their intercourse with the gentlemen of the trading posts and the other europeans, whom they are accustomed to look up to as beings of a superior race, that there could be but little difficulty in removing what _remains_ of these prejudices; and thus one of the greatest obstacles to the success of a missionary in other parts of the heathen world, can scarcely be said to exist among them. the church of england, it is true, has done a little, but she might have done more--much more. had the missionaries at red river exerted themselves, from the time of their first arrival in the country, in educating _natives_ as missionaries, and sent them forth to preach the word, the pure doctrines of christianity would, ere now, have been widely disseminated through the land. but nothing of this kind has been attempted: nor could it be attempted--now that i think of it--the laying on of "the hands of a bishop" being indispensable. as to the diseased and infirm being frequently left at our posts in winter, all i can say is, that i have never seen any such at any of the posts i wintered at, or at any of the posts i visited; nor is it likely that, when we ourselves depend on the natives for a considerable part of our subsistence, we can do much to support them. we support neither old nor young, diseased nor infirm--that is the truth. in the work above quoted i find the following paragraph relating to the north-west company. "although the rivalry of the north-west company had the effect of inspiriting and extending the trade; it was carried by them in many respects beyond the legitimate limits, not scrupling at open violence and bloodshed, in which europeans and natives were alike sufferers." the controversy between those rival companies has long since been forgotten; but the subject being again obtruded on the public notice, evidently in the spirit of prejudice, there can be nothing improper, i presume, in representing matters in their true and proper light. many of the individuals thus calumniated are still alive and settled in the civilized world, where they are esteemed for qualities diametrically opposite to those ascribed to them by their slanderer. it is well known that the chief advantages the hudson's bay company now possess, they owe to the adventurous north-west traders; by these traders the whole interior of the savage wilds was first explored; by them the water communications were first discovered and opened up to commercial enterprise; by them the first trading posts were established in the interior; by them the natives were first reconciled to the whites; and by them the trade was first reduced to the regular system which the hudson's bay company still follows. when all this had been done by the north-west company, and they had begun to reap the reward of their toils, and hardships, and dangers, and expenditure--then did the honourable hudson's bay company, led on by a british peer, step forward and claim, as british subjects, an equal right to share the trade. their _noble_ leader appeared first in montreal in the guise of a traveller, where he was received by the north-westers with open arms, was kindly and hospitably entertained by them, his minutest inquiries regarding their system of trade were candidly and freely answered; and the information thus obtained in the character of a traveller, a guest, and a friend, he forthwith proceeded to use to effect their ruin. had, however, the north-west company continued true to themselves, all his arts and attempts would have failed. had not dissension arisen in the ranks, it is clear that _they_--not the hudson's bay company--would have granted the capitulation. unfortunately for themselves, however, the partners in the interior, seeing the contest continue so long, and the expenses swallow up all the profits, despaired of the success that was almost within their grasp, and commencing a correspondence among themselves, finally determined on opening a negotiation with their rivals. two of their number were accordingly sent home, invested with full powers to act for the general interest. those gentlemen arrived just as the directors of the north-west company in london were about to conclude a most advantageous treaty--a few days more, and the articles had been ratified by the signatures of both parties. at this conjuncture the delegates arrived, and instead of first communicating with their own directors, went straight to the hudson's bay house, and presented their credentials. the hudson's bay company saw their advantage, and instead of receiving, now dictated the terms; and thus the name of the north-west company was merged in that of its rival, and the canadian people were deprived of all interest in that trade which owed its origin to the courage and enterprise of their forefathers. such were the relative circumstances of the hudson's bay and north-west companies. from to the hudson's bay company slumbered at its posts along the shores of hudson's bay, never attempting to penetrate beyond the banks of the saskatchewan, until the north-westers had led and cleared the way; and in this manner began their rivalry. that collisions should follow, marked by violence and outrage, need not be wondered at. but violence and outrage were not confined to one side; both parties exceeded the limits prescribed by law. yet while stern justice alike condemns both, which is the more guilty party? or which has the greater claims on our sympathy? as to the north-west company being guilty of the blood of innocent indians,--the charge is as false as it is invidious. when the blood of their servants was shed without cause or provocation, as frequently happened when they first encountered the fierce savage, they punished the aggressors as the law of god allows, demanding "blood for blood." but while the author (or rather his informant, whose _ribbon_ i can plainly distinguish, although he strikes in the dark) so freely censures the north-west company for avenging the murder of their people, does he mean to insinuate that nothing of the kind is done under the _humane_ and _gentle_ rule of the hudson's bay company? what became of the hannah bay murderers? they were conveyed to moose factory, bound hand and foot, and there shot down by the orders of the chief factor. did the murders committed by the natives at new caledonia, thompson's river, and the columbia, pass unavenged? no! the penalty was fully paid in blood for blood. but since the author's informant seems disposed to "rake up the smouldering embers" of days bygone, i shall take the liberty of telling him of a tragedy that was enacted at the ancient date of - . in that winter, a party of men, led by two clerks, was sent to look for some horses that were grazing at a considerable distance from the post. as they approached the spot they perceived a band of assineboine indians, eight in number (if i remember aright), on an adjacent hill, who immediately joined them, and, delivering up their arms, encamped with them for the night. next morning a _court martial_ was held by the two clerks and some of the men, to determine the punishment due to the indians for having been found near the company's horses, with the _supposed_ intention of carrying them off. what was the decision of this mock court martial? i shudder to relate, that the whole band, after having given up their arms, and partaken of their hospitality, were condemned to death, and the sentence carried into execution on the spot,--all were butchered in cold blood! with the exception of the massacre of the indians in mckenzie's river district in , no such deed of blood had been heard of in the country. yet our author's _impartial_ informant, perfectly acquainted as he was with all the circumstances of the case, and ready enough as he is to trumpet to the world the alleged crimes of the north-west company, takes no notice of it! it may be said that the company are not answerable for crimes committed by their servants without their knowledge. true; but when they are made fully acquainted with those misdeeds, and allow the perpetrators to escape with impunity, the guilt is transferred to their own head; "invitat culpam qui peccatum præterit." the proceedings of this court-martial were reported at head-quarters, and the punishment awarded to these murderers was--a reprimand! after this, what protection, or generosity, or justice, can the indians he said to receive from the hudson's bay company? the indians to this day talk of their northwest "fathers" with regret. "our old traders, our fathers, did not serve us so," is a remark i have frequently heard in every part of the country where the north-west company had established posts. had their rule been distinguished by oppression or injustice, the natives would rather have expressed their satisfaction at its suppression; had it been tyrannical or oppressive, it would not have been long tolerated. the natives in those times were numerous and warlike; the trading-posts were isolated and far apart; and in the summer season, when the managers proceeded to the dépôts, with the greater part of their people, were entirely at the mercy of the natives, who would not have failed to take advantage of such opportunities to avenge their wrongs, had they suffered any. the posts, in fact, were left entirely to their protection, and depended on them for support during the absence of the traders, who, on their return in autumn, found themselves surrounded by hundreds of rejoicing indians, greeting their "fathers" with every manifestation of delight;--he who had not a gun to fire strained his lungs with shouting. the native population has decreased at an extraordinary rate since those times. i do not mean to affirm that this decrease arises from the hudson's bay company's treatment of them; but, from whatever cause arising, it is quite certain they have greatly decreased. neither can it be denied, that the natives are no longer the manly, independent race they formerly were. on the contrary, we now find them gloomy and dispirited, unhappy and discontented. as to our vaunted "generosity" to the natives, i am at a loss to know in what it consists. when a band of indians arrive at a trading post, each individual is presented with a few inches of tobacco; here (at fort simpson) in winter we add a fish to each. after their furs are traded, a few flints, awls, and hooks, and a trifle of ammunition is given them, in proportion to their hunts, and then--"va-t-en." this is about the average amount of "generosity" they receive throughout the country; varied, however, by the differences of disposition observable in the hudson's bay company's traders, as among all other mortals. some of us would even withhold the awls and hooks, if we could; others, at the risk of being "hauled up" for extravagance, would add another hook to the number. were the company's standing rules and regulations acted upon, we might perhaps have some title to the generosity we boast of. in these rules we are directed to supply _poor_ indians with ammunition and fishing tackle, gratis. this looks very well on paper; but are we allowed the means of bestowing these gratuities? certainly not.[ ] our outfits, in many cases, are barely sufficient to meet the exigencies of the trade; they are continually reduced in proportion to the decrease in the returns; and the strictest economy is not only recommended, but enforced. on the due fulfilment of these commands our prospects in the service depend; and few indeed will think of violating them, or of sacrificing their own interests to benefit indians. i repeat that, far from having it in our power to bestow anything gratuitously, we are happy when allowed sufficient means to barter for the furs the indians bring us. [footnote : when the israelites were ordered to provide straw for their bricks, the material _could_ be procured in egypt, although at the expense of great additional toil;--not so the supplies for the indian trade; in the event of a deficiency, neither money nor labour can procure them.] the company also make it appear by their standing rules, that we are directed to instruct the children, to teach the servants, &c.; but where are the means of doing so? a few books, i have been told, were sent out for this purpose, after the coalition; what became of them i know not. i never saw any. the history of commercial rule is well known to the world; the object of that rule, wherever established, or by whomsoever exercised, is gain. in our intercourse with the natives of america no other object is discernible, no other object is thought of, no other object is allowed. chapter xvi. arrival of mr. lefroy--voyage to the lower posts of the mackenzie--avalanche--incidents of the voyage--voyage to portage la loche--arbitrary and unjust conduct of the governor--despotism--my reply to the governor. in the early part of this winter several indians came in, complaining that they were starving for want of food; and their emaciated forms proved that they did not complain without cause. our means, however, were too limited to afford them any effectual relief. we were glad to learn afterwards, that although many suffered, none died from actual want; and the rabbits soon afterwards appearing in greater numbers than had been seen for years past, relief was obtained. towards the latter end of march, i was gratified by the arrival of mr. lefroy. this gentleman seems equal to all the hardships and privations of a voyageur's life, having performed the journey from athabasca hither, a distance of at least six hundred miles, on snow-shoes, without appearing to have suffered any inconvenience from it; thus proving himself the ablest _mangeur de lard_ we have had in the country for a number of years: there are many of our old winterers who would have been glad to excuse themselves if required to undertake such a journey. the winter passed without any remarkable occurrence; and on the breaking up of the river, i set off for the lower posts, on the d of may, accompanied by mr. lefroy, whose zeal for scientific discovery neither cold, nor hunger, nor fatigue, seems to depress. we arrived at fort norman on the th of may; and after a few hours' delay, embarked, proceeding down stream, night and day. we reached fort good hope on the th, late in the evening; but evening, morning, midnight, and noon-day, are much the same here: i wrote at midnight by the clear light of heaven. the scientific reader need not be informed, that within the arctic circle the sun is but a very short time beneath the horizon, during the summer solstice. the people of fort good hope see him rising and setting behind the same hill; and in clear weather his rays shed a light above the horizon even after he is set; while during the winter solstice the same hill nearly conceals him from view. yet the gentleman in charge of this post has passed two years without an inch of candle to light himself to bed; and his predecessor did the same; so that he has no reason to complain. on our way down we observed a land-slip, or avalanche of earth, that had just tumbled into the river. mr. lefroy examined the bank whence it had been detached, and found, by measurement, that the frozen ground was forty-six feet in depth! our short sojourn at fort good hope was rendered very unpleasant by the dismal weather; it continued snowing the whole time we remained. the storm abating, we embarked at an early hour, on the st of may, and had not proceeded above a few leagues, when a fair breeze sprang up, greatly to the satisfaction of all, but especially of the poor fellows whose toil it relieved. it continued increasing; reef after reef was taken in, till our sheet was finally reduced to a few feet in depth; yet so furious was the gale that we ascended the strongest current with nearly the same velocity we had descended; while the snow fell so thick, and the spray from the river was driven about so violently by the wind, that we could scarce see our way, and only escaped being dashed against the beach by keeping in the centre of the stream. it was also extremely cold; so that our situation in an open boat was not the most enviable. we arrived at fort norman on the d of june, about five, a.m., and remained until eleven, a.m., when we embarked, the gale still continuing with unabated violence. immediately after leaving the fort the gale carried away our mast; fortunate it was for us that it gave way, else the boat must have capsized. we soon got another mast from the fort, and sped on our way night and day, if it can be said there is any night here, when the light is so powerful as to throw the stars into the shade. without experiencing much change in wind or weather, we arrived at fort simpson on the th of june; having thus performed a voyage of about , miles (going and coming) in eleven days, including stoppages. i found mr. lewis so far recovered from the effects of his wound as to be able to take the same active part in the management of affairs as formerly. the returns from the different posts being now received, we found them to amount to upwards of , l. in value, according to the tariff of last year. everything being ready for our departure, we left fort simpson on the th of june, mr. lefroy embarking with us. we proceeded to great slave lake without interruption, the weather extremely fine. within a day's rowing of fort resolution we encountered a field of ice that arrested our progress, till a change of wind carried it out to sea. the moment a passage opened we observed a large canoe making for our encampment. it proved to be mr. lefroy's, which he had left with the most of his people at athabasca. mr. lefroy embarked in his own craft, and we proceeded to fort resolution in company; and as he had determined on following a different route to athabasca, we parted here, most probably never to meet again in this life. few gentlemen ever visited this country who acquired so general esteem as mr. lefroy; his gentlemanly bearing and affable manners endeared him to us all. we arrived at athabasca on the th of july, and at portage la loche on the th, where we found an increased number of half-breeds waiting our arrival. the brigade from york factory arrived with the outfit on the d of august, and we exchanged cargoes with the utmost expedition, they receiving the returns of the district, and we the outfit brought by them. by this conveyance i received letters from the governor, acquainting me "that another gentleman was appointed to the charge of mckenzie's river district, and that he (the governor) could not conceive on what grounds i fancied myself to be the person so appointed, as he was certain i could not have arrived at such a conclusion from perusing the instructions i had received from him last year!" until now i thought i understood the english language as well as most people; but the governor makes it appear plainly enough that i ought still to confine myself to the old celtic. the instructions above referred to being given in the foregoing pages, i shall leave the reader to form his own opinion of one who, in the high and honourable position of a governor, could treat so ungenerously one whom he admitted to be a faithful and meritorious servant, and whom he had acknowledged to be deserving of preferment: and that not on the present only, but on several former occasions. this last insult i consider the climax to the wrongs i have so long suffered. first i am appointed in the usual terms to the charge of a district. i am allowed to continue in that opinion for a twelvemonth; i enter into correspondence with the gentlemen of the district as their future superintendent, and make my arrangements with them as such; and, _au bout du compte_, am ordered back to the same district to mix with the crowd, and submit to another master. i leave it to the reader to judge whether such a governor could possibly have the interests of the company at heart; even supposing for a moment there were no _injustice_ in the case; i leave it to him to consider what effect a conduct and measures so vacillating, unsteady and arbitrary, are likely to have on the service and interests of the company. this last act of the governor made me completely disgusted with a service where such acts could be tolerated. in no colony subject to the british crown is there to be found an authority so despotic as is at this day exercised in the mercantile colony of rupert's land; an authority combining the despotism of military rule with the strict surveillance and mean parsimony of the avaricious trader. from labrador to nootka sound the unchecked, uncontrolled will of a single individual gives law to the land. as to the nominal council which is yearly convoked for form's sake, the few individuals who compose it know better than to offer advice where none would be accepted; they know full well that the governor has already determined on his own measures before one of them appears in his presence. their assent is all that is expected of them, and that they never hesitate to give. many years pass without such a thing as a legally constituted council being held. a legal council ought to consist of seven members besides the governor; three chief factors and four chief traders. the council, however, seldom consists of more than five members and the governor. some years ago, i happened to be at an establishment where a "council" was about to be held. on inquiring of his excellency's secretary what subject of moment he thought would first engage their attention-- "engage their attention!" he replied; "bless your heart, man! the minutes of council were all drawn out before we arrived here; i have them in my pocket." clothed with a power so unlimited, it is not to be wondered at that a man who rose from a humble situation should in the end forget what he was and play the tyrant. let others, if they will, submit to be so ruled with a rod of iron. i at least shall not. in reply to his favour, i addressed the following letter to his excellency, a transcript of which i transmitted to the committee. "portage la loche, "_august_ , . "to sir george simpson, governor of rupert's land:-- "sir--i have the honour to acknowledge your several favours from lachine and red river, and am mortified to learn by them you should think me so stupid as not to understand your letters on the subject of my appointment to the charge of the district; your language being so clear, in fact, as to admit of no other construction than the one i put upon it. by referring to the minutes of council for , i find myself appointed to fort good hope for that year; but you wrote me subsequently to the breaking up of the council, and used these words: 'that is now the finest field we have for the extension of trade, and i count much on your activity for promoting our views in that quarter. but while directing your attention to the extension of _your district_, you must also use your best endeavours to curtail the indents.' "your letter to mr. c.f. lewis states, in nearly these words, that i 'am appointed to succeed him;' and you beg of him 'to deliver into my hands all the documents that refer to the affairs of the district.' mr. lewis understood your letters in the same sense as myself, and so did every other person who perused them. what your object may have been in altering this arrangement afterwards, is best known to yourself; and whether such conduct can be reconciled with the principles of honour and integrity which you so strongly recommend in others, and which are so necessary to the well-being of society, is a question which i shall leave for the present to your own decision; while i cannot avoid remarking, that the treatment i have experienced from you on this and on many other occasions, is as unworthy of yourself and as unworthy of the high station you fill, as i am undeserving of it. "when in , i was congratulated by every member of council then present at norway house on the prospect of my immediate promotion, (having all voted for me,) your authority was interposed, and i was, as a matter of course, rejected. you were then candid enough to tell me that i should not have your interest until the two candidates you then had in view were provided for, and that it would then be my turn. with this assurance from you i cheerfully prepared for my _exile_ to _ungava_. _my turn_ only came, however, after _seven_ other promotions had been made, and i found myself the last on the list of three gentlemen who were promoted at the same time. "you are pleased to jest with the hardships i experienced while battling the watch with opposition in the montreal department, and the privations i afterwards endured in new caledonia. surely, sir, you ought to have considered it sufficient to have made me your dupe, and not add insult to oppression. while in the montreal department i have your handwriting to show your approval of my 'meritorious conduct,' the course i was pursuing being 'the direct road to preferment;' and your intention, even then, 'to recommend me to the favourable notice of the governor and committee;'--promises in which i placed implicit confidence at the time, being as yet a stranger to the ways of the world.--the result of these promises, however, was that the moment opposition had ceased, i was ordered to resign my situation to another, and march to enjoy the 'delectable scenery' of new caledonia; from thence you sent me to ungava, where you say you are not aware i experienced any particular hardship or privation. "you are aware of the circumstances in which i found myself when i arrived there: that consideration was not allowed to interpose between me and my duty, however; and i accordingly traversed that desolate country in the depth of winter,--a journey that nearly cost myself and my companions our lives. i then continued to explore the country during the entire period of my command, and finally succeeded in discovering a practicable communication with esquimaux bay, and in determining the question so long involved in uncertainty as to the riches the interior possessed, and by so doing saved an enormous expense to the concern. the hon. committee are aware of my exertions in that quarter, themselves, as i had the honour of being in direct communication with them while there. "i have the honour, &c. (signed) "john mclean." chapter xvii. situation of fort simpson--climate--the liard--effects of the spring floods--tribes inhabiting mackenzie's river district--peculiarities--distress through famine--cannibalism--anecdote--fort good hope saved by the intrepidity of m. dechambault--discoveries of mr. campbell. mr. lewis embarked for york factory on the th of august. i set out on my return on the th, and arrived at fort simpson on the d. having prepared and sent off the outfit for the different posts with all possible expedition, i found myself afterwards at leisure to note down whatever i thought worthy of being recorded with reference to this section of the country. there are seven posts in this district; three on the river liard and its tributaries; three on the banks of mckenzie's river, and one on peel's river. about two degrees to the north of good hope, fort simpson, the dépôt of the district, is situated at the confluence of the liard and mckenzie, in lat. ° north. heat and cold are here felt in the extremes; the thermometer frequently falls to ° minus in winter, and rises sometimes to ° in the shade in summer. the river liard has its source in the south among the rocky mountains: its current is remarkably strong; and in the early part of summer, when swollen by the melting of the snow, it rushes down in a foaming torrent, and pours into the mckenzie, still covered with solid ice, when a scene ensues terrific and grand:--the ice, resisting for some time the force of the flood, ultimately gives way with the noise of thunder, and clashing, roaring and tumbling, it rolls furiously along until it accumulates to such an extent as to dam the river across. this again presents, for a time, a solid barrier to the flood, which is stopped in its course; it then rises sometimes to the height of thirty and forty feet, overflowing the adjacent country for miles, and levelling the largest trees with the ground. the effects of this frightful conflict are visible in all the lower grounds along the river. the trading posts are situated on the higher grounds, yet they are not secure from danger. fort good hope was swept clean away some years ago, and its inmates only saved themselves by getting into a boat that happened fortunately to be at hand. the mckenzie opens about the end of may, and is ice-bound in november. the tribes who inhabit the banks of the mckenzie, and the interior parts of the district, are members of the powerful and numerous chippewayan family, and are known by the names of slaves, dogribs, rabbitskins, and gens des montagnes. the loucheux, or squint-eyes, frequent the post on peel's river, and speak a different language; their hunting-grounds are within the russian boundary, and are supposed to be rich in fur-bearing animals. the loucheux have no affinity with the chippewayan tribes, nor with their neighbours, the esquimaux, with whom, however, they maintain constant intercourse, though not always of the most friendly kind, violent quarrels frequently occurring between them. the various dialects spoken by the other tribes are intelligible to all; in manners, customs, and personal appearance, there is also the closest similarity. in one point, however, these tribes differ, not only from the parent tribe, but from all the other tribes of america;--they treat their women with the utmost kindness, the men performing all the drudgery that usually falls to the women. here the men are the hewers of wood and drawers of water; they even clear away the snow for the encampment; and, in short, perform every laborious service. this is indeed passing strange;--the chippewayans, and all other indians, treat their women with harshness and cruelty; while the women on the banks of the mckenzie--scotticé--"wear the breeks!" the rabbitskins and slaves are in truth a mild, harmless, and even a timid race; could it be this softness of disposition that induced the weaker sex first to dispute, and finally to assume the supremacy?--or what cause can be assigned for a trait so peculiar in this remotely situated portion of the indian race? these tribes clothe themselves with the skins of rabbits, and feed on their flesh; when the rabbits fail, they are reduced to the greatest distress both for food and raiment. i saw a child that remained naked for several days after its birth, its parents having devoured every inch of their miserable dress that could be spared from their bodies: it was at last swaddled in crow's skins! these two tribes generally live near the banks of the great rivers, and seem disposed to pass their pilgrimage on earth with as little toil, and as little regard to comfort, as any people in being. they pass summer and winter in the open air; they huddle together in an encampment, without any other shelter from the inclemency of the weather than what is afforded by the spreading branches of some friendly pine, and use no more fire than what is barely sufficient to keep them from freezing. their wants are few, and easily provided for; when they have killed a few deer to afford them sinews for making rabbit-snares, they may be said to be independent for the remainder of the season. their work consists in setting those snares, carrying home the game caught in them, eating them when cooked, and then lying down to sleep. a taste, however, for articles of european manufacture is gaining ground among them, and to obtain those articles a more active life is necessary, so that some tolerable fur-hunters are now to be found among them. the dogribs occupy the barren grounds that are around great bear lake, and extend to the copper-mine river. that part of the country abounds in rein-deer, whose skin and flesh afford food and raiment to the natives. they are a strong, athletic, well-formed race of indians, and are considered more warlike than their neighbours, who evidently dread them. none of the indians who frequent the posts on mckenzie's river have hereditary chiefs; the dignity is conferred by the gentlemen in charge of posts on the best hunters. on these occasions a suit of clothes is bestowed, the most valued article of which is a coat of coarse red cloth, decorated with lace; and, as the reward of extraordinary merit, a felt hat is added, ornamented in the same manner, with a feather stuck in the side of it. thus equipped, the new-made chief sallies forth to receive the gratulations of his admiring friends and relatives, among whom the coat is ultimately divided, and probably finishes its course in the shape of a tobacco-pouch. in course of time, the individuals thus distinguished obtain some weight in the councils of their people, but their influence is very limited; the whole of the chippewayan tribes seem averse to superior rule. like the esquimaux and carriers, they seem to have had no idea of religion prior to the settlement of europeans among them; all the terms they at present use in reference to the subject seem of recent origin, and invented by the interpreters. they name the deity, "ya ga ta-that-hee-hee,"--"the man who reclines on the sky;" angels are called "the birds of the deity,"--"ya gat he-be e yadzé;" the devil, "ha is linee," or, "the sorcerer." the slaves and rabbitskins have also their magicians, whom alone they fear and reverence. polygamy is not common, yet there are instances of one man having two _female masters_. in times of famine the cravings of hunger often drive these poor indians to desperation, when the feelings of humanity and of nature seem utterly eradicated. during the fearful distress of the two past years, a band of slaves came to fort simpson in a condition not to be described. many of them had perished by the way; but the history of one family is the most shocking i ever heard. the husband first destroyed the wife, and packed her up as provision for the journey. the supply proving insufficient, one of the children was next sacrificed. the cannibal was finally left by the party he accompanied with only one child remaining--a boy of seven or eight years of age. mr. lewis immediately despatched two men with some pemmican, to meet him; the aid came too late,--they found the monster roasting a part of his last child at the fire. horrified at the sight, they uttered not a word, but threw the provisions into the encampment, and retreated as fast as they could. a few days afterwards this brute arrived strong and hearty, and appeared as unconcerned as if all had gone on well with him and his family. cannibalism is more frequently known among the slaves and rabbitskins than any other of the kindred tribes; and it is said that women are generally the perpetrators of the crime; it is also said, that when once they have tasted of this unhallowed food they prefer it to every other. all the chippewayan tribes dispose of their dead by placing them in tombs made of wood, and sufficiently strong to resist the attacks of wild beasts. the body is laid in the tomb at full length, without any particular direction being observed as to the head or feet. neither they, nor any other indians i am acquainted with, place their dead in a sitting posture. it is affirmed by some writers that the indians have a tradition among them of the migration of their progenitors from east to west. i have had every opportunity of investigating the question, and able interpreters wherever i wintered; but i never could learn that any such tradition existed. even in their tales and legends there is never any reference to a distant land; when questioned in regard to this, their invariable answer is, "our fathers and our fathers' fathers have hunted on these lands ever since the flood, and we never heard of any other country till the whites came among us." these tribes have the same tradition in regard to the flood, that i heard among the algonquins at the gates of montreal, some trifling incidents excepted. unlike most other indians, the slaves have no fixed bounds to their hunting-grounds, but roam at large, and kill whatever game comes in their way, without fear of their neighbours. the hunter who first finds a beaver-lodge claims it as his property, but his claim is not always respected. besides the indians enumerated in the preceding pages, a number of stragglers, but little known to us, occasionally resort to the post. a band of these--nine in number--made their appearance at fort norman this summer; and, after trading their furs, set out for fort good hope, with the avowed intention of plundering the establishment, and carrying off all the women they could find. on arriving at the post they rushed in, their naked bodies blackened and painted after the manner of warriors bent on shedding blood; each carrying a gun and dirk in his hands. the chief, on being presented with the usual gratuity--a piece of tobacco, rudely refused it; and commenced a violent harangue against the whites, charging them with the death of all the indians who had perished by hunger during the last three years; and finally challenged m. dechambault, the gentleman in charge of the post, to single combat. m. dechambault, _dicto citius_, instantly sprung upon him, and twisting his arm into his long hair, laid him at his feet; and pointing his dagger at his throat, dared him to utter another word. so sudden and unexpected was this intrepid act, that the rest of the party looked on in silent astonishment, without power to assist their fallen chief, or revenge his disgrace. m. dechambault was too generous to strike a prostrate foe, even although a savage, but allowed the crest-fallen chief to get on his legs again; and thus the affair ended. the company owe the safety of the establishment to mr. d.'s intrepidity: had he hesitated to act at the decisive moment, the game was up with him, for he had only two lads with him, on whose aid he could place but little reliance. mr. d. has been thirty years in the company's service, and is still a _clerk_; but he is himself to blame for his want of promotion, having been so inconsiderate as to allow himself to be born in canada, a crime which admits of no expiation. this district is at present by far the richest in furs of any in the country; this is owing partly to the indolence of the natives, and partly to the circumstance of the beaver in some localities being, through the barrenness of the surrounding country, inaccessible to the hunter. when the haunts of the animal become overcrowded, they send forth colonies to other quarters. at the first arrival of the europeans, large animals, especially moose and wood rein-deer, were abundant everywhere. in those times the resources of the district were adequate to the supply of provisions for every purpose; whereas, of late years, we have been under the necessity of applying for assistance to other districts. a new field has lately been laid open for the extension of the trade of this district. an enterprising individual--mr. r. campbell--having been for several years employed in exploring the interior, last summer succeeded in finding his way to the west side of the rocky mountain chain. the defile he followed led him to the banks of a very large river, on which he embarked with his party of hardy pioneers; and following its course for several days through a charming country, rich in game of every description--elk, rein-deer, and beaver, he eventually fell in with indians, who received them kindly, although they had never seen europeans before. from them he learned that a party of whites, russians of course, had ascended the river in the course of the summer, had quarrelled with the natives, and killed several of them; and that the whites had returned forthwith to the coast. these friendly indians entreated mr. c. to proceed no farther, representing that he and his party were sure to fall victims to their revenge. this, however, could not shake his resolution; he had set out with the determination of proceeding to the sea at all hazards, and no prospect of danger could turn him from it; till his party refused to proceed farther on any conditions, when he was compelled to return. the returns of this district have, for years past, averaged , l. per annum; the outfit, including supplies for officers and servants, has not exceeded as many hundreds. the affairs of the different posts are managed by seven or eight clerks and postmasters; and there are about forty hired servants--europeans, canadians, and half-breeds; indians are hired for the trip to the portage. the living for some years past has not been such as gil blas describes, as "fit to tickle the palate of a bishop;" at fort simpson we had, for the most part of the season, fish and potatoes for breakfast, potatoes and fish for dinner, and cakes made of flour and grease for supper. the fish procured in this quarter is of a very inferior quality. chapter xviii. mr. macpherson assumes the command--i am appointed to fort liard, but exchange for great slave lake--the indians--resolve to quit the service--phenomena of the lake. on the d of october mr. mcpherson arrived from canada, and i forthwith demitted the charge. i was now appointed to fort liard, but the season being far advanced, it had been found necessary to appoint another previously, whose arrangements for the season being completed, it was deemed expedient that i should pass the winter at great slave lake; and i embarked for that station accordingly on the th, and arrived on the th. this post formerly belonged to athabasca, but is now transferred to mckenzie's river district. the natives consist of chippewayans, properly so called, and yellow knives, a kindred tribe; the former inhabit the wooded parts of the country, extending along the northern and eastern shores of the lake; and the latter, the opposite side extending towards the arctic regions, where there is no wood to be found; it abounds, however, in rein-deer and musk oxen. the yellow knives were at one time a powerful and numerous tribe; but their number has been greatly diminished by a certain disease that lately prevailed among them, and proved peculiarly fatal. they also waged a short but bloody war with the dogribs, that cost many lives. they muster at present between sixty and eighty men able to bear arms. the chippewayans in this quarter are a shrewd sensible people, and evince an eager readiness to imitate the whites. some years ago a methodist missionary visited athabasca; and although he remained but a short time, his instructions seemed to have made a deep impression. they observe the sabbath with great strictness, never stirring from their lodges to hunt, nor even to fetch home the game when killed, on that day; and they carefully abstain from all the grosser vices to which they formerly were addicted. what might not be expected of a people so docile, if they possessed the advantages of regular instruction! having fortunately a supply of books with me, and other means of amusement, i found the winter glide away without suffering much from ennui; my health, however, proved very indifferent; and that circumstance alone would have been sufficient to induce me to quit this wretched country, even if my earlier prospects had been realized, as they have not been. from the accompt current, i find my income as chief trader for amounts to no more than l.: "sic vos non vobis mellificatis apes;" and since things are come to this pass, it is high time i should endeavour to make honey for myself, in some other sphere of life. i therefore transmitted my resignation to head-quarters. i cannot close this chapter without mentioning a singular phenomenon which the lake presents in the winter season. the ice is never less than five feet in thickness, frequently from eight to nine; yet the water under this enormous crust not only feels the changes in the atmosphere, but anticipates them. an approaching change of wind or weather is known twenty-four hours before it occurs. for instance, while the weather is perfectly calm, if a storm be at hand, the lake becomes violently agitated the day before; when calm weather is to succeed, it is indicated in like manner by the previous stillness of the lake, even when the gale is still raging in the air. in summer there is no perceptible current in the lake; in winter, however, a current always sets in the direction of the wind, and indicates a change of wind by running in a different direction. these curious points have been ascertained by the long observation of our fishermen, who, in the beginning of winter, bore holes in the ice for the purpose of setting their lines, and visit them every day, both in order to keep them open, and to take up what fish may be caught. in consequence of the frequent shifting of the current, they experience no little difficulty in adjusting their lines, the current being occasionally so strong as to raise them to an angle of forty degrees. thus, if the lines were too long, and the current not very strong, they would drag on the bottom; if too short, and the current strong, they would be driven up upon the ice. the approach of a storm is indicated, not by any heaving of the ice, but by the strength of the current, and the roaring of the waves under the ice, which is distinctly heard at a considerable distance, and is occasionally increased by the collision of detached masses of broken ice, which, in the earlier part of the season, have been driven under the main crust. chapter xix. reflections--prospects in the service--decrease of the game--company's policy in consequence--appeal of the indians--means of preserving them, and improving their condition--abolition of the charter--objections answered. the history of my career may serve as a warning to those who may be disposed to enter the hudson's bay company's service. they may learn that, from the moment they embark in the company's canoes at lachine, or in their ships at gravesend, they bid adieu to all that civilized man most values on earth. they bid adieu to their family and friends, probably for ever; for if they should remain long enough to attain the promotion that allows them the privilege of revisiting their native land--a period of from twenty to twenty-five years--what changes does not this life exhibit in a much shorter time? they bid adieu to all the comforts and conveniences of civilized life, to vegetate at some desolate, solitary post, hundreds of miles, perhaps, from any other human habitation, save the wig-wam of the savage; without any other society than that of their own thoughts, or of the two or three humble individuals who share their exile. they bid adieu to all the refinement and cultivation of civilized life, not unfrequently becoming semi-barbarians,--so altered in habits and sentiments, that they not only become attached to savage life, but eventually lose all relish for any other. i can give good authority for this. the governor, writing me last year regarding some of my acquaintances who had recently retired, observes--"they are comfortably settled, but apparently at a loss what to do with themselves; and sigh for the indian country, the squaws, and skins, and savages." such are the rewards the indian trader may expect;--add to these, in a few cases, the acquisition of some thousands, which, after forty years' exile, he has neither health, nor strength, nor taste to enjoy. few instances have occurred of gentlemen retiring with a competency under thirty-five or forty years' servitude, even in the best days of the trade; what period may be required to attain that object in these times, is a question not easily solved. up to , one eighty-fifth share had averaged l. per annum; since then, however, the dividends have been on the decline, nor are they ever likely to reach the same amount, for several reasons,--the chief of which is the destruction of the fur-bearing animals. in certain parts of the country, it is the company's policy to destroy them along the whole frontier; and our general instructions recommend that every effort be made to lay waste the country, so as to offer no inducement to petty traders to encroach on the company's limits. those instructions have indeed had the effect of ruining the country, but not of protecting the company's domains. along the canadian frontier, the indians, finding no more game on their own lands, push beyond the boundary, and not only hunt on the company's territory, but carry a supply of goods with them, which they trade with the natives. their honours' fiat has also nearly swept away the fur animals on the west side of the rocky mountains; yet i doubt whether all this precaution will ensure the integrity of their domains. the americans have taken possession of the columbia, and will speedily multiply and increase: ere many years their trappers will be found scouring the interior, from the banks of the columbia to new caledonia, and probably penetrating to the east side of the rocky mountains. should they do so, that valuable part of the country embraced by the peace and mckenzie rivers would soon be ruined; for the white trapper makes a clean sweep wherever he goes. taking all these circumstances into consideration, i do not see any great probability--to say the least--that the trade will ever attain the prosperity of days bygone. even in such parts of the country as the company endeavour to preserve, both the fur-bearing and larger animals have of late become so scarce, that some tribes are under the necessity of quitting their usual hunting-grounds. a certain gentleman, in charge of a district to which some of those indians withdrew, on being censured for harbouring them in his vicinity, writes thus:--"pray, is it surprising, that poor indians, whose lives are in jeopardy, should relish a taste of buffalo meat? it is not the chippewayans alone that leave their lands to go in search of food to preserve their lives; the strongwood crees and assineboines are all out in the plains, because, as they affirm, their usual hunting-grounds are so exhausted that they cannot live upon them. it is no wish of mine that those indians should visit us--we have trouble enough with our own,--but to turn a poor indian out of doors, who arrives at the company's establishment nearly dead with hunger, is what i am not able to do." in the work already quoted i find it stated "that the company have carefully nursed the various animals, removing their stations from the various districts where they had become scarce, and taking particular care to preserve the female while pregnant! instead, therefore, of being in a state of diminution, as generally supposed, the produce is increasing throughout their domains." fudge! it is unnecessary to say, that if this statement were correct, we should not hear such distressing accounts of starvation throughout the country. no people can be more attached to their native soil than the indians; and it is only the most pressing necessity that ever compels them to remove. in the governor and committee issued positive orders that the beavers should be preserved, and every effort made to prevent the indians from killing them for a period of three years. this was, in a great measure, "shutting the stable door after the steed was stolen." the beavers had already been exterminated in many parts of the country; and even where some were yet to be found, our injunctions to the natives to preserve them had but little weight. to appease their hunger they killed whatever game came in their way, and as we were not permitted to buy the beaver skins, they either converted them into articles of clothing for themselves or threw them away. now ( ) the restriction is removed, and the beavers have sensibly increased; but mark the result: the natives are not only encouraged but strenuously urged to hunt, in order that the parties interested may indemnify themselves for their lost time; and ere three years more shall have elapsed, the beaver will be found scarcer than ever. it is thus evident that whatever steps their honours may take to preserve the game, the attainment of that object, in the present exhausted state of the country, is no longer practicable. as to the company's having ever issued orders, or recommended any particular measures for the preservation of the larger animals, male or female, the statement is positively untrue. the minutes of the council are considered the statutes of the land, and in them the provision districts are directed to furnish so many bags of pemmican, so many bales of dry meat, and so many cwt. of grease, every year; and no reference whatever is made to restrictions of any kind in killing the animals. the fact is, the provisions must be forthcoming whatever be the consequence; our business cannot be carried on without them. that the natives wantonly destroy the game in years of deep snow is true enough; but the snow fell to as great a depth before the advent of the whites as after, and the indians were as prone to slaughter the animals then as now; yet game of every description abounded and want was unknown. to what cause then are we to ascribe the present scarcity? there can be but one answer--to the destruction of the animals which the prosecution of the fur-trade involves. as the country becomes impoverished, the company reduce their outfits so as to ensure the same amount of profit,--an object utterly beyond their reach, although economy is pushed to the extreme of parsimony; and thus, while the game becomes scarcer, and the poor natives require more ammunition to procure their living, their means of obtaining it, instead of being increased, are lessened. as an instance of the effects of this policy, i shall mention what recently occurred in the athabasca district. up to the transport of the outfit required four boats, when it was reduced to three. the reduction in the article of ammunition was felt so severely by the chippewayans, that the poor creatures, in absolute despair, planned a conspiracy to carry off the gentleman at the head of affairs, and retain him until the company should restore the usual outfit. despair alone could have suggested such an idea to the chippewayans, for they have ever been the friends of the white man. mr. campbell, however, who had passed his life among them, conducted himself with so much firmness and judgment, that, although the natives had assembled in his hall with the intention of carrying their design into execution, the affair passed over without any violence being attempted. the general outfit for the whole northern department amounted in , to , l.; now ( ) it is reduced to , l., of which one-third at least is absorbed by the stores at red river settlement, and a considerable portion of the remainder by the officers and servants of the company throughout the country. i do not believe that more than one half of the outfit goes to the indians. while the resources of the country are thus becoming yearly more and more exhausted, the question naturally suggests itself, what is to become of the natives when their lands can no longer furnish the means of subsistence? this is indeed a serious question, and well worthy of the earnest attention of the philanthropist. while britain makes such strenuous exertions in favour of the sable bondsmen of africa, and lavishes her millions to free them from the yoke, can nothing be done for the once noble, but now degraded, aborigines of america? are they to be left to the tender mercies of the trader until famine and disease sweep them from the earth? people of britain! the red men of america thus appeal to you;--from the depths of their forest they send forth their cry-- "brethren! beyond the great salt lake, we, the red men of america salute you:-- "brethren! "we hear that you are a great and a generous people; that you are as valiant as generous; and that you freely shed your blood and scatter your gold in defence of the weak and oppressed; if it be so, you will open your ears to our plaints. "brethren! our ancients still remember when the red men were numerous and happy; they remember the time when our lands abounded with game; when the young men went forth to the chase with glad hearts and vigorous limbs, and never returned empty; in those days our camps resounded with mirth and merriment; our youth danced and enjoyed themselves; they anointed their bodies with fat; the sun never set on a foodless wigwam, and want was unknown. "brethren! when your kinsmen came first to us with guns, and ammunition, and other good things the work of your hands, we were glad and received them joyfully; our lands were then rich, and yielded with little toil both furs and provisions to exchange for the good things they brought us. "brethren! your kinsmen are still amongst us; they still bring us goods, and now we cannot want them; without guns and ammunition we must die. brethren! our fathers were urged by the white men to hunt; our fathers listened to them; they ranged wood and plain to gratify their wishes; and now our lands are ruined, our children perish with hunger. "brethren! we hear that you have another great chief who rules over you, to whom even our great trading chief must bow; we hear that this great and good chief desires the welfare of all his children; we hear that to him the white man and the red are alike, and, wonderful to be told! that he asks neither furs nor game in return for his bounty. brethren! we feel that we can no longer exist as once we did; we implore your great chief to shield us in our present distress; we desire to be placed under his immediate care, and to be delivered from the rule of the trading chief who only wants our furs, and cares nothing for our welfare. "brethren! some of your kinsmen visited us lately; they asked neither our furs nor our flesh; their sojourn was short; but we could see they were good men; they advised us for our good, and we listened to them. brethren! we humbly beseech your great chief that he would send some of those good men to live amongst us: we desire to be taught to worship the great spirit in the way most pleasing to him: without teachers among us we cannot learn. we wish to be taught to till the ground, to sow and plant, and to perform whatever the good white people counsel us to do to preserve the lives of our children. "brethren! we could say much more, but we have said enough,--we wish not to weary you. "brethren! we are all the children of the great spirit; the red man and the white man were formed by him. and although we are still in darkness and misery, we know that all good flows from him. may he turn your hearts to pity the distress of your red brethren! thus have we spoken to you." such are the groans of the indians. would to heaven they were heard by my countrymen as i have heard them! would to heaven that the misery i have witnessed were seen by them! the poor indians then would not appeal to them in vain. i can scarcely hope that the voice of a humble, unknown individual, can reach the ears, or make any impression on the minds of those who have the supreme rule in britain; but if there are there men of rank, and fortune, and influence, whose hearts sympathise with the misery and distress of their fellow-men, whatever be their country or hue--and, thank god! there are not a few--it is to those true britons that i would appeal in behalf of the much-wronged indians; the true and rightful owners of the american soil. if i am asked what i would suggest as the most effective means for saving the indians, i answer: let the company's charter be abolished, and the portals of the territory be thrown wide open to every individual of capital and enterprise, under certain restrictions; let the british government take into its hands the executive power of the territory, and appoint a governor, judges, and magistrates; let missionaries be sent forth among the indians;--already the whole of the chippewayan tribes, from english river to new caledonia, are disposed to adopt our religion as well as our customs, so that the missionaries' work is half done. let those of them who manifest a disposition to steady industry be encouraged to cultivate the ground: let such as evince any aptitude for mechanics be taught some handicraft, and congregated in villages, wherever favourable situations can be found--and there is no want of them. let schools be established and supported by government--not mere _common_ schools, where reading, writing, arithmetic, and perhaps some of the higher branches may be taught; but _training_ and _industrial_ schools. where the soil or climate is unfit for husbandry, other means of improving their condition might be resorted to. in the barren grounds, bordering on the arctic regions, rein-deer still abound. why should not the indians succeed in domesticating these animals, and rendering them subservient to their wants, as the laplanders do? i have been informed that the yellow knives, and some of the other tribes inhabiting these desert tracts, have the art of taming the fawns, which they take in great numbers while swimming after their dams, so that they follow them like dogs till they see fit to kill them. such, in brief, are the measures which, after much experience, and long and serious consideration, i would venture to propose in behalf of the indians; and most happy shall i be if anything i have said shall have the effect of awakening the public interest to their condition; or form the groundwork of any plan which, by the blessing of god, may have the effect of preserving and christianizing the remnants of these unhappy tribes. it may be objected, that the company have had their charter renewed for a period of twenty-one years, which does not expire till ; and that government is bound in honour to sustain the validity of the deed. but if government is bound to protect the _interests_ of the hudson's bay company, is it less bound to protect the _property_ and _lives_ of their weak, ignorant, and wronged subjects? the validity of the original charter, the foundation of the present, is, however, more than questioned: nay, it has been declared by high authority to be null and void. admitting its validity, and admitting that the dictates of honour call for the fulfilment of the charter in guarding the _profits_ of the few individuals (and their dependants) who assemble weekly in the old house in fenchurch street; are we to turn a deaf ear to the still small voice of justice and humanity pleading in behalf of the numerous tribes of perishing indians? now, now is the time to apply the remedy; in , where will the indian be? if it is urged that the measures i propose violate the charter, deprive the company of their sovereignty, and reduce them to the situation of subjects; still, i say, they will have vast advantages over every other competitor. their ample resources, their long exclusive possession of the trade, their experience, the skill and activity of their agents, will long, perhaps permanently, secure to them the greatest portion of the trade; while the indians will be greatly benefited by a free competition. if it be urged that the profits will be so much reduced by competition, that the trade will not be worth pursuing; i answer, that competition has certainly a natural tendency to reduce profits; but experience proves that it has also a tendency to reduce costs. a monopolist company never goes very economically to work; and, although much economy, or rather parsimony, of a very questionable and impolitic kind, has been of late years attempted to be introduced into the management of the hudson's bay company's affairs, a free and fair competition will suggest economy of a sounder kind--the facilitating of transport, the improvement of portages, and the saving of labour. where are the evils which interested alarmists predicted would follow the modification of the east india company's charter? i have spoken of restrictions to be imposed on those who engage in the trade. these are;--that no one be allowed to engage in it without a licence from government;--that these licensed traders should be confined to a certain locality, beyond which they should not move, on any pretext;--and that no spirituous liquors should be sold or given to the indians under the severest penalties--such as the forfeiture of the offender's licence, and of their right to participate in the trade in all time coming. chapter xx. wesleyan mission--mr. evans--encouragement given by the company--mr. evans's exertions among the indians--causes of the withdrawal of the company's support--calumnious charges against mr. evans--mr. e. goes to england--his sudden death. allusion has been made in a former chapter to the company's encouragement of missionaries; i shall now add a few facts by way of illustration. the rev. mr. evans, a man no less remarkable for genuine piety than for energy and decision of character, had been present at several of the annual meetings of the indians at manitoulin island, and had felt his sympathy deeply awakened by the sight of their degradation and spiritual destitution. while thus affected, he received an invitation from the american episcopal methodists to go as a missionary among the indians resident in the union. feeling, however, that his services were rather due to his fellow-subjects, he resolved to devote his labours and his life to the tribes residing in the hudson's bay territory. having made known his intentions to this canada conference, he, together with messrs. thomas hurlburt, and peter jacobs, was by them appointed a missionary, and at their charges sent to that territory. no application was made to the company, and neither encouragement nor support was expected from them. mr. e. and his brother missionaries began their operations by raising with their own hands, unassisted, a house at the pic; themselves cutting and hauling the timber on the ice. they obtained, indeed, a temporary lodging at fort michipicoton, but they not only found their own provisions, but the comforts of the establishment were materially increased by mr. e.'s and his interpreter's success in fishing and hunting. late in the fall, accompanied by two indian boys in a small canoe, mr. e. made a voyage to sault ste. marie for provisions: and on this expedition, rendered doubly hazardous by the lateness of the season, and the inexperience of his companions, he more than once narrowly escaped being lost. returning next season to canada for his family, he met sir g. simpson, on lake superior. having learned that the mission was already established, and likely to succeed, sir george received him with the utmost urbanity, treating him not only with kindness but with distinction; he expressed the highest satisfaction at the establishment of the mission, promised him his utmost support, and at length proposed that arrangement, which, however apparently auspicious for the infant mission, was ultimately found to be very prejudicial to it. the caution of mr. e. was completely lulled asleep by the apparent kindness of the governor, and the hearty warmth with which he seemed to enter into his views. sir george proposed that the missionaries should hold the same rank and receive the same allowance as the wintering partners, or commissioned officers; and that canoes, or other means of conveyance, should be furnished to the missionaries for their expeditions; nor did it seem unreasonable to stipulate that in return for these substantial benefits, they should say or do nothing prejudicial to the company's interests either among the natives, or in their reports to the conference in england, to whose jurisdiction the mission was transferred. the great evil of this arrangement was, that the missionaries, from being the servants of god, accountable to him alone, became the servants of the hudson's bay company, dependent on, and amenable to them; and the committee were of course to be the sole judges of what was, or was not, prejudicial to their interests. still, it is impossible to blame very severely either mr. e. or the conference for accepting offers apparently so advantageous, or even for consenting to certain restrictions in publishing their reports:--with the assistance and co-operation of the company great good might be effected;--with the hostility of a corporation all but omnipotent within its own domain, and among the indians, the post might not be tenable. for some time matters went on smoothly: by the indefatigable exertions of mr. e. and his fellow-workers, aided also by mrs. e., who devoted much of her time and labour to the instruction of the females, a great reformation was effected in the habits and morals of the indians. but mr. evans soon perceived that without books printed in the indian language, little permanent good would be realized: he therefore wrote to the london conference to send him a printing press and types, with characters of a simple phonetic kind, which he himself had invented, and of which he gave them a copy. the press was procured without delay, but was detained in london by the governor and committee; and though they were again and again petitioned to forward it, they flatly refused. mr. e., however, was not a man to be turned aside from his purpose. with his characteristic energy he set to work, and having invented an alphabet of a more simple kind, he with his penknife cut the types, and formed the letters from musket bullets; he constructed a rude sort of press; and aided by mrs. e. as compositor, he at length succeeded in printing prayers, and hymns, and passages of scripture for the use of the indians. finding their object in detaining the press thus baffled, the governor and committee deemed it expedient to forward it; but with the express stipulation, that every thing printed should be sent to the commander of the post as _censor_, before it was published among the indians. this was among the first causes of distrust and dissatisfaction. another source of dissatisfaction was mr. e.'s faithfulness in regard to the observance of the sabbath. as the indians became more enlightened they ceased to hunt and fish, and even to carry home game on the sabbath day; and, as a matter of course, they would no longer work for the company on that day. but mr. e. was guilty of equal faithfulness in remonstrating with those gentlemen in the service with whom he was on terms of intimacy in regard to this point of the divine law; and several gentlemen, convinced by his arguments, determined to cease from working and travelling on the sabbath. one of them, mr. c----l, while on a distant expedition, acted in accordance with his convictions, and rested on the sabbath. the voyage turned out unusually stormy, and the water in the rivers was low, so that it occupied several days longer than it had formerly done; and the loss of time, which was really owing to the adverse weather, was charged on his keeping of the sabbath. from that day forth, the encouragement given to the missionaries began to be withdrawn; obstacles were thrown in their way, and although nothing was openly done to injure the missions already in operation, it would seem that it was determined that, if the company could prevent it, no new stations should be occupied--at least by _protestant_ missionaries. not long after, mr. e., finding that the missions he had hitherto superintended were in such a state of progress that he might safely leave them to the care of his fellow-labourers, resolved to proceed to athabasca and establish a mission there. having gone, as usual, to the commander of the post to obtain the necessary provisions, and a canoe and boatmen, he was received with unusual coldness. he asked provisions,--none could be given; he offered to purchase them,--the commander refused to sell him any. he begged a canoe,--it was denied him; and finally, when he intreated that, if he should be able to procure those necessaries elsewhere, he might at least be allowed a couple of men to assist him on the voyage, he was answered that none would be allowed to go on that service. deeply grieved, but nothing daunted, mr. e. procured those necessaries from private resources, and proceeded on his voyage. but a sad calamity put a stop to it; in handing his gun to the interpreter it accidentally went off, and the charge lodging in his breast killed him instantaneously. he was thus compelled to return, in a state of mind bordering on distraction. mr. e.'s zeal and piety promised the best results to the spiritual and eternal interests of his indian brethren. his talents, energy, and fertility of resource, which seemed to rise with every obstacle, had the happiest effects on their temporal well-being; and his mild and winning manners greatly endeared him to all the indians. but his useful and honourable career was drawing to a close. the mournful accident already alluded to had affected his health, and he now received his deathblow. yet, obnoxious as he had become to the company, and formidable to their interests as they might deem one of his talents and indomitable resolution to be, the blow was not struck by them. it was dealt by a _false_ brother; by one who had eaten of his bread: by a "familiar friend, with whom he had taken sweet counsel." charges affecting his character, both as a man and a minister, of the foulest and blackest kind, were transmitted to the conference by a brother missionary. to answer these charges, as false as they were foul, he was compelled to leave the churches he had planted and watered, to bid adieu to the people whose salvation had been for years the sole object of his life, and to undertake a voyage of , miles to appear before his brethren as a _criminal_. as a criminal, indeed, he was received; yet after an investigation, begun and carried on in no very friendly spirit to him, truth prevailed. he was declared innocent, and the right hand of fellowship was again extended to him. he made a short tour through england, and was everywhere received with respect, and affection, and sympathy. but anxiety, and grief, and shame had done their work. scarce three weeks had elapsed, when, having spent the evening along with mrs. e. in the family of a friend, whose guest he was, with some of his wonted cheerfulness, mrs. e. having retired but a few minutes, she was summoned to the room where she had left him in time to see him pass into that land where "the wicked cease from troubling." the cause of his death was an _affection of the heart_. and that man--the slanderer--the murderer of this martyred missionary--what punishment was inflicted on him? he is to this day unpunished! and yet lives in the hudson's bay territory, the disgrace and opprobrium of his profession and his church. such are a few facts connected with the establishment of the wesleyan mission in the hudson's bay territory, and illustrative of the sort of encouragement given by the committee to protestant missionaries. by way of rider to these, i may just remind the reader that roman catholic missionaries have since been freely permitted to plant churches wherever they pleased, even in districts where protestant missions were already established. after all, this is not much to be wondered at, since sir g. simpson openly avowed to mr. evans his preference of roman catholic missionaries; one reason for this preference being, that these never interfered with the company's servants, nor troubled them with any precise or puritanical notions about the moral law. chapter xxi. sketch of red river settlement. red river--soils--climate--productions--settlement of red river, through lord selkirk, by highlanders--collision between the north-west and hudson's bay companies--inundation--its effects--french half-breeds--buffalo-hunting--english half-breeds--indians--churches--schools--stores--market for produce--communication by lakes. red river rises in swamps and small lakes in the distant plains of the south; and after receiving a number of tributary streams that serve to fertilize and beautify as fine a tract of land as the world possesses, discharges itself into the eastern extremity of lake winnipeg in lat. °. the climate is much the same as in the midland districts of canada; the river is generally frozen across about the beginning of november, and open about the beginning of april. the soil along the banks of the river is of the richest vegetable mould, and of so great a depth that crops of wheat are produced for several years without the application of manure. the banks produce oak, elm, maple, and ash; the woods extend rather more than a mile inland. the farms of the first settlers are now nearly clear of wood; an open plain succeeds of from four to six miles in breadth, affording excellent pasture. woods and plains alternate afterwards until you reach the boundless prairie. the woods produce a variety of delicious fruits, delighting the eye and gratifying the taste of the inhabitants; cherries, plums, gooseberries, currants, grapes, and sasgatum berries in great abundance. coal has been discovered in several places, and also salt springs. lord selkirk having been made acquainted with the natural advantages of this favoured country by his north-west hosts in montreal, determined forthwith on adopting such measures as might ensure to himself and heirs the possession of it for ever. accordingly, on his return to england, he purchased hudson's bay company's stock to an amount that enabled him to control the decisions of the committee; and thus, covered by the shield of the charter, he could carry on his premeditated schemes of aggression against the north-west company, with some appearance of justice on his side. with the view of carrying out these schemes, he proceeded to the north of scotland, and prevailed on a body of highlanders to emigrate to red river. to induce them to quit their native land, the most flattering prospects were held out to them; the moment they set their foot in this land of promise, the hardships and privations to which they had hitherto been subject, would disappear; the poor man would exchange his "potato patch" for a fine estate; the gentleman would become a ruler and a judge in--assineboine! who could doubt the fulfilment of the promises of a british peer? his lordship, therefore, soon collected the required number of emigrants--for the highlander of the present day gladly embraces any opportunity of quitting a country that no longer affords him bread. at the period in question, red river district furnished the principal part of the provisions required by the north-west company, and was a wilderness, inhabited only by wandering indians, and abounding in the larger animals--elk and rein-deer in the woods, and buffalo in the plains. as red river flows into lake winnipeg, which discharges itself by neilson's river into hudson's bay, and could therefore be included within the territory granted by the charter, our noble trader concluded that, by taking formal possession of the country, he would obtain the right of expelling other adventurers, merely by warning them off the company's grounds; and that, if the warning were disregarded, he could claim the aid of government to enforce his rights, and thus ruin the north-west company at a blow. his lordship's governor was therefore instructed to issue a proclamation, prohibiting the north-west company by name, and all others, from carrying on any species of trade within red river district, and ordering such establishments as had been formed to be abandoned. the north-westers read the proclamation, and--prosecuted their business as before. in such circumstances quarrels were unavoidable, but they were generally settled with _ink_; a collision ultimately took place that led to the shedding of blood. the north-westers had collected a large supply of provisions at their dépôt, and were about to forward it to the place of embarkation, when they were informed--falsely, as it afterwards appeared,--that the governor intended to waylay and seize the provisions. a report, equally false, was brought to the governor, that the north-westers had assembled a strong force of half-breeds to attack the fort. these lying rumours led to an unhappy catastrophe. the governor sent out scouts to watch the north-west party; and ascertaining that they were on their march with an unusual force,--which they had brought in order to repel the attack which they supposed was to be made upon them,--he seized his arms, and marched with his whole party to meet them. the north-westers seeing them approach, halted, and standing to their arms, sent forward one of their number to demand whether mr. semple and his party were for peace or war. during the interview a shot was fired--it is a matter in dispute to this day who fired it--the half-breeds immediately poured a volley into the ranks of their opponents, and brought down nearly all the gentlemen of the party, including the unfortunate governor; the remainder fled to the fort, so closely pursued, that friend and foe entered together. thus the poor settlers found themselves suddenly surrounded by all the horrors of war; their anticipated paradise converted into a field of blood; husbands and brothers killed; their little property pillaged, and their persons in the power of their enemies. an arrangement, however, was entered into by the rival companies, that allowed the emigrants to take possession of the lands allotted to them, and in the course of a few years their labour had made a sensible impression on the forest. cattle were sent out from england; pigs and poultry followed, and honest donald was beginning to find himself at his ease, when, lo! all his dreams of future wealth and happiness vanished in a moment. red river overflowed its banks, and inundated the whole settlement. this extraordinary flood caused immense loss; it overthrew houses, swept away the cattle, and utterly ruined the crops of the season. the buffaloes, however, proved abundant, and afforded a supply of provisions enough to prevent starvation, and the settlers soon recovered from the effects of this misfortune. another calamity followed--the caterpillar appeared--at first in small numbers, afterwards in myriads, covering the whole land, and eating up "every green thing," and thus the crops were destroyed a second time; but the consequences were not so severely felt as formerly; the preceding season had proved extremely abundant, and a sufficient quantity remained to supply the failure of this year. since that time the colony has advanced rapidly, enjoying undisturbed peace; industry has its sure reward in the abundance of all the necessaries of life which it procures. since the coalition took place, red river has become the favourite retreat of the company's servants, especially of those who have families; here they obtain lands almost at a nominal price. a lot of one mile in length and six chains in breadth, costs only l.; and they find themselves surrounded by people of congenial habits with themselves, the companions of their youth, and fellow-adventurers; those with whom they tugged at the oar, and shared the toil of the winter march; and when they meet together to smoke the social pipe, and talk of the scenes of earlier days, "nor prince nor prelate" can enjoy more happiness. the last census, taken in , gave the population at , souls; it may now ( ) amount to , . of this number a very small proportion is scotch, about forty families, and perhaps souls. the scotch carried with them the frugal and industrious habits of their country; the same qualities characterise their children, who are far in advance of their neighbours in all that constitutes the comforts of life. these advantages they owe, under the blessing of providence, to their own good management; yet, notwithstanding this, and notwithstanding that they are a quiet and a moral people, they are objects of envy and hatred to their hybrid neighbours; and thus my industrious and worthy countrymen, in the possession of almost every other blessing which they could desire, are still unhappy from the malice and ill-will they meet with on every side; and being so inferior in numbers, they must submit to the insults and abuse they are daily exposed to, while the blood boils in their veins to resent them. thus situated, many of them have abandoned the settlement and gone to the united states, where they enjoy the fruits of their industry in peace. the french half-breeds and retired canadian voyageurs occupy the upper part of the settlement. the half-breeds are strongly attached to the roving life of the hunter; the greater part of them depend entirely on the chase for a living, and even the few who attend to farming take a trip to the plains, to feast on buffalo humps and marrow fat. they sow their little patches of ground early in spring, and then set out for the chase, taking wives and children along with them, and leaving only the aged and infirm at home to attend to the crops. when they set out for the plains, they observe all the order and regularity of a military march; officers being chosen for the enforcement of discipline, who are subject to the orders of a chief, whom they style "m. le commandant." they take their departure from the settlement about the latter end of june, to the number of from , to , souls; each hunter possesses at least six carts, and some twelve; the whole number may amount to , carts. besides his riding nag and cart horses, he has also at least one buffalo runner, which he never mounts until he is about to charge the buffalo. the "runner" is tended with all the care which the cavalier of old bestowed on his war steed; his housing and trappings are garnished with beads and porcupine quills, exhibiting all the skill which the hunter's wife or belle can exercise; while head and tail display all the colours of the rainbow in the variety of ribbon attached to them. the "commandant" directs the movements of the whole cavalcade: at a signal given in the morning by sound of trumpet--_alias_, by blowing a horn,--the hunters start together for their horses; while the women and servants strike the tents, and pack up and load the baggage. the horses being all collected, a second blast forms the order of march; the carts fall in, four abreast; the hunters mount; and dividing into their different bodies, one precedes the baggage, another closes the line, and a third divides in both flanks. the third blast is the signal for marching. they halt about two hours at noon, for the purpose of allowing their cattle time to feed; and the same order is observed as in starting in the morning. when they encamp at night, the carts are placed in a circle; and the tents are pitched within the enclosed space, so as to form regular streets; the horses are "hobbled" and turned loose to graze. all the arrangements for the night being completed, guards are appointed to watch over the safety of the camp, who are relieved at fixed hours. in this manner they proceed until they approach the buffalo grounds, when scouts are sent out to ascertain the spot where the herd may be found. the joyful discovery being made, the scouts apprise the main body by galloping backwards and forwards, when a halt is immediately ordered. the camp is pitched; the hunters mount their runners; and the whole being formed into an extended line, with the utmost regularity, they set forward at a hand gallop; not a soul advances an inch in front of the line, until within gun-shot of the herd, when they rein up for a moment. the whole body then, as if with one voice, shout the war whoop, and rush on the herd at full gallop; each hunter, singling out an animal, pursues it until he finds an opportunity of taking sure aim; the animal being dispatched, some article is dropped upon it that can be afterwards recognised. the hunter immediately sets off in chase of another, priming, loading, and taking aim at full speed. a first-rate runner not unfrequently secures ten buffaloes at a "course;" from four to eight is the usual number. he who draws the first blood claims the animal, and each individual hunter is allowed whatever he kills. the moment the firing commences, the women set out with the carts, and cut up and convey the meat to the camp; where it is dried by means of bones and fat. two or three days are required for the operation, when they set out again; and the same herd, perhaps, yields a sufficient quantity to load all the carts, each carrying about one thousand pounds,--an enormous quantity in the aggregate; yet the herd is sometimes so numerous that all this slaughter does not seem to diminish it. the buffalo hunt affords much of the excitement, and some of the dangers, of the battle-field. the horses are often gored by the infuriated bulls, to the great peril--sometimes to the loss--of the rider's life; serious accidents too happen from falls. there are no better horsemen in the world than the red river "brulés;" and so long as the horse keeps on his legs, the rider sticks to him. the falls are chiefly occasioned by the deep holes the badger digs all over the prairies; if the horse plunges into one of these, both horse and man roll on the ground. fatal accidents, also, occasionally happen from gun shots in the _melée_; and it is said, i know not with what truth, that a wronged husband, or a supplanted lover, sometimes avails himself of the opportunity presented by the _melée_ to miss the buffalo, and hit a friend--by _accident_. a priest generally accompanies the camp, and mass is celebrated with becoming solemnity on sundays. the "brulés" attend, looking very serious and grave until a herd of buffaloes appear; when the cry of "la vache! la vache!" scatters the congregation in an instant; away they scamper, old and young, leaving the priest to preach to the winds, or perhaps to a few women and children. two trips in the year are generally made to the prairie; the latter in august. the buffalo hunter's life assimilates more to that of the savage than of the civilized man; it is a life of alternate plenty and want--a life also of danger and inquietude. the indians of the plain view the encroachment of the strange race on their hunting grounds, with feelings of jealousy and enmity. they are, accordingly, continually on the alert; they attack detached parties and stragglers; they also set fire to the prairies about the time the "brulés" set out for the hunt, and by this means drive the game beyond their reach. owing to this circumstance, the "brulés" have returned with empty carts for these two years past; and their only resource has been to betake themselves to the woods, and live after the manner of the indians. could they find a sure market for the produce of the soil, so as to remunerate their labour, there can be little doubt but that they might be gradually detached from the half-savage life they lead, and become as steady and industrious as their neighbours. the english half-breeds, as the mixed progeny of the british are designated, possess many of the characteristics of their fathers; they generally prefer the more certain pursuit of husbandry to the chase, and follow close on the heels of the scotch in the path of industry and moral rectitude. very few of them resort to the plains, unless for the purpose of trafficking the produce of their farms for the produce of the chase; and it is said that they frequently return home better supplied with meat than the hunters themselves. the indians who have been converted to the protestant religion, are settled around their respected pastor at the lower extremity of the settlement, within twenty miles of the mouth of the river. the sauteux, of all other tribes, are the most tenacious of their own superstitions; and it would require all the zeal and patience and perseverance of the primitive teachers of christianity to wean them from them. but when convinced of his errors, the sauteux convert is the more steadfast in his faith; and his steadfastness and sincerity prove an ample reward to his spiritual father for his pains and anxiety on his behalf. the indian converts are entirely guided by their missionary in temporal as well as in spiritual things. when he first came among them, he found their habits of indolence so deep-rooted, that something more than advice was necessary to produce the desired change. like oberlin, therefore, he set before them the example of a laborious and industrious life; he tilled, he sowed, he planted, he reaped with his own hands, and afterwards shared his produce with them. by persevering in this, he succeeded in finally gaining them to his views; and, at the present moment, their settlement is in as forward a state of improvement as any of the neighbouring settlements. they have their mills, and barns, and dwelling-houses; their horses, and cattle, and well-cultivated fields:--a happy change! a few years ago, these same indians were a wretched, vagabond race; "hewers of wood and drawers of water" for the other settlers, as their pagan brethren still are; they wandered about from house to house, half-starved, and half-naked; and even in this state of abject misery, preferring a glass of "fire-water" to food and raiment for themselves or their children. there are at present three ministers of the episcopal communion at red river. the scotch inhabitants attend the church regularly, although they sigh after the form of worship to which they had been accustomed in early youth; they, however, assemble afterwards in their own houses to read the scriptures, and worship god after the manner of their fathers. there are also three roman catholic clergymen, including a bishop;--good, exemplary men, whose "constant care" is not "to increase their store," but to guide and direct their flocks in the paths of piety and virtue. but, alas! they have a stiff-necked people to deal with;--the french half-breed, who follows the hunter's life, possesses all the worst vices of his european and indian progenitors, and is indifferent alike to the laws of god and man. there are, in all, seven places of worship, three roman catholic, and four protestant, including two for the indians. the education of the more respectable families, particularly those of the company's officers, is well provided for at an institution of great merit; the gentleman who presides over it being every way qualified for the important trust. the different branches of mathematical and classical learning are taught in it; and the school has already produced some excellent scholars. in addition to the more useful branches of female education, the young ladies are taught music and drawing by a respectable person of their own sex. thus we have, in the midst of this remote wilderness of the north-west, all the elements of civilized life; and there are there many young persons of both sexes, well educated and accomplished, who have never seen the civilized world. there are also thirteen schools for the children of the lower class, supported entirely by the parents themselves. the company have here two shops (or stores), well supplied with every description of goods the inhabitants can require; there are besides several merchants scattered through the settlement, some of whom are said to be in easy circumstances. the company's bills constitute the circulating medium, and are issued for the value of from one to twenty shillings. of late years, a considerable amount of american specie has found its way into the settlement, probably in exchange for furs clandestinely disposed of by the merchants beyond the line. the petty merchants import their goods from england by the company's ships; an _ad valorem_ duty is imposed on these goods, the proceeds of which are applied to the payment of the constabulary force of the colony. the company's charter invests it with the entire jurisdiction, executive and judicial, of the colony. the local governor and council enact such simple statutes as the primitive condition of the settlement requires; and those enactments have hitherto proved equal to the maintenance of good order. a court of quarter sessions is regularly held for the administration of justice, and the company have lately appointed a recorder to preside over it. it is gratifying to learn, that this functionary has had occasion to pass judgment on no very flagitious crime since his appointment. in the work to which i have so frequently referred, it is mentioned, that a "certain market is secured to the inhabitants by the demand for provisions for the other settlements." if by "settlements" the miserable trading posts be meant, as it must be, i know not on what grounds such an affirmation is made. a sure market, forsooth! a single scotch farmer could be found in the colony, able alone to supply the greater part of the produce the company require; there is one, in fact, who offered to do it. if a sure market were secured to the colonists of red river, they would speedily become the wealthiest yeomanry in the world. their barns and granaries are always full to overflowing; so abundant are the crops, that many of the farmers could subsist for a period of two or even three years, without putting a grain of seed in the ground. the company purchase from six to eight bushels of wheat from each farmer, at the rate of three shillings per bushel; and the sum total of their yearly purchases from the whole settlement amounts to-- cwt. flour, first and second quality. bushels rough barley. half-firkins butter, lbs. each. bushels indian corn. cwt. best kiln-dried flour. firkins butter, lbs. each. lbs. cheese. hams. thus it happens that the red river farmer finds a "sure market" for six or eight bushels of wheat--and no more. where he finds a sure market for the remainder of his produce, heaven only knows--i do not. this much, however, i do know,--that the incomparable advantages this delightful country possesses are not only in a great measure lost to the inhabitants, but also to the world, so long as it remains under the domination of its fur-trading rulers. in the possession of, and subject to the immediate jurisdiction of the crown, assineboine would become a great and a flourishing colony--the centre of civilization and christianity to the surrounding tribes, who would be converted from hostile barbarians into a civilized and loyal people;--and thus great britain would extend and establish her dominion in a portion of her empire that may be said to have been hitherto unknown to her, while she would open a new field for the enterprise and industry of her sons. in describing the advantages of this country, candour requires that i should also point out its disadvantages. the chief disadvantage is the difficulty of the communication with the sea, interrupted as it is by shoals, rapids, and falls, which in their present state can only be surmounted with incredible toil and labour. yet there cannot be a doubt that the skill of the engineer could effect such improvements as would obviate the most, if not the whole, of this labour, and that at no very great cost. the distance from the mouth of red river to york factory is about miles; miles of this distance is formed of lakes--(lake winnipeg, miles in length, is navigable for vessels of forty and fifty tons burden). the greater part of the river communication might be rendered passable by durham boats, merely by damming up the rivers. along the line of communication, many situations may be found suitable for farming operations. chapter xxii. sir g. simpson--his administration. sir george simpson commenced his career as a clerk in a respectable counting-house in london, where his talents soon advanced him to the first seat at the desk. he was in this situation when first introduced to the notice of a member of the committee of the hudson's bay company, who were at that time engaged in the ruinous competition with the north-west company already referred to. while the contest was at its height, the company sent out mr. simpson as governor of the northern department;--an appointment for which, by his abilities natural and acquired, he was well qualified. mr. simpson combined with the prepossessing manners of a gentleman all the craft and subtlety of an intriguing courtier; while his cold and callous heart was incapable of sympathising with the woes and pains of his fellow-men. on his first arrival, he carefully concealed from those whom he was about to supersede, the powers with which he was invested; he studied the characters of individuals, scrutinized in secret their mode of managing affairs, and when he had made himself fully acquainted with every particular he desired to know, he produced his commission;--a circumstance that proved as unexpected as it was unsatisfactory to those whose interests it affected. making every allowance for sir george's abilities, he is evidently one of those men whom the blind goddess "delighteth to honour." soon after assuming the supreme command, the north-west wintering partners undertook the mission to england, already mentioned, which led to the coalition; and thus sir george found himself, by a concurrence of circumstances quite independent of his merits, placed at the head of both parties; from being governor of rupert's land his jurisdiction now included the whole of the indian territory from hudson's bay to the shores of the pacific ocean; and the southern department, at that time a separate command, was soon after added to his government. here, then, was a field worthy of his talents; and that he did every manner of justice to it, no one can deny. yet he owes much of his success to the valuable assistance rendered him by mr. mctavish; at his suggestion, the whole business was re-organized, a thousand abuses in the management of affairs were reformed, and a strict system of economy was introduced where formerly boundless extravagance prevailed. to effect these salutary measures, however, much tact was required: and here sir george's abilities shone conspicuous. the long-continued strife between the two companies had engendered feelings of envy and animosity, which could not subside in a day; and the steps that had been taken to bring about the coalition, created much ill-will even among the north-west partners themselves. nor were the officers of the hudson's bay company without their dissensions also. to harmonize these elements of discord, to reconcile the different parties thus brought so suddenly and unexpectedly together into one fold, was a task of the utmost difficulty to accomplish; but sir george was equal to it. he soon discovered that the north-west partners possessed both the will and the ability to thwart and defeat such of his plans as were not satisfactory to themselves; that they were by far the most numerous in the council--at that time an independent body--and the best acquainted with the trade of the northern department, the most important in the territory; and finding, after some experience, that while those gentlemen continued united, their power was beyond his control, and that to resist them openly would only bring ruin on himself, without any benefit to the concern, he prudently gave way to their influence; and instead of forcing himself against the stream, allowed himself apparently to be carried along with it. for a time, he seemed to promote all the views of his late adversaries; he yielded a ready and gracious acquiescence in their wishes; he lavished his bows, and smiles, and honied words on them all; and played his part so well, that the north-westers thought they had actually gained him over to their own side; while the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company branded him as a traitor, who had abandoned his own party and gone over to the enemy. the committee received several hints of the governor's "strange management," but they only smiled at the insinuations, as they perfectly understood the policy. his well-digested schemes had, in due time, all the success he anticipated. having thus completely gained the confidence of the north-west partners, his policy began gradually to unfold itself. one obstreperous north-wester was sent to the columbia; another to the montreal department, where "their able services could not be dispensed with;" and thus in the course of a few years he got rid of all those refractory spirits who dared to tell him their minds. the north-west nonconformists being in this manner disposed of, sir george deemed it no longer necessary to wear the mask. his old friends of the hudson's bay, or "sky-blue" party, were gradually received into favour; his power daily gained the ascendant, and at this moment sir george simpson's rule is more absolute than that of any governor under the british crown, as his influence with the committee enables him to carry into effect any measure he may recommend. that one possessed of an authority so unbounded should often abuse his power is not to be wondered at; and that the abuse of power thus tolerated should degenerate into tyranny is but the natural consequence of human weakness and depravity. the question is--is it consistent with prudence to allow an _individual_ to assume and retain such power? most of the company's officers enter the service while yet very young; none are so young, however, as not to be aware of the privileges to which they are entitled as british subjects, and that they have a right to enjoy those privileges while they tread on british soil. the oft repeated acts of tyranny of which the autocrat of "all prince rupert's land and its dependencies" has lately been guilty, have accordingly created a feeling of discontent which, if it could be freely expressed, would be heard from the shores of the pacific to labrador. unfortunately, the company's servants are so situated, that they dare not express their sentiments freely. the clerk knows that if he is heard to utter a word of disapprobation, it is carried to the ears of his sovereign lord, and his prospects of advancement are marred for ever; he therefore submits to his grievances in silence. the chief trader has probably a large family to support, has been thirty or forty years in the service, and is daily looking forward to the other step: he too is silent. the chief factor has a situation of importance in which his vanity is gratified and his comfort secured; to express his opinion freely might risk the sacrifice of some of these advantages; so he also swallows the pill without daring to complain of its bitterness, and is silent. a very valuable piece of plate was, some years ago, presented to sir george by the commissioned gentlemen in the service, as a mark of respect and esteem; and this circumstance may be adduced by sir george's friends, with every appearance of reason, as a proof of his popularity; but the matter is easily explained. some two or three persons who share sir george's favour, determine among themselves to present him with some token of their gratitude. they address a circular on the subject to all the company's officers, well knowing that none dare refuse in the face of the whole country to subscribe their name. the same cogent reasons that suppress the utterance of discontent compelled the company's servants to subscribe to this testimonial; and the subscription list accordingly exhibits, with few exceptions, the names of every commissioned gentleman in the service; while two-thirds of them would much rather have withheld their signatures. sir george owes his ribbon to the successful issue of the arctic expedition conducted by messrs. dease and simpson. his share of the merit consisted in drawing out instructions for those gentlemen, which occupied about half-an-hour of his time at the desk. it is quite certain that the expedition owed none of its success to those instructions. the chief of the party, mr. dease, was at least as well qualified to give as to receive instructions; and sir george is well aware of the fact. he knows, too, that mr. dease was engaged in the arctic expedition under sir j. franklin, where he acquired that experience which brought this important yet hazardous undertaking to a successful issue; he knows also that in an enterprise of this kind a thousand contingencies may arise, which must be left entirely to the judgment of those engaged in it to provide against. sir george, nevertheless, obtained the chief honours; but the bauble perishes with him; while the courage, the energy and the perseverance of mr. dease and his colleague will ever be a subject of admiration to those who peruse the narrative of their adventures. sir george's administration, it is granted, has been a successful one; yet his own friends will admit that much of this success must be ascribed to his good fortune rather than to his talents. the north-west company had previously reduced the business to a perfect system, which he had only to follow. it is true he introduced great economy into every department; but the north-west company had done so before him, and the wasteful extravagance which preceded his appointment was entirely the result of the rivalry between the two companies, and under any governor whatever would have ceased when the coalition was effected. not a little, too, of sir george's economy was of "the penny-wise and pound-foolish" kind. thus it has been already observed, that the lives of the company's servants, and the property of an entire district, were placed in extreme jeopardy by his false economy; and a contingency, which no prudent man would have calculated upon, alone prevented a catastrophe which involved the destruction of the company's property to a large amount, as well as of the lives of its servants. but independently of this, he has committed several errors of a most serious kind. of these the chief is the ungava adventure, an enterprise which was begun in opposition to the opinion of every gentleman in the country whose experience enabled him to form a correct judgment in the matter; and this undertaking was persisted in, year after year, at an enormous loss to the company. finally, he has not even the merit of correcting his own blunders. it was not till after a mass of evidence of the strongest kind was laid before the committee, that they, in his absence, gave orders for the abandonment of the hopeless project. his caprice, his favouritism, his disregard of merit in granting promotion, it will be allowed, could not have a favourable effect on the company's interests. his want of feeling has been mentioned: a single example of this will close these remarks. a gentleman of high rank in the service, whose wife was dangerously ill, received orders to proceed on a journey of nearly , miles. aware that his duty required a prompt obedience to these orders, he set off, taking her along with him. on arriving at the end of the first stage, she became worse; and medical assistance being procured, the physicians were of opinion that in all probability death would be the consequence if he continued his journey. a certificate to this effect was forwarded to sir george. the answer was, that madame's health must not interfere with the company's service; and that he must continue his journey, or abide the consequences. in consequence of this delay, he only reached montreal on the day when the boats were to leave lachine for the interior. he hurried to the office, where he met sir george, and was received by him with the cool remark-- "you are late, sir; but if you use expedition you may yet be in time for the boats." he earnestly begged for some delay, but in vain. no regard was paid to his entreaties; and he was obliged to hurry his wife off to lachine, and put her on board a common canoe, where there is no accommodation for a sick person, and where no assistance could be procured, even in the last extremity. vocabulary of the principal indian dialects in use among the tribes in the hudson's bay territory. ------------------------------------------------------------------------- | | sauteu, or | | beaver | | | english. | ogibois. | cree. | indian. | chippewayan. | |-----------|---------------|-------------|--------------|--------------| | one | pejik | pay ak | it la day | ittla h[=e] | | two | neesh | neesho | onk shay day | nank hay | | three | nisway | nisto | ta day | ta he | | four | neowin | neo | dini day | dunk he | | five | n[=a] nan | nay n[=a] | tlat zoon e | sa soot | | | | nan | de ay | la he | | six | ni got as way | nigotwassik | int zud ha | l'goot ha hé | | seven | nish was | tay pa | ta e wayt | tluz ud | | | way | goop | zay | dunk he | | eight | shwas way | ea naneo | etzud een | l'goot dung | | | | | tay | he | | nine | sang | kay gat me | kala gay ne | itla ud ha | | | | t[=a] tat | ad ay | | | ten | quaitch | me ta tat | kay nay day | hona | | eleven | aji pay jik | payak ai | tlad ay | itla, ja | | | | wak | may day | idel | | twelve | aji neesh | neesh way | ong shay day | nank hay, | | | | ai wok | may day | ja idel | | twenty | neej ta na | neesh | ong ka gay | ta he, ja | | | | tan ao | nay day | idel | | thirty | nisway | neo | tao gay | | | | mittana | meatanao | nay day | | | forty | neo mittana | &c. | deo gay | | | | | | nay day | | | fifty | nanan mittana | &c. | | | | sixty | nigot asway | | | | | | mittana | | | | | seventy | nish was way | | | | | | mittana | | | | | eighty | shwas way | | | | | | mittana | | | | | ninety | sang mittana | | | | | one | ni goot wack | me ta tin | kay nay tay | itla honan | | hundred | | mittanao | | nanana. | | how often | anin. tas | tan mat | tan ay tien | itla hon | | | ink | ta to | | eeltay. | | how many | anin ain | tan ay | tan ay | itla elday. | | | tas ink | ta tik | tien | | | how long | anapé apin | ta ispi | a shay | itla hon | | since | aijo | aspin | doo yay | il tao. | | when | anapé | ta is pi | dee ad | itlao. | | | | | doo yay | | | to-day | nongum | anootch kee | doo jay | deerd sin | | | kajigack | je gak | nee ay | o gay. | | to-morrow | wabunk | wa bakay | ghad ay zay | campay. | | yesterday | chen[=a]ngo | ta goosh | ghagh ganno | hozud | | | | ick | | singay. | | this year | nongum egee | anootch | doo la | do uz sin e | | | wang | egee | | gay. | | | | kee wang | | | | this | wà á. | awa pee | teeay tee | dirius | | month | ke[=e]sis | shum | za | a gay. | | a man | ininé | n[=a] bay o | taz eu | dinnay you. | | a woman | ikway | isk way o | iay quay | tzay quay. | | a girl | ikway says | isk way | id az oo | ed dinna | | | | shish | | gay. | | a boy | quee we says | na bay | taz yuz é | dinnay yoo | | | | shish | | azay. | | inter- | oten way ta | on tway ta | nao day ay | dinnay tee | | preter | ma gay | ma gay o | | ghaltay. | | trader | ata way | ataway | meeoo tay | ma kad ray. | | | ini niu | ininiu | | | | moose- | moze | mozwa | tlay tchin | tunnehee | | deer | | | tay | hee. | | rein-deer | attick | attick | may tzee | ed hun. | | beaver | amick | amisk | tza | tza. | | dog | ani moosh | attim | tlee | tlee. | | rabbit | waboose | waboose | kagh | kagh. | | bear | maqua | masqua | zus | zus. | | wolf | ma ing an | mahigan | tshee o nay | noo nee yay. | | fox | wa goosh | ma kay | e. yay thay | nag hee | | | | shish | | dthay. | | i hunt | ni ge oz | ni m[=a] | na o zed | naz uz ay. | | | ay | tchin | | | | thou | ki ge oz | ki ma tchin | nodzed | nan ul zay. | | huntest | ay | | | | | he hunts | ge oz ay | ma tchio | nazin zed | nal zay. | | we hunt | ni ge oz | ni ma | naze zedeo | na il zay. | | | ay min | tchinan | | | | ye hunt | ki ge | ki ma | nazin zedeo | nal zin | | | oz aim | tchinawao | | al day. | | they hunt | ge oz ay | matchiwog | owadié tzed | na hal zay. | | | wok | | | | | i kill | ni ne ta | ni mi na | uz éay gha | zil tir. | | | gay | hon | | | | thou | ki ne ta | ki mi na | uz éay ghan | zil nil tir. | | killest | gay | hon | | | | he kills | ne ta gay | minaho | ud zeay gha | tla in il | | | | | | tir. | | we kill | ni ne ta | ni mina | uz ugho-ghay | tla in il | | | gay min | honan | uzin | dir. | | ye kill | ki ne ta | kim in a | uz ugho ghay | zee ool dir. | | | gaim | honawa | uzin | | | they kill | ne ta | minahowog | utza ghay | tla in | | | gay wok | | agho | il tay. | | i laugh | ni baap | ni baap in | utzay rad | naz-lo. | | | | | lotsh | | | thou | ki baap | ki baap in | utlint lotsh | na-id-lo. | | laughest | | | | | | he laughs | baapé | baapio | utroz lotsh | nad-lo. | | we laugh | ni baap | ni baap | utlo wod | tlo | | | imin | in an | lotshay | a-ee-el-tee.| | ye laugh | ki baapim | ki baapin | tlodzud | tlo gha | | | | a wao | udzee | ee-ol-tee. | | they | baap ewog | baapiwog | tlodzud | tlo-gha- | | laugh | | | udzee | ee-el-tee. | | i trade | ni da ta | ni da d[=a] | mata oz lay | naz nee. | | | way | wan | | | | thou | ki da ta | ki da d[=a] | mata an | na el nee. | | tradest | way | wan | eelay | | | he trades | ataway | atawayo | kita od | na el nee. | | | | | eenla | | | we trade | ni da ta | nin da t[=a]| mata ad oz | na-da-ell | | | way min | wan an | id la | nee. | | ye trade | ki da ta | ki da t[=a] | mata a la | na ool nee. | | | way min | wan o wa | ozayo | | | they trade| a ta way | ata way wok | ma t[=a] a | eghon a el | | | wok | | leeay la | nee. | | i fight | ni me gaz | ni no ti | magad ay a | din[=i] gun | | | | ni gan | | as tir. | | thou | ki me gaz | ki no ti | magad osee | dini gun a | | fightest | | ni gan | ya la | ee dthir | | he fights | mi gazo | no ti ni | -- | -- | | | | gay o | | | | we fight | ni me | nino ti ni | -- | -- | | | gazomin | g[=a]n an | | | | ye fight | ki me gazom | ki no ti ni | -- | -- | | | | gan a wao | | | | they | mi guz | notini gay | -- | -- | | fight | o wog | wok | | | | i set | ni bug-é | ni bug-e | zoo meet la | tloo e | | a net | ta wa | ta wan | uz loo | kanistan. | | thou | ki bug-e | ki bug-e | too meet | tloo é kan | | settest | ta wa | ta wan | lan itlo | e than. | | a net | | | | | | he sets | bug-e ta wa | bug-e ta | ta eet loon | tloo e kan | | a net | | wao | | ethan loay.| | we set | ni bug-e ta | ni bug-e ta | ta ghoo loo | tloo e kan | | a net | wa min | w[=a]nan | hoon | oodthan. | | ye set | ni bug-é | ki bug-e | ta ghoo loo | tloo e kan | | a net | ta wam | ta-wan a | uz éo | eehtan. | | | | wao | | | | they set | bug-e ta | bug-e-ta-wa | too milt at | -- | | a net | w[=a] wog | wog | la oozoon | | | i sail | ni be mash | ni be | -- | -- | | | | mashin | | | | thou | ki be mash | ki be | -- | -- | | sailest | | mashin | | | | he sails | bi mash é | be mash eo | -- | -- | | we sail | ni bi | ni bi | -- | -- | | | mishimin | mashinan | | | | ye sail | ki bi | ki bi mashin| -- | -- | | | mash im | a wao | | | | they sail | bi mash | be mash | -- | -- | | | i wog | i wog | | | | i sleep | ni ni b[=a] | ni ni ban | zus tee ay | thee id ghee.| | thou | ki ni ba | ki ni ban | zin tee ay | theend ghee. | | sleepest| | | | | | he sleeps | ni ba | ni ba o | na gho tee | thad ghee. | | | | | azay | | | we sleep | ni ni b[=a] | ni ni b[=a]n| zut ié tsho | theed | | | min | an | | gh[=a]z | | ye sleep | ki ni bam | ki ni ban | tsuz ié | thood ghaz | | | | [=a] wao | tsho | | | they | ni ba wog | ni ba wog | tsugh ien | hay ud | | sleep | | | tiez | ghaz | | i drink | ni minik way | ni minik wan| uzto | haysta | | thou | ki minik way | ki minik | nadho | nad-ha | | drinkest | | wan | | | | he drinks | minik way | minik way o | ughiehedo | ee ed ha | | we drink | ni minik | ni minik | may ee ta | heel tell | | | way min | w[=a]nan | | | | ye drink | ki mink waim | ki minik | may lee | hool tell | | | | wan[=a]wao| ta la | | | they | minikway wog | minikway wok| may atta | he el tell | | drink | | | | | | i want to | ni we | ni we | o ghoz to | oz ta in | | drink | miniquay | miniquan | | is tan | | drink | minik quaine | minik quay | llhad ho | ned ha | | eat | wiss in | mee tisso | in tzits | zinhud hee | | sleep | ni b[=a]n | ni ba | njuz ti ay | dthin ghee | | go away | eko k[=a]n | awiss tay | e yow é | e you | | | | | tshay | issay | | come here | undass is | ass-tum | tee ad zay | e youk | | | han | | | uz ay | | tell him | win da ma o | wi da ma o | tee ay tin | hal in nee | | | | | day | | | trade | at[=a]waine | ataway | tee ay gho | na il nee | | | | | tsho | | | whence | andé | tanté way | tee ay ghay | ed luzeet | | do you | wentchipai | to tay | dzin aghon | gho adzee | | come? | an | | dee ay | an adee | | where | andé aish | tanté ay to | tee ay ghay | ed luzeet | | are you | [=a]e an | tay an | de [=a]za | hee hee | | going? | | | | ya | | be quick | wee weep é | kee-ee pee | dzag ghay | ee-gha | | | tan | | | | | i shoot | ni bas giss | ni bas giss | a jes tee o | a yous | | | é gay | é gan | | kay | | thou | ki bas giss | ki bas giss | a tee tshe | ahil kay | | shootest| é gay | é gan | etsh | | | he shoots | b[=a]s giss | bas giss | agha tee et | ahil guth | | | e gay | e gay-o | yetsh | | | we shoot | ni bas gisse | ni bas gisse| ateed yetsh | ahel keeth | | | gay min | g[=a]n an | | | | ye | ki bas gisse | ki bas giss | atad yetsh | er. ool | | shoot | game | é gan [=a]| | keeth. | | | | wao | | | | they | b[=a]s gisse | bas giss é | aza du ghad | tay ar el | | shoot | gay wog | gay wog | yetsh | keeth. | | a gun | b[=a]s gisse | bas giss é | tié yaz o o | tel git | | | gan | gan | | hay. | | powder | makatay | kas. ki tay | al aizay | tel ge | | | | o | | gonna. | | shot | she shep ass | nisk ass in | noo tay | telt hay. | | | nin | ee a | ad-o o | | | give me | meesh ish in | mee an | tes yay | daz ee. | | i give | ki mee nin | ki mee | nan uz lay | na gha on | | you | | ni tin | | in in nee. | | look | in [=a] bin | et[=a] bi | ag gan eetha | ghon el lee. | | wait | pee ton | pay ho | ad oog-a. | gad day. | | tobacco | na say ma | na stay mao | aday ka yazé | sel tooe. | | pipe | poagan | os poagan | tsee ay | dthay. | | net | assup | a he apee | too me | dtka bill. | | fish | kee k[=o] | kee no | tloo | tloo-ay. | | | | shay o | | | | flesh | wee-ass | wee ass | ad zun | berr. | | river | see pé | see pé | za ghay | d[=a]z. | | lake | sa ka i gan | sa ka i gan | meet hay | nad koo al | | | | | | ta. | | water | nee pee | nee pee | too | too. | | summer | nee been | nee been |ad o lay | seen nay. | | winter | pay poon | pay pun | ealk hay ay | gh[=a] e | | | | | | yay. | | spring | see goan | me as gamin | do o | tloo guth. | | autumn | tag w[=a] gin | tag w[=a] | edoo | ghao ud | | | | gin | aidlosin | azay. | ------------------------------------------------------------------------- the end. online distributed proofreading canada team (http://www.pgdpcanada.net) from page images generously made available by our roots (http://www.ourroots.ca/) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) images of the original pages are available through our roots. see http://www.ourroots.ca/toc.aspx?id= &qryid=e cc f - - b -ad - dab cac the 'adventurers of england' on hudson bay * * * * * chronicles of canada series thirty-two volumes illustrated edited by george m. wrong and h. h. langton chronicles of canada series part i the first european visitors . the dawn of canadian history by stephen leacock. . the mariner of st malo by stephen leacock. part ii the rise of new france . the founder of new france* by charles w. colby. . the blackrobes* by j. edgar middleton. . the seigneurs of old canada by w. bennett munro. . the great intendant by thomas chapais. . the fighting governor* by charles w. colby. part iii the english invasion . the great fortress* by william wood. . the acadian exiles* by arthur g. doughty. . the passing of new france by william wood. . the winning of canada by william wood. part iv the american invasions . the invasion of * by c. frederick hamilton. . battlefields of - * by william wood. part v the red man in canada . pontiac: the war chief of the ottawas* by thomas guthrie marquis. . brant: the war chief of the six nations by louis aubrey wood. . tecumseh: the last great leader of his people* by ethel t. raymond. part vi pathfinders and pioneers . the 'adventurers of england' on hudson bay by agnes c. laut. . pathfinders of the great plains by lawrence j. burpee. . pioneers of the pacific coast* by agnes c. laut. . adventurers of the far north by stephen leacock. . the united empire loyalists by w. stewart wallace. . the red river colony* by louis aubrey wood. . the cariboo trail* by agnes c. laut. part vii political freedom and nationality . the 'family compact'* by w. stewart wallace. . the rebellion in lower canada* by a. d. decelles. . the tribune of nova scotia* by william l. grant. . the winning of popular government* by archibald macmechan. . the fathers of confederation* by sir joseph pope. . the day of sir john macdonald* by sir joseph pope. . the day of sir wilfred laurier* by oscar d. skelton. part viii national highways . all afloat by william wood. . the railroad builders* by oscar d. skelton. toronto: glasgow, brook & company note: the volumes marked with an asterisk are in preparation. the others are published. * * * * * [illustration: prince rupert from the painting in the national portrait gallery] the 'adventurers of england' on hudson bay a chronicle of the fur trade in the north by agnes c. laut [illustration: printers mark] toronto glasgow, brook & company copyright in all countries subscribing to the berne convention contents page i. the fur hunters ii. the tragedy of henry hudson iii. other explorers on the bay iv. the 'adventurers of england' v. french and english on the bay vi. the great overland raid vii. years of disaster viii. expansion and exploration bibliographical note index illustrations prince rupert _frontispiece_ from the painting in the national portrait gallery. _page_ a view of the interior of old fort garry drawn by h. a. strong. track survey of the saskatchewan between cedar lake and lake winnipeg the principal posts of the hudson's bay company map by bartholomew. the routes of hudson and munck map by bartholomew. the last hours of hudson from the painting by collier. john churchill, first duke of marlborough from the painting in the national portrait gallery. on the hayes river from photograph by r. w. brock. entrance to the nelson and hayes rivers map by bartholomew. a camp in the swamp country from a photograph. chapter i the fur hunters thirty or more years ago, one who stood at the foot of main street, winnipeg, in front of the stone gate leading to the inner court of fort garry, and looked up across the river flats, would have seen a procession as picturesque as ever graced the streets of old quebec--the dog brigades of the hudson's bay company coming in from the winter's hunt. against the rolling snowdrifts appeared a line, at first grotesquely dwarfed under the mock suns of the eastern sky veiled in a soft frost fog. then a husky-dog in bells and harness bounced up over the drifts, followed by another and yet another--eight or ten dogs to each long, low toboggan that slid along loaded and heaped with peltry. beside each sleigh emerged out of the haze the form of the driver--a swarthy fellow, on snow-shoes, with hair bound back by a red scarf, and corduroy trousers belted in by another red scarf, and fur gauntlets to his elbows--flourishing his whip and yelling, in a high, snarling falsetto, 'marche! marche!'--the rallying-cry of the french wood-runner since first he set out from quebec in the sixteen-hundreds to thread his way westward through the wilds of the continent. behind at a sort of dog-trot came women, clothed in skirts and shawls made of red and green blankets; papooses in moss bags on their mothers' backs, their little heads wobbling under the fur flaps and capotes. then, as the dog teams sped from a trot to a gallop with whoops and jingling of bells, there whipped past a long, low, toboggan-shaped sleigh with the fastest dogs and the finest robes--the equipage of the chief factor or trader. before the spectator could take in any more of the scene, dogs and sleighs, runners and women, had swept inside the gate. [illustration: a view of the interior of old fort garry drawn by h. a. strong] at a still earlier period, say in the seventies, one who in summer chanced to be on lake winnipeg at the mouth of the great saskatchewan river--which, by countless portages and interlinking lakes, is connected with all the vast water systems of the north--would have seen the fur traders sweeping down in huge flotillas of canoes and flat-bottomed mackinaw boats--exultant after running the grand rapids, where the waters of the great plains converge to a width of some hundred rods and rush nine miles over rocks the size of a house in a furious cataract. summer or winter, it was a life of wild adventure and daily romance. here on the saskatchewan every paddle-dip, every twist and turn of the supple canoes, revealed some new caprice of the river's moods. in places the current would be shallow and the canoes would lag. then the paddlers must catch the veer of the flow or they would presently be out waist-deep shoving cargo and craft off sand bars. again, as at grand rapids, where the banks were rock-faced and sheer, the canoes would run merrily in swift-flowing waters. no wonder the indian voyageurs regarded all rivers as living personalities and made the river goddess offerings of tobacco for fair wind and good voyage. and it is to be kept in mind that no river like the saskatchewan can be permanently mapped. no map or chart of such a river could serve its purpose for more than a year. chart it to-day, and perhaps to-morrow it jumps its river bed; and where was a current is now a swampy lake in which the paddlemen may lose their way. when the waters chanced to be low at grand rapids, showing huge rocks through the white spray, cargoes would be unloaded and the peltry sent across the nine-mile portage by tramway; but when the river was high--as in june after the melting of the mountain snows--the voyageurs were always keen for the excitement of making the descent by canoe. lestang, m'kay, mackenzie, a dozen famous guides, could boast two trips a day down the rapids, without so much as grazing a paddle on the rocks. indeed, the different crews would race each other into the very vortex of the wildest water; and woe betide the old voyageur whose crew failed of the strong pull into the right current just when the craft took the plunge! here, where the waters of the vast prairie region are descending over huge boulders and rocky islets between banks not a third of a mile apart, there is a wild river scene. far ahead the paddlers can hear the roar of the swirl. now the surface of the river rounds and rises in the eddies of an undertow, and the canoe leaps forward; then, a swifter plunge through the middle of a furious overfall. the steersman rises at the stern and leans forward like a runner. [illustration: track survey of the saskatchewan between cedar lake & lake winnipeg] 'pull!' shouts the steersman; and the canoe shoots past one rock to catch the current that will whirl it past the next, every man bending to his paddle and almost lifted to his feet. the canoe catches the right current and is catapulted past the roaring place where rocks make the water white. instantly all but the steersman drop down, flat in the bottom of the canoe, paddles rigid athwart. no need to pull now! the waters do the work; and motion on the part of the men would be fatal. here the strongest swimmer would be as a chip on a cataract. the task now is not to paddle, but to steer--to keep the craft away from the rocks. this is the part of the steersman, who stands braced to his paddle used rudder-wise astern; and the canoe rides the wildest plunge like a sea-gull. one after another the brigades disappear in a white trough of spray and roaring waters. they are gone! no human power can bring them out of that maelstrom! but look! like corks on a wave, mounting and climbing and riding the highest billows, there they are again, one after another, sidling and lifting and falling and finally gliding out to calm water, where the men fall to their paddles and strike up one of their lusty voyageur songs! the company would not venture its peltry on the lower rapid where the river rushes down almost like a waterfall. above this the cargoes were transferred to the portage, and prosaically sent over the hill on a tram-car pulled by a horse. the men, however, would not be robbed of the glee of running that last rapid, and, with just enough weight for ballast in their canoes and boats, they would make the furious descent. at the head of the tramway on the grand rapids portage stands the great house, facing old warehouses through which have passed millions of dollars' worth of furs. the great house is gambrel-roofed and is built of heavily timbered logs whitewashed. round it is a picket fence; below are wine cellars. it is dismantled and empty now; but here no doubt good wines abounded and big oaths rolled in the days when the lords of an unmapped empire held sway. [illustration: the principal posts of the hudson's bay company map by bartholomew.] a glance at the map of the hudson's bay company's posts will show the extent of the fur traders' empire. to the athabaska warehouses at fort chipewyan came the furs of mackenzie river and the arctic; to fort edmonton came the furs of the athabaska and of the rockies; to fort pitt came the peltry of the barren lands; and all passed down the broad highway of the saskatchewan to lake winnipeg, whence they were sent out to york factory on hudson bay, there to be loaded on ships and taken to the company's warehouses in london. * * * * * incidentally, the fur hunters were explorers who had blazed a trail across a continent and penetrated to the uttermost reaches of a northern empire the size of europe. but it was fur these explorers were seeking when they pushed their canoes up the saskatchewan, crossed the rocky mountains, went down the columbia. fur, not glory, was the quest when the dog bells went ringing over the wintry wastes from saskatchewan to athabaska, across the barren lands, and north to the arctic. beaver, not empire, was the object in view when the horse brigades of one hundred and two hundred and three hundred hunters, led by ogden, or ross, or m'kay or ermatinger went winding south over the mountains from new caledonia through the country that now comprises the states of washington and oregon and idaho, across the deserts of utah and nevada, to the spanish forts at san francisco and monterey. it is a question whether la salle could have found his way to the mississippi, or radisson to the north sea, or mackenzie to the pacific, if the little beaver had not inspired the search and paid the toll. chapter ii the tragedy of henry hudson though the adventurers to hudson bay turned to fur trading and won wealth, and discovered an empire while pursuing the little beaver across a continent, the beginning of all this was not the beaver, but a myth--the north-west passage--a short way round the world to bring back the spices and silks and teas of india and japan. it was this quest, not the lure of the beaver, that first brought men into the heart of new world wilds by way of hudson bay. in this search henry hudson led the way when he sent his little high-decked oak craft, the _discovery_, butting through the ice-drive of hudson strait in july of ; 'worming a way' through the floes by anchor out to the fore and a pull on the rope from behind. smith, wolstenholme, and digges, the english merchant adventurers who had supplied him with money for his brig and crew, cared for nothing but the short route to those spices and silks of the orient. they thought, since hudson's progress had been blocked the year before in the same search up the bay of chesapeake and up the hudson river, that the only remaining way must lie through these northern straits. so now thought hudson, as the ice jams closed behind him and a clear way opened before him to the west on a great inland sea that rocked to an ocean tide. was that tide from the pacific? how easily does a wish become father to the thought! ice lay north, open water south and west; and so south-west steered hudson, standing by the wheel, though juet, the old mate, raged in open mutiny because not enough provisions remained to warrant further voyaging, much less the wintering of a crew of twenty in an ice-locked world. henry greene, a gutter-snipe picked off the streets of london, as the most of the sailors of that day were, went whispering from man to man of the crew that the master's commands to go on ought not to be obeyed. but we must not forget two things when we sit in judgment on henry hudson's crew. first, nearly all sailors of that period were unwilling men seized forcibly and put on board. secondly, in those days nearly all seamen, masters as well as men, were apt to turn pirate at the sight of an alien sail. the ships of all foreign nations were considered lawful prey to the mariner with the stronger crew or fleeter sail. [illustration: the routes of hudson and munck map by bartholomew.] the waters that we know to-day as the pacific were known to hudson as the south sea. and now the tide rolled south over shelving, sandy shores, past countless islands yellowing to the touch of september frosts, and silent as death but for the cries of gull, tern, bittern, the hooting piebald loon, match-legged phalaropes, and geese and ducks of every hue, collected for the autumnal flight south. it was a yellowish sea under a sky blue as turquoise; and it may be that hudson recalled sailor yarns of china's seas, lying yellow under skies blue as a robin's egg. at any rate he continued to steer south in spite of the old mate's mutterings. men in unwilling service at a few shillings a month do not court death for the sake of glory. the shore line of rocks and pine turned westward. so did hudson, sounding the ship's line as he crept forward one sail up, the others rattling against the bare masts in the autumn wind--doleful music to the thoughts of the coward crew. the shore line at the south end of hudson bay, as the world now knows, is cut sharply by a ridge of swampy land that shoals to muddy flats in what is known as hannah bay. hudson's hopes must have been dimmed if not dashed as he saw the western shore turn north and bar his way. he must suddenly have understood the force of the fear that his provisions would not last him to england if this course did not open towards china. it was now october; and the furious equinoctial gales lashed the shallow sea to mountainous waves that swept clear over the decks of the _discovery_, knocking the sailors from the capstan bars and setting all the lee scuppers spouting. in a rage juet threw down his pole and declared that he would serve no longer. hudson was compelled to arrest his old mate for mutiny and depose him with loss of wages. the trial brought out the fact that the crew had been plotting to break open the lockers and seize firearms. it must be remembered that most of hudson's sailors were ragged, under-fed, under-clothed fellows, ill fitted for the rigorous climate of the north and unmoved by the glorious aims that, like a star of hope, led hudson on. they saw no star of hope, and felt only hunger and cold and that dislike of the hardships of life which is the birthright of the weakling, as well as his nemesis. what with the north wind driving water back up the shallows, and with tamarac swamps on the landward side, hudson deemed it unwise to anchor for the winter in the western corner of the bay, and came back to the waters that, from the description of the hills, may now be identified as rupert bay, in the south-east corner. the furious autumn winds bobbled the little high-decked ship about on the water like a chip in a maelstrom, and finally, with a ripping crash that tore timbers asunder, sent her on the rocks, in the blackness of a november night. the starving crew dashed up the hatchway to decks glassed with ice and wrapped in the gloom of a snow-storm thick as wool. to any who have been on that shore in a storm it is quite unnecessary to explain why it was impossible to seek safety ashore by lowering a boat. shallow seas always beat to wilder turbulence in storm than do the great deeps. even so do shallow natures, and one can guess how the mutinous crew, stung into unwonted fury by cold and despair, railed at hudson with the rage of panic-stricken hysteria. but in daylight and calm, presumably on the morning of november , drenched and cold, they reached shore safely, and knocked together, out of the tamarac and pines and rocks, some semblance of winter cabins. of game there was abundance then, as now--rabbit and deer and grouse enough to provision an army; and hudson offered reward for all provisions brought in. but the leaven of rebellion had worked its mischief. the men would not hunt. probably they did not know how. certainly none of them had ever before felt such cold as this--cold that left the naked hand sticking to any metal that it touched, that filled the air with frost fog and mock suns, that set the wet ship's timbers crackling every night like musket shots, that left a lining of hoar-frost and snow on the under side of the berth-beds, that burst the great pines and fir trees ashore in loud nightly explosions, and set the air whipping in lights of unearthly splendour that passed them moving and rustling in curtains of blood and fire.[ ] as anyone who has lived in the region knows, the cowardly incompetents should have been up and out hunting and wresting from nature the one means of protection against northern cold--fur clothing. that is the one demand the north makes of man--that he shall fight and strive for mastery; but these whimpering weaklings, convulsed with the poison of self-pity, sat inside shivering over the little pans and braziers of coal, cursing and cursing hudson. in the midst of the smouldering mutiny the ship's gunner died, and probably because the gutter boy, greene, was the most poorly clad of all, hudson gave the dead man's overcoat to the london lad. instantly there was wild outcry from the other men. it was customary to auction a dead seaman's clothes from the mainmast. why had the commander shown favour? in disgust hudson turned the coat over to the new mate--thereby adding fresh fuel to the crew's wrath and making greene a real source of danger. greene was, to be sure, only a youth, but small snakes sometimes secrete deadly venom. how the winter passed there is no record, except that it was 'void of hope'; and one may guess the tension of the sulky atmosphere. the old captain, with his young son, stood his ground against the mutineers, like a bear baited by snapping curs. if they had hunted half as diligently as they snarled and complained, there would have been ample provisions and absolute security; and this statement holds good of more complainants against life than henry hudson's mutinous crew. it holds good of nearly all mutineers against life. spring came, as it always comes in that snow-washed northern land, with a ramp of the ice loosening its grip from the turbulent waters, and a whirr of the birds winging north in long, high, wedge-shaped lines, and a crunching of the icefloes riding turbulently out to sea, and a piping of the odorous spring winds through the resinous balsam-scented woods. hudson and the loyal members of the crew attempted to replenish provisions by fishing. then a brilliant thought penetrated the wooden brains of the idle and incompetent crew--a thought that still works its poison in like brains of to-day--namely, if there were half as many people there would be twice as much provisions for each. ice out, anchor up, the gulls and wild geese winging northward again--all was ready for sail on june , . with the tattered canvas and the seams tarred and the mends in the hull caulked, hudson handed out all the bread that was left--a pound to each man. he had failed to find the north-west passage. he was going home a failure, balked, beaten, thrown back by the waves that had been beating the icefloes to the mournful call of the desolate wind all winter. there were tears in the eyes of the old captain as he handed out the last of the bread. any one who has watched what snapping mongrels do when the big dog goes down, need not be told what happened now. there were whisperings that night as the ship slipped before the wind, whisperings and tale-bearings from berth to berth, threats uttered in shrill scared falsetto 'to end it or to mend it; better hang at home for mutiny than starve at sea.' prickett, the agent for the merchant adventurers, pleaded for hudson's life; the mutineers, led by juet and greene, roughly bade him look to his own. prickett was ill in bed with scurvy, and the tremor of self-fear came into his plea. then the mutineers swore on the bible that what they planned was to sacrifice the lives of the few to save the many. when the destroyer profanes the cross with unclean perjury, 'tis well to use the cross for firewood and unsheath a sword. peevish with sickness, prickett punily acquiesced. when hudson stepped from the wheel-house or cabin next morning, they leaped upon him like a pack of wolves. no oaths on scripture and holy cross this break of day! oaths of another sort--oaths and blows and railings--all pretence of clean motives thrown off--malice with its teeth out snapping! somewhere north of rupert, probably off charlton island, hudson, his son, and eight loyal members of the crew were thrown into one of the boats on the davits. the boat was lowered on its pulleys and touched sea. the _discovery_ then spread sail and sped through open water to the wind. the little boat with the marooned crew came climbing after. somebody threw into it some implements and ammunition, and some one cut the painter. the abandoned boat slacked and fell back in the wave wash; and that is all we know of the end of henry hudson, who had discovered a northern sea, the size of a mediterranean, that was to be a future arena of nations warring for an empire, and who had before discovered a river that was to be a path of world commerce. [illustration: the last hours of hudson from the painting by collier] what became of hudson? a famous painting represents him, with his little son and the castaway crew, huddling among the engulfing icebergs. that may have been; but it is improbable that the dauntless old pathfinder would have succumbed so supinely. three traditions, more or less reasonable, exist about his end. when captain james came out twenty years later seeking the north-west passage he found on a little island (danby), south-east from charlton island, a number of sticks standing in the ground, with the chip marks of a steel blade. did the old timbers mark some winter house of hudson and his castaways? when radisson came cruising among these islands fifty years later, he discovered an old house 'all marked and battered with bullets'; and the indians told radisson stories of 'canoes with sails' having come to the bay. had indians, supplied with firearms overland from quebec traders, assailed that house where nine white men, standing at bay between starvation and their enemies, took their last stand? the third tradition is of a later day. a few years ago a resident of fort frances, who had spent the summer at the foot of james bay, and who understood the indian language, wrote that the indians had told him legends of white men who had come to the bay long long ago, before ever 'the big company came,' and who had been cast away by their fellows, and who came ashore and lived among the indians and took indian wives and left red-haired descendants. it is probable that fur traders had told the indians the story of hudson; and this would explain the origin of this tradition. on the other hand, in a race utterly isolated from the outside world, among whom neither printing nor telegraph ever existed, traditions handed down from father to son acquire peculiar value; and in them we can often find a germ of truth. the legends are given for what they are worth. there is no need to relate the fate of the mutineers. the fate of mutineers is the same the world over. they quarrelled among themselves. they lost themselves among the icefloes. when they found their way back through the straits all provisions were exhausted. while they were prisoners in the icefloes, scurvy assailed the crew. landing to gather sorrel grass as an antidote to scurvy, they were attacked by eskimos. only four men were left to man the ship home, and they were reduced to a diet of sea moss and offal before reaching ireland. greene perished miserably among the indians, and his body was thrown into the sea. old juet died of starvation in sight of ireland, raving impotent curses. but however dire nemesis may be, or however deep may be repentance, neither undoes the wrong; and hudson had gone to his unknown grave, sent thither by imbeciles, who would not work that they might eat, nor strive that they might win, but sat crouching, as their prototypes sit, ready to spring at the throat of endeavour. thomas button, afterwards knighted for his effort, came out the very next year at the expense of the merchant adventurers--walstenholme, smith, and digges--to search for hudson. he wintered ( - ) at port nelson, which he explored and named after his mate, who died there of scurvy; but the sea gave up no secret of its dead. prickett and bylot, of hudson's former crew, were there also with the old ship _discovery_ and a large frigate called _resolution_, an appropriate name. button's crew became infected with scurvy, and port nelson a camp for the dead. then came captain gibbon in ; but the ice caught him at labrador and turned him back. the merchant adventurers then fitted out bylot, hudson's second mate, and in - he searched the desolate, lonely northern waters. he found no trace of hudson, nor a passage to the south sea; but he gave his mate's name--baffin--to the lonely land that lines the northern side of the straits. novelists are frequently accused of sensationalism and exaggeration, but if, as tradition seems to suggest, hudson were still alive seven hundred miles south at the lower end of the bay, straining vain eyes for a sail at sea, like alexander selkirk of a later day--with a button and a gibbon and a bylot and a baffin searching for him with echoing cannon roll and useless call in the north--then the life and death of the old pathfinder are more like a tale from defoe than a story of real life. the english merchant adventurers then gave up--possibly for the very good reason that they had emptied their purses. this brings us to the year with no north-west passage discovered, and very little other reward for the toll of life and heroism during seven years. superficially, when we contemplate such failure, it looks like the broken arc of a circle; but when we find the whole circle we see that it is made up very largely of broken endeavour, and that destiny has shaped the wheel to roll to undreamed ends. there was no practicable north-west passage, as we know; but the search for such a passage gave to the world a new empire. chapter iii other explorers on the bay little denmark, whose conquering vikings on their 'sea horses' had scoured the coasts of europe, now comes on the scene. hudson, an englishman, had discovered the bay, but the port of churchill, later to become an important post of the fur trade, was discovered by jens munck, the dane. in the autumn of munck came across the bay with two vessels--the unicorn, a warship with sea horses on its carved prow, and the lamprey, a companion sloop--scudding before an equinoctial squall. through a hurricane of sleet he saw what appeared to be an inlet between breakers lashing against the rocky west shore. steering the unicorn for the opening, he found himself in a land-locked haven, protected from the tidal bore by a ridge of sunken rock. the lamprey had fallen behind, but fires of driftwood built on the shore guided her into the harbour, and munck constructed an ice-break round the keels of his ships. piles of rocks sunk as a coffer-dam protected the boats from the indrive of tidal ice; and the danes prepared to winter in the new harbour. to-day there are no forests within miles of churchill, but at that time pine woods crowded to the water's edge, and the crews laid up a great store of firewood. with rocks, they built fireplaces on the decks--a paltry protection against the northern cold. later explorers wintering at churchill boarded up their decks completely and against the boarding banked snow, but this method of preparation against an arctic winter was evidently unknown to the danes. by november every glass vessel on the ships had been broken to splinters by the frost. in the lurid mock suns and mock moons of the frost fog the superstitious sailors fancied that they saw the ominous sign of the cross, portending disaster. one of the surgeons died of exposure, and within a month all the crew were prostrate with scurvy. with the exception, perhaps, of bering's voyage a hundred years later, the record of munck's wintering is one of the most lamentable in all american exploration. 'died this day my nephew, eric munck,' wrote the captain on april of , 'and was buried in the same grave as my second mate. great difficulty to get coffins made. may --the bodies of the dead lie uncovered because none of us has strength to bury them.' by june the ships had become charnel-houses. two men only, besides munck, had survived the winter. when the ice went out with a rush and a grinding, and the ebb tide left the flats bare, wolves came nightly, sniffing the air and prowling round the ships' exposed keels. 'as i have no more hope of life in this world,' wrote jens munck, 'herewith good-night to all the world and my soul to god.' his two companions had managed to crawl down the ship's ladder and across the flats, where they fell ravenously on the green sprouting sorrel grass and sea nettles. as all northerners know, they could have eaten nothing better for scurvy. forthwith their malady was allayed. in a few days they came back for their commander. by june all three had recovered. the putrid dead were thrown into the river. ballast and cargo were then cast out. it thus happened that when the tide came in, the little sloop _lamprey_ lifted and floated out to sea. munck had drilled holes in the hull of the _unicorn_ and sunk her with all her freight till he could come back with an adequate crew; but he never returned. war broke out in europe, and munck went to his place in the danish navy. meanwhile indians had come down to what they henceforth called the river of the strangers. when the tide went out they mounted the _unicorn_ and plundered her of all the water-soaked cargo. in the cargo were quantities of powder. a fire was kindled to dry the booty. at once a consuming flame shot into the air, followed by a terrific explosion; and when the smoke cleared neither plunder nor plunderers nor ship remained. eighty years afterwards the fur traders dug from these river flats a sunken cannon stamped c --christian iv--and thus established the identity of munck's winter quarters as churchill harbour. munck was not the last soldier of fortune to essay passage to china through the ice-bound north sea. captain fox of hull and captain james of bristol came out in on separate expeditions, 'itching,' as fox expressed it, to find the north-west passage. private individuals had fitted out both expeditions. fox claimed the immediate patronage of the king; james came out under the auspices of the city of bristol. sailing the same week, they did not again meet till they were south of port nelson in the autumn, when fox dined with james and chaffed him about his hopes to 'meet the emperor of japan.' but there was no need of rivalry; both went back disappointed men. james wintered on charlton island, and towards the end of , after a summer's futile cruising, returned to england with a terrible tale of bootless suffering. * * * * * while england sought a short route to china by hudson bay, and the spaniards were still hoping to find a way to the orient by the gulf of mexico and california, new france had been founded, and, as we may learn from other narratives in this series, her explorers had not been idle. in the year two french pathfinders and fur traders, medard chouart des groseilliers and pierre esprit radisson, men of three rivers, came back from the region west of lake superior telling wondrous tales of a tribe of indians they had met--a cree nation that passed each summer on the salt waters of the sea of the north. the two fur traders were related, radisson's sister having married groseilliers, who was a veteran of one of the jesuit missions on lake huron. radisson himself, although the hero of many exploits, was not yet twenty-six years of age. did that sea of the north of which they had heard find western outlet by the long-sought passage? so ran rumour and conjecture concerning the two explorers in three rivers and quebec; but radisson himself writes: 'we considered whether to reveal what we had learned, for we had not yet been to the bay of the north, knowing only what the crees told us. we wished to discover it ourselves before revealing anything.' in the execution of their bold design to journey to the north sea, radisson and groseilliers had to meet the opposition of the jesuits and the governor--the two most powerful influences in new france. the jesuits were themselves preparing for an expedition overland to hudson bay and had invited radisson to join their company going by way of the saguenay; but he declined, and they left without him. in june the jesuits--fathers dreuilletes and dablon--ascended the saguenay, but they penetrated no farther than a short distance north of lake st john, where they established a mission. the fur trade of new france was strictly regulated, and severe punishments were meted out to those who traded without a licence. radisson and groseilliers made formal application to the governor for permission to trade on the sea of the north. the governor's answer was that he would give the explorers a licence if they would take with them two of his servants and give them half the profits of the undertaking. the two explorers were not content with this proposal and were forbidden to depart; but in defiance of the governor's orders they slipped out from the gates of three rivers by night and joined a band of indians bound for the northern wilds. the two frenchmen spent the summer and winter of - in hunting with the crees west of lake superior, where they met another tribe of indians--the stone boilers, or assiniboines--who also told them of the great salt water, or sea of the north. in the spring of , with some crees of the hinterland, they set out in canoes down one of the rivers--moose or abitibi--leading to hudson bay. radisson had sprained his ankle; and the long portages by the banks of the ice-laden, rain-swollen rivers were terrible. the rocks were slippery as glass with ice and moss. the forests of this region are full of dank heavy windfall that obstructs the streams and causes an endless succession of swamps. in these the paddlers had to wade to mid-waist, 'tracking' their canoes through perilous passage-way, where the rip of an upturned branch might tear the birch from the bottom of the canoe. when the swamps finally narrowed to swift rivers, blankets were hoisted as sails, and the brigade of canoes swept out to the sandy sea of hudson bay. 'we were in danger to perish a thousand times from the ice,' radisson writes, 'but at last we came full sail from a deep bay to the seaside, where we found an old house all demolished and battered with bullets. the crees told us about europeans. we went from isle to isle all that summer in the bay of the north. we passed the summer coasting the seaside.' had radisson found hudson bay? some historians dispute his claims; but even if his assertion that he sailed 'from isle to isle' during the summer of be challenged, the fact that his companion, groseilliers, knew enough of the bay to enable him six years later to guide a ship round by sea to 'a rendezvous' on the rupert river must be accepted. the only immediate results of the discovery to radisson and groseilliers were condign punishment, disgrace, and almost utter ruin. when they came back to the st lawrence in the summer of with several hundred indians and a flotilla of canoes swarming over the surface of the river below the heights of quebec, and conveying a great cargo of beaver skins, the avaricious old governor affected furious rage because the two traders had broken the law by going to the woods without his permission. the explorers were heavily fined, and a large quantity of their beaver was seized to satisfy the revenue tax. of the immense cargo brought down, radisson and groseilliers were permitted to keep only a small remainder. groseilliers sailed for france to appeal to the home authorities for redress, but the friends of the governor at the french court proved too strong for him and nothing was done. he then tried to interest merchants of rochelle in an expedition to hudson bay by sea, and from one of them he obtained a vague promise of a ship for the following year. it was agreed that in the following spring radisson and groseilliers should join this ship at isle percé at the mouth of the st lawrence. so it happened that, in the spring of , the two explorers, having returned to three rivers, secretly took passage in a fishing schooner bound for anticosti, whence they went south to isle percé to meet the ship they expected from rochelle. but again they were to be disappointed; a jesuit just out from france informed them that no ship would come. what now should the explorers do? they could not go back to three rivers, for their attempt to make another journey without a licence rendered them liable to punishment. they went to cape breton, and from there to the english at port royal in nova scotia. at port royal they found a boston captain, zachariah gillam, who plied in vessels to and fro from the american plantations to england. gillam offered his vessel for a voyage to hudson bay; but the season was late, and when the vessel reached the rocky walls of labrador the captain lost heart and refused to enter the driving straits. the ship returned and landed the explorers in boston. they then clubbed the last of their fortunes together and entered into an agreement with shipowners of boston to take two ships to hudson bay on their own account in the following spring. but, while fishing to obtain provisions for the voyage, one of the vessels was wrecked, and, instead of sailing for the north sea, radisson and groseilliers found themselves in boston involved in a lawsuit for the value of the lost ship. when they emerged from this they were destitute. chapter iv the 'adventurers of england' in boston the commissioners of his majesty king charles ii were reviewing the affairs of the american plantations. one of the commissioners was sir george carteret, and when he sailed for england in august he was accompanied by the two french explorers. it gives one a curiously graphic insight into the conditions of ocean travel in those days to learn that the royal commissioner's ship was attacked, boarded, and sunk by a dutch filibuster. carteret and his two companions landed penniless in spain, but, by pawning clothes and showing letters of credit, they reached england early in . at this time london was in the ravages of the great plague, and king charles had sought safety from infection at oxford. thither radisson and groseilliers were taken and presented to the king; and we may imagine how their amazing stories of adventure beguiled his weary hours. the jaded king listened and marvelled, and ordered that forty shillings a week should be paid to the two explorers during that year. as soon as it was safe to return to london--some time in the winter of - --a group of courtiers became interested in the two frenchmen, and forgathered with them frequently at the goldsmiths' hall, or at whitehall, or over a sumptuous feast at the tun tavern or the sun coffee-house. john portman, a goldsmith and alderman, is ordered to pay radisson and groseilliers £ to £ a month for maintenance from december . when portman is absent the money is paid by sir john robinson, governor of the tower, or sir john kirke--with whose family young radisson seems to have resided and whose daughter mary he married a few years later--or sir robert viner, the lord mayor, or mr young, a fashionable man about town. no formal organization or charter yet exists, but it is evident that the gentlemen are bent on some enterprise, for peter romulus is engaged as surgeon and thomas gorst as secretary. gillam of boston is hired as captain, along with a captain stannard. at a merry dinner of the gay gentlemen at the exchange, captain gillam presents a bill of five shillings for 'a rat-catcher' for the ships. wages of seamen are set down at £ per voyage; and his most gracious majesty, king charles, gives a gold chain and medal to the two frenchmen and recommends them to 'the gentlemen adventurers of hudson's bay.' moreover, there is a stock-book dated this year showing amounts paid in by or credited to sundry persons, among whom are: prince rupert, james, duke of york, the duke of albemarle, the earl of craven, the earl of arlington, the earl of shaftesbury, sir john robinson, sir robert viner, sir peter colleton, sir james hayes, sir john kirke, and lady margaret drax. who was the fair and adventurous lady margaret drax? did she sip wines with the gay adventurers over 'the roasted pullets' of the tun tavern, or at the banquet table at whitehall? then his majesty the king writes to his 'trusty and well beloved brother,' james, duke of york, recommending the loan of the admiralty ship, the _eaglet_, to the two frenchmen to search for a north-west passage by way of hudson bay, the ship 'to be rigged and victualled' at the charge of 'dear cousin rupert' and his friends carteret and albemarle and craven _et al_. the 'well beloved brother' passes the order on to prince rupert, 'our dear cousin'; and the 'dear cousin' transmits instructions to sir james hayes, his secretary. sir james badgers the admiralty board, and in due time the _eaglet_ is handed over to captain stannard, acting under radisson. gillam takes his own plantation ship, the _nonsuch_, under orders from groseilliers. the instructions to the captains are signed by prince rupert, craven, hayes, albemarle, carteret, colleton, and portman. these instructions bid the captains convey the vessels to the place where 'the rendezvous was set up as mr gooseberry and mr radisson direct, there to raise fortifications,' having 'in thought the discovery of a passage to the south sea under direction of mr gooseberry and radisson,' and to prosecute trade always under directions of mr gooseberry and mr radisson, and to have 'a particular [_sic_] respect unto them with all manner of civility and courtesy.' dear old company! from its very origin it conformed to the canons of gentlemanly conduct and laid more emphasis on courtesy than on spelling. those curious instructions were indicative of its character in later times. but we quite understand that there was other object in that voyage than the north-west passage. the two ships sailed for hudson bay in the spring of . in mid-ocean they were driven apart by storms. gillam's _nonsuch_ with groseilliers went on, but the _eaglet_ with radisson was disabled and forced to return, and the season was now too late to permit radisson to set sail again until the following spring. during the interval of enforced idleness radisson seems to have diligently courted mary kirke, the daughter of sir john, and to have written the account of his journeys through the wilds of america. it is possible that radisson was inspired to write these journals by pepys, the celebrated diarist, who was at this time chief clerk of the admiralty, and who lived next door to the kirkes on tower hill. at any rate it is clear that the journals fell into pepys' hands, for they were found two hundred years later in the pepys collection at the bodleian library. in the spring of , on the recommendation of the king, the admiralty lent the ship _wavero_ to the adventurers that radisson might sail to hudson bay. in his eagerness radisson set out too early. for a second time he was driven back by storm, but, on coming in to harbour at gravesend, what was his delight to find the _nonsuch_ back from hudson bay with groseilliers and gillam and such a cargo of furs from the rupert river as english merchants had never before dreamed! the _nonsuch_ had reached hudson strait in august of the year before, and the captain, guided by groseilliers, had steered south for 'the rendezvous' at the lower end of the bay, where the two french explorers had set up their marks six years before. there, at the mouth of the river named rupert in honour of their patron prince, the traders cast anchor on september . at high tide they beached the ship and piled logs round her to protect her timbers from ice jams. then they built a fort, consisting of two or three log huts for winter quarters, enclosed in a log palisade. this they named fort charles. the winter that followed must have been full of hardship for the englishmen, but a winter on the bay had no terrors for groseilliers. while gillam and the englishmen kept house at the fort, he coursed the woods on snow-shoes, found the indian camps, and persuaded the hunters to bring down their furs to trade with him in the spring. then, when the wild geese darkened the sky and the ice went out with a rush, preparations were made for the homeward voyage. in june the ship sailed out of the bay and, as we have seen, had docked at gravesend on the thames while the _wavero_ with radisson was coming back. the adventurers lost no time. that winter they applied for a charter, and in may the charter was granted by king charles to '_the governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay_.' the ostensible object was to find the north-west passage; and to defray the cost of that finding a monopoly in trade for all time was given. whereas, declares the old charter, these have at their own great cost and charge undertaken an expedition to hudson bay for the discovery of a new passage to the south sea and for trade, and have humbly besought the king to grant them and their successors the whole trade and commerce of all those seas, straits, bays, rivers, creeks, and sounds in whatever latitude that lie within the entrance of the straits, together with all the lands, countries, and territories upon the coasts and confines of the seas, straits, bays, lakes, rivers, creeks, and sounds not now actually possessed by any other christian state, be it known by these presents that the king has given, granted, ratified, and confirmed the said grant. the adventurers are free to build forts, employ a navy, use firearms, pass and enforce laws, hold power of life and death over their subjects. they are granted, not only the whole, entire, and only liberty of trade to and from the territories aforesaid, but also the whole and entire trade to and from nations adjacent to the said territories, and entrance by water or land in and out of the said territories. the monopoly could hardly have been made more sweeping. if the adventurers found other territory westward, such territory was to be theirs. other traders were forbidden to encroach on the region. people were forbidden to inhabit the countries without the consent of the company. the company was empowered to make war for the benefit of trade. the charter meant, in a word, the establishment of pure feudalism over a vast region in america. but in the light of the company's record it may be questioned whether feudalism was not, after all, the best system for dealing with the indian races. for two centuries under the company's rule the indians were peaceable; while in other parts of america, under a system the opposite of feudalism--the come-who-may-and-take-who-can policy of the united states--every step forward taken by the white race was marked by 'bloody ground.' absolutism, pomp, formality, and, let it be added, a sense of personal responsibility for retainers--all characteristics of feudalism--marked the rule of the hudson's bay company from the beginning. the adventurers were not merely merchants and traders; they were courtiers and princes as well. rupert, a prince of royal blood, was the first governor; james, duke of york, afterwards king, was the second, and lord churchill, afterwards the duke of marlborough, the third. the annual meetings of shareholders in november and the periodic meetings of the governing committee were held at whitehall, or at the tower, or wherever the court chanced to be residing. all shareholders had to take an oath of fidelity and secrecy: _'i doe sweare to bee true and faithful to ye comp'y of adventurers: ye secrets of ye said comp'y i will not disclose, nor trade to ye limitts of ye said comp'y's charter. so help me god.'_ oaths of fidelity and bonds were required from all captains, traders, and servants. presents of 'catt skin counterpanes for his bedd,' 'pairs of beaver stockings for ye king.' 'gold in a faire embroidered purse,' 'silver tankards,' 'a hogshead of claret,' were presented to courtiers and friends who did the company a good turn. servants were treated with a paternal care. did a man lose a toe on some frosty snow-shoe tramp, the governing committee solemnly voted him '£ smart money,' or '£ for a periwig,' or '£ a year pension for life.' no matter to what desperate straits the company was reduced, it never forgot a captain who had saved a cargo from raid, or the hero of a fight, or a wood-runner who had carried trade inland. for those who died in harness, 'funeral by torch-light and linkmen [torchbearers] to st paul's, company and crew marching in procession, cost not to exceed £ '; and though the cost might run up higher, it was duly paid, as in one instance on record when the good gentlemen at the funeral had ' pullets and a dozen bottles of sack' over it at the three tuns. [illustration: john churchill, first duke of marlborough from the painting in the national portrait gallery] perhaps the gay gentlemen of the governing committee made merry too long at times, for it appears to have been necessary to impose a fine on all committee men who did not attend 'yt one hour after ye deputy-governor turns up ye hour glass,' the fines to go to the poor box as 'token of gratitude for god's so great a blessing to ye comp'y.' in february the governing committee was always in a great bustle chartering or buying frigates for the year's voyages. then the goods for trade, to be exchanged with the indians for furs, were chosen and stored. in the list for are found ' fowling pieces and powder horns and hatchets.' gewgaws, beads, ribbons, and blankets innumerable were taken on the voyages, and always more or less liquor; but the latter, it should be remarked, was not traded to the indians except in times of keen competition, when the company had to fight rivals who used it in trade. secret orders were given to the captains before sailing. these orders contained the harbour signals. ships not displaying these signals were to be fired on by the forts of hudson bay or lured to wreck by false lights. the sailing orders were always signed 'a god speede, a good wind, a faire saile, y'r loving friends'; and the gentlemen of the committee usually went down to the docks at gravesend to search lockers for illicit trade, to shake hands and toss a sovereign and quaff drinks. from the point where a returning ship was 'bespoken' the chief trader would take horse and ride post-haste to london with the bills and journals of the voyage. these would be used to check unlading. next, the sorting of the furs, the payment of the seamen's wages--about £ per year to each man; then the public auction of the furs. a pin would be stuck in a lighted candle and bids received till the light burnt below the pin. sack and canary and claret were served freely at the sales. money accruing from sales was kept in an iron box at the goldsmiths' exchange, and later in the warehouse in fenchurch street. trading in the early days was conducted with a ceremony such as kings might have practised in international treaty. dressed in regimentals, with coloured velvet capes lined with silk, swords clanking, buglers and drummers rattling a tattoo, the white trader walked out to meet the indian chief. the indian prostrated himself and presented the kingly white man with priceless furs. the white man kneeled and whiffed pipes and thanked the sun for the privilege of meeting so great warriors, and through his interpreters begged to present the great chief with what would render him invincible among all foes--firearms. then with much parleying the little furs such as rabbit and muskrat were exchanged for the gewgaws. later, the coming of rival traders compelled the company to change its methods and to fix a standard of trade. this standard varied with the supply of furs and the caprice of fashion; but at first in respect to beaver it stood thus: / lb. beads beaver. kettle " lb. shot " lbs. sugar " lb. tobacco " gal. brandy " awls " buttons " fish-hooks " flints " gun " pistol " balls " a wicket would be opened at the side of the main gate of the fort. up to this wicket the indians would file with their furs and exchange them according to the standard. tally was kept at first with wampum shells or little sticks; then with bits of lead melted from teachests and stamped with the initials of the fort. finally these devices were supplanted by modern money. we may suppose that the red man was amply able to take care of himself in the trade, especially when rivals at other points were bidding for the furs. if the white man's terms were exorbitant and no rival trader was within reach, the indian's remedy was a scalping foray. oftener than not the indian was in debt for provisions advanced before the hunt. if the indian forgot his debt or carried his fur to a competitor, as he often did in whole flotillas, the white man would have his revenge some season when food was scarce; or, if his physical prowess permitted, he would take his revenge on the spot by administering a sound thrashing to the transgressor. it is on record that one trader, in the early days of moose factory, broke an oar while chastising an indian who had failed in his duty. many of the lonely bachelors at the forts contracted marriage with native women. these marriages were entered on the books of the company, and were considered as valid as if bound by clergy. sometimes they led to unhappy results. when men returned from the service, the indian wife, transplanted to england, lived in wretched loneliness; and the children--'les petits,' as they are entered in the books--were still less at home amid english civilization. gradually it became customary to leave the indian women in their native land and to support them with a pension deducted from the wages of the retired husband and father. this pension was assured by the company's system of holding back one-third of its servants' wages for a retiring fund. if a servant had left any 'petits' behind him, a sum of money was withheld from his wages to provide a pension for them, and a record of it was kept on the books. this rule applied even to men who were distinguished in the service. * * * * * in june , one month after the charter was granted, three ships--the _wavero_, the _shaftesbury pink_, and the _prince rupert_--conveying forty men and a cargo of supplies, sailed for hudson bay. gillam commanded the _prince rupert_, radisson went as general superintendent of trade, and charles bayly as governor of the fort at the rupert river. gorst the secretary, romulus the surgeon, and groseilliers accompanied the expedition. the ships duly arrived at fort charles, and, while bayly and his men prepared the fort for residence and groseilliers plied trade with the indians, radisson cruised the west coast of the bay on the _wavero_. he made observations at moose and albany rivers, and passed north to nelson harbour, where button had wintered half a century before. here, on the projection of land between two great rivers--the future site of york factory--radisson erected the arms of the english king. the southern river he named hayes, after sir james hayes, prince rupert's secretary. the mouth of this river was a good place to get furs, for down its broad tide came the canoes of the assiniboines, the 'stone boilers' whom radisson had met near lake superior long ago, and of the crees, who had first told him of the sea of the north. radisson returned to england with gillam on the _prince rupert_, while groseilliers wintered on the bay; and it appears that, during the next three years, radisson spent the winters in london advising the company, and the summers on the bay, cruising and trading on the west coast. in he married mary kirke. sir james hayes said afterwards that he 'misled her into marrying him,' but there is nothing to show that the wife herself ever thought so. perhaps radisson hoped that his marriage to the daughter of one of the leading directors of the company would strengthen his position. he received £ a year for his services, but, although his efforts had turned a visionary search for the north-west passage into a prosperous trading enterprise, he was not a shareholder in the company. chapter v french and english on the bay every year three ships were sailing to the bay and returning to england laden with peltry; but in it was observed by the traders at the fort that fewer indians than usual came down the river with furs. in the next year there were still fewer. for some reason the trade was falling off. radisson urged bayly to establish new forts on the west coast, and at length the governor consented to go with him on his regular summer cruise to nelson. when they came back to rupert in august they were surprised to find the fort tenanted by a jesuit from quebec, father albanel, who handed letters to radisson and groseilliers, and passports from the governor of new france to bayly. the sudden decrease of trade was explained. french traders coming overland from the st lawrence had been intercepting the indians. but france and england were at peace and bound in closest amity by secret treaty, and bayly was compelled to receive the passports and to welcome the jesuit, as the representative of a friendly nation, to the hospitality of fort charles. what the letters to radisson and groseilliers contained we can only guess, but we do know that their contents, made the french explorers thoroughly dissatisfied with their position in the hudson's bay company. bayly accused the two frenchmen of being in collusion with the company's rivals. a quarrel followed and at this juncture captain gillam arrived on one of the company's ships. the frenchmen were suspected of treachery, and gillam suggested that they should return to england and explain what seemed to need explaining. the admiralty records for contain mention of captain gillam's arrival from hudson bay on the _shaftesbury pink_ with 'a french jesuit, a little ould man, and an indian, a very lusty man.' this jesuit could not have been albanel, for in the french archives is conclusive proof that albanel returned to quebec. the 'little ould man' must have been another jesuit found by gillam at the bay. the winter of - found radisson and groseilliers back in england pressing the directors of the company for better terms. the governing committee first required oaths of fealty. conferences were multiplied and prolonged; but still radisson and groseilliers refused to go back to the bay until something was done. on june , , the governing committee unanimously voted that 'there be allowed to mr radisson £ per annum in consideration of services, out of which shall be deducted what hath already been paid him; and if it pleases god to bless the company with good success, hereafter that they come to be in a prosperous condition, then they will reassume consideration.' 'prosperous condition!' at this time the shareholders were receiving dividends of fifty and one hundred per cent. now, in radisson's pockets were offers from colbert, the great minister at the french court, for service in the french navy at three times this salary. abruptly, in the fall of , the two frenchmen left london and took service under colbert. but now another difficulty blocked radisson's advance. colbert insisted that radisson's wife should come to france to live. he thought that as long as madame radisson remained in england her husband's loyalty could not be trusted. besides, her father, sir john kirke, was a claimant against france for £ , damages arising out of the capture of quebec in by his relatives and its restoration to france in without recognition of the family's rights. if sir john's daughter was residing in paris as the wife of a french naval officer, the minister saw that this dispute might be more easily adjusted; and so he declined to promote the two frenchmen until madame radisson came to france. in , during shore leave from the navy, radisson met one of his old cronies of quebec--aubert de la chesnaye, a fur trader. 'he proposed to me,' radisson says, 'to undertake to establish the beaver trade in the great bay where i had been some years before on account of the english.' it may be supposed that naval discipline ill-suited these wild wood-wanderers, and after this it is not surprising that we find radisson and groseilliers again in new france at a conference of fur traders and explorers, among whom were la salle, jolliet, charles le moyne, the soldier with the famous sons, and la chesnaye. no doubt radisson told those couriers of the wilderness tales of profit on the sea in the north that brought great curses down on the authorities of new france who forbade the people of the colony free access to that rich fur field. la chesnaye had introduced the brothers-in-law to frontenac, the governor of new france, and had laid before him their plans for a trading company to operate on the great bay; but frontenac 'did not approve the business.' he could not give a commission to invade the territory of a friendly power; still, if la chesnaye and his associates chose to assume risks, he could wink at an invasion of rival traders' domains. a bargain was made. la chesnaye would find the capital and equip two ships, and radisson and groseilliers would make the voyage. the brothers-in-law would sail at once for acadia, there to spend the winter, and in the spring they would come with the fishing fleets to isle percé, where la chesnaye would send their ships. during the winter of - la chesnaye persuaded some of his friends to advance money for provisions and ships to go to the north sea. among these friends were jean chouart, groseilliers' son, and a dame sorrel, who, like the english lady drax, was prepared to give solid support to a venture that promised profit. thus was begun the company of the north[ ] (_la compagnie du nord_) that was to be a thorn in the side of the 'adventurers of england' for over thirty years. frontenac granted permission for two unseaworthy vessels, the _st anne_ and the _st pierre_, to fish off isle percé. strange bait for cod lay in the lockers. [ ] while there are earlier records referring to the company of the north, this year ( ) is generally given as the date of its founding. similarly is taken as the date of the founding of the hudson's bay company, although, as we have seen, it was practically begun three years earlier. with profound disappointment radisson and groseilliers saw at isle percé in july the boats which they were to have. the _st pierre_, outfitted for radisson, was a craft of only fifty tons and boasted a crew of only twelve men. groseilliers' vessel, the _st anne_, which carried his son, jean chouart, was still smaller and had fifteen men. both crews consisted of freshwater sailors who tossed with woe and threatened mutiny when the boats rolled past the tidal bore of belle isle strait and began threading their way in and out of the 'tickles' and fiords of the ribbed, desolate, rocky coast of labrador. indeed, when the ships stopped to take on water at a lonely 'hole in the wall' on the labrador coast, the mutiny would have flamed into open revolt but for the sail of a pirate ship that appeared on the horizon. thereupon radisson's ships crowded sail to the wind and sped on up the coast. what pirate ship this was may be guessed from what happened three weeks later. early in september the two vessels reached the hayes river, which radisson had named twelve years before and where he had set up the arms of the english king. advancing fifteen miles up-stream, they chose a winter harbour. leaving groseilliers to beach the boats and erect cabins, radisson and young jean chouart canoed farther up to the rendezvous of the cree and assiniboine indians. the indians were overjoyed to meet their trader friend of long past years. the white man's coming meant firearms, and firearms ensured invincible might over all foes. 'ho, young men, be not afraid. the sun is favourable to us. our enemies shall fear us. this is the man we have wished for since the days of our fathers,' shouted the chief of the assiniboines as he danced and tossed arrows of thanks to the gods. when the voyageurs glided back down-stream on the glassy current, other sounds than those of indian chants greeted them. the hayes river, as we have seen, is divided from the nelson on the north by a swampy stretch of brushwood. across the swamp boomed and rolled to their astonished ears the reverberation of cannon. was it the pirate ship seen off labrador? or was it the coming of the english company's traders? radisson's canoe slipped past the crude fort that groseilliers had erected and entered the open bay. nothing was visible but the yellow sea, chopped to white caps by the autumn wind. when he returned to the fort he learned that cannonading had been heard from farther inland. evidently the ships had sailed up the nelson river. now, across the marsh between the two rivers lay a creek by which indian canoes from time immemorial had crossed. taking a canoe and three of his best men, radisson paddled and portaged over this route to the nelson. there, on what is now known as seal or gillam island, stood a crude new fort; and anchored by the island lay a stout ship--the _bachelor's delight_--cannons pointing from every porthole. was it the pirate ship seen off labrador? it took very little parleying to ascertain that the ship was a poacher, commanded by young ben gillam of boston, son of the company's captain, come here on illicit trade, with john outlaw and mike grimmington, who later became famed seamen, as first and second mates. radisson took fate by the beard, introduced himself to young gillam, went on board the ship--not, however, without first seeing that two new englanders remained as hostages with his three frenchmen--quaffed drinks, observed that the ship was stout and well manned, advised ben not to risk his men too far from the fort among the indians, and laughed with joyous contempt when ben fired cannon by way of testing the frenchman's courage. [illustration: on the hayes river from a photograph by r. w. brock] there was enough to try radisson's courage the very next day. while gliding leisurely down the current of the nelson, he saw at a bend in the river the hudson's bay company's ship _prince rupert_, commanded by his quondam enemy, captain gillam, sailing straight for the rendezvous already occupied by ben gillam. at any cost the two english ships must be kept apart; and at once! singly, perhaps they could be mastered by the french. together, they would surely overpower radisson. it was nightfall. landing and concealing his comrades, radisson kindled such a bonfire as indians used to signal trade. the ship immediately anchored. there was a comical meeting on the _prince rupert_ the next morning, at which radisson represented to the new governor, john bridgar, who was on the ship with gillam, that each of his three paddlers was a captain of large ambushed forces. charity will, perhaps, excuse radisson for his fabulous tales of a powerful french fort on the nelson and his disinterested observation that this river had a dangerous current higher up. it appears that radisson succeeded completely in deceiving the englishmen. had they known how helpless he was, with only a few rude 'shacks' on the hayes river garrisoned by twenty or thirty mutinous sailors, surely they would have clapped him under hatches. but he was permitted to leave the ship, and bridgar began the preparation of his winter quarters on the shore. some days later radisson came back. his old enemy gillam was suspicious and ordered him away; but radisson came again, and this time he brought with him the captain's son, young ben, dressed as a wood-runner. this was enough to intimidate the old captain, for he knew that if his son was caught poaching on the bay both father and son would be ruined. one day two of bridgar's men who had been ranging for game dashed in with the news that they had seen a strange fort up the nelson a few miles away. this, of course, bridgar thought, was radisson's fort, and captain gillam did not dare to undeceive him. then a calamity befell the english winterers. a storm rose and set the tidal ice driving against the _prince rupert_. the ship was jammed and sunk with loss of provisions and fourteen men, including the captain himself. so perished captain zachariah gillam, whom we first met as master of the _nonsuch_, the pioneer of all the ships that have since sailed into the bay in the service of the hudson's bay company. [illustration: entrance to nelson and hayes rivers map by bartholomew] the wreck of the ship left bridgar helpless in his rude fort without either food or ammunition, and he at once began to console himself for loss of ship and provisions by deep drinking. then radisson knew that he had nothing further to fear from that quarter and he sent food to the starving englishmen. ben gillam was outwitted through defiantly accepting an invitation to visit the french fort. gillam visited his rivals to spy on their weakness, and openly taunted them at the banquet table about their helpless condition. when he tried to depart he was coolly told that he was a prisoner, and that, with the aid of any nine frenchmen ben chose to pick out from 'the helpless french,' radisson purposed capturing the poacher's fort and ship. the young captain had fallen into a trap. radisson had left french hostages at gillam's fort for his safe return, but these had been instructed to place firearms at convenient places and to post themselves so that they could prevent the sudden closing of the gates. such precautions proved unnecessary. radisson walked into the new england poacher's fort and quietly took possession. a few days later bridgar, who had learned too late that the fort on the nelson was not french but english, marched his men up-stream to contrive a junction with young gillam's forces. when the hudson's bay men knocked on the gate of the new englanders' fort for admission, the sentinel opened without question. the gates clapped shut with a slamming of bolts, and the englishmen found themselves quietly and bloodlessly captured by the intrepid radisson. meanwhile groseilliers and his son, jean chouart, had been plying a thriving trade. to be sure, the ice jam of spring in the hayes river had made radisson's two cockle-shell craft look more like staved-in barrels than merchant ships. but in the spring, when the assiniboines and crees came riding down the river flood in vast brigades of birch canoes laden to the waterline with peltry, the frenchmen had in store goods to barter with them and carried on a profitable trade. radisson now had more prisoners than he could conveniently carry to quebec. rigging up the remnants of his rickety ships for a convoy, he placed in them the majority of the hudson's bay company and new england crews and sent them south to rupert and moose. taking possession of ben gillam's ship, the _bachelor's delight_, he loaded it with a cargo of precious furs, and set out for quebec with bridgar and young gillam as prisoners. jean chouart and a dozen frenchmen remained on the hayes river to trade. twenty miles out from port, bridgar and young gillam were caught conspiring to cut the throats of the frenchmen, and henceforth both englishmen were kept under lock and key in their cabins. but once again radisson had to encounter the governing bodies of quebec. the authorities of new france were enraged when they learned that la chesnaye had sent an expedition to the north sea. in the meantime frontenac had been replaced by another governor, la barre. tax collectors beset the ships like rats long before quebec was sighted, and practically confiscated the cargo in fines and charges. la barre no doubt supposed that the treaty of peace existing between england and france gave him an excuse for seizing the cargo of furs. at all events he ordered radisson and groseilliers to report at once to colbert in france. he restored the _bachelor's delight_ forthwith to ben gillam and gave him full clearance papers. he released bridgar, the company's trader. his stroke of statesmanship left the two french explorers literally beggared, and when they reached paris in january colbert was dead. but, though ben gillam secured his release from the governor of new france, he did not escape the long hand of the hudson's bay company, who had written from london to mr randolph of the american plantations to effect the arrest of ben gillam at any cost. at the same time they sent randolph a £ present of silver plate. on reaching boston, ben gillam was duly arrested. he afterwards became a pirate, and his ultimate fate was involved with that of the famous captain kidd. both were sent to england to be tried for crimes on the high seas; and it is supposed that, like kidd, ben suffered execution. bridgar, suddenly freed from all danger, as suddenly regained a sense of his own importance. he made drafts on the company and set out from quebec in such state as befitted his dignity, with secretary and interpreter and valet. he rode hurriedly along the old post-road between boston and new york, filling the countryside with the story of his adventures. then he took ship to england; but there his valour suffered a sudden chill. the company had refused to honour his bills. they repudiated his drafts, reprimanded him severely, and suspended him from service for several years. mike grimmington and outlaw and the others, who had been shipped down from nelson to moose and rupert, promptly took passage home to england on the company's yearly ship. by the time radisson and groseilliers reached paris, europe was ringing with the outrage involved in their exploits. radisson found small comfort in paris. possibly colbert's death had deprived him of a sympathetic protector, and the french court was as reluctant now to interfere with the actions of the colonial authorities at quebec as it had been twenty years before. after petitioning vainly for consideration, groseilliers seems to have given up the contest and retired for the remainder of his life to a small patrimony near three rivers. not so radisson! he was bound to the old world by marriage; and now international complications came to bind him yet more completely. 'it is impossible,' wrote louis xiv to governor la barre, 'to imagine what you mean by releasing gillam's boat and relinquishing claim to the north sea,' at the same time louis was in a quandary. he would not relinquish the french claim to the north sea; but he dared not risk a rupture of his secret treaty with england by openly countenancing radisson's exploit on the nelson river. radisson was secretly ordered to go back to the bay and, unofficially, in his private capacity, restore the nelson river fur posts to the hudson's bay company. the words of the order in part are: 'to put an end to the differences between the two nations touching the settlements made by messrs groseilliers and radisson on hudson's bay, the said groseilliers and radisson shall return and withdraw the french with all effects belonging to them and shall restore to the english company the habitation by them settled to be enjoyed by the english without molestation.' at the very same time that these royal orders sent radisson to restore the forts, a privateering frigate was dispatched from france to quebec with equally secret orders to attack and sink english vessels on the bay. the 'adventurers of england,' too, were involved in a game of international duplicity. while mr young, the fashionable man about town, wrote letters imploring radisson to come back to england, sir james hayes bombarded the french court with demands that the frenchman be punished. 'i am confirmed,' he wrote, 'in our worst fears. m. radisson, who was at the head of the action at port nelson, is arrived in france the th of this month and is in all post haste to undermine us on the bay. nothing can mend but to cause ye french king to have exemplary justice done on ye said radisson.' on may , , radisson arrived in london. he was met by mr young and sir james hayes and welcomed and forthwith carried to windsor, where he took the oath of fidelity as a british subject. the company, sunk a month before in the depths of despair, were transported with joy and generous rejoicings, and the governing committee voted mr young thanks for bringing mr radisson from france. two days after radisson's arrival, sir james hayes and mr young reported to the company that mr radisson had tendered his services to the company, that they 'have presented him to our governor, his royal highness, who was pleased to advise he should again be received in service, under wage of £ per annum and benefit of dividends on £ capital stock during life, to receive £ to set him out for this present expedition.' on may sir james hayes reported that he had presented mr radisson with 'a silver tankard, charged to the company at £ . .' radisson returned to the bay on the _happy return_, sailed by captain bond. on the same ship went the new governor, william phipps, who had been appointed to succeed bridgar, and a boy named henry kelsey, of whom we shall hear more later. outlaw, who had been with ben gillam, had a commission for the company and sailed the _success_. his mate was mike grimmington, also of the old poacher crew. there was a sloop, too, the _adventure_--captain geyer--for inland waters. when radisson arrived at the hayes river and told jean chouart--who, as we have seen, had been left in charge of the french trade there--of the looting of the fur cargoes at quebec and of the order from the french king to transfer everything to the english, the young frenchman's rage may be imagined. he had risked his entire fortune on the expedition from quebec; but what account did this back-stairs trick of courtiers take of his ruin? radisson told him that he had been commissioned to offer him £ a year for service under the english, and £ each to his underling traders. jean listened in sullen silence. the furs gathered by the frenchmen were transferred to the holds of the english vessels, but jean and his companions evinced no eagerness to go aboard for england. on september , just as the sailors were heaving up anchors to the sing-song of a running chant, phipps, the governor, summoned the french to a final council on board the _happy return_. young jean looked out through the ports of the captain's cabin. the sea was slipping past. the _happy return_ had set sail. the frenchmen were trapped and were being carried to england. in an instant, hands were on swords and the ship was in an uproar. radisson besought his countrymen to bethink themselves before striking. what could five men do against an armed english crew? once in england, they could listen to what the company had to offer: meanwhile they were suffering no harm. the frenchmen sullenly put back their swords. the boat reached portsmouth in the last week of october. radisson took horse and rode furiously for london. if the adventurers had been exultant over his return from france, they were doubly jubilant at his victorious return from the bay. he was publicly thanked, presented with a hundred guineas, and became the lion of the hour. the governing committee on november , , three weeks after radisson's return, voted that he had 'done extraordinary service to the great liking and satisfaction of the company...the committee are resolved to bestow some mark of respect to the son of mr groseilliers and order s. a week paid him beginning october .' a present of seven musquash skins was now given mr young for having induced radisson to resume his services. radisson was requested to make terms with the young frenchman, but this was not such an easy matter. some one suggested that jean chouart should follow the example of his uncle and marry an english wife. jean shrugged his shoulders. in a letter to his mother at three rivers he wrote: 'i am offered proposals of marriage to which i will not listen. i would leave, but they hold back my pay, and orders have been given to arrest me in case i try. cause it to be well known that i never intended to follow the english. i have been forced to this by my uncle's subterfuge. assure m. du lhut of my humble services. i will have the honour of seeing him as soon as i can. tell the same to m. péré and all our good friends.' to m. comporte he writes: 'i will be at the place you desire me to go, or perish.' as m. du lhut had been dispatched by the company of the north with the knowledge of the governor of quebec to intercept indians going down to the english on hudson bay, and m. péré and m. comporte were suave diplomats and spies in his service, it may be guessed that the french passed secret messages into the hands of young jean chouart in london, and that he passed messages back to them. at all events, from being doggedly resistant to all overtures, he suddenly became complaisant in march of , and took out papers of 'deninization,' or naturalization, in preference to the oath of fidelity, and engaged with the english company at £ a year. he was given another £ to fit him out, and his four comrades were engaged at from £ to £ a year. how could the gentlemen of the company guess that young jean was betraying them to the company of the north in canada, where a mine was being laid to blow up their prosperity? the hudson's bay company declared dividends of fifty per cent, and chartered seven vessels for the season of --some from a goldsmith, sir stephen evance; and bespoke my lord churchill as next governor in place of james, duke of york, who had become king james ii. chapter vi the great overland raid the company now had permanent forts at rupert, albany, and moose rivers on james bay, and at the mouth of the hayes river on the west coast. the very year that churchill was appointed governor and took his place at the board of the governing committee, a small sloop had sailed as far north as churchill, or the river of the strangers, to reconnoitre and fix a site for a post. the fleet of trading vessels had increased even faster than the forts. seven ships--four frigates and three sloops--were dispatched for the bay in . radisson, young jean, and the four frenchmen went on the _happy return_ with captain bond bound for nelson. richard lucas commanded the _owner's good will_. captain outlaw, with mike grimmington as mate, took the big ship _success_, destined for albany. captain hume, with smithsend for mate, took his cargo boat, the _merchant perpetuana_. the company did not own any of these vessels. they were chartered from sir stephen evance and others, for sums running from £ to £ for the voyage, with £ extra for the impress money. the large vessels carried crews of twenty men; the smaller, of twelve; and each craft boasted at least six great guns. in march, after violent debate over old bridgar's case, the committee reinstated him at £ a year as governor at rupert. phipps went as governor to port nelson. one nixon was already stationed at moose. bluff old henry sargeant, as true a viking as ever rode the north seas, had been at albany for a year with his family--the first white family known to have resided on the bay. radisson had been reappointed superintendent of trade over the entire bay; and he recommended for this year , extra flints, extra ice-chisels for trapping beaver above the waterfalls, and several thousand extra yards of tobacco--thereby showing the judgment of an experienced trader. this spring the curious oaths of secrecy, already mentioned, were administered to all servants. it may be inferred that the _happy return_ and the _perpetuana_ were the heaviest laden, for they fell behind the rest of the fleet on the way out, and were embayed, along with outlaw's _success_, in the icefields off digges island in july. it was the realm of almost continuous light in summer; but there must have been fogs or thick weather, for candles were lighted in the binnacles and cabins, and the gloom outside was so heavy that it was impossible to see ten feet away from the decks in the woolly night mist. meanwhile the governor at albany, henry sargeant, awaited the coming of the yearly ships. it may be guessed that he waited chuckling. he and nixon, who seem to have been the only governors resident on the bay that summer, must have felt great satisfaction. they had out-tricked the french interlopers. one la martinière of the company of the north had sailed into the bay with two ships laden with cargo from quebec for the fur trade; and the two hudson's bay traders had manipulated matters so craftily that not an indian could the french find. not a pelt did la martinière obtain. the french captain then inquired very particularly for his compatriot--m. radisson. m. radisson was safe in england. one can see old sargeant's eyes twinkle beneath his shaggy brows. la martinière swears softly; a price is on m. radisson's head. the french king had sent orders to m. de denonville, the governor of new france, to arrest radisson and 'to pay fifty pistoles' to anyone who seized him. has his excellency, m. sargeant, seen one jean péré, or one m. comporte? no, m. sargeant has seen neither 'parry'--as his report has it--nor 'a comporte.' la martinière sailed away, and old sargeant sent his sentinel to the crow's nest--a sort of loft or lighthouse built on a high hill behind the fort--to hoist the signals for incoming boats and to run up the flag. he had dispatched sandford or 'red cap,' one of his men, a little way up the albany to bring him word of the coming of the indian canoes; but this was not sandford coming back, and these were not indian canoes coming down the albany river from the up-country. this was the long slow dip of white voyageurs, not the quick choppy stroke of the indian; and before sargeant could rub the amazement out of his eyes, three white men, with a blanket for sail, came swirling down the current, beached their canoe, and, doffing caps in a debonair manner, presented themselves before the hudson's bay man dourly sitting on a cannon in the gateway. the nonchalant gentleman who introduced the others was jean péré, dressed as a wood-runner, voyaging and hunting in this back-of-beyond for pleasure. a long way to come for pleasure, thought sargeant--all the leagues and leagues from french camps on lake superior. but england and france were at peace. the gentlemen bore passports. they were welcomed to a fort breakfast and passed pretty compliments to madame sargeant, and asked blandly after m. radisson's health, and had the honour to express their most affectionate regard for friend jean chouart. now where might jean chouart be? sargeant did not satisfy their curiosity, nor did he urge them to stay overnight. they sailed gaily on down-stream to hunt in the cedar swamps south of albany. that night while they slept the tide carried off their canoe. back they had to come to the fort. but meanwhile some one else had arrived there. with a fluttering of the ensign above the mainmast and a clatter as the big sails came flopping down, captain outlaw had come to anchor on the _success_; and the tale that he told--one can see the anger mount to old sargeant's eyes and the fear to jean péré's--was that the _merchant perpetuana_, off digges island, had been boarded and scuttled in the midnight gloom of july by two french ships. hume and smithsend had been overpowered, fettered, and carried off prisoners to quebec. mike grimmington too, who seems to have been on hume's ship, was a prisoner. fourteen of the crew had been bayoneted to death and thrown overboard. outlaw did not know the later details of the raid--how hume was to be sent home to france for ransom, and mike grimmington was to be tortured to betray the secret signals of the bay, and smithsend and the other english seamen to be sold into slavery in martinique. ultimately, all three were ransomed or escaped back to england; but they heard strange threats of raid and overland foray as they lay imprisoned beneath the château st louis in quebec. fortunately radisson and the five frenchmen, being on board the _happy return_, had succeeded in escaping from the ice jam and were safe in nelson. what jean péré remarked on hearing this recital is not known--possibly something not very complimentary about the plans of the french raiders going awry; but the next thing is that mr jan parry--as sargeant persists in describing him--finds himself in 'the butter vat' or prison of albany with fetters on his feet and handcuffs on his wrists. on october he is sent prisoner to england on the home-bound ships of bond and lucas. his two companion spies are marooned for the winter on charlton island. as well try, however, to maroon a bird on the wing as a french wood-runner. the men fished and snared game so diligently that by september they had full store of provisions for escape. then they made themselves a raft or canoe and crossed to the mainland. by christmas they had reached the french camps of michilimackinac. in another month they were in quebec with wild tales of péré, held prisoner in the dungeons of albany. france and england were at peace; but the chevalier de troyes, a french army officer, and the brothers le moyne, dare-devil young adventurers of new france, asked permission of the governor of quebec to lead a band of wood-runners overland to rescue péré on the bay, fire the english forts, and massacre the english. rumours of these raids smithsend heard in his dungeon below château st louis; and he contrived to send a secret letter to england, warning the company. in england the adventurers had lodged 'parry' in jail on a charge of having 'damnified the company.' smithsend's letter of warning had come; but how could the company reach their forts before the ice cleared? meanwhile they hired twenty extra men for each fort. they presented radisson with a hogshead of claret. at the same time they had him and his wife, 'dwelling at the end of seething lane on tower hill,' sign a bond for £ by way of ensuring fidelity. 'ye two journals of mr radisson's last expedition to ye bay' were delivered into the hands of the company, where they have rested to this day. the ransom demanded for hume was paid by the company at secret sessions of the governing committee, and the captain came post-haste from france with word of la martinière's raid. my lord churchill being england's champion against 'those varmint' the french, 'my lord churchill was presented with a catt skin counter pane for his bedd' and was asked to bespeak the favour of the king that france should make restitution. my lord churchill brought back word that the king said: 'gentlemen, i understand your business! on my honour, i assure you i will take particular care on it to see that you are righted.' in all, eighty-nine men were on the bay at this time. it proved not easy to charter ships that year. sir stephen evance advanced his price on the _happy return_ from £ to £ . knight, of whom we shall hear anon, and red cap sandford, of whom the minutes do not tell enough to inform us whether the name refers to his hair or his hat, urged the governing committee to send at least eighteen more men to albany, twelve more to moose, six more to rupert, and to open a trading post at severn between nelson and albany. they advised against attempting to go up the rivers while french interlopers were active. radisson bought nine hundred muskets for nelson, and ordered two great guns to be mounted on the walls. when smithsend arrived from imprisonment in quebec, war fever against the french rose to white-heat. but, while all this preparation was in course at home, sixty-six swarthy indians and thirty-three french wood-runners, led by the chevalier de troyes, the le moyne brothers, and la chesnaye, the fur trader, were threading the deeply-forested, wild hinterland between quebec and hudson bay. on june , , moose fort had shut all its gates; but the sleepy sentry, lying in his blanket across the entrance, had not troubled to load the cannon. he slept heavily outside the high palisade made of pickets eighteen feet long, secure in the thought that twelve soldiers lay in one of the corner bastions and that three thousand pounds of powder were stored in another. with all lights out and seemingly in absolute security, the chief factor's store and house, built of whitewashed stone, stood in the centre of the inner courtyard. two white men dressed as indians--the young le moyne brothers, not yet twenty-six years of age--slipped noiselessly from the woods behind the fort, careful not to crunch their moccasins on dead branches, took a look at the sleeping sentry and the plugged mouths of the unloaded cannon, and as noiselessly slipped back to their comrades in hiding. each man was armed with musket, sword, dagger, and pistol. he carried no haversack, but a single blanket rolled on his back with dried meat and biscuit enclosed. the raiders slipped off their blankets and coats, and knelt and prayed for blessing on their raid. the next time the le moynes came back to the sentinel sleeping heavily at the fort gate, one quick, sure sabre-stroke cleft the sluggard's head to the collar-bone. a moment later the whole hundred raiders were sweeping over the walls. a gunner sprang up with a shout from his sleep. a single blow on the head, and one of the le moynes had put the fellow to sleep for ever. in less than five minutes the french were masters of moose fort at a cost of only two lives, with booty of twelve cannon and three thousand pounds of powder and with a dozen prisoners. while the old chevalier de troyes paused to rig up a sailing sloop for the voyage across the bottom of james bay to the rupert river, pierre le moyne--known in history as d'iberville--with eight men, set out in canoes on june for the hudson's bay fort on the south-east corner of the inland sea. crossing the first gulf or hannah bay, he portaged with his men across the swampy flats into rupert bay, thus saving a day's detour, and came on poor old bridgar's sloop near the fort at rupert, sails reefed, anchor out, rocking gently to the night tide. d'iberville was up the hull and over the deck with the quiet stealth and quickness of a cat. one sword-blow severed the sleeping sentinel's head from his body. then, with a stamp of his moccasined feet and a ramp of the butt of his musket, d'iberville awakened the sleeping crew below decks. by way of putting the fear of god and of france into english hearts, he sabred the first three sailors who came floundering up the hatches. poor old bridgar came up in his nightshirt, hardly awake, both hands up in surrender--his second surrender in four years. to wake up to bloody decks, with the heads of dead men rolling to the scuppers, was enough to excuse any man's surrender. the noise on the ship had forewarned the fort, and the french had to gain entrance thereto by ladders. with these they ascended to the roofs of the houses and hurled down bombs--hand-grenades--through the chimneys, 'with,' says the historian of the occasion, 'an effect most admirable.' most admirable, indeed! for an englishwoman, hiding in a room closet, fell screaming with a broken hip. the fort surrendered, and the french were masters of rupert with thirty prisoners and a ship to the good. what all this had to do with the rescue of jean péré would puzzle any one but a raiding fur trader. with prisoners, ship, cannon, and ammunition, but with few provisions for food, the french now set sail westward across the bay for albany, la chesnaye no doubt bearing in mind that a large quantity of beaver stored there would compensate him for his losses at nelson two years before when the furs collected by jean chouart on behalf of the company of the north had been seized by the english. the wind proved perverse. icefloes, driving towards the south end of the bay, delayed the sloops. again pierre le moyne d'iberville could not constrain patience to await the favour of wind and weather. with crews of voyageurs he pushed off from the ship in two canoes. fog fell. the ice proved brashy, soft to each step, and the men slithered through the water up to the armpits as they carried the canoes. d'iberville could keep his men together only by firing guns through the fog and holding hands in a chain as the two crews portaged across the soft ice. by august the french voyageurs were in camp before albany, and a few days later de troyes arrived with the prisoners and the big sloop. before albany, captain outlaw's ship, the _success_, stood anchored; but the ship seemed deserted, and the fort was fast sealed, like an oyster in a shell. indians had evidently carried warning of the raid to sargeant, and captain outlaw had withdrawn his crew inside the fort. the le moynes, acting as scouts, soon discovered that albany boasted forty-three guns. if jean péré were prisoner here in durance vile, his rescue would be a harder matter than the capture of moose or rupert. if the french had but known it, bedlam reigned inside the fort. while the english had guns, they had very little ammunition. gunners threw down their fuses and refused to stand up behind the cannon till old sargeant drove them back with his sword hilt. men on the walls threw down muskets and declared that while they had signed to serve, they had not signed to fight, 'and if any of us lost a leg, the company could not make it good.' the chevalier de troyes, with banner flying and fifes shrilling, marched forward, and under flag of truce pompously demanded, in the name of the most christian monarch, louis xiv, king of france, the instant release of monsieur jean péré. old sargeant sent out word that mister parry had long since sailed for france by way of england. this, however, did not abate the demands of the most christian king of france. bombs began to sing overhead. bridgar came under flag of truce to sargeant and told him the french were desperate. it was a matter of life and death. they must take the fort to obtain provisions for the return to quebec. if it were surrendered, mercy would be exercised. if taken forcibly, no power could restrain the indians from massacre. sargeant, as has been explained before, had his family in the fort. just at this moment one of the gunners committed suicide from sheer terror, and captain outlaw came from the powder magazine with the report that there was not another ball to fire. before sargeant could prevent it, an underling had waved a white sheet from one of the upper windows in surrender. the old trader took two bottles of port, opened the fort gates, walked out and sat down on a french cannon while he parleyed with de troyes for the best terms obtainable. the english officers and their families were allowed to retire on one of the small ships to charlton island to await the coming of the company's yearly boats. when the hungry french rushed into the fort, they found small store of food, but an enormous loot of furs. the season was advancing. the chevalier de troyes bade his men disband and find their way as best they could to quebec. only enough english prisoners were retained to carry the loot of furs back overland. the rest were turned adrift in the woods. of fifty prisoners, only twenty survived the winter of - . some perished while trying to tramp northward to nelson, and some died in the woods, after a vain endeavour to save their miserable lives by cannibalism. the english flag still flew at nelson; but the french were masters of every other post on the bay. chapter vii years of disaster in spite of french raid and foray, the governing committee in london pursued the even tenor of its way. strict measures were enforced to stop illicit and clandestine trading on the part of the company's servants. in a minute of november , , the committee 'taking notice that several of the officers and servants have brought home in their coats and other garments severall pieces of furrs to the great prejudice of the co'y, do order that such as have any garments lined with furrs shall forthwith bring the same to the warehouse and there leave all the same furrs, or in default shall forfeit and loose all salary and be liable to such prosecution as the co'y think fitt.' silent anger and resentment grew against radisson; for was it not he who had revealed the secrets of the great bay to marauding frenchmen? sargeant was sued in £ , damages for surrendering albany; but on second thought, the case was settled by arbitration, and the doughty old trader was awarded £ . jean chouart and the other frenchmen came back to london in , and jean was awarded £ for all arrears. also, about this time, the company began trade with north russia in whale blubber, which, like the furs, was auctioned by light of candle. william of orange was welcomed to the throne, in , with an address from the adventurers that would have put henry viii's parliament to the blush: 'that in all yr. undertakings yr. majesty may bee as victorious as caesar, as beloved as titus, and have the glorious long reign and peaceful end of his majesty augustus.' three hundred guineas were presented along with this address in 'a faire embroidered purse by the hon. the deputy gov'r. upon his humble knees.' for pushing claims of damages against france, sir edward dering, the deputy-governor, was voted two hundred guineas. stock forfeited for breaking oaths of secrecy was voted to a fund for the wounded and widows of the service. the company's servants were put on the same pensions as soldiers in the national service. henceforth 'one pipe of brandy' was to go on each vessel for use during war; but, in spite of 'pipes of brandy,' the seamen were now very mutinous about going aboard, and demanded pay in advance, which with 'faire words doth allay anger.' it was a difficult matter now to charter ships. the company had to buy vessels; and it seems there was a scarcity of ready money, for one minute records that 'the tradesmen are very importunate for their bills.' many new shareholders had come into the company, and 'esquire young' had great ado to convince them that radisson had any rightful claim on them at all. radisson, for his part, went to law; and the arrears of dividends were ordered to be paid. but when the war waxed hotter there were no dividends. then esquire young's petitions set forth that 'm. radisson is living in a mean and poor condition.' when the frenchman came asking for consideration, he was not invited into the committee room, but was left cooling his heels in the outer hall. but the years rolled on, and when, during the negotiation of the treaty of ryswick in , the company pressed a claim of £ , damages against france, 'the committee considering mr peter radisson may be very useful at this time, as to affairs between the french and this co'y, the sec. is ordered to take coach and fetch him to the committee'; 'on wh. the committee had discourse with him till dinner.' the discourse--given in full in the minutes--was the setting forth, on affidavit, of that secret royal order from the king of france in to restore the forts on the bay to england. meanwhile amounts of £ were voted widows of captains killed in the war; and the deputy-governor went to hamburg and amsterdam to borrow money; for the governor, sir stephen evance, was wellnigh bankrupt. a treaty of neutrality, in , had provided that the bay should be held in common by france and england, but the fur traders of new france were not content to honour such an ambiguous arrangement. d'iberville came overland again to rupert river in , promptly seized the english sloop there, and sent four men across to charlton island to spy on captain bond, who was wintering on the ship _churchill_. bond clapped the french spies under hatches; but in the spring one was permitted above decks to help the english sailors launch the _churchill_ from her skids. the frenchman waited till six of the english were up the masts. then, seizing an ax, he brained two sailors near by, opened the hatches, called up his comrades, and, keeping the other englishmen up the mast poles at pistol point, steered the vessel across to d'iberville at rupert. the english on their side, like the french, were not disposed to remain inert under the terms of the treaty. captain moon sailed down from nelson, with two strongly-manned ships, to attempt the recapture of albany. at the moment when he had loaded a cargo of furs from the half-abandoned fort on one of his vessels, d'iberville came paddling across the open sea with a force of painted indian warriors. the english dashed for hiding inside the fort, and d'iberville gaily mounted to the decks of the fur-laden ship, raised sail, and steered off for quebec. meeting the incoming fleet of english vessels, he threw them off guard by hoisting an english flag, and sailed on in safety. when france and england were again openly at war, le moyne d'iberville was occupied with raids on new england; and during his absence from the bay, mike grimmington, who had been promoted to a captaincy, came sailing down from nelson to find albany in the possession of four frenchmen under captain le meux. he sacked the fort, clapped le meux and his men in the hold of his english vessel, carried them off to england, and presented them before the governing committee. captain mike was given a tankard valued at £ for his services. at the same time captain edgecombe brought home a cargo of , beavers from nelson, and was rewarded with £ worth of silver plate and £ in cash. meanwhile our friend jean péré, who had escaped to france, was writing letters to radisson, trying to tempt him to leave england, or perhaps to involve him in a parley that would undermine his standing with the english. grimmington's successful foray encouraged the 'adventurers of england' to make a desperate effort to recapture all the forts on the bay. james knight, who had started as an apprentice under sargeant, was sent to albany as governor, and three trusted men, walsh, bailey, and kelsey, were sent to nelson, whence came the largest cargoes of furs. but d'iberville was not the man to let his winnings slip. once more he turned his attention to hudson bay, and on september , , the french frigates _poli_ and _salamander_ were unloading cannon, under his direction, beneath the ramparts of nelson. for three weeks, without ceasing day or night, bombs were singing over the eighteen-foot palisades of the fort. from within walsh, kelsey, and bailey made a brave defence. they poured scalding water on the heads of the frenchmen and indians who ventured too near the walls. from the sugar-loaf tower roofs of the corner bastions their sharpshooters were able to pick off the french assailants, while keeping in safety themselves. they killed chateauguay, d'iberville's brother, as he tried to force his way into the fort through a rear wall. but the wooden towers could not withstand the bombs, and at length both sides were ready to parley for terms. with the hope that they might save their furs, the english hung out a tablecloth as a flag of truce, and the exhausted fighters seized the opportunity to eat and sleep. the weather had turned bitterly cold. no ship could come from england till spring. under these conditions, walsh made the best bargain he could. it was agreed that the english officers should be lodged in the fort and should share the provisions during the winter. d'iberville took possession; and again, only one post on the bay--albany, in charge of james knight--remained in english hands. on the miseries of the english prisoners that winter there is no time to dwell. d'iberville had departed, leaving la forest, one of his men, in command. the terms of the surrender were ignored. only four officers were maintained in the fort and given provisions. the rest of the english were driven to the woods. those who hung round the fort were treated as slaves. out of the fifty-three only twenty-five survived. no english ship came to nelson in the following summer-- . the ship that anchored there that summer was a french privateer, and in her hold some of the english survivors were stowed and carried to france for ransom. in august , however, two english warships--the _bonaventure_ and the _seaforth_--commanded by captain allen, anchored before nelson. la forest capitulated almost on demand; and, again, the english with nelson in their hands were virtually in possession of the bay. allen made prisoners of the whole garrison and seized twenty thousand beaver pelts. while the _bonaventure_ and the _seaforth_ lay in front of the fort, two ships of france, in command of serigny, one of d'iberville's brothers, with provisions for la forest, sailed in, and on sight of the english ships sailed out again to the open sea--so hurriedly, indeed, that one of the craft struck an icefloe, split, and sank. as allen's two english vessels, on their return journey, passed into the straits during a fog, a volley of shot poured across the deck and laid the captain dead on the spot. the ship whence this volley came was not seen; there is no further record of the incident, and we can only surmise that the shot came from serigny's remaining ship. what is certain is that allen was killed and that the english ships arrived in england with an immense cargo of furs, which went to the company's warehouse, and with french captives from nelson, who were lodged in prison at portsmouth. the french prisoners were finally set free and made their way to france, where the story of their wrongs aroused great indignation. d'iberville, who was now in newfoundland, carrying havoc from hamlet to hamlet, was the man best fitted to revenge the outrage. five french warships were made ready--the _pelican_, the _palmier_, the _profond_, the _violent_, and the _wasp_. in april these were dispatched from france to placentia, newfoundland, there to be taken in command by d'iberville, with orders to proceed to hudson bay and leave not a vestige remaining of the english fur trade in the north. meanwhile preparations were being made in england to dispatch a mighty fleet to drive the french for ever from the bay. three frigates were bought and fitted out--the _dering_, captain grimmington; the _hudson's bay_, captain smithsend; and the _hampshire_, captain fletcher--each with guns and sixty fighting men in addition to the regular crew. these ships were to meet the enemy sooner than was expected. in the last week of august the english fleet lay at the west end of hudson strait, befogged and surrounded by ice. suddenly the fog lifted and revealed to the astonished englishmen d'iberville's fleet of five french warships: the _palmier_ to the rear, back in the straits; the _wasp_ and the _violent_, out in open water to the west; the _pelican_, flying the flag of the admiral, to the fore and free from the ice; and the _profond_, ice-jammed and within easy shooting range. the hudson's bay ships at once opened fire on the _profond_, but this only loosened the ice and let the french ship escape. d'iberville's aim was not to fight a naval battle but to secure the fort at nelson. accordingly, spreading the _pelican's_ sails to the wind, he steered south-west, leaving the other ships to follow his example. ice must have obstructed him, for he did not anchor before nelson till september . the place was held by the english and he could find no sign of his other ships. he waited two days, loading cannon, furbishing muskets, drilling his men, of whom a great many were french wood-runners sick with scurvy. on the morning of the th the lookout called down 'a sail.' never doubting but that the sail belonged to one of his own ships, d'iberville hoisted anchor and fired cannon in welcome. no answering shot signalled back. there were sails of three ships now, and d'iberville saw three english men-of-war racing over the waves to meet him, while shouts of wild welcome came thundering from the hostile fort to his rear. d'iberville did not swerve in his course, nor waste ammunition by firing shots at targets out of range. forty of his soldiers lay in their berths disabled by scurvy; but he quickly mustered one hundred and fifty able-bodied men and ordered ropes to be stretched, for hand hold, across the slippery decks. the gunners below stripped naked behind the great cannon. men were marshalled ready to board and rush the enemy when the ships locked. the _hampshire_, under captain fletcher, with fifty-two guns and sixty fighting men, first came up within range and sent two roaring cannonades that mowed the masts and wheel-house from the _pelican_ down to bare decks. at the same time grimmington's _dering_ and smithsend's _hudson's bay_ circled to the other side of the french ship and poured forth a pepper of musketry. d'iberville shouted orders to the gunners to fire straight into the _hampshire's_ hull; sharpshooters were to rake the decks of the two off-standing english ships, and the indians were to stand ready to board. two hours passed in sidling and shifting; then the death grapple began. ninety dead and wounded frenchmen rolled on the _pelican's_ blood-stained decks. the fallen sails were blazing. the mast poles were splintered. railings went smashing into the sea. the bridge crumbled. the _pelican's_ prow had been shop away. d'iberville was still shouting to his gunners to fire low, when suddenly the _hampshire_ ceased firing and tilted. d'iberville had barely time to unlock the _pelican_ from the death grapple, when the english frigate lurched and, amid hiss and roar of flame in a wild sea, sank like a stone, engulfing her panic-stricken crew almost before the french could realize what had happened. smithsend at once surrendered the _hudson's bay_, and mike grimmington fled for nelson on the _dering_. a fierce hurricane now rose and the english garrison at nelson had one hope left--that the wild storm might wreck d'iberville's ship and its absent convoys. smashing billows and ice completed the wreck of the _pelican_; nevertheless the french commander succeeded in landing his men. when the storm cleared, his other ships came limping to his aid. nelson stood back four miles from the sea, but by september the french had their cannon placed under the walls. a messenger was sent to demand surrender, and he was conveyed with bandaged eyes into the fort. grimmington,[ ] smithsend, bailey, kelsey--all were for holding out; but d'iberville's brother, serigny, came in under flag of truce and bade them think well what would happen if the hundred indians were turned loose on the fort. finally the english surrendered and marched out with the honours of war. grimmington sailed for england with as many of the refugees as his ship, the _dering_, could convey. the rest, led by bailey and smithsend, marched overland south to the fort at albany. [ ] grimmington, with the _dering_, had reached the fort in safety. smithsend's captive ship, the _hudson's bay_, had been wrecked with the _pelican_, but he himself had escaped to the fort. the loss of nelson fell heavily on the hudson's bay company. their ships were not paid for; dividends stopped; stock dropped in value. but still they borrowed money to pay £ each to the sailors. the treaty of ryswick, which halted the war with france, provided that possession on the bay should remain as at the time of the treaty, and england held only albany. chapter viii expansion and exploration when the house of orange came to the throne, it was deemed necessary that the company's monopoly, originally granted by the stuarts, should be confirmed. nearly all the old shareholders, who had been friends of the stuarts, sold out, and in , the year of the disaster related in the last chapter, the company applied for an extension of its royal charter by act of parliament. the fur buyers of london opposed the application on the grounds that: ( ) the charter conferred arbitrary powers to which a private company had no right; ( ) the company was a mere stock-jobbing concern of no benefit to the public; ( ) beaver was sold at an extortionate advance; bought at d. and sold for s. ( ) the english claim to a monopoly drove the indians to the french; ( ) nothing was done to carry out the terms of the charter in finding a north-west passage. all this, however, did not answer the great question: if the company retired from the bay, who or what was to resist the encroachments of the french? this consideration saved the situation for the adventurers. their charter was confirmed. the opposition to the extension of the charter compelled the company to show what it had been doing in the way of exploration; and the journey of henry kelsey, the london apprentice boy, to the country of the assiniboines, was put on file in the company records. kelsey had not at first fitted in very well with the martinet rules of fort life at nelson, and in , after a switching for some breach of discipline, he had jumped over the walls and run away with the indians. where he went on this first trip is not known. some time before the spring of the next year an indian runner brought word back to the fort from kelsey: on condition of pardon he was willing to make a journey of exploration inland. the pardon was readily granted and the youth was supplied with equipment. accordingly, on july , , kelsey left the camping-place of the assiniboines--thought to be the modern split lake--and with some indian hunters set off overland on foot. it is difficult to follow his itinerary, for he employs only indian names in his narrative. he travelled five hundred miles west of split lake presumably without touching on the saskatchewan or the churchill, for his journal gives not the remotest hint of these rivers. we are therefore led to believe that he must have traversed the semi-barren country west of lac du brochet, or reindeer lake as it is called on the map. he encountered vast herds of what he called buffalo, though his description reminds us more of the musk ox of the barren lands than of the buffalo. he describes the summer as very dry and game as very scarce, on the first part of the trip; and this also applies to the half-barren lands west of reindeer lake. hairbreadth escapes were not lacking on the trip of the boy explorer. once, completely exhausted from a swift march, kelsey fell asleep on the trail. when he awoke, there was not a sign of the straggling hunters. kelsey waited for nightfall and by the reflection of the fires in the sky found his way back to the camp of his companions. at another time he awoke to find the high dry grass all about him in flames and his musket stock blazing. once he met two grizzly bears at close quarters. the bears had no acquired instinct of danger from powder and stood ground. the indians dashed for trees. kelsey fired twice from behind bunch willows, wounded both brutes, and won for himself the name of honour--little giant. joining the main camp of assiniboines at the end of august, kelsey presented the indian chief with a lace coat, a cap, guns, knives, and powder, and invited the tribe to go down to the bay. the expedition won kelsey instant promotion. our old friend radisson, from the time we last saw him--when 'the committee had discourse with him till dinner'--lived on in london, receiving a quarterly allowance of £ s. from the company; occasional gratuities for his services, and presents of furs to madame radisson are also recorded. the last entry of the payment of his quarterly allowance is dated march , . then, on july , comes a momentous entry: 'the sec. is ordered to pay mr radisson's widow as charity the sum of £ .' at some time between march and july the old pathfinder had set out on his last journey. small profit his heirs reaped for his labours. nineteen years later, september , , the secretary was again ordered to pay 'the widow of peter radisson £ as charity, she being very ill and in great want.' meanwhile hostilities had been resumed between france and england; but the treaty of utrecht in brought the game of war again to a pause and restored hudson bay to england. the company received back all its forts on the bay; but the treaty did not define the boundaries to be observed between the fur traders of quebec pressing north and the fur traders of the bay pressing south, and this unsettled point proved a source of friction in after years. after the treaty the adventurers deemed it wise to strengthen all their forts. moose, albany, and nelson, and two other forts recently established--henley house and east main--were equipped with stone bastions; and when churchill was built later, where munck the dane had wintered, its walls of solid stone were made stronger than quebec's, and it was mounted with enough large guns to withstand a siege of european fleets of that day. the company now regularly sent ships to russia; and from russia the adventurers must have heard of peter the great's plan to find the north passage. the finding of the passage had been one of the reasons for the granting of the charter, and the fur buyers' petition against the charter had set forth that small effort had been made in that direction. now, at churchill, richard norton and his son moses, servants of the company, had heard strange rumours from the indians of a region of rare metals north-west inland. all these things the governor on the bay, james knight, pondered, as he cruised up and down from albany to churchill. then the gold fever beset the company. they sent for knight. he was commissioned on june , , to seek the north-west passage, and, incidentally, to look for rare minerals. four ships were in the fleet that sailed for hudson bay this year. knight went on the _albany_ with captain barlow and fifty men. he waited only long enough at churchill to leave provisions. then, with the _discovery_, captain vaughan, as convoy, he sailed north on the _albany_. on his ship were iron-bound caskets to carry back the precious metals of which he dreamed, and the framework for houses to be erected for wintering on the south sea. with him went iron-forgers to work in the metals, and whalers from dundee to chase the silver-bottoms of the pacific, and a surgeon, to whom was paid the extraordinary salary of £ on account of the unusual peril of the voyage. what became of knight? from the time he left churchill, his journal ceases. another threescore lives paid in toll to the insatiable sea! no word came back in the summer of , and the adventurers had begun to look for him to return by way of asia. then three years passed, and no word of knight or his precious metals. kelsey cruised north on the _prosperous_ in , and hancock on the _success_ in ; napper and scroggs and crow on other ships on to , but never a trace did they find of the argonauts. norton, whaling in the north in , heard disquieting rumours from the indians, but it was not till hearne went among the eskimos almost fifty years later that knight's fate became known. his ships had been totally wrecked on the east point of marble island, that white block of granite bare as a gravestone. out of the wave-beaten wreckage the eskimos saw a house arise as if by magic. the savages fled in terror from such a mystery, and winter--the terrible, hard, cutting cold of hyperborean storm--raged on the bare, unsheltered island. when the eskimos came back in the summer of , a great many graves had been scooped among the drift sand and boulders. the survivors were plainly starving, for they fell ravenously on the eskimos' putrid whale meat. the next summer only two demented men were alive. they were clad in rabbit and fox skins. their hair and beards had grown unkempt, and they acted like maniacs. again the superstitious eskimos fled in terror. next summer when the savages came down to the coast no white men were alive. the wolves had scraped open a score of graves. it may be stated here that before the books of the hudson's bay company show £ , spent in bootless searching and voyaging for the mythical north-west passage. nevertheless study-chair explorers who journeyed round the world on a map, continued to accuse the company of purposely refusing to search for the passage, for fear of disturbing its monopoly. so violent did the pamphleteers grow that they forced a parliamentary inquiry in into the company's charter and the company's record, and what saved the company then, as in , was the fact that the adventurers were the great bulwark against french aggression from quebec. arthur dobbs, a gentleman and a scholar, had roused the admiralty to send two expeditions to search for the north-west passage. it is unnecessary for history to concern itself with the 'tempest in a teapot' that raged round these expeditions. perhaps the company did not behave at all too well when their own captain, middleton, resigned to conduct the first one on the _furnace bomb_ and the _discovery_ to the bay. perhaps wrong signals in the harbours did lead the searchers' ships to bad anchorage. at any rate arthur dobbs announced in hysterical fury that the company had bribed middleton with £ not to find the passage. middleton had come back in saying bluntly, in sailor fashion, that 'there was no passage and never would be.' at once the dobbs faction went into a frenzy. baseless charges were hurled about with the freedom of bombs in a battle. parliament was roused to offer a reward of £ , for the discovery of the passage, and the indefatigable dobbs organized an opposition trading company--with a capital of £ , --and petitioned parliament for the exclusive trade. the _dobbs galley_, captain moon, and the _california_, captain smith, with the _shark_, under middleton, as convoy for part of the way, went out in with henry ellis, agent for dobbs, aboard. the result of the voyage need not be told. there was the usual struggle with the ice jam in the north off chesterfield inlet, the usual suffering from scurvy. something was accomplished on the exploration of fox channel, but no north-west passage was found, a fact that told in favour of the company when the parliamentary inquiry of came on. in the end, an influence stronger than the puerile frenzy of arthur dobbs forced the company to unwonted activity in inland exploration. la vérendrye, the french canadian, and his sons had come from the st lawrence inland and before had established trading-posts on the red river, on the assiniboine, and on the saskatchewan. after this fewer furs came down to the bay. it was now clear that if the indians would not come to the adventurers, the adventurers must go to the indians. as a beginning one anthony hendry, a boy outlawed from the isle of wight for smuggling, was permitted to go back with the assiniboines from nelson in june . hendry's itinerary is not difficult to follow. the indian place-names used by him are the indian place-names used to-day by the assiniboines. four hundred paddlers manned the big brigade of canoes which he accompanied inland to the modern oxford lake and from oxford to cross lake. the latter name explains itself. voyageurs could reach the saskatchewan by coming on down westward through playgreen lake to lake winnipeg, or they could save the long detour round the north end of lake winnipeg--a hundred miles at least, and a dangerous stretch because of the rocky nature of the coast and the big waves of the shallow lake--by portaging across to that chain of swamps and nameless lakes, leading down to the expansion of the saskatchewan, known under the modern name of the pas. it is quite plain from hendry's narrative that the second course was followed, for he came to 'the river on which the french have two forts' without touching lake winnipeg; and he gave his distance as five hundred miles from york,[ ] which would bring him by way of oxford and cross lakes precisely at the pas. [ ] nelson. throughout this narrative nelson, the name of the port and river, is generally used instead of york, the name of the fort or factory. the saskatchewan is here best described as an elongated swamp three hundred miles by seventy, for the current of the river proper loses itself in countless channels through reed-grown swamps and turquoise lakes, where the white pelicans stand motionless as rocks and the wild birds gather together in flocks that darken the sky and have no fear of man. between lake winnipeg and cumberland lake one can literally paddle for a week and barely find a dry spot big enough for a tent among the myriad lakes and swamps and river channels overwashing the dank goose grass. through these swamps runs the limestone cliff known as the pasquia hills--a blue lift of the swampy sky-line in a wooded ridge. on this ridge is the pas fort. all the romance of the most romantic era in the west clings to the banks of the saskatchewan--'kis-sis-kat-chewan sepie'--swift angrily-flowing waters, as the indians call it, with its countless unmapped lakes and its countless unmapped islands. up and down its broad current from time immemorial flitted the war canoes of the cree, like birds of prey, to plunder the blackfeet, or 'horse indians.' between these high, steep banks came the voyageurs of the old fur companies--'ti-aing-ti-aing' in monotonous sing-song day and night, tracking the clumsy york boats up-stream all the way from tide water to within sight of the rocky mountains. up these waters, with rapids so numerous that one loses count of them, came doughty traders of the company with the swiftest paddlers the west has ever known. the gentleman in cocked hat and silk-lined overcape, with knee-buckled breeches and ruffles at wrist and throat, had a habit of tucking his sleeves up and dipping his hand in the water over the gunnels. if the ripple did not rise from knuckles to elbows, he forced speed with a shout of 'up-up, my men! up-up!' and gave orders for the regale to go round, or for the crews to shift, or for the highland piper to set the bagpipes skirling. hither, then, came hendry from the bay, the first englishman to ascend the saskatchewan. 'the mosquitoes are intolerable,' he writes. 'we came to the french house. two frenchmen came to the water side and invited me into their house. one told me his master and men had gone down to montreal with furs and that he must detain me till his return; but little bear, my indian leader, only smiled and said, "they dare not."' somewhere between the north and south branches of the saskatchewan, hendry's assiniboines met indians on horseback, the blackfeet, or 'archithinues,' as he calls them. the blackfeet indians tell us to-day that the assiniboines and crees used to meet the blackfeet to exchange the trade of the bay at wetaskiwin, 'the hills of peace.' this exactly agrees with the itinerary, described by hendry, after they crossed the south branch in september and struck up into the eagle hills. winter was passed in hunting between the points where calgary and edmonton now stand. hendry remarks on the outcropping of coal on the north branch. the same outcroppings can be seen to-day in the high banks below edmonton. it was on october that hendry was conveyed to the main blackfeet camp. the leader's tent was large enough to contain fifty persons. he received us seated on a buffalo skin, attended by twenty elderly men. he made signs for me to sit down on his right hand, which i did. our leaders [the assiniboines] set several great pipes going the rounds and we smoked according to their custom. not one word was spoken. smoking over, boiled buffalo flesh was served in baskets of bent wood. i was presented with ten buffalo tongues. my guide informed the leader i was sent by the grand leader who lives on the great waters to invite his young men down with their furs. they would receive in return powder, shot, guns and cloth. he made little answer; said it was far off, and his people could not paddle. we were then ordered to depart to our tents, which we pitched a quarter of a mile outside their lines. the chief told me his tribe never wanted food, as they followed the buffalo, but he was informed the natives who frequented the settlements often starved on their journey, which was exceedingly true. hendry gave his position for the winter as eight hundred and ten miles west of york, or between the sites of modern edmonton and battleford. everywhere he presented gifts to the indians to induce them to go down to the bay. on the way back to york, the explorers canoed all the way down the saskatchewan, and hendry paused at fort la corne, half-way down to lake winnipeg. the banks were high, high as the hudson river ramparts, and like those of the hudson, heavily wooded. trees and hills were intensest green, and everywhere through the high banks for a hundred miles below what is now edmonton bulged great seams of coal. the river gradually widened until it was as broad as the hudson at new york or the st lawrence at quebec. hawks shrieked from the topmost boughs of black poplars ashore. whole colonies of black eagles nodded and babbled and screamed from the long sand-bars. wolf tracks dotted the soft mud of the shore, and sometimes what looked like a group of dogs came down to the bank, watched the boatmen land, and loped off. these were coyotes of the prairie. again and again as the brigades drew in for nooning to the lee side of some willow-grown island, black-tailed deer leaped out of the brush almost over their heads, and at one bound were in the midst of a tangled thicket that opened a magic way for their flight. from hendry's winter camp to lake winnipeg, a distance of almost a thousand miles, a good hunter could then, as now, keep himself in food summer and winter with but small labour. most people have a mental picture of the plains country as flat prairie, with sluggish, winding rivers. such a picture would not be true of the saskatchewan. from end to end of the river, for only one interval is the course straight enough and are the banks low enough to enable the traveller to see in a line for eight miles. the river is a continual succession of half-circles, hills to the right, with the stream curving into a shadowy lake, or swerving out again in a bend to the low left; or high-walled sandstone bluffs to the left sending the water wandering out to the low silt shore on the right. not river of the thousand islands, like the st lawrence, but river of countless islands, the saskatchewan should be called. more ideal hunting ground could not be found. the hills here are partly wooded and in the valleys nestle lakes literally black with wild-fowl--bittern that rise heavy-winged and furry with a boo-m-m; grey geese holding political caucus with raucous screeching of the honking ganders; black duck and mallard and teal; inland gulls white as snow and fearless of hunters; little match-legged phalaropes fishing gnats from the wet sand. the wildest of the buffalo hunts used to take place along this section of the river, or between what are now known as pitt and battleford. it was a common trick of the eternally warring blackfeet and cree to lie in hiding among the woods here and stampede all horses, or for the blackfeet to set canoes adrift down the river or scuttle the teepees of the frightened cree squaws who waited at this point for their lords' return from the bay. round that three-hundred mile bend in the river known as 'the elbow' the water is wide and shallow, with such numbers of sand-bars and shallows and islands that one is lost trying to keep the main current. shallow water sounds safe and easy for canoeing, but duststorms and wind make the elbow the most trying stretch of water in the whole length of the river. beyond this great bend, still called the elbow, the saskatchewan takes a swing north-east through the true wilderness primeval. the rough waters below the elbow are the first of twenty-two rapids round the same number of sharp turns in the river. some are a mere rippling of the current, more noisy than dangerous; others run swift and strong for sixteen miles. first are the squaw rapids, where the indian women used to wait while the men went on down-stream with the furs. next are the cold rapids, and boats are barely into calm water out of these when a roar gives warning of more to come, and a tall tree stripped of all branches but a tufted crest on top--known among indians as a 'lob-stick,--marks two more rippling rapids. the crooked rapids send canoes twisting round point after point almost to the forks of the south saskatchewan. here, five miles below the modern fur post, at a bend in the river commanding a great sweep of approach, a gay courtier of france built fort la corne. who called the bold sand-walls to the right heart hills? and how comes it that here are cadotte rapids, named after the famous voyageur family of cadottes, whose ancestor gave his life and his name to one section of the ottawa? [illustration: a camp in the swamp country from a photograph] forty miles below la corne is nepawin, the 'looking-out-place' of the indians for the coming trader, where the french had another post. and still the river widens and widens. though the country is flat, the level of the river is ten feet below a crumbling shore worn sheer as a wall, with not the width of a hand for camping-place below. on a spit of the north shore was the camping-place known as devil's point, where no voyageur would ever stay because the long point was inhabited by demons. the bank is steep here, flanked by a swamp of huge spruce trees criss-crossed by the log-jam of centuries. the reason for the ill omen of the place is plain enough--a long point running out with three sides exposed to a bellowing wind. east of devil's point, the saskatchewan breaks from its river bed and is lost for a hundred and fifty miles through a country of pure muskeg, quaking silt soft as sponge, overgrown with reed and goose grass. here are not even low banks; there are no banks at all. canoes are on a level with the land, and reeds sixteen feet high line the aisled water channels. one can stand on prow or stern and far as eye can see is naught but reeds and waterways, waterways and reeds. below the muskeg country lies cumberland lake. at its widest the lake is some forty miles across, but by skirting from island to island boatmen could make a crossing of only twenty-three miles. far to the south is the blue rim of the pas mountain, named from the indian word pasquia, meaning open country. hendry's canoes were literally loaded with peltry when he drew in at the pas. there he learned a bitter lesson on the meaning of a rival's suavity. the french plied his indians with brandy, then picked out a thousand of his best skins, a trick that cost the hudson's bay company some of its profit. on june the canoes once more set out for york. with the rain-swollen current the paddlers easily made fast time and reached york on june . james isham, the governor of the fort, realized that his men had brought down a good cargo of furs, but when hendry began to talk of indians on horseback, he was laughed out of the service. who had ever heard of indians on horseback? the company voted hendry £ reward, and isham by discrediting hendry's report probably thought to save himself the trouble of going inland. but the unseen destiny of world movement rudely disturbed the lazy trader's indolent dream. in four years french power fell at quebec, and the wildwood rovers of the st lawrence, unrestricted by the new government and soon organized under the leadership of scottish merchants at montreal, invaded the sacred precincts of the company's inmost preserve. in other volumes of this series we shall learn more of the fur lords and explorers in the great west and north of canada; of the fierce warfare between the rival traders; of the opening up of great rivers to commerce, and of the founding of colonies that were to grow into commonwealths. we shall witness the gradual, stubborn, and unwilling retreat of the fur trade before the onmarching settler, until at last the dominion government took over the vast domain known as rupert's land, and the company, founded by the courtiers of king charles and given absolute sway over an empire, fell to the status of an ordinary commercial organization. bibliographical note on the era prior to the cession ( ) very few printed records of the hudson's bay company exist. most books on the later period--in which the conflict with the north-west company took place--have cursory sketches of the early era, founded chiefly on data handed down by word of mouth among the servants and officers of the company. on this early period the documents in hudson's bay house, london, must always be the prime authority. these documents consist in the main of the minute books of some two hundred years, the letter books, the stock books, the memorial books, and the daily journals kept from onwards by chief traders at every post and forwarded to london. there is also a great mass of unpublished material bearing on the adventurers in the public record office, london. transcripts of a few of these documents are to be found in the canadian archives, ottawa, and in the newberry library, chicago. transcripts of four of the radisson journals--copied from the originals in the bodleian library, oxford--are possessed by the prince society, boston. of modern histories dealing with the early era beckles willson's _the great company_ ( ), george bryce's _remarkable history of the hudson's bay company_ ( ), and laut's _conquest of the great north-west_ ( ) are the only works to be taken seriously. willson's is marred by many errors due to a lack of local knowledge of the west. bryce's work is free of these errors, but, having been issued before the archives of hudson's bay house were open for more than a few weeks at a time, it lacks first-hand data from headquarters; though to bryce must be given the honour of unearthing much of the early history of radisson. laut's _conquest of the great north-west_ contains more of the early period from first-hand sources than the other two works, and, indeed, follows up bryce as pupil to master, but the author perhaps attempted to cover too vast a territory in too brief a space. data on hudson's tragic voyages come from _purchas his pilgrimes_ and the hakluyt society publications for edited by asher. jens munck's voyage is best related in the hakluyt publications for . laut's _pathfinders of the west_ gives fullest details of radisson's various voyages. the french state papers for - in the canadian archives give full details of the international quarrels over radisson's activities. on the d'iberville raids, the french state papers are again the ultimate authorities, though supplemented by the jesuit relations of those years. the colonial documents of new york state ( vols.), edited by o'callaghan, give details of french raids on hudson bay. radisson's various petitions will be found in laut's _conquest of the great north-west_. these are taken from the public records, london, and from the hudson's bay company's archives. chouart's letters are found in the documents de la nouvelle france, tome i-- - . father sylvie, a jesuit who accompanied the de troyes expedition, gives the fullest account of the overland raids. these are supplemented by the affidavits of the captured englishmen (state papers, public records, london), by la potherie's _histoire de l'amérique_, by jeremie's account in the bernard collection of amsterdam, and by the relations of abbé belmont and dollier de casson. the reprint of the radisson journals by the prince society of boston deserves commendation as a first effort to draw attention to radisson's achievements; but the work is marred by the errors of an english copyist, who evidently knew nothing of western indian names and places, and very plainly mixed his pages so badly that national events of are confused with events of , errors ascribed to radisson's inaccuracy. benjamin sulte, the french-canadian historian, in a series of papers for the royal society of canada has untangled this confusion. robson's _hudson's bay_ gives details of the period; but robson was a dismissed employee of the company, and his relation is so full of bitterness that it is not to be trusted. the events of the search for a north-west passage and the middleton controversy are to be found in ellis's _voyage of the dobbs and california_ ( ) and the parliamentary report of . later works by fur traders on the spot or descendants of fur traders--such as gunn, hargreaves, ross--refer casually to this early era and are valuable for local identification, but quite worthless for authentic data on the period preceding their own lives. this does not impair the value of their records of the time in which they lived. it simply means that they had no data but hearsay on the early period. see also in this series: _the blackrobes; the great intendant; the fighting governor; pathfinders of the great plains; pioneers of the pacific; adventurers of the far north; the red river colony._ index albanel, father, at rupert, . albemarle, duke of, member of hudson's bay company, . allen, captain, take port nelson from french, ; killed, . arlington, earl of, . assiniboines, or stone boilers, tribe of indians, , , , , . baffin bay, named after mate of bylot's ship, . bailey, captain, sent to nelson, ; defends fort, ; surrenders, - . bayley, charles, governor of rupert, ; on cruise with radisson, ; accuses radisson and groseilliers of duplicity, . blackfeet indians, , . bond, captain, ; sails for hudson bay, ; captured by d'iberville, . boston, radisson and groseilliers at, . bridgar, john, governor of rupert, ; taken prisoner by radisson, ; released by la barre, ; again governor, ; ship captured by d'iberville, - . button, thomas, sent to search for hudson, . bylot, robert, his search for hudson, . cadotte rapids, . carteret, sir george, commissioner, takes radisson and groseilliers to england, . charles ii receives radisson and groseilliers, , . charlton island, where hudson probably set adrift, ; captain james winters at, ; spies marooned, . chateauguay, d'iberville's brother, killed at nelson, . chesnaye, aubert de la, fur trader, ; fits out expedition, . chouart, jean, helps la chesnaye's expedition, ; tricked on board 'happy return,' ; joins hudson's bay company with the intention of betraying it, - . churchill, lord, duke of marlborough, governor of hudson's bay company, , , . churchill, port, discovery of, ; danes winter at, ; fur traders at, ; strength of fort at, . colbert, minister of france, - . cold rapids, . colleton, sir peter, . columbia river, explorers on, . company of the north, - , . craven, earl of, . crooked rapids, . dablon, father, ascends the saguenay, . danby island, . denonville, m. de, governor of new france, . dering, sir edward, rewarded for pushing claim against france, . digges, english merchant adventurer, ; finances search for hudson, , . dobbs, arthur, and the north-west passage, - . drax, lady margaret, . drueilletes, father, ascends the saguenay, . evance, sir stephen, governor of hudson's bay company, , , . fletcher, captain, , - . fort albany, , , ; péré imprisoned in, . fort charles, established by groseilliers, , . fort chipewyan, . fort edmonton, . fort frances, story of a resident of, . fort garry, . fort la corne, . fort moose, , , , . fox, captain, , . frontenac, governor of new france, ; meets radisson and groseilliers, . geyer, captain, . gibbon, captain, . gillam, ben, ; arrested in boston, ; becomes a pirate and is executed, . gillam island, . gillam, zachariah, boston sea captain, ; in the service of the hudson's bay company, , , , ; at fort charles, ; perishes, . gorst, thomas, secretary of the hudson's bay company, ; sails for hudson bay, . grand rapids, , ; portage, . greene, henry, with hudson, , ; mutiny, ; death, . grimmington, mike, with ben gillam, ; with the hudson's bay company, , ; taken prisoner, ; re-captures albany, ; sent to hudson bay, , ; flees to nelson, ; sails for england with refugees, . groseilliers, medard chouart des, french pathfinder, ; veteran of jesuit missions, ; goes to hudson bay with radisson, , ; goes to france for redress for seizure of furs, ; returns to three rivers, ; goes to anticosti, port royal, and boston, ; presented to charles ii, ; receives gold chain and medal, ; explores hudson bay country, ; with expedition, ; back in england demanding better terms, ; goes to new france, ; on fur-trading expedition, ; returns to quebec and to france, , ; retires to home near three rivers, . hannah bay, , d'iberville crosses, . hayes river, named by radisson, , . hayes, sir james, secretary to prince rupert, , ; meets radisson, . hearne, hears fate of knight's party, . hendry, anthony, his inland journey on behalf of the company, - . henley house, . hudson, henry, his search for north-west passage, - ; shipwrecked, ; his hard time on shore with mutinous crew, - ; cast adrift, ; traditions as to end, , . hudson's bay company, dog brigades of, - ; extent of empire, - ; origin and formation of, - ; engages radisson, ; dividends and vessels of, - , ; disastrous conflicts with the french, - , - ; activities of in council, - ; claims damages against france, ; their charter confirmed, - ; forts restored by treaty of utrecht, ; commissions james knight to find north-west passage, - ; parliamentary inquiry into charter and record of, . hume, captain, ; taken prisoner to quebec, ; ransomed, . iberville, pierre le moyne d', his raids in hudson bay, - , - ; attacks and takes port nelson, - ; in command of five french warships, - ; naval battle on hudson bay, - ; again takes nelson, - . isham, james, governor of york, . james, captain, ; searches for north-west passage, ; meets captain fox and winters on charlton island, . james, duke of york (james ii), , . jesuits, their expedition overland to hudson bay, . juet, mate of 'discovery,' ; mutinies, , ; death, . kelsey, henry, ; sent to nelson, ; defends fort, , ; his journey of exploration, - ; searches for knight, . kirke, sir john, , ; his claim against france, . knight, james, ; governor of albany, ; commissioned to find north-west passage, ; his fate, . la barre, governor of new france, - . la chesnaye, fur trader, in attack on hudson bay posts, , - . la forest, surrenders at nelson, . la martinière, , , . la vérendrye, establishes fur-trading posts on red river, . le meux, captain, surrenders at fort albany, . le moyne brothers, adventurers of new france, , - . see iberville, serigny, and chateauguay. middleton, captain, and the north-west passage, . moon, captain, , . munck, jens, winters with ship at churchill, - ; record of voyage, - . nelson, port, button's crew encamped at, ; fur post, ; captured, ; restored, . see york factory. nepawin, . new france, explorers of, ; jesuits in, ; fur trade of, . nixon, governor at moose, , . northern lights, note. north-west passage, , , , , , , . norton, moses, . norton, richard, . outlaw, captain john, , , , . pepys, samuel, . péré, jean, taken prisoner, , , ; his release demanded, . phipps, william, governor of port nelson, , . portman, john, . radisson, pierre esprit, explorer, , ; hears of sea of the north, ; refused permission to trade, ; leaves three rivers by night, ; goes to hudson bay, , ; furs seized by governor at quebec, ; goes to port royal and boston, ; presented to charles ii in england, ; receives gold chain and medal, ; and the hudson's bay company, ; made general superintendent of trade, ; returns to england, , marries mary kirke, ; suspected of treachery at rupert, - ; returns to england, ; joins french navy, ; goes again to new france, ; leads french expedition to bay, - ; explores hayes river, ; captures ben gillam's fort, ; captures bridgar, ; sets out for quebec with prisoners and booty, ; la barre strips him of ship and booty ; returns to paris, ; ordered by france to return fur posts to hudson's bay company, ; takes oath of allegiance to england, ; returns to the bay, ; returns to england, ; goes again to hudson bay, ; reappointed superintendent of trade, ; price set on his head by france, ; his claims for services repudiated, ; assists company in claim for damages, - ; death, . randolph, mr, of the american plantations, . robinson, sir john, , . romulus, peter, surgeon, , . rupert, ; captured by french, . rupert, prince, , . rupert's land, taken over by dominion government, . ryswick, treaty of, , . st john, lake, jesuit mission near, . sandford, red cap, , . sargeant, henry, governor at albany, , ; attacked by french ; surrenders, . saskatchewan river, , ; description, - , - . serigny, d'iberville's brother, , . shaftsbury, earl of, . smithsend, captain, ; taken prisoner, ; from a dungeon in quebec sends a letter of warning to england, ; reaches england, ; sails for hudson bay, , ; surrenders ship to d'iberville, ; escapes to nelson, note; goes to albany, . sorrel, dame, helps to finance french expedition to hudson bay, . squaw rapids, . stannard, captain, . strangers, river of, . three rivers, radisson and groseilliers return to, , , . troyes, chevalier de, , , , . utrecht, treaty of, . vaughan, captain, . viner, sir robert, , . william of orange, . winnipeg, . wolstenholme, english merchant, ; financed search for hudson, , . york factory, and note . see nelson. young, mr, , , . footnotes: [ ] the northern lights. printed by t. and a. constable, printers to his majesty at the edinburgh university press * * * * * transcriber's note: the page numbers of illustrations have been changed to reflect their new positions following transcription, and they are now indicated in the illustration list by 'page' instead of 'facing page'. hudson bay, by r.m. ballantyne. preface. in publishing the present work, the author rests his hopes of its favourable reception chiefly upon the fact that its subject is comparatively new. although touched upon by other writers in narratives of arctic discovery, and in works of general information, the very nature of those publications prohibited a lengthened or minute description of that everyday life whose delineation is the chief aim of the following pages. preface to fourth edition. since this book was written, very considerable changes have taken place in the affairs and management of the hudson bay company. the original charter of the company is now extinct. red river settlement has become a much more important colony than it was, and bids fair to become still more important--for railway communication will doubtless, ere long, connect it with canada on the one hand and the pacific seaboard on the other, while the presence of gold in the saskatchewan and elsewhere has already made the country much more generally known than it was when the author sojourned there. nevertheless, all these changes--actual and prospective--have only scratched the skirt of the vast wilderness occupied by the fur-traders; and as these still continue their work at the numerous and distant outposts in much the same style as in days of yore, it has been deemed advisable to reprint the book almost without alteration, but with a few corrections. r.m. ballantyne. chapter one. appointment to the service of the hudson bay company--the "prince rupert"--the annual dinner of the "h.b.c."--fellow-voyagers--threatening weather--a squall--island of lewis. reader,--i take for granted that you are tolerably well acquainted with the different modes of life and travelling peculiar to european nations. i also presume that you know something of the inhabitants of the east; and, it may be, a good deal of the americans in general. but i suspect--at least i would fain hope--that you have only a vague and indefinite knowledge of life in those wild, uncivilised regions of the northern continent of america that surround the shores of hudson bay. i would fain hope this, i say, that i may have the satisfaction of giving you information on the subject, and of showing you that there is a body of civilised men who move, and breathe (pretty cool air, by the way!), and spend their lives in a quarter of the globe as totally different, in most respects, from the part you inhabit, as a beaver, roaming among the ponds and marshes of his native home, is from that sagacious animal when converted into a fashionable hat. about the middle of may eighteen hundred and forty-one, i was thrown into a state of ecstatic joy by the arrival of a letter appointing me to the enviable situation of apprentice clerk in the service of the honourable hudson bay company. to describe the immense extent to which i expanded, both mentally and bodily, upon the receipt of this letter, is impossible; it is sufficient to know that from that moment i fancied myself a complete man of business, and treated my old companions with the condescending suavity of one who knows that he is talking to his inferiors. a few days after, however, my pride was brought very low indeed, as i lay tossing about in my berth on the tumbling waves of the german ocean, eschewing breakfast as a dangerous meal, and looking upon dinner with a species of horror utterly incomprehensible by those who have not experienced an attack of sea-sickness. miseries of this description, fortunately, do not last long. in a couple of days we got into the comparatively still water of the thames; and i, with a host of pale-faced young ladies and cadaverous-looking young gentlemen, emerged for the first time from the interior of the ship, to behold the beauties and wonders of the great metropolis, as we glided slowly up the crowded river. leave-taking is a disagreeable subject either to reflect upon or to write about, so we will skip that part of the business and proceed at once to gravesend, where i stood (having parted from all my friends) on the deck of the good ship _prince rupert_, contemplating the boats and crowds of shipping that passed continually before me, and thinking how soon i was to leave the scenes to which i had been so long accustomed for a far-distant land. i was a boy, however; and this, i think, is equivalent to saying that i did not sorrow long. my future companion and fellow-clerk, mr wiseacre, was pacing the deck near me. this turned my thoughts into another channel, and set me speculating upon his probable temper, qualities, and age; whether or not he was strong enough to thrash me, and if we were likely to be good friends. the captain, too, was chatting and laughing with the doctor as carelessly as if he had not the great responsibility of taking a huge ship across a boundless waste of waters, and through fields and islands of ice, to a distant country some three thousand miles to the north-west of england. thus encouraged, my spirits began to rise, and when the cry arose on deck that the steamer containing the committee of the honourable hudson bay company was in sight, i sprang up the companion-ladder in a state of mind, if not happy, at least as nearly so as under the circumstances could be expected. upon gaining the deck, i beheld a small steamboat passing close under our stern, filled with a number of elderly-looking gentlemen, who eyed us with a very critical expression of countenance. i had a pretty good guess who these gentlemen were; but had i been entirely ignorant, i should soon have been enlightened by the remark of a sailor, who whispered to his comrade, "i say, bill, them's the great guns!" i suppose the fact of their being so had a sympathetic effect upon the guns of the company's three ships--the _prince rupert, prince albert_, and _prince of wales_--for they all three fired a salute of blank cartridge at the steamer as she passed them in succession. the steamer then ranged alongside of us, and the elderly gentlemen came on board and shook hands with the captain and officers, smiling blandly as they observed the neat, trim appearance of the three fine vessels, which, with everything in readiness for setting sail on the following morning, strained at their cables, as if anxious to commence their struggle with the waves. it is a custom of the directors of the hudson bay company to give a public dinner annually to the officers of their ships upon the eve of their departure from gravesend. accordingly, one of the gentlemen of the committee, before leaving the vessel, invited the captain and officers to attend; and, to my astonishment and delight, also _begged me_ to honour them with my company. i accepted the invitation with extreme politeness; and, from inability to express my joy in any other way, winked to my friend wiseacre, with whom i had become, by this time, pretty familiar. he, being also invited, winked in return to me; and having disposed of this piece of juvenile freemasonry to our satisfaction, we assisted the crew in giving three hearty cheers, as the little steamer darted from the side and proceeded to the shore. the dinner, like all other public dinners, was as good and substantial as a lavish expenditure of cash could make it; but really my recollections of it are very indistinct. the ceaseless din of plates, glasses, knives, forks, and tongues was tremendous; and this, together with the novelty of the scene, the heat of the room, and excellence of the viands, tended to render me oblivious of much that took place. almost all the faces present were strange to me. who were, and who were not, the gentlemen of the committee, was to me matter of the most perfect indifference; and as no one took the trouble to address me in particular, i confined myself to the interesting occupation of trying to make sense of a conversation held by upwards of fifty pairs of lungs at one and the same time. nothing intelligible, however, was to be heard, except when a sudden lull in the noise gave a bald-headed old gentleman near the head of the table an opportunity of drinking the health of a red-faced old gentleman near the foot, upon whom he bestowed an amount of flattery perfectly bewildering; and after making the unfortunate red-faced gentleman writhe for half an hour in a fever of modesty, sat down amid thunders of applause. whether the applause, by the way, was intended for the speaker or the _speakee_, i do not know; but being quite indifferent, i clapped my hands with the rest. the red-faced gentleman, now purple with excitement, then rose, and during a solemn silence delivered himself of a speech, to the effect that the day then passing was certainly the happiest in his mortal career, that he could not find words adequately to express the varied feelings which swelled his throbbing bosom, and that he felt quite faint with the mighty load of honour just thrown upon his delighted shoulders by his bald-headed friend. the red-faced gentleman then sat down to the national air of rat-tat-tat, played in full chorus with knives, forks, spoons, nut-crackers, and knuckles on the polished surface of the mahogany table. we left the dinner-table at a late hour, and after i, in company with some other youngsters, had done as much mischief as we conveniently could without risking our detention by the strong arm of the law, we went down to the beach and embarked in a boat with the captain for the ship. how the sailors ever found her in the impenetrable darkness which prevailed all around is a mystery to me to this day. find her, however, they did; and in half an hour i was in the land of nod. the sun was blazing high in the heavens next morning when i awoke, and gazed around for a few moments to discover where i was; but the rattling of ropes and blocks, the stamping of feet overhead, the shouts of gruff voices, and, above all, a certain strange and disagreeable motion in my dormitory, soon enlightened me on that point. we were going rapidly down the thames with a fair breeze, and had actually set sail for the distant shores of hudson bay. what took place during the next five or six days i know not. the demon of sea-sickness had completely prostrated my faculties, bodily and mental. some faint recollections i have of stormy weather, horrible noises, and hurried dinners; but the greater part of that period is a miserable blank in my memory. towards the sixth day, however, the savoury flavour of a splendid salmon-trout floated past my dried-up nostrils like "afric's spicy gale," and caused my collapsed stomach to yearn with strong emotion. the ship, too, was going more quietly through the water; and a broad stream of sunshine shot through the small window of my berth, penetrated my breast, and went down into the centre of my heart, filling it with a calm, complacent pleasure quite indescribable. sounds, however, of an attack upon the trout roused me, and with a mighty effort i tumbled out of bed, donned my clothes, and seated myself for the first time at the cabin table. our party consisted of the captain; mr carles, a chief factor in the company's service; the doctor; young mr wiseacre, afore-mentioned; the first and second mates; and myself. the captain was a thin, middle-sized, offhand man; thoroughly acquainted with his profession; good-humoured and gruff by turns; and he always spoke with the air of an oracle. mr carles was a mild, good-natured man, of about fifty-five, with a smooth, bald head, encircled by a growth of long, thin hair. he was stoutly built, and possessed of that truly amiable and captivating disposition which enters earnestly and kindly into the affairs of others, and totally repudiates self. from early manhood he had roughed life in the very roughest and wildest scenes of the wilderness, and was now returning to those scenes after a short visit to his native land. the doctor was a nondescript; a compound of gravity, fun, seriousness, and humbug--the latter predominating. he had been everywhere (at least, so he said), had seen everything, knew everybody, and played the fiddle. it cannot be said, i fear, that he played it well; but, amid the various vicissitudes of his chequered life, the doctor had frequently found himself in company where his violin was almost idolised and himself deified; especially when the place chanced to be the american backwoods, where violins are scarce, the auditors semi-barbarous highlanders, and the music scotch reels. mr wiseacre was nothing! he never spoke except when compelled to do so; never read, and never cared for anything or anybody; wore very long hair, which almost hid his face, owing to a habit which he had of holding his head always down: and apparently lived but to eat, drink, and sleep. sometimes, though very rarely, he became so far facetious as to indulge in a wink and a low giggle; but beyond this he seldom soared. the two mates were simply _mates_. those who know the population of the sea will understand the description sufficiently; those who don't, will never, i fear, be made to understand by description. they worked the ship, hove the log, changed the watch, turned out and tumbled in, with the callous indifference and stern regularity of clock work; inhabited tarpaulin dreadnoughts and sou'-westers; came down to meals with modest diffidence, and walked the deck with bantam-cock-like assurance. nevertheless, they were warm-hearted fellows, both of them, although the heat didn't often come to the surface. the first mate was a _broad_ scotchman, in every sense of the term; the second was a burly little englishman. "how's the wind, collins?" said the captain, as the second mate sat down at the dinner-table, and brushed the spray from his face with the back of his brown hand. "changed a point to the s'uthard o' sou'-west, sir," he answered, "and looks as if it would blow hard." "humph!" ejaculated the captain, while he proceeded to help the fish. "i hope it'll only keep quiet till we get into blue water, and then it may blow like blazes for all i care,--take some trout, doctor? it's the last you'll put your teeth through for six weeks to come, _i_ know; so make the most of it.--i wish i were only through the pentland firth, and scudding under full sail for the ice--i do." and the captain looked fiercely at the compass which hung over his head, as if he had said something worthy of being recorded in history, and began to eat. after a pause of five minutes or so--during which time the knives and forks had been clattering pretty vigorously, and the trout had become a miserable skeleton--the captain resumed his discourse. "i tell you what it is now, gentlemen; if there's not going to be a change of some sort or other, i'm no sailor." "it does look very threatening," said mr carles, peering through the stern window. "i don't much like the look of these clouds behind us. look there, doctor!" he continued, pointing towards the window. "what do you think of that?" "nothing!" replied the doctor, through a mouthful of duff and potatoes. "a squall, i fancy; wish it'd only wait till after dinner." "it never does," said the captain. "i've been to sea these fifteen years, and i always find that squalls come on at breakfast or dinner, like an unwelcome visitor. they've got a thorough contempt for tea-- seem to know it's but swipes, and not worth pitching into one's lap; but dinner's sure to bring 'em on, if they're in the neighbourhood, and make 'em bu'st their cheeks at you. remember once, when i was cruising in the mediterranean, in lord p---'s yacht, we'd been stewing on deck under an awning the whole forenoon, scarce able to breathe, when the bell rang for dinner. well, down we all tumbled--about ten ladies and fifteen gentlemen, or thereabouts--and seated ourselves round the table. there was no end of grub of every kind. lord p--- was eccentric in that way, and was always at some new dodge or other in the way of cookery. at this time he had invented a new dumpling. its jacket was much the same as usual--inch-thick duff; but its contents were beyond anything i ever saw, except the maw of an old shark. well, just as the steward took off the cover, _hiss-iss_ went the wind overhead, and one of those horrible squalls that come rattling down without a moment's warning in those parts, struck the ship, and gave her a heel over that sent the salt-cellars chasing the tumblers like all-possessed; and the great dumpling gave a heavy lurch to leeward, rolled fairly over on its beam-ends, and began to course straight down the table quite sedate and quiet-like. several dives were made at it by the gentlemen as it passed, but they all missed; and finally, just as a youngster made a grab at it with both hands that bid fair to be successful, another howl of the squall changed its course, and sent it like a cannon-shot straight into the face of the steward, where it split its sides, and scattered its contents right and left. i don't know how it ended, for i bolted up the companion, and saw the squall splitting away to leeward, shrieking as it went, just as if it were rejoicing at the mischief it had done." the laugh which greeted the captain's anecdote had scarce subsided when the tough sides of the good _prince rupert_ gave a gentle creak, and the angle at which the active steward perambulated the cabin became absurdly acute. just then the doctor cast his eye up at the compass suspended above the captain's head. "hallo!" said he--but before he could give utterance to the sentiments to which "hallo" was the preface, the hoarse voice of the first mate came rolling down the companion-hatch,--"a squall, sir! scoorin' doon like mad! wund's veered richt roond to the nor'-east." the captain and second mate sprang hastily to their feet and rushed upon deck, where the rest of us joined them as speedily as possible. on gaining the quarter-deck, the scene that presented itself was truly grand. thick black clouds rolled heavily overhead, and cast a gloom upon the sea which caused it to look like ink. not a breath of wind swelled the sails, which the men were actively engaged in taking in. far away on our weather-quarter the clouds were thicker and darker; and just where they met the sea there was seen a bright streak of white, which rapidly grew broader and brighter, until we could perceive that it was the sea lashed into a seething foam by the gale which was sweeping over it. "mind your helm!" shouted the captain. "ay, ay, sir!" sang out the man at the wheel. and in another moment the squall burst upon us with all its fury, laying the huge vessel over on its side as if it had been a feather on the wave, and causing her to fly through the black water like a dolphin. in a few minutes the first violence of the squall passed away, and was succeeded by a steady breeze, which bore us merrily along over the swelling billows. "a stiff one, that," said the captain, turning to the doctor, who, with imperturbable nonchalance, was standing near him, holding on to a stanchion with one hand, while the other reposed in his breeches pocket. "i hope it will last," replied the doctor. "if it does, we'll not be long of reaching the blue water you long so much for." young wiseacre, who during the squall had been clutching the weather-shrouds with the tenacity of a drowning man, opened his eyes very wide on hearing this, to him, insane wish, and said to me in an undertone, "i say, do you think the doctor is quite right in his mind?" "i have no doubt of it," replied i. "why do you ask?" "because i heard him say to the captain he wished that this would last." "is that all?" said i, while a very vile spirit of vanity took possession of me, inducing me to speak in a tone which indicated a tranquillity of mind that i certainly did not enjoy. "oh, this is nothing at all! i see you've never been on salt water before. just wait a bit, old fellow!" and having given utterance to this somewhat dark and mysterious expression, i staggered across the deck, and amused myself in watching the thick volumes of spray that flew at every plunge from the sides of the bounding vessel. the doctor's wish was granted. the breeze continued steady and strong, sending us through the pentland firth in grand style, and carrying us in a short time to the island of lewis, where we hove-to for a pilot. after a little signalising we obtained one, who steered our good ship in safety through the narrow entrance to the bay of stornoway into whose quiet waters we finally dropped our anchor. chapter two. stornoway--the ball--at sea--go out to tea on the atlantic--among the ice--sighting land--a sleepy sight--york factory and bachelors' hall. the harbour of stornoway is surrounded by high hills, except at the entrance, where a passage--not more, i should think, than three hundred yards wide--admits vessels of any tonnage into its sheltering bosom. stornoway, a pretty, modest-looking town, apparently pleased with its lot, and contented to be far away from the busy and bustling world, lies snugly at the bottom of the bay. here we remained upwards of a week, engaging men for the wild nor'-west, and cultivating the acquaintance of the people, who were extremely kind and very hospitable. occasionally wiseacre and i amused ourselves with fishing excursions to the middle of the bay in small boats; in which excursions we were usually accompanied by two or three very ragged little boys from the town. our sport was generally good, and rendered extremely interesting by our uncertainty as to which of the monsters of the deep would first attack our hooks. rock-codlings and flounders appeared the most voracious, and occasionally a skate or long-legged crab came struggling to the surface. just before leaving this peaceful little spot, our captain gave a grand ball on board, to which were invited the _elite_ of stornoway. great preparations were made for the occasion. the quarter-deck was well washed and scrubbed; an awning was spread over it, which formed a capital ceiling; and representatives of almost every flag that waves formed the walls of the large and airy apartment. oil lamps, placed upon the skylights, companion, and capstan, shed a mellow light upon the scene, the romantic effect of which was greatly heightened by a few flickering rays of the moon, which shot through various openings in the drapery, and disported playfully upon the deck. at an early and very unfashionable hour on the evening of the appointed night the guests arrived in detachments; and while the gentlemen scrambled up the side of the vessel, the ladies, amid a good deal of blushing and hesitation, were hoisted on board in a chair. tea was served on deck; and after half an hour's laughing and chatting, during which time our violin-player was endeavouring to coax his first string to the proper pitch without breaking, the ball opened with a scotch reel. every one knows what scotch reels are, but every one does not know how the belles of the western isles can dance them. "just look at that slip of thread-paper," said the doctor to the captain, pointing to a thin, flat young lady, still in her teens. "i've watched her from the first. she's been up at six successive rounds, flinging her shanks about worse than a teething baby; and she's up again for another, just as cool and serene as a night in the latter end of october. i wonder what she's made of?" "leather, p'r'aps, or gutta-percha," suggested the captain, who had himself been "flinging his legs" about pretty violently during the previous half-hour. "i wish that she had been my partner instead of the heavy fair one that you see over there leaning against the mizzen belaying-pins." "which?" inquired the doctor. "the old lady with the stu'n-sails set on her shoulders?" "no, no," replied the captain--"the _young_ lady; fat--_very_ fat--fair, and twenty, with the big blue eyes like signal-lamps on a locomotive. she twisted me round just as if i'd been a fathom of pump-water, shouting and laughing all the time in my face, like a sou'-west gale, and never looking a bit where she was going till she pitched head-foremost into the union-jack, carrying it and me along with her off the quarter-deck and half-way down the companion. it's a blessing she fell undermost, else i should have been spread all over the deck like a capsized pail of slops." "hallo!" exclaimed the doctor; "what's wrong with the old lady over there? she's making very uncommon faces." "she's sea-sick, i do believe," cried the captain, rushing across the deck towards her. and, without doubt, the old lady in question was showing symptoms of that terrible malady, although the bay was as smooth as a mill-pond, and the _prince rupert_ reposed on its quiet bosom without the slightest perceptible motion. with impressive nautical politeness the captain handed her below, and in the sudden sympathy of his heart proposed as a remedy a stiff glass of brandy and water. "or a pipe of cavendish," suggested the second mate, who met them on the ladder as they descended, and could not refrain from a facetious remark, even although he knew it would, as it did, call forth a thundering command from his superior to go on deck and mind his own business. "isn't it jolly," said a young stornowite, coming up to wiseacre, with a face blazing with glee--"isn't it jolly, mr wiseacre?" "oh, very!" replied wiseacre, in a voice of such dismal melancholy that the young stornowite's countenance instantly went out, and he wheeled suddenly round to light it again at the visage of some more sympathising companion. just at this point of the revelry the fiddler's first string, which had endured with a dogged tenacity that was wonderful even for catgut, gave way with a loud bang, causing an abrupt termination to the uproar, and producing a dead silence. a few minutes, however, soon rectified this mischance. the discordant tones of the violin, as the new string was tortured into tune, once more opened the safety-valve, and the ball began _de novo_. great was the fun, and numerous were the ludicrous incidents that happened during that eventful night; and loud were the noise and merriment of the dancers as they went with vigorous energy through the bewildering evolutions of country-dance and reel. immense was the delight of the company when the funniest old gentleman there volunteered a song; and ecstatic the joy when he followed it up by a speech upon every subject that an ordinary mind could possibly embrace in a quarter of an hour. but who can describe the scene that ensued when supper was reported ready in the cabin!--a cabin that was very small indeed, with a stair leading down to it so steep that those who were pretty high up could have easily stepped upon the shoulders of those who were near the foot; and the unpleasant idea was painfully suggested that if any one of the heavy ladies (there were several of them) was to slip her foot on commencing the descent, she would infallibly sweep them all down in a mass, and cram them into the cook's pantry, the door of which stood wickedly open at the foot of the stair, as if it anticipated some such catastrophe. such pushing, squeezing, laughing, shrieking, and joking, in the vain attempt made to get upwards of thirty people crammed into a room of twelve feet by ten! such droll and cutting remarks as were made when they were at last requested to sup in detachments! all this, however, was nothing to what ensued after supper, when the fiddler became more energetic, and the dancers more vigorous than ever. but enough. the first grey streaks of morning glimmered in the east ere the joyous party "tumbled down the sides" and departed to their homes. there is a sweet yet melancholy pleasure, when far away from friends and home, in thinking over happy days gone by, and dwelling on the scenes and pleasures that have passed away, perhaps for ever. so i thought and felt as i recalled to mind the fun and frolic of the stornoway ball, and the graver mirth of the gravesend dinner, until memory traced my course backward, step by step, to the peaceful time when i dwelt in scotland, surrounded by the gentle inmates of my happy home. we had left the shores and the green water behind us, and were now ploughing through the blue waves of the wide atlantic; and when i turned my straining eyes towards the faint blue line of the lessening hills, "a tear unbidden trembled" as the thought arose that i looked perhaps for the last time upon my dear native land. the sea has ever been an inexhaustible subject for the pens of most classes of writers. the poet, the traveller, and the novelist has each devoted a portion of his time and talents to the mighty ocean; but that part of it which it has fallen to my lot to describe is very different from those portions about which poets have sung with rapture. here, none of the many wonders of the tropical latitudes beguile the tedium of the voyage; no glittering dolphins force the winged inhabitants of the deep to seek shelter on the vessel's deck; no ravenous sharks follow in our wake to eat us if we chance to fall overboard, or amuse us by swallowing our baited hook; no passing vessel cheers us with the knowledge that there are others besides ourselves roaming over the interminable waste of waters. all was dreary and monotonous; the same unvarying expanse of sky and water met our gaze each morning as we ascended to the deck, to walk for half an hour before breakfast, except when the topsails of the other two vessels fluttered for a moment on the distant horizon. occasionally we approached closer to each other, and once or twice hailed with the trumpet; but these breaks in the solitude of our existence were few and far between. towards the end of july we approached hudson straits, having seen nothing on the way worth mentioning, except one whale, which passed close under the stern of the ship. this was a great novelty to me, being the first that i had ever seen, and it gave me something to talk of and think about for the next four days. the ships now began to close in, as we neared the entrance of the straits, and we had the pleasure of sailing in company for a few days. the shores of the straits became visible occasionally, and soon we passed with perfect confidence and security among those narrow channels and mountains of ice that damped the ardour and retarded the progress of hudson, button, gibbons, and other navigators in days of yore. one day, during a dead calm, our ship and the _prince of wales_ lay close to each other, rolling in the swell of the glassy ocean. there seemed to be no prospect of a breeze, so the captain ordered his gig to be launched, and invited the doctor, mr carles, and myself to go on board the _prince of wales_ with him. we accepted his offer, and were soon alongside. old captain ryle, a veteran in the company's service, received us kindly, and insisted on our staying to tea. the passengers on board were--a chief factor, [_the chief factorship is the highest rank attainable in the service, the chief trader being next_] who had been home on leave of absence, and was returning to end his days, perhaps, in the north-west; and mr john leagues, a young apprentice clerk, going, like myself, to try his fortune in hudson bay. he was a fine, candid young fellow, full of spirit, with a kind, engaging disposition. from the first moment i saw him i formed a friendship for him, which was destined to ripen into a lasting one many years after. i sighed on parting from him that evening, thinking that we should never meet again; but about six years from the time i bade him farewell in hudson straits, i again grasped his hand on the shores of the mighty st. lawrence, and renewed a friendship which afforded me the greatest pleasure i enjoyed in the country, and which, i trust, neither time nor distance will ever lessen or destroy. we spent the evening delightfully, the more so that we were not likely to have such an opportunity again, as the _prince of wales_ would shortly part company from us, and direct her course to moose factory, in james bay, while we should proceed across hudson bay to york factory. we left the ship just as a few cats-paws on the surface of the water gave indications of a coming breeze. ice now began to surround us in all directions; and soon after this i saw, for the first time, that monster of the polar seas, an iceberg. it was a noble sight. we passed quite close, and had a fine opportunity of observing it. though not so large as they are frequently seen, it was beautifully and fantastically formed. high peaks rose from it on various places, and down its sides streams of water and miniature cataracts flowed in torrents. the whole mass was of a delicate greenish-white colour, and its lofty pinnacles sparkled in the moonbeams as it floated past, bending majestically in the swell of the ocean. about this time, too, we met numerous fields and floes of ice, to get through which we often experienced considerable difficulty. my favourite amusement, as we thus threaded our way through the ice, was to ascend to the royal-yard, and there to sit and cogitate whilst gazing on the most beautiful and romantic scenes. it is impossible to convey a correct idea of the beauty, the magnificence, of some of the scenes through which we passed. sometimes thousands of the most grotesque, fanciful, and beautiful icebergs and icefields surrounded us on all sides, intersected by numerous serpentine canals, which glittered in the sun (for the weather was fine nearly all the time we were in the straits), like threads of silver twining round ruined palaces of crystal. the masses assumed every variety of form and size; and many of them bore such a striking resemblance to cathedrals, churches, columns, arches, and spires, that i could almost fancy we had been transported to one of the floating cities of fairyland. the rapid motion, too, of our ship, in what appeared a dead calm, added much to the magical effect of the scene. a light but steady breeze urged her along with considerable velocity through a maze of ponds and canals, which, from the immense quantity of ice that surrounded them, were calm and unruffled as the surface of a mill-pond. not a sound disturbed the delightful stillness of nature, save the gentle rippling of the vessel's bow as she sped on her way, or the occasional puffing of a lazy whale, awakened from a nap by our unceremonious intrusion on his domains. now and then, however, my reveries were interrupted by the ship coming into sudden contact with huge lumps of ice. this happened occasionally when we arrived at the termination of one of those natural canals through which we passed, and found it necessary to force our way into the next. these concussions were occasionally very severe--so much so, at times, as to make the ship's bell ring; but we heeded this little, as the vessel was provided with huge blocks of timber on her bows, called ice-pieces, and was, besides, built expressly for sailing in the northern seas. it only became annoying at meal-times, when a spoonful of soup would sometimes make a little private excursion of its own over the shoulder of the owner instead of into his mouth. as we proceeded, the ice became more closely packed, and at last compelled us to bore through it. the ship, however, was never altogether arrested, though often much retarded. i recollect, while thus surrounded, filling a bucket with water from a pool on the ice, to see whether it was fresh or not, as i had been rather sceptical upon this point. it was excellent, and might almost compete with the water from the famous spring of crawley. in a few days we got out of the ice altogether; and in this, as the ships are frequently detained for weeks in the straits, we considered ourselves very fortunate. we all experienced at this time a severe disappointment in the non-appearance of the esquimaux from the coast. the captain said they would be sure to come off to us, as they had always been in the habit of doing so, for the purpose of exchanging ivory and oil for saws, files, needles, etcetera, a large chestful of which is put on board annually for this purpose. the ivory usually procured from them is walrus tusks. these are not very large, and are of inferior quality. as we approached the shores of the straits, we shortened sail and fired three or four guns, but no noisy "_chimo_" floated across the water in answer to our salute; still we lingered for a while, but, as there was no sign of the natives on shore, the captain concluded they had gone off to the interior, and he steered out to sea again. i was very much disappointed at this, as it was wholly unexpected, and wiseacre and i had promised ourselves much pleasure in trading with them; for which purpose all the buttons of our old waistcoats had been amputated. it was useless, however, to repine, so i contented myself with the hope that they would yet visit us in some other part of the straits. we afterwards learned that our guns had attracted them to the coast in time to board the _prince albert_ (which was out of sight astern), though too late for us. the passage across hudson bay was stormy, but no one on board cared for this, all having become accustomed to rough weather. for my part, i had become quite a sailor, and could ascend and descend easily to the truck without creeping through the _lubber's hole_. i shall not forget the first time i attempted this: our youngest apprentice had challenged me to try it, so up we went together--he on the fore and i on the main mast. the tops were gained easily, and we even made two or three steps up the top-mast shrouds with affected indifference; but, alas! our courage was failing--at least _mine_ was--very fast. however, we gained the cross-trees pretty well, and then sat down for a little to recover breath. the topgallant-mast still reared its taper form high above me, and the worst was yet to come. the top-gallant shrouds had no ratlines on them, so i was obliged to _shin_ up; and, as i worked myself up the two small ropes, the tenacity with which i grasped them was fearful. at last i reached the top, and with my feet on the small collar that fastens the ropes to the mast, and my arms circling the mast itself--for nothing but a bare pole, crossed by the royal-yard, now rose above me--i glanced upwards. after taking a long breath, and screwing up my courage, i slowly shinned up the slender pole, and, standing on the royal-yard, laid my hand upon the _truck_. after a time i became accustomed to it, and thought nothing of taking an airing on the royal-yard after breakfast. about the th or th of august, the captain said we must be near the land. the deep-sea lead was rigged, and a sharp lookout kept, but no land appeared. at last, one fine day, while at the mast-head, i saw something like land on the horizon, and told them so on deck. they saw it too, but gave me no answer. soon a hurried order to "dowse top-gallant-sails and reef top-sails" made me slide down rather hastily from my elevated position. i had scarcely gained the deck, when a squall, the severest we had yet encountered, struck the ship, laying her almost on her beam-ends; and the sea, which had been nearly calm a few minutes before, foamed and hissed like a seething caldron, and became white as snow. this, i believe, was what sailors call a _white squall_. it was as short as it was severe, and great was our relief when the ship regained her natural position in the water. next day we saw land in earnest, and in the afternoon anchored in "five fathom hole," after passing in safety a sandbar, which renders the entrance into this roadstead rather difficult. here, then, for the first time i beheld the shores of hudson bay; and truly their appearance was anything but prepossessing. though only at the distance of two miles, so low and flat was the land, that it appeared ten miles off, and scarcely a tree was to be seen. we could just see the tops of one or two houses in york factory, the principal depot of the country, which was seven miles up the river at the mouth of which we lay. in a short time the sails of a small schooner came in sight, and in half an hour more the _frances_ (named after the amiable lady of the governor, sir george simpson) was riding alongside. the skipper came on board, and immediately there commenced between him and the captain a sharp fire of questions and answers, which roused me from a slumber in which i had been indulging, and hurried me on deck. here the face of things had changed. the hatches were off, and bales of goods were scattered about in all directions. another small schooner had arrived, and the process of discharging the vessel was going rapidly forward. a boat was then dispatched to the factory with the packet-box and letter-bag, and soon after the _frances_ stood in for the shore. the _prince albert_ had arrived almost at the same moment with the _prince rupert_, and was now visited by the second schooner, which soon returned to our ship to take the passengers on shore. the passengers who came out in the _prince albert_ were on board--namely, the reverend mr gowley, a clergyman of the church of england, and his lady; and mr rob, a sort of catechist, or semi-clerical schoolmaster. they were missionaries bound for red river colony; and as i had some prospect of going there myself, i was delighted to have the probable chance of travelling with companions who, from the short survey i had of them while they conversed with the captain and mr carles, seemed good-natured and agreeable. mr carles, mr wiseacre, and i now bade adieu to the good ship which had been our home for such a length of time (but i must say i did not regret the parting), and followed our baggage on board the schooner, expecting to reach the factory before dusk. "there's many a slip 'twixt the cup and the lip," is a proverb well authenticated and often quoted, and on the present occasion its truth was verified. we had not been long under weigh before the ebb tide began to run so strong against us as to preclude the possibility of our reaching the shore that night. there was no help for it, however; so down went the anchor to the bottom, and down went i to the cabin. such a cabin! a good-sized trunk, with a small table in it, and the lid shut down, had about as much right to the name. it was awfully small-- even _i_ could not stand upright in it, though at the time i had scarcely attained to the altitude of five feet; yet here were we destined to pass the night--and a wretched night we did pass. we got over the first part tolerably, but as it grew late our eyes grew heavy. we yawned, fidgeted and made superhuman efforts to keep awake and seem happy; but it would not do. there were only two berths in the cabin; and, as so many gentlemen were present, mrs gowley would not get into either of them, but declared she would sit up all night. the gentlemen, on the other hand, could not be so ungallant as to go to sleep while the only lady present sat up. the case was desperate, and so i went off to the hold, intending to lie down on a bale, if i could find one. in my search i tumbled over something soft, which gave vent to a frightful howl, and proved to be no less a personage than mr wiseacre, who had anticipated me, and found a convenient place whereon to lie. my search, however, was less successful. not a corner big enough for a cat to sleep in was to be found, all the goods having been flung hastily into the hold, so that it was a chaos of box corners, stove legs, edges of kegs and casks, which presented a surface that put to flight all hope of horizontal repose; so i was obliged to return to the cabin, where i found the unhappy inmates winking and blinking at each other like owls in the sunshine. "you had better make use of one of these berths, my young friend," said mr gowley, with a bland smile, as i entered; "you seem very much overcome with sleep, and _we_ have resolved to sit up all night." "do get in," urged mrs gowley, who was a sweet, gentle creature, and seemed much too delicate and fragile to stand the rough life that was likely to be the lot of the wife of a missionary to the red men of the far north; "i do not intend to lie down to-night; and besides, it will soon be morning." a sweet but very sleepy smile flitted across her face as she spoke. of course, i protested against this with great vehemence, assuring them that i could not think of anything so ungallant, and that i meant to sit it out manfully with the rest. mr rob, who was a comical little welshman, of about thirty years of age, with a sharp, snub nose, which was decorated with spectacles, sat huddled up in a corner, immersed in sleepiness to such an extent that he would not have smiled for worlds, and spent the weary hours in vain efforts to keep his head on his shoulders--an object, apparently, of some difficulty, seeing that it swayed backwards and forwards and round about like that of a chinese mandarin! for a few minutes i sat gazing steadfastly at the revolving object before me, when my own head became similarly affected, and fell suddenly back against the bulk-head with a tremendous crash, wakening them all up, and causing mr rob to stare at me with an expression of vacant gravity, mingled with surprise, which slowly and gradually faded away again as sleep reasserted its irresistible power. flesh and blood could not stand this. i would have lain down on the table, but poor mrs gowley's head already covered the greater part of that; or on the floor, but, alas! it was too small. at last i began to reason thus with myself: "here are two capital beds, with nobody in them; it is the height of folly to permit them to remain empty; but then, what a selfish-looking thing to leave mrs gowley sitting up! after all, she _won't_ go to bed. oh dear! what _is_ to be done?" (bang went the head again.) "you'd better turn in," said mr gowley. again i protested that i could not think of it; but my eyes would not keep open to look him in the face. at last my scruples--i blush to say it--were overcome, and i allowed myself to be half forced into the berth; while mr rob, whose self-denial could endure no longer, took advantage of the confusion thus occasioned, and vanished into the other like a harlequin. poor mr and mrs gowley laid their innocent heads side by side upon the table, and snored in concert. how long i slept i know not, but long before day a tremendous thumping awoke me, and after i had collected my faculties enough to understand it, i found that the schooner was grounding as the tide receded. "oh!" thought i; and, being utterly incapable of thinking more, i fell back on the pillow again, sound asleep, and did not awake till long after daybreak. next morning was beautiful; but we were still aground, and, from what the skipper said, there appeared to be no prospect of getting ashore till the afternoon. our patience, however, was not tried so long; for, early in the day, a boat came off from the factory to take us ashore: but the missionaries preferred remaining in the schooner. mr carles, young wiseacre, and i gladly availed ourselves of the opportunity, and were soon sailing with a fair breeze up hayes river. we approached to within a few yards of the shore; and i formed, at first sight, a very poor opinion of the country which, two years later, i was destined to traverse full many a mile in search of the feathered inhabitants of the marshes. the point of marsh, which was the first land we made, was quite low-- only a few feet above the sea--and studded here and there with thick willows, but not a single tree. long lank grass covered it in every place, affording ducks and geese shelter, in the autumn and spring. in the centre of it stood the ship-beacon--a tall, ungainly-looking pile, which rose upwards like a monster out of the water. altogether, a more desolate prospect could not well be imagined. the banks of hayes river are formed of clay, and they improved a little in verdure as we ascended; but still, wherever the eye turned, the same universal flatness met the gaze. the river was here about two miles wide, and filled with shallows and sandbanks, which render the navigation difficult for vessels above fifty tons. as we proceeded, a small bark canoe, with an indian and his wife in it, glided swiftly past us; and this was the first indian, and the first of these slender craft, i had seen. afterwards, i became more intimately acquainted with them than was altogether agreeable. in a short time we reached the wooden wharf, which, owing to the smallness of everything else in the vicinity, had rather an imposing look, and projected a long way into the water; but our boat passed this and made for a small slip, on which two or three gentlemen waited to receive us. my voyage was ended. the boat's keel grated harshly on the gravel; the next moment my feet once more pressed _terra firma_, and i stood at last on the shores of the new world, a stranger in a strange land. i do not intend to give a minute description of york factory here, as a full account of it will be found in a succeeding chapter, and shall, therefore, confine myself to a slight sketch of the establishment, and our proceedings there during a stay of about three weeks. york factory is the principal depot of the northern department, from whence all the supplies for the trade are issued, and where all the furs of the district are collected and shipped for england. as may be supposed, then, the establishment is a large one. there are always between thirty and forty men resident at the post, [_the word "_post_," used here and elsewhere throughout the book, signifies an establishment of any kind, small or great, and has no reference whatever to the "_post_" of epistolary notoriety_.] summer and winter; generally four or five clerks, a postmaster, and a skipper for the small schooners. the whole is under the direction and superintendence of a chief factor, or chief trader. as the winter is very long (nearly eight months), and the summer very short, all the transport of goods to, and returns from, the interior must necessarily be effected as quickly as possible. the consequence is, that great numbers of men and boats are constantly arriving from the inland posts, and departing again, during the summer; and as each brigade is commanded by a chief factor, trader, or clerk, there is a constant succession of new faces, which, after a long and dreary winter, during which the inhabitants never see a stranger, renders the summer at york factory the most agreeable part of the year. the arrival of the ship from england, too, delights those inhabitants of the wilderness with letters from _home_, which can only be received twice a year-- namely, at the time now alluded to, by the ship; and again in december, when letters and accounts are conveyed throughout the interior by means of sledges drawn by men. the fort (as all establishments in the indian country, whether small or great, are sometimes called) is a large square, i should think about six or seven acres, enclosed within high stockades, and planted on the banks of hayes river, nearly five miles from its mouth. the houses are all of wood, and, of course, have no pretension to architectural beauty; but their clean, white appearance and regularity have a pleasing effect on the eye. before the front gate stand four large brass field-pieces; but these warlike instruments are only used for the purpose of saluting the ship with blank cartridge on her arrival and departure, the decayed state of the carriages rendering it dangerous to load the guns with a full charge. the country, as i said before, is flat and swampy, and the only objects that rise very prominently above the rest, and catch the wandering eye, are a lofty "outlook," or scaffolding of wood, painted black, from which to watch for the arrival of the ship; and a flagstaff, from whose peak, on sundays, the snowy folds of st. george's flag flutter in the breeze. such was york factory in ; and as this description is sufficient to give a general idea of the place, i shall conclude it, and proceed with my narrative. mr grave, the chief factor then in charge, received us very kindly, and introduced us to some of the gentlemen standing beside him on the wharf. mr carles, being also a chief factor, was taken by him to the _commissioned gentlemen's house_; while wiseacre and i, being apprentice clerks, were shown the young gentlemen's house--or, as the young gentlemen themselves called it, bachelors' hall--and were told to make ourselves at home. to bachelors' hall, then, we proceeded, and introduced ourselves. the persons assembled there were--the accountant, five clerks, the postmaster, and one or two others. some of them were smoking, and some talking; and a pretty considerable noise they made. bachelors' hall, indeed, was worthy of its name, being a place that would have killed any woman, so full was it of smoke, noise, and confusion. after having made ourselves acquainted with everybody, i thought it time to present a letter of introduction i had to mrs grave, the wife of the gentleman in charge, who received me very kindly. i was much indebted to this lady for supplying me with several pairs of moccasins for my further voyage, and much useful information, without which i should have been badly off indeed. had it not been for her kindness, i should in all probability have been allowed to depart very ill provided for the journey to red river, for which i was desired to hold myself in readiness. young wiseacre, on the other hand, learned that he was to remain at york factory that winter, and was placed in the office the day after our arrival, where he commenced _work_ for the first time. we had a long and sage conversation upon the subject the same evening, and i well remember congratulating him, with an extremely grave face, upon his having now begun to _do for himself_. poor fellow! his subsequent travels in the country were long and perilous. but let us pause here a while. the reader has been landed in a new country, and it may be well, before describing our voyage to red river, to make him acquainted with the peculiarities of the service, and the people with whom he will in imagination have to associate. chapter three. description of the hudson bay company--their forts and establishments-- food--articles of trade and manner of trading. in the year , a company was formed in london, under the direction of prince rupert, for the purpose of prosecuting the fur-trade in the regions surrounding hudson bay. this company obtained a charter from charles the second, granting to them and their successors, under the name of "the governor and company of adventurers trading into hudson's bay," the sole right of trading in all the country watered by rivers flowing into hudson bay. the charter also authorised them to build and fit out men-of-war, establish forts, prevent any other company from carrying on trade with the natives in their territories, and required that they should do all in their power to promote discovery. armed with these powers, then, the hudson bay company established a fort near the head of james bay. soon afterwards, several others were built in different parts of the country; and before long the company spread and grew wealthy, and eventually extended their trade far beyond the chartered limits. with the internal economy of the company under the superintendence of prince rupert, however, i am not acquainted; but as it will be necessary to the reader's forming a correct idea of the peculiarities of the country and service, that he should know something of its character under the direction of sir george simpson, i shall give a brief outline of its arrangements. reader, you will materially assist me in my description if you will endeavour to draw the following landscape on the retina of your mind's eye. imagine an immense extent of country, many hundred miles broad and many hundred miles long, covered with dense forests, expanded lakes, broad rivers, wide prairies, swamps, and mighty mountains: and all in a state of primeval simplicity--undefaced by the axe of civilised man, and untenanted by aught save a few roving hordes of red indians and myriads of wild animals. imagine amid this wilderness a number of small squares, each enclosing half a dozen wooden houses and about a dozen men, and between each of these establishments a space of forest varying from fifty to three hundred miles in length; and you will have a pretty correct idea of the hudson bay company's territories, and of the number of and distance between their forts. the idea, however, may be still more correctly obtained by imagining populous great britain converted into a wilderness and planted in the middle of rupert's land. the company, in that case, would build _three_ forts in it--one at the land's end, one in wales, and one in the highlands; so that in britain there would be but three hamlets, with a population of some thirty men, half a dozen women, and a few children! the company's posts extend, with these intervals between, from the atlantic to the pacific ocean, and from within the arctic circle to the northern boundaries of the united states. throughout this immense country there are probably not more ladies than would suffice to form half a dozen quadrilles; and these--poor banished creatures!--are chiefly the wives of the principal gentlemen connected with the fur-trade. the rest of the female population consists chiefly of half-breeds and indians; the latter entirely devoid of education, and the former as much enlightened as can be expected from those whose life is spent in such a country. even these are not very numerous; and yet without them the men would be in a sad condition, for they are the only tailors and washer-women in the country, and make all the mittens, moccasins, fur caps, deer-skin coats, etcetera, etcetera, worn in the land. there are one or two favoured spots, however, into which a missionary or two have penetrated; and in red river settlement (the only colony in the company's territories) there are several churches and clergymen, both protestant and roman catholic. the country is divided into four large departments: the northern department, which includes all the establishments in the far north and frozen regions; the southern department, including those to the south and east of this, the post at the head of james bay, and along the shores of lake superior; the montreal department, including the country in the neighbourhood of montreal, up the ottawa river, and along the north shore of the gulf of st. lawrence and esquimaux bay; and the columbia department, which comprehends an immense extent of country to the west of the rocky mountains, including the oregon territory, which, although the hudson bay company still trade in it, now belongs to the americans. these departments are divided into a number of districts, each under the direction of an influential officer; and these again are subdivided into numerous establishments, forts, posts, and outposts. the name of _fort_, as already remarked, is given to all the posts in the country; but some of them certainly do not merit the name--indeed, few of them do. the only two in the country that are real, _bona fide_ forts, are fort garry and the stone fort in the colony of red river, which are surrounded by stone walls with bastions at the corners. the others are merely defended by wooden pickets or stockades; and a few, where the indians are quiet and harmless, are entirely destitute of defence of any kind. some of the chief posts have a complement of about thirty or forty men; but most of them have only ten, five, four, and even _two_, besides the gentleman in charge. as in most instances these posts are planted in a wilderness far from men, and the inhabitants have only the society of each other, some idea may be formed of the solitary life led by many of the company's servants. the following is a list of the forts in the four different departments, as correctly given as possible; but, owing to the great number in the country, the constant abandoning of old and establishing of new forts, it is difficult to get at a perfectly correct knowledge of their number and names:-- northern department. york fort (the depot). churchill. severn. oxford house. trout lake house. norway house. nelson river house. berens river house. red river colony. fort garry. stone fort. manitoba house. fort pelly. cumberland house. carlton house. fort pitt. edmonton. rocky mountain house. fort aminaboine. jasper's house. henry's house. fort chipewyan. fort vermilion. fort dunvegan. fort simpson. fort norman. fort good hope. fort halkett. fort resolution. peel's river. fort alexander. rat portage house. fort frances. isle a la crosse. southern department. moose factory (the depot). rupert's house. fort george. michiskau. albany. lac seul kinogomousse. matawagamingue. kuckatoosh. new brunswick. abitibi. temiscamingue. grand lac. trout lake. matarva. canasicomica. lacloche. sault de ste. maria. fort william. pic house. michipicoton. bachiwino. nepigon. washwonaby. pike lake. temagamy. green lake. missisague. montreal department. lachine (the depot). riviere du moine. lac des allumettes. fort coulonge. riviere desert. lac des sables. lake of two mountains. kikandatch. weymontachingue. rat river. ashabmoushwan. chicoutimie. lake st. john's. tadousac. isle jeremie. port neuf. goodbout. trinity river. seven islands. mingan. nabisippi. natoequene. musquarro. fort nasoopie. mainewan lake. sandy banks. gull islands. north-west river. rigolet. kiboksk. eyelick. columbia department. fort vancouver (the depot). fort george. nez perce. ockanagan. colville. fort hall. thompson's river. fort langley. cootanies. flat-head post. nisqually. alexandria. fort chilcotin. fort james. fort fluz cuz. babine lake. and an agency in the sandwich islands. there are seven different grades in the service. first, the labourer, who is ready to turn his hand to anything; to become a trapper, fisherman, or rough carpenter at the shortest notice. he is generally employed in cutting firewood for the consumption of the establishment at which he is stationed, shovelling snow from before the doors, mending all sorts of damages to all sorts of things, and, during the summer months, in transporting furs and goods between his post and the nearest depot. next in rank is the interpreter. he is, for the most part, an intelligent labourer, of pretty long standing in the service, who, having picked up a smattering of indian, is consequently very useful in trading with the natives. after the interpreter comes the postmaster; usually a promoted labourer, who, for good behaviour or valuable services, has been put upon a footing with the gentlemen of the service, in the same manner that a private soldier in the army is sometimes raised to the rank of a commissioned officer. at whatever station a postmaster may happen to be placed, he is generally the most useful and active man there. he is often placed in charge of one of the many small stations, or outposts, throughout the country. next are the apprentice clerks--raw lads, who come out fresh from school, with their mouths agape at the wonders they behold in hudson bay. they generally, for the purpose of appearing manly, acquire all the bad habits of the country as quickly as possible, and are stuffed full of what they call fun, with a strong spice of mischief. they become more sensible and sedate before they get through the first five years of their apprenticeship, after which they attain to the rank of clerks. the clerk, after a number of years' service (averaging from thirteen to twenty), becomes a chief trader (or half-shareholder), and in a few years more he attains the highest rank to which any one can rise in the service, that of chief factor (or shareholder). it is a strange fact that three-fourths of the company's servants are scotch highlanders and orkneymen. there are very few irishmen, and still fewer english. a great number, however, are half-breeds and french canadians, especially among the labourers and _voyageurs_. from the great extent, and variety of feature, in the country occupied by the fur-traders, they subsist, as may be supposed, on widely different kinds of food. in the prairie, or plain countries, animal food is chiefly used, as there thousands of deer and bisons wander about, while the woods are stocked with game and wild-fowl. in other places, however, where deer are scarce and game not so abundant, fish of various kinds are caught in the rivers and lakes; and in other parts of the country they live partly upon fish and partly upon animal food. vegetables are very scarce in the more northern posts, owing to the severity of the winter, and consequent shortness of summer. as the company's servants are liable, on the shortest notice, to be sent from one end of the continent to another, they are quite accustomed to change of diet;--one year rejoicing in buffalo-humps and marrow-bones, in the prairies of the saskatchewan, and the next devouring hung white-fish and scarce venison, in the sterile regions of mackenzie river, or varying the meal with a little of that delectable substance often spoken of by franklin, back, and richardson as their only dish--namely, _tripe-de-roche_, a lichen or moss which grows on the most barren rocks, and is only used as food in the absence of all other provisions. during the first years of the company, they were much censured for not carrying out the provision contained in the royal charter, that they should prosecute discovery as much as possible; and it was even alleged that they endeavoured to prevent adventurers, not connected with themselves, from advancing in their researches. there is every reason to believe, however, that this censure was undeserved. a new company, recently formed in a wild country, could not at first be expected to have time or funds to advance the arduous and expensive cause of discovery. with regard to their having impeded the attempts of others, it is doubtful whether any one in the service ever did so; but even had such been the case, the unauthorised and dishonourable conduct of one or two of their servants does not sanction the condemnation of the whole company. besides, the cause of discovery was effectively advanced in former days by herne, and in later years by dease and simpson, dr rae, and others; so that, whatever might have been the case at first, there can be no doubt that the company have done much for the cause of late years. the trade carried on by the company is in peltries of all sorts, oil, dried and salted fish, feathers, quills, etcetera. a list of some of their principal articles of commerce is subjoined:-- beaver-skins. bear-skins, black. bear-skins, brown. bear-skins, white or polar. bear-skins, grizzly. badger-skins. buffalo or bison robes (see note below). castorum, a substance procured from the body of the beaver. deer-skins, rein. deer-skins, red. deer-skins, moose or elk. deer-skins, parchment. feathers of all kinds. fisher-skins. fox-skins, black. fox-skins, silver. fox-skins, cross. fox-skins, red. fox-skins, white. fox-skins, blue. goose-skins. ivory (tusks of the walrus). lynx-skins. marten-skins. musquash-skins. otter-skins. oil, seal. oil, whale. swan-skins. salmon, salted. seal-skins. wolf-skins wolverine-skins. note. the hide of the bison--or, as it is called by the fur-traders, the buffalo--when dressed on one side and the hair left on the other, is called a robe. great numbers are sent to canada, where they are used for sleigh wrappers in winter. in the indian county they are often used instead of blankets. the most valuable of the furs mentioned in the above list is that of the _black fox_. this beautiful animal resembles in shape the common fox of england, but it is much larger, and jet-black, with the exception of one or two white hairs along the back-bone and a pure white tuft on the end of the tail. a single skin sometimes brings from twenty-five to thirty guineas in the british market; but, unfortunately, they are very scarce. the _silver fox_ differs from the black fox only in the number of white hairs with which its fur is sprinkled; and the more numerous the white hairs, the less valuable does it become. the _cross fox_ is a cross between the black or silver and the red fox. the _red fox_ bears a much inferior fur to the other kinds; yet it is a good article of trade, as this species is very numerous. these four kinds of foxes are sometimes produced in the same litter, the mother being a red fox. the _white fox_ is of less value than the red, and is also very numerous, particularly on the shores of hudson bay. the variety termed the _blue fox_ is neither numerous nor valuable. it is of a dirty bluish-grey colour, and seldom makes its appearance at the company's posts. beaver, in days of yore, was the staple fur of the country; but, alas! the silk hat has given it its death-blow, and the star of the beaver has now probably set for ever--that is to say, with regard to men; probably the animals themselves fancy that their lucky star has just risen. the most profitable fur in the country is that of the marten. it somewhat resembles the russian sable, and generally maintains a steady price. these animals, moreover, are very numerous throughout most part of the company's territories, particularly in mackenzie river, whence great numbers are annually sent to england. all the above animals and a few others are caught in steel and wooden traps by the natives; while deer, buffaloes, etcetera, are run down, shot, and snared in various ways, the details of which will be found in another part of this volume. trade is carried on with the natives by means of a standard valuation, called in some parts of the country a _castor_. this is to obviate the necessity of circulating money, of which there is little or none, excepting in the colony of red river. thus, an indian arrives at a fort with a bundle of furs, with which he proceeds to the indian trading-room. there the trader separates the furs into different lots, and, valuing each at the standard valuation, adds the amount together, and tells the indian (who has looked on the while with great interest and anxiety) that he has got fifty or sixty casters; at the same time he hands the indian fifty or sixty little bits of wood in lieu of cash, so that the latter may know, by returning these in payment of the goods for which he really exchanges his skins, how fast his funds decrease. the indian then looks round upon the bales of cloth, powder-horns, guns, blankets, knives, etcetera, with which the shop is filled, and after a good while makes up his mind to have a small blanket. this being given him, the trader tells him that the price is six castors; the purchaser hands back six of his little bits of wood, and selects something else. in this way he goes on till all his wooden cash is expended; and then, packing up his goods, departs to show his treasures to his wife, and another indian takes his place. the value of a castor is from one to two shillings. the natives generally visit the establishments of the company twice a year--once in october, when they bring in the produce of their autumn hunts; and again in march, when they come in with that of the great winter hunt. the number of castors that an indian makes in a winter hunt varies from fifty to two hundred, according to his perseverance and activity, and the part of the country in which he hunts. the largest amount i ever heard of was made by a man called piaquata-kiscum, who brought in furs on one occasion to the value of two hundred and sixty castors. the poor fellow was soon afterwards poisoned by his relatives, who were jealous of his superior abilities as a hunter, and envious of the favour shown him by the white men. after the furs are collected in spring at all the different outposts, they are packed in conveniently-sized bales, and forwarded, by means of boats and canoes, to the three chief depots on the sea-coast--namely, fort vancouver, at the mouth of the columbia river, on the shores of the pacific; york fort, on the shores of hudson bay; and moose factory, on the shores of james bay--whence they are transported in the company's ships to england. the whole country in summer is, consequently, in commotion with the passing and repassing of brigades of boats laden with bales of merchandise and furs; the still waters of the lakes and rivers are rippled by the paddle and the oar; and the long-silent echoes which have slumbered in the icy embrace of a dreary winter, are now once more awakened by the merry voice and tuneful song of the hardy _voyageur_. this slight sketch of the hudson bay company and of the territories occupied by them may, for the present, serve to give some idea of the nature of the service and the appearance of the country. we shall now proceed to write of the indiana inhabiting these wild regions. [doubtless the reader is aware that the chartered rights of the hudson bay company now ( ) no longer exist; nevertheless their operations are still conducted in the same manner as of old, so that the above description is applicable in almost all respects to the greater part of the country at the present time.] chapter four. north americas indians--their manners and customs--costume, dwellings, implements, etcetera.--a tale of murder and cannibalism--a night excursion with an indian--a deer hunt. the aborigines of north america are divided into a great number of nations or tribes, differing not only in outward appearance but also in customs and modes of life, and in some instances entertaining for each other a bitter and implacable hatred. to describe the leading peculiarities of some of these tribes, particularly those called crees, will be my object in the present chapter. some of the tribes are known by the following names:--crees, seauteaux, stone indians, sioux, blackfeet, chipewyans, slave indians, crows, flatheads, etcetera. of these, the crees are the quietest and most inoffensive; they inhabit the woody country surrounding hudson bay; dwell in tents; never go to war; and spend their time in trapping, shooting, and fishing. the seauteaux are similar to the crees in many respects, and inhabit the country further in the interior. the stone indians, sioux, blackfeet, slave indians, crows, and flatheads inhabit the vast plains and forests in the interior of america, on the east and west of the rocky mountains, and live chiefly by the produce of the chase. their country swarms with bisons, and varieties of deer, bears, etcetera, which they hunt, shoot, snare, and kill in various ways. some of these tribes are well supplied with horses, with which they hunt the buffalo. this is a wild, inspiriting chase, and the natives are very fond of it. they use the gun a good deal, but prefer the bow and arrow (in the use of which they are very expert) for the chase, and reserve the gun for warfare,--many of them being constantly engaged in skirmishing with their enemies. as the crees were the indians with whom i had the most intercourse, i shall endeavour to describe my old friends more at length. the personal appearance of the men of this tribe is not bad. although they have not the bold, daring carriage of the wilder tribes, yet they have active-looking figures, intelligent countenances, and a peculiar brightness in their dark eyes, which, from a constant habit of looking around them while travelling through the woods, are seldom for a moment at rest. their jet-black hair generally hangs in straight matted locks over their shoulders, sometimes ornamented with beads and pieces of metal, and occasionally with a few partridge feathers; but they seldom wear a hat or cap of any kind, except in winter, when they make clumsy imitations of foraging-caps with furs--preferring, if the weather be warm, to go about without any head-dress at all; or, if it be cold, using the large hood of their capotes as a covering. they are thin, wiry men, not generally very muscular in their proportions, but yet capable of enduring great fatigue. their average height is about five feet five inches; and one rarely meets with individuals varying much from this average, nor with deformed people, among them. the step of a cree indian is much longer than that of a european; owing, probably, to his being so much accustomed to walking through swamps and forests, where it is necessary to take long strides. this peculiarity becomes apparent when an indian arrives at a fort, and walks along the hard ground inside the walls with the trader, whose short, bustling, active step contrasts oddly with the long, solemn, ostrich-like stride of the savage; which, however appropriate in the woods, is certainly strange and ungraceful on a good road. the summer dress of the indian is almost entirely provided for him by the hudson bay company. it consists chiefly of a blue or grey cloth, or else a blanket capote reaching below the knee, made much too loose for the figure, and strapped round the waist with a scarlet or crimson worsted belt. a very coarse blue striped cotton shirt is all the underclothing they wear, holding trousers to be quite superfluous; in lieu of which they make leggins of various kinds of cloth, which reach from a few inches above the knee down to the ankle. these leggins are sometimes very tastefully decorated with bead-work, particularly those of the women, and are provided with flaps or wings on either side. the costume, however, is slightly varied in winter. the blanket or cloth capote is then laid aside for one of smoked red-deer skin, which has very much the appearance of chamois leather. this is lined with flannel, or some other thick, warm substance, and edged with fur (more for ornament, however, than warmth) of different kinds. fingerless mittens, with a place for the thumb, are also adopted; and shoes or moccasins of the same soft material. the moccasins are very beautiful, fitting the feet as tightly as a glove, and are tastefully ornamented with dyed porcupine quills and silk thread of various colours, at which work the women are particularly _au fait_. as the leather of the moccasin is very thin [see note ], blanket and flannel socks are worn underneath--one, two, or even four pairs, according to the degree of cold; and in proportion as these socks are increased in number, the moccasin, of course, loses its elegant appearance. the indian women are not so good-looking as the men. they have an awkward, slouching gait, and a downcast look--arising, probably, from the rude treatment they experience from their husbands; for the north american indians, like all other savages, make complete drudges of their women, obliging them to do all the laborious and dirty work, while they reserve the pleasures of the chase for themselves. their features are sometimes good; but i never saw a really pretty woman among the crees. their colour, as well as that of the men, is a dingy brown, which, together with their extreme filthiness, renders them anything but attractive. they are, however, quiet, sweet-tempered, and inoffensive creatures, destitute as well of artificial manners as of _stays_. their dress is a gown, made without sleeves, and very scanty in the skirt, of coarse blue or green cloth; it reaches down to a little under the knee, below which their limbs are cased in leggins beautifully ornamented. their whole costume, however, like that of the men, is almost always hid from sight by a thick blanket, without which the indian seldom ventures abroad. the women usually make the top of the blanket answer the purpose of a head-dress; but when they wish to appear very much to advantage, they put on a cap. it is a square piece of blue cloth, profusely decorated with different-coloured beads, and merely sewed up at the top. they wear their hair in long straggling locks, which have not the slightest tendency to curl, and occasionally in queues or pigtails behind; but in this respect, as in every other, they are very careless of their personal appearance. these primitive children of the forest live in tents of deerskin or bark; and sometimes, where skins are scarce, of branches of trees. they are conically shaped, and are constructed thus:--the indian with his family (probably two wives and three or four children) arrives in his bark canoe at a pretty level spot, sheltered from the north wind, and conveniently situated on the banks of a small stream, where the fish are plentiful, and pine branches (or brush), for the floor of the tent, abundant. here he runs his canoe ashore, and carries his goods and chattels up the bank. his first business is to cut a number of long poles, and tie three of them at the top, spreading them out in the form of a tripod. he then piles all the other poles round these, at half a foot distance from each other, and thus encloses a circle of between fifteen and twenty feet in diameter. over the poles (if he is a good hunter, and has plenty of deer-skins) he spreads the skin tent, leaving an opening at the top for the egress of the smoke. if the tent be a birch-bark one, he has it in separate rolls, which are spread over the poles till the whole is covered. a small opening is left facing the river or lake, which serves for a doorway; and this is covered with an old blanket, a piece of deer-skin, or, in some instances, by bison-skin or buffalo robe. the floor is covered with a layer of small pine branches, which serve for carpet and mattress; and in the centre is placed the wood fire, which, when blazing brightly, gives a warmth and comfort to the slight habitation that could scarcely be believed. here the indian spends a few days or weeks, according to the amount of game in the vicinity, and then removes to some other place, carrying with him the covering of the tent, but leaving the poles standing, as they would be cumbrous to carry in his small canoe, and thousands may be had at every place where he may wish to land. the indian canoe is an exceedingly light and graceful little craft, and well adapted for travelling in through a wild country, where the rivers are obstructed by long rapids, waterfalls, and shallows. it is so light that one man can easily carry it on his shoulders over the land, when a waterfall obstructs his progress; and as it only sinks about four or six inches in the water, few places are too shallow to float it. the birch bark of which it is made is about a quarter of an inch thick; and the inside is lined with extremely thin flakes of wood, over which a number of light timbers are driven, to give strength and tightness to the machine. in this frail bark, which measures from twelve, fifteen, thirty, to forty feet long, and from two to four feet broad in the middle, a whole indian family of eight or ten souls will travel hundreds of miles, over rivers and lakes innumerable; now floating swiftly down a foaming rapid, and anon gliding over the surface of a quiet lake, or _making a portage_ overland when a rapid is too dangerous to descend; and, while the elders of the family assist in carrying the canoe, the youngsters run about plucking berries, and the shaggy little curs (one or two of which are possessed by every indian family) search for food, or bask in the sun at the foot of the baby's cradle, which stands bolt upright against a tree, while the child gazes upon all these operations with serene indifference. not less elegant and useful than the canoe is the snowshoe, without which the indian would be badly off indeed. it is not, as many suppose, used as a kind of _skate_, with which to _slide_ over the snow, but as a machine to prevent, by its size and breadth, the wearer from sinking into the snow; which is so deep that, without the assistance of the snowshoe, no one could walk a quarter of a mile through the woods in winter without being utterly exhausted. it is formed of two thin pieces of light wood, tied at both ends, and spread out near the middle, thus making a kind of long oval, the interior of which is filled up with network of deer-skin threads. strength is given to the frame by placing wooden bars across; and it is fastened _loosely_ to the foot by a slight line going over the toe. in case, however, it may be supposed that by a shoe i mean an article something the size of a man's foot, it may be as well to state that snow-shoes measure from _four_ to _six feet_ long, and from thirteen to twenty inches wide. notwithstanding their great size, the extreme lightness of their materials prevents them being cumbrous; and, after a little practice, a traveller forgets that he has them on, if the weather be good for such walking. frosty weather is the best for snow-shoe travelling, as the snow is fine and dust-like, and falls through the net-work. if the weather be warm, the wet snow renders the shoe heavy, and the lines soon begin to gall the feet. on these shoes an indian will travel between twenty and thirty miles a day; and they often accomplish from thirty to forty when hard pressed. the food of the indian varies according to circumstances. sometimes he luxuriates on deer, partridges, and fat beaver; whilst at others he is obliged to live almost entirely on fish, and not unfrequently on _tripe-de-roche_. this substance, however, does no more than retard his ultimate destruction by starvation; and unless he meets with something more nourishing, it cannot prevent it. when starving, the indian will not hesitate to appease the cravings of hunger by resorting to cannibalism; and there were some old dames with whom i was myself acquainted, who had at different periods eaten several of their children. indeed, some of them, it was said, had also eaten their husbands! the following anecdote, related to me by my friend carles, who spent many years of his life among the north american indians, depicts one of the worst of these cases of cannibalism. it was in the spring of hundred and something that mr carles stood in the indian hall of one of the far-distant posts in athabasca, conversing with a party of chipewyan indians, who had just arrived with furs from their winter hunting-grounds. the large fires of wood, sparkling and blazing cheerfully up the wide chimney, cast a bright light round the room, and shone upon the dusky countenances of the chipewyans, as they sat gravely on the floor, smoking their spwagans in silence. a dark shade lowered upon every face, as if thoughts of an unpleasant nature disturbed their minds; and so it was. a deed of the most revolting description had been perpetrated by an indian of the cree tribe, and they were about to relate the story to mr carles. after a short silence, an old indian removed his pipe, and, looking round upon the others, as if to ask their consent to his becoming spokesman, related the particulars of the story, the substance of which i now give. towards the middle of winter, wisagun, a cree indian, removed his encampment to another part of the country, as game was scarce in the place where he had been residing. his family consisted of a wife, a son of eight or nine years of age, and two or three children, besides several of his relations; in all, ten souls, including himself. in a few days they arrived at their new encamping ground, after having suffered a great deal of misery by the way from starvation. they were all much exhausted and worn out, but hoped, having heard of buffaloes in the vicinity, that their sufferings would soon be relieved. here they remained several days without finding any game, and were reduced to the necessity of devouring their moccasins and leathern coats, rendered eatable by being singed over the fire. soon this wretched resource was also gone, and they were reduced to the greatest extremity, when a herd of buffaloes was descried far away in the prairie, on the edge of which they were encamped. all were instantly on the _qui vive_. guns were loaded, snow-shoes put on, and in ten minutes the males of the hungry party set off after the herd, leaving wisagun's wife and children with another girl in the tent. it was not long, however, before the famished party began to grow tired. some of the weakest dropped behind; while wisagun, with his son natappe, gave up the chase, and returned to the encampment. they soon arrived at it, and wisagun, peeping in between the chinks of the tent to see what the women were doing, saw his wife engaged in cutting up one of her own children, preparatory to cooking it. in a transport of passion, the indian rushed forward and stabbed her, and also the other woman; and then, fearing the wrath of the other indians, he fled to the woods. it may be conceived what were the feelings of the remainder of the party when they returned and found their relatives murdered. they were so much exhausted, however, by previous suffering, that they could only sit down and gaze on the mutilated bodies in despair. during the night, wisagun and natappe returned stealthily to the tent, and, under cover of the darkness, murdered the whole party as they lay asleep. soon after this the two indians were met by another party of savages, in _good condition_, although, from the scarcity of game, the others were starving. the former accounted for this, however, by saying that they had fallen in with a deer not long ago; but that, before this had happened, all the rest of the family had died of starvation. it was the party who had met the two indians wandering in the plains that now sat round the fire relating the story to mr carles. the tale was still telling when the hall door slowly opened, and wisagun, gaunt and cadaverous, the very impersonation of famine, slunk into the room, along with natappe, and seated himself in a corner near the fire. mr carles soon obtained from his own lips confirmation of the horrible deed, which he excused by saying that _most_ of his relations had died before he ate them. in a few days after this, the party of indians took their departure from the house, to proceed to their village in the forest; and shortly after wisagun and natappe also left, to rejoin their tribe. the news of their deeds, however, had preceded them, so they were received very coldly; and soon after wisagun pitched his tent, the other indians removed, with one accord, to another place, as though it were impossible to live happily under the shadow of the same trees. this exasperated wisagun so much that he packed up his tent and goods, launched his canoe, and then, before starting, went up to the village, and told them it was true he had killed all his relatives; and that he was a conjurer, and had both power and inclination to conjure them to death too. he then strode down to the banks of the river, and, embarking with his son, shot out into the stream. the unhappy man had acted rashly in his wrath. there is nothing more dangerous than to threaten to kill a savage, as he will certainly endeavour to kill the person who threatens him, in order to render the execution of his purpose impossible. wisagun and his son had no sooner departed than two men coolly took up their guns, entered a canoe, and followed them. upon arriving at a secluded spot, one of them raised his gun and fired at wisagun, who fell over the side of the canoe, and sank to rise no more. with the rapidity of thought, natappe seized his father's gun, sprang ashore, and bounded up the bank; a shot was fired which went through the fleshy part of his arm, and the next moment he was behind a tree. here he called out to the indians, who were reloading their guns, not to kill him, and he would tell them all. after a little consideration, they agreed to spare him; he embarked with them, and was taken afterwards to the fort, where he remained many years in the company's service. although instances of cannibalism are not unusual among the indian tribes, they do not resort to it from choice, but only when urged by the irrepressible cravings of hunger. all the indian tribes are fond of spirits; and in former times, when the distribution of rum to the natives was found necessary to compete with other companies, the use of the "fire-water" was carried to a fearful extent. since sir george simpson became governor, however, the distribution of spirits has been almost entirely given up; and this has proved a most beneficial measure for the poor indians. tobacco also is consumed by them in great quantities; indeed, the pipe is seldom out of the indian's mouth. if he is not hunting, sleeping, or eating, he is sure to be smoking. a peculiar kind of shrub is much used by them, mixed with tobacco--partly for the purpose of making it go far, and partly because they can smoke more of it at a time with impunity. the indian is generally very lazy, but can endure, when requisite, great fatigue and much privation. he can go longer without eating than a european, and, from the frequent fasts he has to sustain, he becomes accustomed, without injury, to eat more at a meal than would kill a white man. the indian children exhibit this power in a very extraordinary degree, looking sometimes wretchedly thin and miserable, and an hour or two afterwards waddling about with their little stomachs swollen almost to bursting! when an indian wants a wife, he goes to the _fair_ one's father, and asks his consent. this being obtained, he informs the young lady of the circumstance, and then returns to his wigwam, whither the bride follows him, and installs herself as mistress of the house without further ceremony. generally speaking, indians content themselves with one wife, but it is looked upon as neither unusual nor improper to take two, or even three wives. the great point to settle is the husband's ability to support them. thus, a bad hunter can only afford one wife, whilst a good one may have three or four. if an old man or woman of the tribe becomes infirm, and unable to proceed with the rest when travelling, he or she, as the case may be, is left behind in a small tent made of willows, in which are placed a little firewood, some provisions, and a vessel of water. here the unhappy wretch remains in solitude till the fuel and provisions are exhausted, and then dies. should the tribe be in their encampment when an indian dies, the deceased is buried, sometimes in the ground, and sometimes in a rough wooden coffin raised a few feet above it. they do not now bury guns, knives, etcetera, with their dead, as they once did, probably owing to their intercourse with white men. the supreme being among the indians is called manitou; but he can scarcely be said to be worshipped by them, and the few ideas they have of his attributes are imperfect and erroneous. indeed, no religious rites exist among them, unless the unmeaning mummery of the medicine tent can be looked upon as such. of late years, however, missionaries, both of the church of england and the wesleyans, have exerted themselves to spread the christian religion among these tribes, than whom few savages can be more unenlightened or morally degraded; and there is reason to believe that the light of the gospel is now beginning to shine upon them with beneficial influence. there is no music in the soul of a cree, and the only time they attempt it is when gambling--of which they are passionately fond--when they sing a kind of monotonous chant, accompanied with a noisy rattling on a tin kettle. the celebrated war-dance is now no longer in existence among this tribe. they have wisely renounced both war and its horrors long ago. among the wilder inhabitants of the prairies, however, it is still in vogue, with all the dismal accompaniments of killing, scalping, roasting, and torturing that distinguished american warfare a hundred years ago. the different methods by which the indian succeeds in snaring and trapping animals are numerous. a good idea of these may be had by following an indian in his rounds. suppose yourself, gentle reader, standing at the gate of one of the forts in hudson bay, watching a savage arranging his snow-shoes, preparatory to entering the gloomy forest. let us walk with this indian on a visit to his traps. the night is very dark, as the moon is hid by thick clouds, yet it occasionally breaks out sufficiently to illumine our path to stemaw's wigwam, and to throw the shadows of the neighbouring trees upon the pale snow, which _crunches_ under our feet as we advance, owing to the intense cold. no wind breaks the stillness of the night, or shakes the lumps of snow off the branches of the neighbouring pines or willows; and nothing is heard save the occasional crackling of the trees as the severe frost acts upon their branches. the tent, at which we soon arrive, is pitched at the foot of an immense tree, which stands in a little hollow where the willows and pines are luxuriant enough to afford a shelter from the north wind. just in front, a small path leads to the river, of which an extensive view is had through the opening, showing the long fantastic shadows of huge blocks and mounds of ice cast upon the white snow by the flickering moonlight. a huge chasm, filled with fallen trees and mounds of snow, yawns on the left of the tent; and the ruddy sparks of fire which issue from a hole in its top throw this and the surrounding forest into deeper gloom. the effect of this wintry scene upon the mind is melancholy in the extreme--causing it to speed across the bleak and frozen plains, and visit again the warm fireside and happy faces in a far-distant home; and yet there is a strange romantic attraction in the wild woods that gradually brings it back again, and makes us impatient to begin our walk with the indian. suddenly the deer-skin robe that covers the aperture of the wigwam is raised, and a bright stream of warm light gushes out, tipping the dark-green points of the opposite trees, and mingling strangely with the paler light of the moon--and stemaw stands erect in front of his solitary home, to gaze a few moments on the sky and judge of the weather, as he intends to take a long walk before laying his head upon his capote for the night. he is in the usual costume of the cree indians: a large leathern coat, very much overlapped in front, and fastened round his waist with a scarlet belt, protects his body from the cold. a small rat-skin cap covers his head, and his legs are cased in the ordinary blue cloth leggins. large moccasins, with two or three pair of blanket socks, clothe his feet; and fingerless mittens, made of deer-skin, complete his costume. after a few minutes passed in contemplation of the heavens, the indian prepares himself for the walk. first he sticks a small axe in his belt, serving as a counterpoise to a large hunting-knife and fire-bag which depend from the other side. he then slips his feet through the lines of his snow-shoes, and throws the line of a small hand-sledge over his shoulder. the hand-sledge is a thin, flat slip or plank of wood, from five to six feet long by one foot broad, and is turned up at one end. it is extremely light, and indians invariably use it when visiting their traps, for the purpose of dragging home the animals or game they may have caught. having attached this sledge to his back, he stoops to receive his gun from his faithful _squaw_ [see note ], who has been watching his operations through a hole in the tent; and throwing it on his shoulder, strides off, without uttering a word, across the moonlit space in front of the tent, turns into a narrow track that leads down the dark ravine, and disappears in the shades of the forest. soon he reaches the termination of the track (made for the purpose of reaching some good dry trees for firewood), and stepping into the deep snow with the long, regular, firm tread of one accustomed to snow-shoe walking, he winds his way rapidly through the thick stems of the surrounding trees, and turns aside the smaller branches of the bushes. the forest is now almost dark, the foliage overhead having become so dense that the moon only penetrates through it in a few places, causing the spots on which it falls to shine with a strange phosphoric light, and rendering the surrounding masses darker by contrast. the faint outline, of an old snowshoe track, at first discernible, is now quite invisible; but still stemaw moves forward with rapid, noiseless step, as sure of his way as if a broad beaten track lay before him. in this manner he moves on for nearly two miles, sometimes stooping to examine closely the newly-made track of some wild animal, and occasionally giving a glance at the sky through the openings in the leafy canopy above him, when a faint sound in the bushes ahead brings him to a full stop. he listens attentively, and a noise, like the rattling of a chain, is heard proceeding from the recesses of a dark, wild-looking hollow a few paces in front. another moment, and the rattle is again distinctly heard; a slight smile of satisfaction crosses stemaw's dark visage, for one of his traps is set in that place, and he knows that something is caught. quickly descending the slope, he enters the bushes whence the sound proceeds, and pauses when within a yard or two of his trap, to peer through the gloom. a cloud passes off the moon, and a faint ray reveals, it may be, a beautiful black fox caught in the snare. a slight blow on the snout from stemaw's axe-handle kills the unfortunate animal; in ten minutes more it is tied to his sledge, the trap is reset and again covered over with snow, so that it is almost impossible to tell that anything is there; and the indian pursues his way. the steel-trap used by the indians is almost similar to the ordinary rat-trap of england, with this difference, that it is a little larger, is destitute of teeth, and has two springs in place of one. a chain is attached to one spring for the purpose of fixing a weight to the trap, so that the animal caught may not be able to drag it far from the place where it was set. the track in the snow enables the hunter to find his trap again. it is generally set so that the jaws, when spread out flat, are exactly on a level with the snow. the chain and weight are both hid, and a thin layer of snow spread on top of the trap. the bait (which generally consists of chips of a frozen partridge, rabbit, or fish) is then scattered around in every direction; and, with the exception of this, nothing distinguishes the spot. foxes, beavers, wolves, lynx, and other animals are caught in this way, sometimes by a fore leg, sometimes by a hind leg, and sometimes by two legs at once, and occasionally by the nose. of all these ways the indians prefer catching by two legs, as there is then not the slightest possibility of the animal escaping. when foxes are caught by one leg, they often _eat it off_ close to the trap, and escape on the other three. i have frequently seen this happen; and i once saw a fox caught which had evidently escaped in this way, as one of its legs was gone, and the stump healed up and covered again with hair. when they are caught by the nose they are almost sure to escape, unless taken out of the trap very soon after being caught, as their snouts are so sharp or wedge-like that they can pull them from between the jaws of the trap without much difficulty. having now described the way of using this machine, we will rejoin stemaw, whom we left on his way to the next trap. there he goes, moving swiftly over the snow mile after mile, as if he could not feel fatigue, turning aside now and then to visit a trap, and giving a short grunt when nothing is in it, or killing the animal when caught, and tying it on the sledge. towards midnight, however, he begins to walk more cautiously, examines the priming of his gun, and moves the axe in his belt, as if he expected to meet some enemy suddenly. the fact is, that close to where he now stands are two traps which he set in the morning close to each other for the purpose of catching one of the formidable coast wolves. these animals are so sagacious that they will scrape all round a trap, let it be ever so well set, and after eating all the bait, walk away unhurt. indians consequently endeavour in every possible way to catch them--and, among others, by setting _two_ traps close together; so that, while the wolf scrapes at one, he may perhaps put his foot in the other. it is in this way that stemaw's traps are set, and he now proceeds cautiously towards them, his gun in the hollow of his left arm. slowly he advances, peering through the bushes, but nothing is visible; suddenly a branch crashes under his snow-shoe, and with a savage growl a large wolf bounds towards him, landing almost at his feet. a single glance, however, shows the indian that both traps are on his legs, and that the chains prevent his further advance. he places his gun against a tree, draws his axe from the belt, and advances to kill the animal. it is an undertaking, however, of some difficulty. the fierce brute, which is larger than a newfoundland dog, strains every nerve and sinew to break its chains; while its eyes glisten in the uncertain light, and foam curls from its blood-red mouth. now it retreats as the indian advances, grinning horribly as it goes; and anon, as the chains check its further retreat, it springs with fearful growl towards stemaw, who slightly wounds it with his axe, as he jumps backward just in time to save himself from the infuriated animal, which catches in its fangs the flap of his leggin, and tears it from his limb. again stemaw advances, and the wolf retreats and again springs on him, but without success. at last, as the wolf glances for a moment to one side--apparently to see if there is no way of escape--quick as lightning the axe descends with stunning violence on its head; another blow follows; and in five minutes more stemaw heaves the huge brute across his shoulders, and carries it to his sledge. this, however, has turned out a more exhausting business than stemaw expected; so he determines to encamp and rest for a few hours. selecting a large pine, whose spreading branches cover a patch of ground free from underwood, he scrapes away the snow with his snow-shoe. silently but busily he labours for a quarter of an hour; and then, having cleared a space seven or eight feet in diameter, and nearly four feet deep, he cuts down a number of small branches, which he strews at the bottom of the hollow, till all the snow is covered. this done, he fells two or three of the nearest trees, cuts them up into lengths of about five feet long, and piles them at the root of the tree. a light is soon applied to the pile, and up glances the ruddy flame, crackling among the branches overhead, and sending thousands of bright sparks into the air. no one who has not seen it can have the least idea of the change that takes place in the appearance of the woods at night when a large fire is suddenly lighted. before, all was cold, silent, chilling, gloomy, and desolate, and the pale snow looked unearthly in the dark. now, a bright ruddy glow falls upon the thick stems of the trees, and penetrates through the branches overhead, tipping those nearest the fire with a ruby tinge, the mere sight of which warms one. the white snow changes to a beautiful pink, whilst the stems of the trees, bright and clearly visible near at hand, become more and more indistinct in the distance, till they are lost in the black background. the darkness, however, need not be seen from the encampment; for, when the indian lies down, he will be surrounded by the snow walls, which sparkle in the firelight as if set with diamonds. these do not melt, as might be expected. the frost is much too intense for that, and nothing melts except the snow quite close to the fire. stemaw has now concluded his arrangements: a small piece of dried deer's meat warms before the blaze; and, meanwhile, he spreads his green blanket on the ground, and fills a stone calumet (or pipe with a wooden stem) with tobacco, mixed with a kind of weed prepared by himself. the white smoke from this soon mingles with the thicker volumes from the fire, which curl up through the branches into the sky, now shrouding him in their wreaths, and then, as the bright flame obtains the mastery, leaving his dark face and coal-black eyes shining in the warm light. no one enjoys a pipe more than an indian; and stemaw's tranquil visage, wreathed in tobacco smoke, as he reclines at full length under the spreading branches of the pine, and allows the white vapour to pass slowly out of his mouth _and nose_, certainly gives one an excellent idea of savage enjoyment. leaving him here, then, to solace himself with a pipe preparatory to resting his wearied limbs for the night, we will change the hour, and conduct the reader to a different scene. it is now day. the upper edge of the sun has just risen, red and frosty-looking, in the east, and countless myriads of icy particles glitter on every tree and bush in its red rays; while the white tops of the snow-drifts, which dot the surface of the small lake at which we have just arrived, are tipped with the same rosy hue. the lake is of considerable breadth, and the woods on its opposite shore are barely visible. an unbroken coat of pure white snow covers its entire surface, whilst here and there a small islet, covered with luxuriant evergreens, attracts the eye, and breaks the sameness of the scene. at the extreme left of the lake, where the points of a few bulrushes and sedgy plants appear above the snow, are seen a number of small earthy mounds, in the immediate vicinity of which the trees and bushes are cut and barked in many places, while some of them are nearly cut down. this is a colony of beavers. in the warm months of summer and autumn, this spot is a lively, stirring place, as the beavers are then employed _nibbling_ down trees and bushes, for the purpose of repairing their dams, and supplying their storehouses with food. the bark of willows is their chief food, and all the bushes in the vicinity are more or less cut through by these persevering little animals. their dams, however (which are made for the purpose of securing to themselves a constant sufficiency of water), are made with large trees; and stumps will be found, if you choose to look for them, as thick as a man's leg, which the beavers have entirely nibbled through, and dragged by their united efforts many yards from where they grew. now, however, no sign of animal life is to be seen, as the beavers keep within doors all winter; yet i venture to state that there are many now asleep under the snow before us. it is not, reader, merely for the purpose of showing you the outside of a beaver-lodge that i have brought you such a distance from human habitations. be patient, and you shall soon see more. do you observe that small black speck moving over the white surface of the lake, far away on the horizon? it looks like a crow, but the forward motion is much too steady and constant for that. as it approaches, it assumes the form of a man; and at last the figure of stemaw, dragging his empty sleigh behind him (for he has left his wolf and foxes in the last night's encampment, to be taken up when returning home), becomes clearly distinguishable through the dreamy haze of the cold wintry morning. he arrives at the beaver-lodges, and, i warrant, will soon play havoc among the inmates. his first proceeding is to cut down several stakes, which he points at the ends. these are driven, after he has cut away a good deal of ice from around the beaver-lodge, into the ground between it and the shore. this is to prevent the beaver from running along the passage they always have from their lodges to the shore, where their storehouse is kept, which would make it necessary to excavate the whole passage. the beaver, if there are any, being thus imprisoned in the lodge, the hunter next stakes up the opening into the storehouse on shore, and so imprisons those that may have fled there for shelter on hearing the noise of his axe at the other house. things being thus arranged to his entire satisfaction, he takes an instrument called an ice-chisel--which is a bit of steel about a foot long by one inch broad, fastened to the end of a stout pole--wherewith he proceeds to dig through the lodge. this is by no means an easy operation; and although he covers the snow around him with great quantities of frozen mud and sticks, yet his work is not half finished. at last, however, the interior of the hut is laid bare; and the indian, stooping down, gives a great pull, when out comes a large, fat, sleepy beaver, which he flings sprawling on the snow. being thus unceremoniously awakened from its winter nap, the shivering animal looks languidly around, and even goes the length of grinning at stemaw, by way of showing its teeth, for which it is rewarded with a blow on the head from the pole of the ice-chisel, which puts an end to it. in this way several more are killed, and packed on the sleigh. stemaw then turns his face towards his encampment, where he collects the game left there; and away he goes at a tremendous pace, dashing the snow in clouds from his snow-shoes, as he hurries over the trackless wilderness to his forest home. near his tent, he makes a detour to visit a marten trap; where, however, he finds nothing. this trap is of the simplest construction, being composed of two logs, the one of which is supported over the other by means of a small stick, in such a manner that when the marten creeps between the two and pulls the bait, the support is removed, and the upper log falls on and crushes it to death. in half an hour the indian arrives at his tent, where the dark eyes of his wife are seen gazing through a chink in the covering, with an expression that denotes immense joy at the prospect of gorging for many days on fat beaver, and having wherewithal to purchase beads and a variety of ornaments from the white men, upon the occasion of her husband and herself visiting the posts of the fur-traders in the following spring. but some of the tribes have a more sociable as well as a more productive way of conducting business, at least as regards venison; for they catch the deer in a "pound." "their mode of accomplishing this is to select a well-frequented deer-path, and enclose with a strong fence of twisted trees and brushwood a space about a mile in circumference, and sometimes more. the entrance of the pound is not larger than a common gate, and its inside is crowded with innumerable small hedges, in the openings of which are fixed snares of strong well-twisted thongs. one end is generally fastened to a growing tree; and as all the wood and jungle within the enclosure is left standing, its interior forms a complete labyrinth. on each side of the door a line of small trees, stuck up in the snow fifteen or twenty yards apart, form two sides of an acute angle, widening gradually from the entrance, from which they sometimes extend two or three miles. between these rows of brushwood runs the path frequented by the deer. when all things are prepared, the indians take their station on some eminence commanding a prospect of this path, and the moment any deer are seen going that way, the whole encampment-- men, women, and children--steal under cover of the woods till they get behind them. they then show themselves in the open ground, and, drawing up in the form of a crescent, advance with shouts. the deer finding themselves pursued, and at the same time imagining the rows of brushy poles to be people stationed to prevent their passing on either side, run straight forward till they get into the pound. the indians instantly close in, block up the entrance, and whilst the women and children run round the outside to prevent them from breaking or leaping the fence, the men enter with their spears and bows, and speedily dispatch such as are caught in the snares or are running loose." [see "hearne's journey." pages to ]. "mclean, a gentleman who spent twenty-five years in the hudson bay territories, assures us that on one occasion he and a party of men entrapped and slaughtered in this way a herd of three hundred deer in two hours." i must crave the reader's pardon for this long digression, and beg him to recollect that at the end of the second chapter i left myself awaiting orders to depart for red river, to which settlement we will now proceed. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ note . many people at home have asked me how such _thin things_ can keep out the wet of the snow. the reader must bear in mind that the snow, for nearly seven months, is not even _damp_ for five minutes, so constant is the frost. when it becomes wet in spring, europeans adopt ordinary english shoes, and indians do not mind the wet. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ note . _squeiaw_ is the indian for a woman. _squaw_ is the english corruption of the word, and is used to signify a wife. chapter five. voyage from york factory to red river--voyage begun--our manner of travelling--encamping in the woods--portaging and shooting wildfowl-- whisky-jacks--a storm--lake winnipeg--arrival at red river settlement. somewhere about the beginning of september, mr carles, mr and mrs gowley, mr rob, and myself set out with the _portage la loche_ brigade, for the distant colony of red river. the portage la loche brigade usually numbers six or seven boats, adapted for inland travelling where the navigation is obstructed by rapids, waterfalls, and cataracts, to surmount which, boats and cargo are carried overland by the crews. these carrying places are called _portages_; and between york factory and red river there are upwards of thirty-six, of various lengths. besides these, there are innumerable rapids, up which the boats have to be pushed inch by inch with poles, for miles together; so that we had to look forward to a long and tedious voyage. the brigade with which we left york factory usually leaves red river about the end of may, and proceeds to norway house, where it receives athabasca and mackenzie river outfits. it then sets out for the interior; and upon arriving at portage la loche, the different boats land their cargoes, while the mackenzie river boats, which came to meet them, exchange their furs for the outfits. the brigade then begins to retrace its way, and returns to norway house, whence it proceeds to york factory, where it arrives about the commencement of september, lands the furs, and receives part of the red river outfit, with which it sets out for that place as soon as possible. with this brigade, then, we started from york factory, with a cheering song from the men in full chorus. they were in good spirits, being about to finish the long voyage, and return to their families at red river, after an absence of nearly five months, during which time they had encountered and overcome difficulties that would have cooled the most sanguine temperament; but these hardy canadians and half-breeds are accustomed to such voyages from the age of fifteen or sixteen, and think no more of them than other men do of ordinary work. mr carles and i travelled together in the guide's boat; mr and mrs gowley in another; and mr rob in a third by himself. we took the lead, and the others followed as they best could. such was the order of march in which we commenced the ascent of hayes river. it may not be uninteresting here to describe the _materiel_ of our voyage. our boat, which was the counterpart of the rest, was long, broad, and shallow, capable of carrying forty hundredweight, and nine men, besides three or four passengers, with provisions for themselves and the crew. it did not, i suppose, draw more than three feet of water when loaded, perhaps less, and was, moreover, very light for its size. the cargo consisted of bales, being the goods intended for the red river sale-room and trading-shop. a rude mast and tattered sail lay along the seats, ready for use, should a favourable breeze spring up; but this seldom occurred, the oars being our chief dependence during the greater part of the voyage. the provisions of the men consisted of pemmican and flour; while the passengers revelled in the enjoyment of a ham, several cured buffalo-tongues, tea, sugar, butter, and biscuit, and a little brandy and wine, wherewith to warm us in cold weather, and to cheer the crew with a dram after a day of unusual exertion. all our provisions were snugly packed in a case and basket, made expressly for the purpose. pemmican being a kind of food with which people in the civilised world are not generally acquainted, i may as well describe it here. it is made by the buffalo-hunters of the red river, swan river, and saskatchewan prairies; more particularly by those of red river, where many of the colonists spend a great part of the year in pursuit of the buffalo. they make it thus: having shot a buffalo (or bison), they cut off lumps of his flesh, and slitting it up into flakes or layers, hang it up in the sun to dry. in this state it is often made up into packs, and sent about the country to be consumed as dried meat; but when _pemmican_ is wanted, it has to go through another process. when dry, the meat is pounded between two stones till it is broken into small pieces; these are put into a bag made of the animal's hide, with the hair on the outside, and well mixed with melted grease; the top of the bag is then sewn up, and the pemmican allowed to cool. in this state it may be eaten uncooked; but the _voyageurs_, who subsist on it when travelling, mix it with a little flour and water, and then boil it; in which state it is known throughout the country by the elegant name of _robbiboo_. pemmican is good wholesome food, will keep fresh for a great length of time, and were it not for its unprepossessing appearance, and a good many buffalo hairs mixed with it, through the carelessness of the hunters, would be very palatable. after a time, however, one becomes accustomed to those little peculiarities. it was late in the afternoon when we left york factory; and after travelling a few miles up hayes river, put ashore for the night. we encamped upon a rough, gravelly piece of ground, as there was no better in the neighbourhood; so that my first night in the woods did not hold out the prospect of being a very agreeable one. the huge log fires, however, soon blazed cheerily up, casting a ruddy glow upon the surrounding foliage and the wild uncouth figures of the _voyageurs_, who, with their long dark hair hanging in luxuriant masses over their bronzed faces, sat or reclined round the fires, smoking their pipes, and chatting with as much carelessness and good-humour as if the long and arduous journey before them never once entered their minds. the tents were pitched on the most convenient spot we could find; and when supper was spread out, and a candle lighted (which, by the way, the strong blaze of our camp-fire rendered quite unnecessary), and mr carles, seating himself upon a pile of cloaks, blankets, and cushions, looked up with a broad grin on his cheerful, good-humoured countenance, and called me to supper, i began to think that if all travelling in hudson bay were like this, a voyage of discovery to the north pole would be a mere pleasure trip! alas! in after-years i found it was not always thus. supper was soon disposed of, and having warmed ourselves at the fire, and ventured a few rash prophecies on the probable weather of the morrow, we spread our blankets over an oiled cloth, and lay lovingly down together; mr carles to snore vociferously, and i to dream of home. at the first blush of day i was awakened by the loud halloo of the guide, who, with a voice of a stentor, gave vent to a "_leve! leve! leve_!" that roused the whole camp in less than two minutes. five minutes more sufficed to finish our toilet (for, be it known, mr carles and i had only taken off our coats), tie up our blankets, and embark. in ten minutes we were once more pulling slowly up the current of hayes river. the missionaries turned out to be capital travellers, and never delayed the boats a moment; which is saying a good deal for them, considering the short space of time allowed for dressing. as for the hardy _voyageurs_, they slept in the same clothes in which they had wrought during the day, each with a single blanket round him, in the most convenient spot he could find. a few slept in pairs, but all reposed under the wide canopy of heaven. early morning is always the most disagreeable part of the traveller's day. the cold dews of the past night render the air chilly, and the gloom of departing night tends greatly to depress the spirits. as i became acquainted with this mode of travelling, i became more knowing; and, when there was not much probability of being interrupted by portages, i used to spread out my blanket in the stern of the boat, and snooze till breakfast-time. the hour for breakfast used to vary, according as we arrived late or early at an eligible spot. it was seldom earlier than seven, or later than nine o'clock. upon the occasion of our first breakfast in the woods, we were fortunate. the sun shone brightly on the surrounding trees and bushes; the fires blazed and crackled; pots boiled, and cooks worked busily on a green spot, at the side of a small bay or creek, in which the boats quietly floated, scarce rippling the surface of the limpid water. a little apart from the men, two white napkins marked our breakfast-place, and the busy appearance of our cook gave hopes that our fast was nearly over. the whole scene was indescribably romantic and picturesque, and worthy of delineation by a more experienced pencil than mine. breakfast was a repetition of the supper of the preceding night; the only difference being, that we ate it by daylight, in the open air, instead of by candlelight, under the folds of our canvas tent. after it was over, we again embarked, and proceeded on our way. the men used to row for a space of time denominated a _pipe_; so called from the circumstance of their taking a smoke at the end of it. each _spell_ lasted for nearly two hours, during which time they rowed without intermission. the _smoke_ usually occupied five or ten minutes, after which they pulled again for two hours more; and so on. while travelling in boats, it is only allowable to put ashore for breakfast; so, about noon, we had a cold dinner in the boat: and, with appetites sharpened by exposure to the fresh air, we enjoyed it pretty well. in a couple of days we branched off into steel river, and began its ascent. the current here was more rapid than in hayes river; so rapid, indeed, that, our oars being useless, we were obliged to send the men ashore with the tracking-line. tracking, as it is called, is dreadfully harassing work. half of the crew go ashore, and drag the boat slowly along, while the other half go to sleep. after an hour's walk, the others then take their turn; and so on, alternately, during the whole day. the banks of the river were high, and very precipitous; so that the poor fellows had to scramble along, sometimes close to the water's edge, and sometimes high up the bank, on ledges so narrow that they could scarcely find a footing, and where they looked like flies on a wall. the banks, too, being composed of clay or mud, were very soft, rendering the work disagreeable and tiresome; but the light-hearted _voyageurs_ seemed to be quite in their element, and laughed and joked while they toiled along, playing tricks with each other, and plunging occasionally up to the middle in mud, or to the neck in water, with as much nonchalance as if they were jumping into bed. on the fifth day after leaving york factory, we arrived at the rock portage. this is the first on the route, and it is a very short one. a perpendicular waterfall, eight or ten feet high, forms an effectual barrier to the upward progress of the boats by water; so that the only way to overcome the difficulty is to carry everything across the flat rock, from which the portage derives its name, and reload at the upper end. upon arriving, a novel and animating scene took place. some of the men, jumping ashore, ran briskly to and fro with enormous burdens on their backs; whilst others hauled and pulled the heavy boats slowly up the cataract, hallooing and shouting all the time, as if they wished to drown the thundering noise of the water, which boiled and hissed furiously around the rocks on which we stood. in about an hour our boat, and one or two others, had passed the falls; and we proceeded merrily on our way, with spirits elevated in proportion to the elevation of our bodies. it was here that i killed my first duck; and well do i remember the feeling of pride with which i contemplated the achievement. that i had shot her sitting about five yards from the muzzle of my gun, which was loaded with an enormous charge of shot, is undeniable; but this did not lessen my exultation a whit. the sparrows i used to kill in days of yore, with inexpressible delight, grew "small by degrees" and comically less before the plump inhabitant of the marshes, till they dwindled into nothing; and the joy and fuss with which i hailed the destruction of the unfortunate bird can only be compared to, and equalled by, the crowing and flurry with which a hen is accustomed to announce the production of her first egg. during the voyage, we often disturbed large flocks of geese, and sometimes shot a few. when we chanced to come within sight of them before they saw us, the boats all put ashore; and l'esperance, our guide, went round through the bushes, to the place where they were, and seldom failed in rendering at least one of the flock _hors de combat_. at first i would as soon have volunteered to shoot a lion in africa, with a bushman beside me, as have presumed to attempt to kill geese while l'esperance was present--so poor an opinion had i of my skill as a marksman; but, as i became more accustomed to seeing them killed, i waxed bolder; and at last, one day, having come in sight of a flock, i begged to be allowed to try my hand. the request was granted; l'esperance lent me his gun, and away i went cautiously through the bushes. after a short walk, i came close to where they were swimming about in the water; and cocking my gun, i rushed furiously down the bank, breaking everything before me, and tumbling over half a dozen fallen trees in my haste, till i cleared the bushes; and then, scarcely taking time to raise the gun to my shoulder, banged right into the middle of the flock, just as they were taking wing. all rose; but they had not gone far when one began to waver a little, and finally sat down in the water again--a sure sign of being badly wounded. before the boats came up, however, he had swam to the opposite bank, and hid himself among the bushes; so that, much to my disappointment, i had not the pleasure of handling this new trophy of my prowess. upon one occasion, while sauntering along the banks of the river in search of ducks and geese, while the boats were slowly ascending against the strong current, i happened to cast my eyes across the stream, and there, to my amazement, beheld a large black bear bounding over the rocks with the ease and agility of a cat. he was not within shot, however, and i was obliged to content myself with seeing him run before me for a quarter of a mile, and then turn off into the forest. this was truly the happiest time i ever spent in the nor'-west. everything was full of novelty and excitement. rapid succeeded rapid, and portage followed portage in endless succession--giving me abundance of opportunities to range about in search of ducks and geese, which were very numerous, while the men were dragging the boats, and carrying the goods over the portages. the weather was beautiful, and it was just the season of the year when the slight frost in the mornings and evenings renders the blazing camp-fire agreeable, and destroys those little wretches, the mosquitoes. my friend mr carles was a kind and indulgent companion, bearing good-naturedly with my boyish pranks, and cautioning me, of course ineffectually, against running into danger. i had just left home and the restraint of school, and was now entering upon a wild and romantic career. in short, every thing combined to render this a most agreeable and interesting voyage. i have spent many a day of amusement and excitement in the country, but on none can i look back with so much pleasure as on the time spent in this journey to red river. the scenery through which we passed was pretty and romantic, but there was nothing grand about it. the country generally was low and swampy; the highest ground being the banks of the river, which sometimes rose to from sixty to seventy feet. our progress in hill river was slow and tedious, owing to the number of rapids encountered on the way. the hill from which the river derives its name is a small, insignificant mound, and owes its importance to the flatness of the surrounding country. besides the larger wild-fowl, small birds of many kinds were very numerous. the most curious, and at the same time the most impudent, among the latter were the whisky-jacks. they always hovered round us at breakfast, ready to snap up anything that came within their reach-- advancing sometimes to within a yard or two of our feet, and looking at us with a very comical expression of countenance. one of the men told me that he had often caught them in his hand, with a piece of pemmican for a bait; so one morning after breakfast i went a little to one side of our camp, and covering my face with leaves, extended my hand with a few crumbs in the open palm. in five minutes a whisky-jack jumped upon a branch over my head, and after reconnoitring a minute or so, lit upon my hand, and began to breakfast forthwith. you may be sure the _trap_ was not long in going off; and the screeching that mr jack set up on finding my fingers firmly closed upon his toes was tremendous. i never saw a more passionate little creature in my life: it screamed, struggled, and bit unceasingly, until i let it go; and even then it lighted on a tree close by, and looked at me as impudently as ever. the same day i observed that when the men were ashore the whisky-jacks used to eat out of the pemmican bags left in the boats; so i lay down close to one, under cover of a buffalo-skin, and in three minutes had made prisoner of another of these little inhabitants of the forest. they are of a bluish-grey colour, and nearly the size of a blackbird; but they are such a bundle of feathers that when plucked they do not look much larger than a sparrow. they live apparently on animal food (at least, they are very fond of it), and are not considered very agreeable eating. we advanced very slowly up hill river. sometimes, after a day of the most toilsome exertions, during which the men were constantly pushing the boats up long rapids, with poles, at a very slow pace, we found ourselves only four or five miles ahead of the last night's encampment. as we ascended higher up the country, however, travelling became more easy. sometimes small lakes and tranquil rivers allowed us to use the oars--and even the sails, when a puff of fair wind arose. occasionally we were sweeping rapidly across the placid water; anon buffeting with, and advancing against, the foaming current of a powerful river, whose raging torrent seemed to bid defiance to our further progress: now dragging boats and cargoes over rocks, and through the deep shades of the forest, when a waterfall checked us on our way; and again dashing across a lake with favouring breeze; and sometimes, though rarely, were wind-bound on a small islet or point of land. our progress was slow, but full of interest, novelty, and amusement. my fellow-travellers seemed to enjoy the voyage very much; and even mrs gowley, to whom hardships were new, liked it exceedingly. on our way we passed oxford house--a small outpost of york factory district. it is built on the brow of a grassy hill, which rises gradually from the margin of oxford lake. like most of the posts in the country, it is composed of a collection of wooden houses, built in the form of a square, and surrounded by tall stockades, pointed at the tops. these, however, are more for ornament than defence. a small flag-staff towers above the buildings; from which, upon the occasion of an arrival, a little red hudson bay company's flag waves its folds in the gentle current of an evening breeze. there were only two or three men at the place; and not a human being, save one or two wandering indians, was to be found within hundreds of miles of this desolate spot. after a stay here of about half an hour, we proceeded on our way. few things are more beautiful or delightful than crossing a lake in the woods on a lovely morning at sunrise. the brilliant sun, rising in a flood of light, pierces through the thin haze of morning, converting the countless myriads of dewdrops that hang on tree and bush into sparkling diamonds, and burnishing the motionless flood of water, till a new and mighty firmament is reflected in the wave; as if nature, rising early from her couch, paused to gaze with admiration on her resplendent image reflected in the depths of her own matchless mirror. the profound stillness, too, broken only by the measured sweep of the oars, fills the soul with awe; whilst a tranquil but unbounded happiness steals over the heart of the traveller as he gazes out upon the distant horizon, broken here and there by small verdant islets, floating as it were in air. he wanders back in thought to far-distant climes; or wishes, mayhap, that it were possible to dwell in scenes like this with those he loves for ever. as the day advances, the scene, though slightly changed, is still most beautiful. the increasing heat, dispelling the mists, reveals in all its beauty the deep blue sky speckled with thin fleecy clouds, and, imparting a genial warmth to the body, creates a sympathetic glow in the soul. flocks of snow-white gulls sail in graceful evolutions round the boats, dipping lightly in the water as if to kiss their reflected images; and, rising suddenly in long rapid flights, mount in circles up high above the tranquil world into the azure sky, till small white specks alone are visible in the distance. up, up they rise on sportive wing, till the straining eye can no longer distinguish them, and they are gone! ducks, too, whir past in rapid flight, steering wide of the boats, and again bending in long graceful curves into their course. the sweet, plaintive cry of the whip-poor-will rings along the shore; and the faint answer of his mate floats over the lake, mellowed by distance to a long tiny note. the air is motionless as the water; and the enraptured eye gazes in dreamy enjoyment on all that is lovely and peaceful in nature. these are the _pleasures_ of travelling in the wilderness. let us change the picture. the sun no longer shines upon the tranquil scene. dark, heavy clouds obscure the sky; a suffocating heat depresses the spirits and enervates the frame; sharp, short gusts of wind now ruffle the inky waters, and the floating islands sink into insignificance as the deceptive haze which elevated them flies before the approaching storm. the ducks are gone, and the plaintive notes of the whip-poor-will are hushed as the increasing breeze rustles the leafy drapery of the forest. the gulls wheel round still, but in more rapid and uncertain flight, accompanying their motions with shrill and mournful cries, like the dismal wailings of the spirit of the storm. a few drops of rain patter on the boats, or plump like stones into the water, and the distant melancholy growl of thunder swells upon the coming gale. uneasy glances are cast, ever and anon, towards clouds and shore, and grumbling sentences are uttered by the men. suddenly a hissing sound is heard, a loud clap of thunder growls overhead, and the gale, dashing the white spray wildly before it, rushes down upon the boats. "_a terre! a terre_!" shout the men. the boats are turned towards the shore, and the bending oars creak and groan as they pull swiftly on. hiss! whir! the gale bursts forth, dashing clouds of spray into the air, twisting and curling the foaming water in its fury. the thunder crashes with fearful noise, and the lightning gleams in fitful lurid streaks across the inky sky. presently the shore is gained, amid a deluge of rain which saturates everything with water in a few minutes. the tents are pitched, but the fires will scarcely burn, and are at last allowed to go out. the men seek shelter under the oiled cloths of the boats; while the travellers, rolled up in damp blankets, with the rain oozing through the tents upon their couches, gaze mournfully upon the dismal scene, and ponder sadly on the shortness of the step between happiness and misery. nearly eighteen days after we left york factory we arrived in safety at the depot of norway house. this fort is built at the mouth of a small and sluggish stream, known by the name of jack river. the houses are ranged in the form of a square; none of them exceed one story in height, and most of them are whitewashed. the ground on which it stands is rocky; and a small garden, composed chiefly of sand, juts out from the stockades like a strange excrescence. a large, rugged mass of rocks rises up between the fort and playgreen lake, which stretches out to the horizon on the other side of them. on the top of these rocks stands a flagstaff, as a beacon to guide the traveller; for norway house is so ingeniously hid in a hollow that it cannot be seen from the lake till the boat almost touches the wharf. on the left side of the building extends a flat grassy park or green, upon which during the summer months there is often a picturesque and interesting scene. spread out to dry in the sun may be seen the snowy tent of the chief factor, lately arrived. a little further off, on the rising ground, stands a dark and almost imperceptible wigwam, the small wreath of white smoke issuing from the top proving that it is inhabited. on the river bank three or four boats and a north canoe are hauled up; and just above them a number of sunburned _voyageurs_ and a few indians amuse themselves with various games, or recline upon the grass, basking in the sunshine. behind the fort stretches the thick forest, its outline broken here and there by cuttings of firewood or small clearings for farming. such was norway house in . the rocks were crowded when we arrived, and we received a hearty welcome from mr russ--the chief factor in charge--and his amiable family. as it was too late to proceed any further that day, we determined to remain here all night. from the rocks before mentioned, on which the flagstaff stands, we had a fine view of playgreen lake. there was nothing striking or bold in the scene, the country being low and swampy, and no hills rose on the horizon or cast their shadows on the lake; but it was pleasing and tranquil, and enlivened by one or two boats sailing about on the water. we spent an agreeable evening; and early on the following morning started again on our journey, having received an agreeable addition to our party in the person of miss jessie russ, second daughter of mr russ, from whom we had just parted. on the evening of the first day after our departure from norway house, we encamped on the shores of lake winnipeg. this immense body of fresh water is about three hundred miles long by about fifty broad. the shores are generally flat and uninteresting, and the water shallow; yet here and there a few pretty spots may be seen at the head of a small bay or inlet, where the ground is a little more elevated and fertile. nothing particular occurred during our voyage along the shores of the lake, except that we hoisted our sails oftener to a favourable breeze, and had a good deal more night travelling than heretofore. in about five days after leaving norway house we arrived at the mouth of red river; and a very swampy, sedgy, flat-looking mouth it was, covered with tall bulrushes and swarming with water-fowl. the banks, too, were low and swampy; but as we ascended they gradually became more woody and elevated, till we arrived at the stone fort--twenty miles up the river-- where they were tolerably high. a few miles below this we passed an indian settlement, the cultivated fields and white houses of which, with the church spire in the midst, quite refreshed our eyes, after being so long accustomed to the shades of the primeval forest. the stone fort is a substantial fortification, surrounded by high walls and flanked with bastions, and has a fine appearance from the river. here my friend and fellow-traveller, mr carles, hearing of his wife's illness, left us, and proceeded up the settlement on horseback. the missionaries also disembarked, and i was left alone, to be rowed slowly to fort garry, nearly twenty miles further up the river. the river banks were lined all the way along with the houses and farms of the colonists, which had a thriving, cleanly appearance; and from the quantity of live stock in the farmyards, the number of pigs along the banks, and the healthy appearance of the children who ran out of the cottages to gaze upon us as we passed, i inferred that the settlers generally were well-to-do in the world. the houses of some of the more wealthy inhabitants were very handsome-looking buildings, particularly that of mr mcallum, where in a few hours i landed. this gentleman was the superintendent of the red river academy, where the children of the wealthier colonists and those of the gentlemen belonging to the hudson bay company are instructed in the various branches of english literature, and made to comprehend how the world was convulsed in days of yore by the mighty deeds of the heroes of ancient greece and rome. here i was hospitably treated to an excellent breakfast, and then proceeded on foot with mr carles--who rejoined me here--to fort garry, which lay about two miles distant. upon arriving i was introduced to mr finlayson, the chief factor in charge, who received me very kindly, and introduced me to my fellow-clerks in the office. thus terminated my first inland journey. chapter six. red river settlement--origin of the colony--opposition times and anecdotes--the flood of --climate--being broken-in--mr. simpson, the arctic discoverer--the mackenzie river brigade. red river settlement is, to use a high-flown expression, an oasis in the desert, and may be likened to a spot upon the moon or a solitary ship upon the ocean. in plain english, it is an isolated settlement on the borders of one of the vast prairies of north america. it is situated partly on the banks of red river, and partly on the banks of a smaller stream called the assinaboine, in latitude degrees, and extends upwards of fifty miles along the banks of these two streams. the country around it is a vast treeless prairie, upon which scarcely a shrub is to be seen; but a thick coat of grass covers it throughout its entire extent, with the exception of a few spots where the hollowness of the ground has collected a little moisture, or the meandering of some small stream or rivulet enriches the soil, and covers its banks with verdant shrubs and trees. the banks of the red and assinaboine rivers are covered with a thick belt of woodland--which does not, however, extend far back into the plains. it is composed of oak, poplar, willows, etcetera, the first of which is much used for fire-wood by the settlers. the larger timber in the adjacent woods is thus being rapidly thinned. the settlers are a mixture of french canadians, scotchmen, and indians. the first of these occupy the upper part of the settlement, the second live near the middle, and the indians inhabit a village at its lower extremity. there are four protestant churches: the upper, middle, and lower churches, and one at the indian settlement. there are also two roman catholic chapels, some priests, and a roman catholic bishop resident in the colony, besides one or two schools; the principal being, as before mentioned, under the superintendence of mr mcallum, who has since been ordained by the bishop of montreal, during that prelate's visit to red river [see note ]. for the preservation of the peace, and the punishment of evil-doers, a recorder and body of magistrates are provided, who assemble every quarter at fort garry, the seat of the court-house, for the purpose of redressing wrongs, punishing crimes, giving good advice, and eating an excellent dinner at the company's table. there was once, also, a body of policemen; but, strange to say, they were chosen from among the most turbulent of the settlers, and were never expected to be on duty except when a riot took place: the policemen themselves generally being the ringleaders on those occasions, it may be supposed they did not materially assist in quelling disturbances. the scotch and indian settlers cultivate wheat, barley, and indian corn in abundance; for which the only market is that afforded by the company, the more wealthy settlers, and retired chief factors. this market, however, is a poor one, and in years of plenty the settlers find it difficult to dispose of their surplus produce. wild fruits of various descriptions are abundant, and the gardens are well stocked with vegetables. the settlers have plenty of sheep, pigs, poultry, and horned cattle; and there is scarcely a man in the place who does not drive to church on sundays in his own cariole. red river is a populous settlement; the census taken in proved it to contain upwards of , souls, and since then it has been rapidly increasing. there is a paper currency in the settlement, which obviates the necessity of having coin afloat. english pence and halfpence, however, are plentiful. the lowest paper note is one shilling sterling, the next five shillings, and the highest twenty shillings. the canadian settlers and half-breeds are employed, during the greater part of the year, in travelling with the company's boats and in buffalo-hunting. the scotch settlers are chiefly farmers, tradesmen, and merchants. the rivers, which are crossed in wooden canoes, in the absence of bridges, are well stocked with fish, the principal kinds being goldeyes, sturgeon, and catfish. of these, i think the goldeyes the best; at any rate, they are the most numerous. the wild animals inhabiting the woods and prairies are much the same as in the other parts of north america-- namely, wolves, foxes, brown and black bears, martens, minks, musquash, rabbits, etcetera; while the woods are filled with game, the marshes and ponds with ducks, geese, swans, cranes, and a host of other water-fowl. red river was first settled upon by the fur-traders, who established a trading-post many years ago on its banks; but it did not assume the character of a colony till , when lord selkirk sent out a number of emigrants to form a settlement in the wild regions of the north-west. norwegians, danes, scotch, and irish composed the motley crew; but the great bulk of the colonists then, as at the present time, consisted of scotchmen and canadians. unlike other settlements in a wild country inhabited by indians, the infant colony had few difficulties to contend with at the outset. the indians were friendly, and had become accustomed to white men, from their previous contact for many years with the servants of the hudson bay company; so, with the exception of one or two broils among themselves and other fur-traders, the colonists plodded peacefully along. on one occasion, however, the hudson bay company and the north-west company, who were long at enmity with each other, had a sharp skirmish, in which mr semple, then governor of the hudson bay company, was killed, and a number of his men were killed and wounded. the whole affair originated very foolishly. a body of men had been observed from the walls of fort garry, travelling past the fort; and as governor semple wished to ascertain their intentions, he sallied forth with a few men to intercept them, and demand their object. the north-west party, on seeing a body of men coming towards them from the fort, halted till they came up; and cuthbert grant, who was in command, asked what they wanted. governor semple required to know where they were going. being answered in a surly manner, an altercation took place between the two parties (of which the north-west was the stronger); in the middle of which a shot was unfortunately fired by one of the hudson bay party. it was never known who fired this shot, and many believe that it was discharged accidentally; at any rate, no one was injured by it. the moment the report was heard, a volley was fired by the north-westers upon the hudson bay party, which killed a few, and wounded many; among the latter was governor semple. cuthbert grant did his utmost to keep back the fierce half-castes under his command, but without avail; and at last, seeing that this was impossible, he stood over the wounded semple, and endeavoured to defend him. in this he succeeded for some time; but a shot from behind at last took effect in the unfortunate governor's body, and killed him. after this, the remainder of his party fled to the fort, and the victorious half-breeds pursued their way. during the time that these two companies opposed each other, the country was in a state of constant turmoil and excitement. personal conflicts with fists between the men--and, not unfrequently, the gentlemen--of the opposing parties were of the commonest occurrence, and frequently more deadly weapons were resorted to. spirits were distributed among the wretched natives to a dreadful extent, and the scenes that sometimes ensued were disgusting in the extreme. amid all this, however, stratagem was more frequently resorted to than open violence by the two companies, in their endeavours to prevent each other from procuring furs from the indians. men were constantly kept on the lookout for parties of natives returning from hunting expeditions; and those who could arrive first at the encampment always carried off the furs. the indians did not care which company got them--"first come, first served," was the order of the day; and both were equally welcome, provided they brought plenty of _fire-water_. although the individuals of the two companies were thus almost always at enmity, at the forts, strange to say, they often acted in the most friendly manner to each other; and (except when furs were in question) more agreeable or friendly neighbours seldom came together than the hudson bay and north-west companies, when they planted their forts (which they often did) within two hundred yards of each other in the wilds of north america. the clerks and labourers of the opposing establishments constantly visited each other; and during the christmas and new-year's holidays parties and balls were given without number. dances, however, were not confined entirely to the holidays; but whenever one was given at an unusual time, it was generally for the purpose of drawing the attention of the entertained party from some movement of their entertainers. thus, upon one occasion the hudson bay company's lookout reported that he had discovered the tracks of indians in the snow, and that he thought they had just returned from a hunting expedition. no sooner was this heard than a grand ball was given to the north-west company, great preparations were made; the men, dressed in their newest capotes and gaudiest hat-cords, visited each other, and nothing was thought of or talked of but the ball. the evening came, and with it the guests; and soon might be heard within the fort sounds of merriment and revelry, as they danced, in lively measures, to a scottish reel, played by some native fiddler upon a violin of his own construction. without the gates, however, a very different scene met the eye. down in a hollow, where the lofty trees and dense underwood threw a shadow on the ground, a knot of men might be seen, muffled in their leathern coats and fur caps, hurrying to and fro with bundles on their backs and snow-shoes under their arms; packing and tying them firmly on trains of dog-sledges, which stood, with the dogs ready harnessed, in the shadow of the bushes. the men whispered eagerly and hurriedly to each other as they packed their goods, while others held the dogs, and patted them to keep them quiet; evidently showing that, whatever was their object, expedition and secrecy were necessary. soon all was in readiness: the bells, which usually tinkled on the dogs' necks, were unhooked and packed in the sledges; an active-looking man sprang forward and set off at a round trot over the snow, and a single crack of the whip sent four sledges, each with a train of four or five dogs, after him, while two other men brought up the rear. for a time the muffled sound of the sledges was heard as they slid over the snow, while now and then the whine of a dog broke upon the ear, as the impatient drivers urged them along. gradually these sounds died away, and nothing was heard but the faint echoes of music and mirth, which floated on the frosty night-wind, giving token that the revellers still kept up the dance, and were ignorant of the departure of the trains. late on the following day the nor'-west scouts reported the party of indians, and soon a set of sleighs departed from the fort with loudly-ringing bells. after a long day's march of forty miles, they reached the encampment, where they found all the indians dead drunk, and not a skin, not even the remnant of a musquash, left to repay them for their trouble! then it was that they discovered the _ruse_ of the ball, and vowed to have their revenge. opportunity was not long wanting. soon after this occurrence, one of their parties met a hudson bay train on its way to trade with the indians, of whom they also were in search. they exchanged compliments with each other, and, as the day was very cold, proposed lighting a fire and taking a dram together. soon five or six goodly trees yielded to their vigorous blows, and fell crashing to the ground; and in a few minutes one of the party, lighting a sulphur match with his flint and steel, set fire to a huge pile of logs, which crackled and burned furiously, sending up clouds of sparks into the wintry sky, and casting a warm tinge upon the anew and the surrounding trees. the canteen was quickly produced, and they told their stories and adventures while the liquor mounted to their brains. the nor'-westers, however, after a little time, spilled their grog on the snow, unperceived by the others, so that they kept tolerably sober, while their rivals became very much elevated; and at last they began boasting of their superior powers of drinking, and, as a proof, each of them swallowed a large bumper. the hudson bay party, who were nearly dead drunk by this time, of course followed their example, and almost instantly fell in a heavy sleep on the snow. in ten minutes more they were tied firmly upon their sledges, and the dogs being turned homewards, away they went straight for the hudson bay fort, where they soon after arrived, the men still sound asleep; while the nor'-westers started for the indian camp, and this time, at least, had the furs all to themselves. such were the scenes that took place thirty years ago in the northern wildernesses of america. since then, the two companies have joined, retaining the name of the richer and more powerful of the two--the "hudson bay company." spirits were still imported after the junction; but of late years they have been dispensed with throughout the country, except at the colony of red river, and the few posts where opposition is carried on by the american fur-companies; so that now the poor savage no longer grovels in the dust of his native wilderness under the influence of the white man's fire-water, and the stranger who travels through those wild romantic regions no longer beholds the humiliating scenes or hears of the frightful crimes which were seen and heard of too often in former days, and which always have been, and always must be, prevalent wherever spirituous liquors, the great curse of mankind, are plentiful, and particularly where, as in that country, the wild inhabitants fear no laws, human or divine. in the year , red river overflowed its banks, and flooded the whole settlement, obliging the settlers to forsake their houses, and drive their horses and cattle to the trifling eminences in the immediate vicinity. these eminences wore few and very small, so that during the flood they presented a curious appearance, being crowded with men, women, and children, horses, cattle, sheep, and poultry. the houses, being made of wood, and only built on the ground, not sunk into it, were carried away by dozens, and great numbers of horses and cattle were drowned. during the time it lasted, the settlers sailed and paddled among their houses in boats and canoes; and they now point out, among the waving grass and verdant bushes, the spot where they dwelt in their tents, or paddled about the deep waters in their canoes, in the "year of the flood." this way of speaking has a strangely antediluvian sound. the hale, middle-aged colonist will tell you, with a ludicrously grave countenance, that his house stood on such a spot, or such and such an event happened, "_a year before the flood_." fort garry, the principal establishment of the hudson bay company, stands on the banks of the assinaboine river, about two hundred yards from its junction with red river. it is a square stone building, with bastions pierced for cannon at the corners. the principal dwelling-houses, stores, and offices are built within the walls, and the stables at a small distance from the fort. the situation is pretty and quiet; but the surrounding country is too flat for the lover of the grand and picturesque. just in front of the gate runs, or rather glides, the peaceful assinaboine, where, on a fine day in autumn, may be seen thousands of goldeyes playing in its limpid waters. on the left extends the woodland fringing the river, with here and there a clump of smaller trees and willows surrounding the swamps formed by the melting snows of spring, where flocks of wild-ducks and noisy plover give animation to the scene, while through the openings in the forest are seen glimpses of the rolling prairie. down in the hollow, where the stables stand, are always to be seen a few horses and cows, feeding or lazily chewing their cud in the rich pasturage, giving an air of repose to the scene, which contrasts forcibly with the view of the wide plains that roll out like a vast green sea from the back of the fort, studded here and there with little islets and hillocks, around which may be seen hovering a watchful hawk or solitary raven. the climate of red river is salubrious and agreeable. winter commences about the month of november, and spring generally begins in april. although the winter is very long, and extremely cold (the thermometer usually varying between ten and thirty degrees below _zero)_, yet, from its being always _dry_ frost, it is much more agreeable than people accustomed to the damp thawy weather of great britain might suppose. winter is here the liveliest season of the year. it is then that the wild, demi-savage colonist leads the blushing half-breed girl to the altar, and the country about his house rings with the music of the sleigh bells, as his friends assemble to congratulate the happy pair, and dance for three successive days. it is at this season the hardy _voyageurs_ rest from their toils, and, circling round the blazing fire, recount many a tale of danger, and paint many a wild romantic scene of their long and tedious voyages among the lakes and rapids of the interior; while their wives and children gaze with breathless interest upon their swarthy, sunburned faces, lighted up with animation as they recall the scenes of other days, or, with low and solemn voice, relate the death of a friend and fellow _voyageur_ who perished among the foaming cataracts of the wilderness. during the summer months there are often very severe thunderstorms, accompanied with tremendous showers of hail, which do great mischief to the crops and houses. the hailstones are of an enormous size--upwards of an inch in diameter; and on two or three occasions they broke all the windows in fort garry that were exposed to the storm. generally speaking, however, the weather is serene and calm, particularly in autumn, and during the delicious season peculiar to america called the indian summer, which precedes the commencement of winter. the scenery of red river, as i said before, is neither grand nor picturesque; yet, when the sun shines brightly on the waving grass and glitters on the silver stream, and when the distant and varied cries of wild-fowl break in plaintive cadence on the ear, one experiences a sweet exulting happiness, akin to the feelings of the sailor when he gazes forth at early morning on the polished surface of the sleeping sea. such is red river, and such the scenes on which i gazed in wonder, as i rode by the side of my friend and fellow-clerk, mckenny, on the evening of my arrival at my new home. mr mckenny was mounted on his handsome horse "colonel," while i cantered by his side on a horse that afterwards bore me over many a mile of prairie land. it is not every day that one has an opportunity of describing a horse like the one i then rode, so the reader will be pleased to have a little patience while i draw his portrait. in the first place, then, his name was "taureau." he was of a moderate height, of a brown colour, and had the general outlines of a horse, when viewed as that animal might be supposed to appear if reflected from the depths of a bad looking-glass. his chief peculiarity was the great height of his hind-quarters, in youth they had outgrown the fore-quarters, so that, upon a level road, you had all the advantages of riding down-hill. he cantered delightfully, trotted badly, walked slowly, and upon all and every occasion evinced a resolute pig-headedness, and a strong disinclination to accommodate his will to that of his rider. he was decidedly porcine in his disposition, very plebeian in his manners, and doubtless also in his sentiments. such was the bucephalus upon which i took my first ride over the red river prairie; now swaying to and fro on his back as we galloped over the ground; anon _stotting_, in the manner of a recruit in a cavalry regiment as yet unaccustomed to the saddle, when he trotted on the beaten track; and occasionally, to the immense delight of mckenny, seizing tight hold of the saddle, as an uncertain waver in my body reminded me of sir isaac newton's law of gravitation, and that any rash departure on my part from my _understanding_ would infallibly lay me prostrate on the ground. soon after my arrival i underwent the operation which my horse had undergone before me--namely, that of being broken-in--the only difference being that he was broken-in to the saddle and i to the desk. it is needless to describe the agonies i endured while sitting, hour after hour, on a long-legged stool, my limbs quivering for want of their accustomed exercise, while the twittering of birds, barking of dogs, lowing of cows, and neighing of horses seemed to invite me to join them in the woods. often, as my weary pen scratched slowly over the paper, their voices seemed to change to hoarse derisive laughter, as if they thought the little misshapen frogs croaking and whistling in the marshes freer far than their proud masters, who coop themselves up in smoky houses the livelong day, and call themselves the free, unshackled "lords of the creation." i soon became accustomed to these minor miseries of human life, and ere long could sit:-- "from morn till night to scratch and write upon a three-legged stool; nor mourn the joys of truant boys who stay away from school." there is a proverb which says, "it is a poor heart that never rejoices." now, taking it for granted that the proverb speaks truth, and not wishing by our disregard of it to be thought poor-hearted, we--that is, mckenny and i--were in the habit of rejoicing our spirits occasionally-- not in the usual way, by drinking brandy and water (though we did sometimes, when nobody knew it, indulge in a glass of beer, with the red-hot poker thrust into it), but by shouldering our guns and sallying forth to shoot the partridges, or rather grouse, which abound in the woods of red river. on these occasions mckenny and i used to range the forest in company, enlivening our walk with converse, sometimes light and cheerful, often philosophically deep, or thinking of the "light of other days." we seldom went out without bringing home a few brace of grey grouse, which were exceedingly tame--so tame, indeed, that sometimes they did not take wing until two or three shots had been fired. on one occasion, after walking about for half an hour without getting a shot, we started a covey of seven, which alighted upon a tree close at hand. we instantly fired at the two lowest, and brought them down, while the others only stretched out their long necks, as if to see what had happened to their comrades, but did not fly away. two more were soon shot; and while we were reloading our guns, the other three flew off to a neighbouring tree. in a few minutes more they followed their companions, and we had bagged the whole seven. this is by no means an uncommon exploit when the birds are tame; and though poor _sport_, yet it helps to fill your larder with somewhat better fare than it would often contain without such assistance. the only thing that we had to avoid was, aiming at the birds on the higher branches, as the noise they make in falling frightens those below. the experienced sportsman always begins with the lowest bird; and if they sit after the first shot, he is almost sure of the rest. shooting, however, was not our only amusement. sometimes, on a fine evening, we used to saddle our horses and canter over the prairie till red river and the fort were scarcely visible in the horizon; or, following the cart road along the settlement, we called upon our friends and acquaintances, returning the polite "_bonjour_" of the french settler as he trotted past us on his shaggy pony, or smiling at the pretty half-caste girls as they passed along the road. these same girls, by the way, are generally very pretty; they make excellent wives, and are uncommonly thrifty. with beads, and brightly-coloured porcupines' quills, and silk, they work the most beautiful devices on the moccasins, leggins, and leathern coats worn by the inhabitants; and during the long winter months they spin and weave an excellent kind of cloth from the wool produced by the sheep of the settlement, mixed with that of the buffalo, brought from the prairies by the hunters. about the middle of autumn the body of mr thomas simpson, the unfortunate discoverer, who, in company with mr dease, attempted to discover the nor'-west passage, was brought to the settlement for burial. poor mr simpson had set out with a party of red river half-breeds, for the purpose of crossing the plains to st. louis, and proceeding thence through the united states to england. soon after his departure, however, several of the party returned to the settlement, stating that mr simpson had, in a fit of insanity, killed two of his men, and then shot himself, and that they had buried him on the spot where he fell. this story, of course, created a great sensation in the colony; and as all the party gave the same account of the affair upon investigation, it was believed by many that he had committed suicide. a few, however, thought that he had been murdered, and had shot the two men in self-defence. in the autumn of the matter was ordered to be further inquired into; and, accordingly, dr bunn was sent to the place where mr simpson's body had been interred, for the purpose of raising and examining it. decomposition, however, had proceeded too far; so the body was conveyed to the colony for burial, and dr bunn returned without having discovered anything that could throw light on the melancholy subject. i did not know mr simpson personally, but, from the report of those who did, it appears that, though a clever and honourable man, he was of rather a haughty disposition, and in consequence was very much disliked by the half-breeds of red river. i therefore think, with many of mr simpson's friends and former companions, that he did _not_ kill himself, and that this was only a false report of his murderers. besides, it is not probable that a man who had just succeeded in making important additions to our geographical knowledge, and who might reasonably expect honour and remuneration upon returning to his native land, would, without any known or apparent cause, first commit murder and then suicide. by his melancholy death the hudson bay company lost a faithful servant, and the world an intelligent and enterprising man. winter, according to its ancient custom, passed away; and spring, not with its genial gales and scented flowers, but with burning sun and melting snow, changed the face of nature, and broke the icy covering of red river. duffle coats vanished, and a few of the half-breed settlers doffed their fur caps and donned the "bonnet rouge," while the more hardy and savage contented themselves with the bonnet _noir_, in the shape of their own thick black hair. carioles still continued to run, but it was merely from the force of habit, and it was evident they would soon give up in despair. sportsmen began to think of ducks and geese, farmers of ploughs and wheat, and _voyageurs_ to dream of rapid streams and waterfalls, and of distant voyages in light canoes. immediately upon the ice in the lakes and rivers breaking up, we made arrangements for dispatching the mackenzie river brigade--which is always the first that leaves the colony--for the purpose of conveying goods to mackenzie river, and carrying furs to the sea-coast. choosing the men for this long and arduous voyage was an interesting scene. l'esperance, the old guide, who had many a day guided this brigade through the lakes and rivers of the interior, made his appearance at the fort a day or two before the time fixed for starting; and at his heels followed a large band of wild, careless, happy-looking half-breeds. having collected in front of the office door, mr mckenny went out with a book and pencil in his hand, and told l'esperance to begin. the guide went a little apart from the rest, accompanied by the steersmen of the boats (seven or eight in number), and then, scanning the group of dark athletic men who stood smiling before him, called out, "pierre!" a tall, herculean man answered to the call, and, stepping out from among the rest, stood beside his friend the guide. after this one of the steersmen chose another man; and so on, till the crews of all the boats were completed. their names were then marked down in a book, and they all proceeded to the trading-room, for the purpose of taking "advances," in the shape of shirts, trousers, bonnets, caps, tobacco, knives, capotes, and all the other things necessary for a long, rough journey. on the day appointed for starting, the boats, to the number of six or seven, were loaded with goods for the interior; and the _voyageurs_, dressed in their new clothes, embarked, after shaking hands with, and in many cases embracing, their comrades on the land; and then, shipping their oars, they shot from the bank and rowed swiftly down red river, singing one of their beautiful boat-songs, which was every now and then interrupted by several of the number hallooing a loud farewell, as they passed here and there the cottages of friends. with this brigade i also bade adieu to red river, and, after a pleasant voyage of a few days, landed at norway house, while the boats pursued their way. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ red river settlement is now ( ) very much changed, as, no doubt, the reader is aware, and the foregoing description is in many respects inapplicable. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ note . the reader must bear in remembrance that this chapter was written in . chapter seven. norway house--adventure with a bear--indian feast--the portage brigade-- the clerks' house--catching a buffalo--goldeye fishing--rasping a rock. norway house, as we have before mentioned, is built upon the shores of playgreen lake, close to jack river, and distant about twenty miles from lake winnipeg. at its right-hand corner rises a huge abrupt rock, from whose summit, where stands a flagstaff, a fine view of playgreen lake and the surrounding country is obtained. on this rock a number of people were assembled to witness our arrival, and among them mr russ, who sauntered down to the wharf to meet us as we stepped ashore. a few days after my arrival, the council "resolved" that i should winter at norway house; so next day, in accordance with the resolution of that august assembly, i took up my quarters in the clerks' room, and took possession of the books and papers. it is an author's privilege, i believe, to jump from place to place and annihilate time at pleasure. i avail myself of it to pass over the autumn--during which i hunted, fished, and paddled in canoes to the indian village at rossville a hundred times--and jump at once into the middle of winter. norway house no longer boasts the bustle and excitement of the summer season. no boats arrive, no groups of ladies and gentlemen assemble on the rocks to gaze at the sparkling waters. a placid stillness reigns around, except in the immediate vicinity of the fort, where a few axe-men chop the winter firewood, or start with trains of dog-sledges for the lakes, to bring home loads of white-fish and venison. mr russ is reading the "penny cyclopaedia" in the hall (as the winter mess-room is called), and i am writing in the dingy little office in the shade, which looks pigstyish in appearance without, but is warm and snug within. alongside of me sits mr cumming, a tall, bald-headed, sweet-tempered man of forty-five, who has spent the greater part of his life among the bears and indians of hudson bay, and is now on a christmas visit at norway house. he has just arrived from his post a few hundred miles off, whence he walked on snowshoes, and is now engaged in taking off his moccasins and blanket socks, which he spreads out carefully below the stove to dry. we do not continue long, however, at our different occupations. mr evans, the wesleyan missionary, is to give a feast to the indians at rossville, and afterwards to examine the little children who attend the village school. to this feast we are invited; so in the afternoon mr cumming and i put on our moose-skin coats and snow-shoes, and set off for the village, about two miles distant from the fort. by the way mr cumming related an adventure he had had while travelling through the country; and as it may serve to show the dangers sometimes encountered by those who wander through the wilds of north america, i will give it here in his own words. mr. cumming's adventure with a bear. "it was about the beginning of winter," said he, "that i set off on snow-shoes, accompanied by an indian, to a small lake to fetch fish caught in the autumn, and which then lay frozen in a little house built of logs, to protect them for winter use. the lake was about ten miles off; and as the road was pretty level and not much covered with underwood, we took a train of dogs with us, and set off before daybreak, intending to return again before dark; and as the day was clear and cold, we went cheerily along without interruption, except an occasional fall when a branch caught our snow-shoes, or a stoppage to clear the traces when the dogs got entangled among the trees. we had proceeded about six miles, and the first grey streaks of day lit up the eastern horizon, when the indian who walked in advance paused, and appeared to examine some footprints in the snow. after a few minutes of close observation he rose, and said that a bear had passed not long before, and could not be far off, and asked permission to follow it. i told him he might do so, and said i would drive the dogs in his track, as the bear had gone in the direction of the fish-house. the indian threw his gun over his shoulder, and was soon lost in the forest. for a quarter of an hour i plodded on behind the dogs, now urging them along, as they flagged and panted in the deep snow, and occasionally listening for a shot from my indian's gun. at last he fired, and almost immediately after fired again; for you must know that some indians can load so fast that two shots from their single barrel sound almost like the discharge in succession of the two shots from a double-barrelled gun. shortly after, i heard another shot; and then, as all became silent, i concluded he had killed the bear, and that i should soon find him cutting it up. just as i thought this, a fierce growl alarmed me; so, seizing a pistol which i always carried with me, i hastened forward. as i came nearer, i heard a man's voice mingled with the growls of a bear; and upon arriving at the foot of a small mound, my indian's voice, apostrophising death, became distinctly audible. `come, death!' said he, in a contemptuous tone; `you have got me at last, but the indian does not fear you!' a loud angry growl from the bear, as he saw me rushing up the hill, stopped him; and the unfortunate man turned his eyes upon me with an imploring look. he was lying on his back, while the bear (a black one) stood over him, holding one of his arms in its mouth. in rushing up the mound i unfortunately stumbled, and filled my pistol with snow; so that when the bear left the indian and rushed towards me it missed fire, and i had only left me the poor, almost hopeless, chance, of stunning the savage animal with a blow of the butt-end. just as he was rearing on his hind legs, my eye fell upon the indian's axe, which fortunately lay at my feet; and seizing it, i brought it down with all my strength on the bear's head, just at the moment that he fell upon me, and we rolled down the hill together. upon recovering myself, i found that the blow of the axe had killed him instantly, and that i was uninjured. not so the indian: the whole calf of his left leg was bitten off, and his body lacerated dreadfully in various places. he was quite sensible, however, though very faint, and spoke to me when i stooped to examine his wounds. in a short time i had tied them up; and placing him on the sledge with part of the bear's carcass, which i intended to dine upon, we returned immediately to the fort. the poor indian got better slowly, but he never recovered the perfect use of his leg, and now hobbles about the fort, cutting firewood, or paddling about the lake in search of ducks and geese in his bark canoe." mr cumming concluded his story just as we arrived at the little bay, at the edge of which the indian village of rossville is built. from the spot where we stood the body of the village did not appear to much advantage; but the parsonage and church, which stood on a small mound, their white walls in strong contrast to the background of dark trees, had a fine picturesque effect. there were about twenty houses in the village, inhabited entirely by indians, most of whom were young and middle-aged men. they spend their time in farming during the summer, and are successful in raising potatoes and a few other vegetables for their own use. in winter they go into the woods to hunt fur-bearing animals, and also deer; but they never remain long absent from their homes. mr evans resided among them, and taught them and their children writing and arithmetic, besides instructing them in the principles of christianity. they often assembled in the school-house for prayer and sacred music, and attended divine service regularly in the church every sunday. mr evans, who was a good musician, had taught them to sing in parts; and it has a wonderfully pleasing effect upon a stranger to hear these dingy sons and daughters of the wilderness raising their melodious voices in harmony in praise of the christian's god. upon our arrival at the village, we were ushered into mr evans' neat cottage, from the windows of which is a fine view of playgreen lake, studded with small islands, stretching out to the horizon on the right, and a boundless wilderness of trees on the left. here were collected the ladies and gentlemen of norway house, and a number of indescribable personages, apparently engaged in mystic preparations for the approaching feast. it was with something like awe that i entered the schoolroom, and beheld two long rows of tables covered with puddings, pies, tarts, stews, hashes, and vegetables of all shapes, sizes, and descriptions, smoking thereon. i feared for the indians, although they can stand a great deal in the way of repletion; moderation being, of course, out of the question, with such abundance of good things placed before them. a large shell was sounded after the manner of a bugle, and all the indians of the village walked into the room and seated themselves, the women on one side of the long tables, and the men on the other. mr evans stood at the head, and asked a blessing; and then commenced a work of demolition, the like of which has not been seen since the foundation of the world! the pies had strong crusts, but the knives were stronger; the paste was hard and the interior tough, but indian teeth were harder and indian jaws tougher; the dishes were gigantic, but the stomachs were capacious, so that ere long numerous skeletons and empty dishes alone graced the board. one old woman, of a dark-brown complexion, with glittering black eyes and awfully long teeth, set up in the wholesale line, and demolished the viands so rapidly, that those who sat beside her, fearing a dearth in the land, began to look angry. fortunately, however, she gave in suddenly, while in the middle of a venison pasty, and reclining languidly backward, with a sweetly contented expression of countenance, while her breath came thickly through her half-opened mouth, she gently fell asleep--and thereby, much to her chagrin, lost the tea and cakes which were served out soon afterwards by way of dessert. when the seniors had finished, the juveniles were admitted _en masse_, and they soon cleared away the remnants of the dinner. the dress of the indians upon this occasion was generally blue cloth capotes with hoods, scarlet or blue cloth leggins, quill-worked moccasins, and no caps. some of them were dressed very funnily; and one or two of the oldest appeared in blue surtouts, which were very ill made, and much too large for the wearers. the ladies had short gowns without plaits, cloth leggins of various colours highly ornamented with beads, cotton handkerchiefs on their necks, and sometimes also on their heads. the boys and girls were just their seniors in miniature. after the youngsters had finished dinner, the schoolroom was cleared by the guests; benches were ranged along the entire room, excepting the upper end, where a table, with two large candlesticks at either end, served as a stage for the young actors. when all was arranged, the elder indians seated themselves on the benches, while the boys and girls ranged themselves along the wall behind the table. mr evans then began by causing a little boy about four years old to recite a long comical piece of prose in english. having been well drilled for weeks beforehand, he did it in the most laughable style. then came forward four little girls, who kept up an animated philosophical discussion as to the difference of the days in the moon and on the earth. then a bigger boy made a long speech in the seauteaux language, at which the indians laughed immensely, and with which the white people present (who did not understand a word of it) appeared to be greatly delighted, and laughed loudly too. then the whole of the little band, upon a sign being given by mr evans, burst at once into a really beautiful hymn, which was quite unexpected, and consequently all the more gratifying. this concluded the examination, if i may so call it; and after a short prayer the indians departed to their homes, highly delighted with their entertainment. such was the christmas feast at rossville, and many a laugh it afforded us that night as we returned home across the frozen lake by the pale moonlight. norway house is perhaps one of the best posts in the indian country. the climate is dry and salubrious; and although (like nearly all the other parts of the country) extremely cold in winter, it is very different from the damp, chilling cold of that season in great britain. the country around is swampy and rocky, and covered with dense forests. many of the company's posts are but ill provided with the necessaries of life, and entirely destitute of luxuries. norway house, however, is favoured in this respect. we always had fresh meat of some kind or other; sometimes beef, mutton, or venison, and occasionally buffalo meat, was sent us from the swan river district. of tea, sugar, butter, and bread we had more than enough; and besides the produce of our garden in the way of vegetables, the river and lake contributed white-fish, sturgeon, and pike, or jack-fish, in abundance. the pike is not a delicate fish, and the sturgeon is extremely coarse, but the white-fish is the most delicate and delicious i ever ate. i am not aware of their existence in any part of the old world, but the north american lakes abound with them. it is generally the size of a good salmon trout, of a bright silvery colour, and tastes a little like salmon. many hundreds of fur-traders live almost entirely on white-fish, particularly at those far northern posts where flour, sugar, and tea cannot be had in great quantities, and where deer are scarce. at these posts the indians are sometimes reduced to cannibalism, and the company's people have, on more than one occasion, been obliged to eat their beaver-skins! the beaver-skin is thick and oily, so that, when the fur is burned off, and the skin well boiled, it makes a kind of soup that will at least keep one alive. starvation is quite common among the indians of those distant regions; and the scraped rocks, divested of their covering of _tripe-de-roche_ (which resembles dried-up seaweed), have a sad meaning and melancholy appearance to the traveller who journeys through the wilds and solitudes of rupert's land. norway house is also an agreeable and interesting place, from its being in a manner the gate to the only route to hudson bay, so that during the spring and summer months all the brigades of boats and canoes from every part of the northern department must necessarily pass it on their way to york factory with furs: and as they all return in the autumn, and some of the gentlemen leave their wives and families for a few weeks till they return to the interior, it is at this sunny season of the year quite gay and bustling; and the clerks' house, in which i lived, was often filled with a strange and noisy collection of human beings, who rested here a while ere they started for the shores of hudson bay, for the distant region of mackenzie river, or the still more distant land of oregon. during winter our principal amusement was white-partridge shooting. this bird is a species of ptarmigan, and is pure white, with the exception of the tips of the wings and tail. they were very numerous during the winter, and formed an agreeable dish at our mess-table. i also enjoyed a little skating at the beginning of the winter; but the falling snow soon put an end to this amusement. spring, beautiful spring! returned again to cheer us in our solitude, and to open into life the waters and streams of hudson bay. great will be the difference between the reader's idea of that season in that place and the reality. spring, with its fresh green leaves and opening flowers, its emerald fields and shady groves, filled with sounds of melody! no, reader; that is not the spring we depict: not quite so beautiful, though far more prized by those who spend a monotonous winter of more than six months in solitude. the sun shines brightly in a cloudless sky, lighting up the pure white fields and plains with dazzling brilliancy. the gushing waters of a thousand rills, formed by the melting snow, break sweetly on the ear, like the well-remembered voice of a long-absent friend. the whistling wings of wild-fowl, as they ever and anon desert the pools of water now open in the lake and hurry over the forest-trees, accord well with the shrill cry of the yellow-leg and curlew, and with the general wildness of the scene; while the reviving frogs chirrup gladly in the swamps to see the breaking up of winter and welcome back the spring. this is the spring i write of; and to have a correct idea of the beauties and the sweetness of _this_ spring, you must first spend a winter in hudson bay. as i said, then, spring returned. the ice melted, floated off, and vanished. jack river flowed gently on its way, as if it had never gone to sleep; and the lake rolled and tumbled on its shores, as if to congratulate them on the happy change. soon the boats began to arrive. first came the "portage brigade," in charge of l'esperance. there were seven or eight boats; and ere long as many fires burned on the green beside the fort, with a merry, careless band of wild-looking canadian and half-breed _voyageurs_ round each. and a more picturesque set of fellows i never saw. they were all dressed out in new light-blue capotes and corduroy trousers, which they tied at the knee with beadwork garters. moose-skin moccasins cased their feet, and their brawny, sunburned necks were bare. a scarlet belt encircled the waist of each; and while some wore hats with gaudy feathers, others had their heads adorned with caps and bonnets, surrounded with gold and silver tinsel hat-cords. a few, however, despising coats, travelled in blue and white striped shirts, and trusted to their thickly-matted hair to guard them from the rain and sun. they were truly a wild yet handsome set of men; and no one, when gazing on their happy faces as they lay or stood in careless attitudes round the fires, puffing clouds of smoke from their ever-burning pipes, would have believed that these men had left their wives and families but the week before, to start on a five months' voyage of the most harassing description, fraught with the dangers of the boiling cataracts and foaming rapids of the interior. they stopped at norway house on their way, to receive the outfit of goods for the indian trade of athabasca (one of the interior districts); and were then to start for portage la loche, a place where the whole cargoes are carried on the men's shoulders overland for twelve miles to the head-waters of another river, where the traders from the northern posts come to meet them, and, taking the goods, give in exchange the "returns" in furs of the district. next came old mr mottle, with his brigade of five boats from isle a la crosse, one of the interior districts; and soon another set of camp-fires burned on the green, and the clerks' house received another occupant. after them came the red river brigades in quick succession: careful, funny, uproarious mr mott, on his way to york for goods expected by the ship (for you must know mr mott keeps a store in red river, and is a man of some importance in the colony); and grasping, comical, close-fisted mr macdear; and quiet mr sink--all passing onwards to the sea, rendering norway house quite lively for a time, and then leaving it silent. but not for long, as the saskatchewan brigade, under the charge of chief trader harrit and young mr polly, suddenly arrived, and filled the whole country with noise and uproar. the saskatchewan brigade is the largest and most noisy that halts at norway house. it generally numbers from fifteen to twenty boats, filled with the wildest men in the service. they come from the prairies and rocky mountains, and are consequently brimful of stories of the buffalo hunt, attacks upon grizzly bears, and wild indians--some of them interesting and true enough, but most of them either tremendous exaggerations, or altogether inventions of their own wild fancies. soon after, the light canoes arrived from canada, and in them an assortment of raw material for the service in the shape of four or five green young men. the clerks' house now became crammed. the quiet, elderly folks, who had continued to fret at its noisy occupants, fled in despair to another house, and thereby left room for the newcomers--or greenhorns, as they were elegantly styled by their more knowing fellow-clerks. now, indeed, the corner of the fort in which we lived was avoided by all quiet people as if it were smitten with the plague; while the loud laugh, uproarious song, and sounds of the screeching flute or scraping fiddle, issued from the open doors and windows, frightening away the very mosquitoes, and making roof and rafters ring. suddenly a dead silence would ensue; and then it was conjectured by the knowing ones of the place that mr polly was _coming out strong_ for the benefit of the new arrivals. mr polly had a pleasant way of getting the green ones round him, and, by detailing some of the wild scenes and incidents of his voyages in the saskatchewan, of leading them on from truth to exaggeration, and from that to fanciful composition, wherein he would detail, with painful minuteness, all the horrors of indian warfare, and the improbability of any one who entered those dreadful regions ever returning alive. norway house was now indeed in full blow, and many a happy hour did i spend upon one of the clerks' beds--every inch of which was generally occupied--listening to the story or the song. the young men there assembled had arrived from the distant quarters of america, and some of them even from england. some were in the prime of manhood, and had spent many years in the indian country; some were beginning to scrape the down from their still soft chins; while others were boys of fourteen, who had just left home, and were listening for the first time, open-mouthed, to their seniors' description of life in the wilderness. alas, how soon were those happy, careless young fellows to separate, and how little probability was there of their ever meeting again! a sort of friendship had sprung up among three of us. many a happy hour had we spent in rambling among the groves and woods of norway house: now ranging about in search of wild pigeons, anon splashing and tumbling in the clear waters of the lake, or rowing over its surface in a light canoe; while our inexperienced voices filled the woods with snatches of the wild yet plaintive songs of the _voyageurs_, which we had just begun to learn. often had we lain on our little pallet in bachelors' hall, recounting to each other our adventures in the wild woods, or recalling the days of our childhood, and making promises of keeping up a steady correspondence through all our separations, difficulties, and dangers. a year passed away, and at last i got a letter from one of my friends, dated from the arctic regions, near the mouth of mackenzie river; the other wrote to me from among the snow-clad caps of the rocky mountains; while i addressed them from the swampy, ice-begirt shores of hudson bay. in the saskatchewan brigade two young bisons were conveyed to york factory for the purpose of being shipped for england in the _prince rupert_. they were a couple of the wildest little wretches i ever saw, and were a source of great annoyance to the men during the voyage. the way they were taken was odd enough, and i shall here describe it. in the saskatchewan the chief food both of white men and indians is buffalo meat, so that parties are constantly sent out to hunt the buffalo. they generally chase them on horseback--the country being mostly prairie land--and when they get close enough, shoot them with guns. the indians, however, shoot them oftener with the bow and arrow, as they prefer keeping their powder and shot for warfare. they are very expert with the bow, which is short and strong, and can easily send an arrow quite through a buffalo at twenty yards off. one of these parties, then, was ordered to procure two calves alive, if possible, and lead them to the company's establishment. this they succeeded in doing in the following manner. upon meeting with a herd, they all set off full gallop in chase. away went the startled animals at a round trot, which soon increased to a gallop as the horse men neared them, and a shot or two told that they were coming within range. soon the shots became more numerous, and here and there a black spot on the prairie told where a buffalo had fallen. no slackening of the pace occurred, however, as each hunter, upon killing an animal, merely threw down his cap or mitten to mark it as his own, and continued in pursuit of the herd, loading his gun as he galloped along. the buffalo-hunters, by the way, are very expert at loading and firing quickly while going at full gallop. they carry two or three bullets in their mouths, which they spit into the muzzles of their guns after dropping in a little powder, and instead of ramming it down with a rod, merely hit the butt-end of the gun on the pommel of their saddles; and in this way fire a great many shots in quick succession. this, however, is a dangerous mode of shooting, as the ball sometimes sticks half-way down the barrel and bursts the gun, carrying away a finger, and occasionally a hand. in this way they soon killed as many buffaloes as they could carry in their carts, and one of the hunters set off in chase of a calf. in a short time he edged one away from the rest, and then, getting between it and the herd, ran straight against it with his horse and knocked it down. the frightened little animal jumped up again and set off with redoubled speed; but another butt from the horse again sent it sprawling. again it rose, and was again knocked down, and in this way was at last fairly tired out; when the hunter, jumping suddenly from his horse, threw a rope round its neck, and drove it before him to the encampment, and soon after brought it to the fort. it was as wild as ever when i saw it at norway house, and seemed to have as much distaste to its thraldom as the day it was taken. as the summer advanced the heat increased, and the mosquitoes became perfectly insupportable. nothing could save one from the attacks of these little torments. almost all other insects went to rest with the sun: sand-flies, which bite viciously during the day, went to sleep at night; the large _bull-dog_, whose bite is terrible, slumbered in the evening; but the mosquito, the long-legged, determined, vicious, persevering mosquito, whose ceaseless hum dwells for ever on the ear, _never_ went to sleep. day and night the painful, tender little pimples on our necks and behind our ears were being constantly retouched by these villainous flies, it was useless killing thousands of them-- millions supplied their place. the only thing, in fact, that can protect one during the night (_nothing_ can during the day) is a net of gauze hung over the bed; but as this was looked upon by the young men as somewhat effeminate, it was seldom resorted to. the best thing for their destruction, we found, was to fill our rooms with smoke, either by burning damp moss or by letting off large puffs of gunpowder, and then throwing the doors and windows open to allow them to fly out. this, however, did not put them all out; so we generally spent an hour or so before going to bed in hunting them with candles. even this did not entirely destroy them; and often might our friends, by looking telescopically through the keyhole, have seen us wandering during the late hours of the night in our shirts looking for mosquitoes, like unhappy ghosts doomed to search perpetually for something they can never find. the intense, suffocating heat also added greatly to our discomfort. in fine weather i used to visit my friend mr evans at rossville, where i had always a hearty welcome. i remember on one occasion being obliged to beg the loan of a canoe from an indian, and having a romantic paddle across part of playgreen lake. i had been offered a passage in a boat which was going to rossville, but was not to return. having nothing particular to do, however, at the time, i determined to take my chance of finding a return conveyance of some kind or other. in due time i arrived at the parsonage, where i spent a pleasant afternoon in sauntering about the village, and in admiring the rapidity and ease with which the indian children could read and write the indian language by means of a syllable alphabet invented by their clergyman. the same gentleman afterwards made a set of leaden types with no other instrument than a penknife, and printed a great many hymns in the indian language. in the evening i began to think of returning to the fort; but no boat or canoe could be found small enough to be paddled by one man, and as no one seemed inclined to go with me, i began to fear that i should have to remain all night. at last a young indian told me he had a hunting canoe, which i might have if i chose to venture across the lake in it, but it was very small. i instantly accepted his offer; and, bidding adieu to my friends at the parsonage, followed him down to a small creek overshaded by tall trees, where, concealed among the reeds and bushes, lay the canoe. it could not, i should think, have measured more than three yards in length, by eighteen inches in breadth at the middle, whence it tapered at either end to a thin edge. it was made of birch bark scarcely a quarter of an inch thick; and its weight may be imagined when i say that the indian lifted it from the ground with one hand and placed it in the water, at the same time handing me a small light paddle. i stepped in with great care, and the frail bark trembled with my weight as i seated myself, and pushed out into the lake. the sun had just set, and his expiring rays cast a glare upon the overhanging clouds in the west, whilst the shades of night gathered thickly over the eastern horizon. not a breath of wind disturbed the glassy smoothness of the water, in which every golden-tinted cloud was mirrored with a fidelity that rendered it difficult to say which was image and which reality. the little bark darted through the water with the greatest ease, and as i passed among the deepening shadows of the lofty pines, and across the gilded waters of the bay, a wild enthusiasm seized me; i strained with all my strength upon the paddle, and the sparkling drops flew in showers behind me as the little canoe flew over the water more like a phantom than a reality--when suddenly i missed my stroke; my whole weight was thrown on one side, the water gurgled over the gunwale of the canoe, and my heart leaped to my mouth, as i looked for an instant into the dark water. it was only for a moment; in another instant the canoe righted, and i paddled the remainder of the way in a much more gentle manner--enthusiasm gone, and a most wholesome degree of timidity pervading my entire frame. it was dark when i reached the fort, and upon landing i took the canoe under my arm and carried it up the bank with nearly as much ease as if it had been a camp-stool. when the day was warm and the sun bright--when the sky was clear and the water blue--when the air was motionless, and the noise of arrivals and departures had ceased--when work was at a stand, and we enjoyed the felicity of having nothing to do, mr russ and i used to saunter down to the water's edge to have an hour or two's fishing. the fish we fished for were goldeyes, and the manner of our fishing was this:-- pausing occasionally as we walked along, one of us might be observed to bend in a watchful manner over the grass, and, gradually assuming the position of a quadruped, fall plump upon his hands and knees. having achieved this feat, he would rise with a grasshopper between his finger and thumb; a tin box being then held open by the other, the unlucky insect was carefully introduced to the interior, and the lid closed sharply--some such remark attending each capture as that "_that_ one was safe," or, "there went another;" and the mystery of the whole proceeding being explained by the fact that these same incarcerated grasshoppers were intended to form the bait with which we trusted to beguile the unwary goldeyes to their fate. having arrived at the edge of the place where we usually fished, each drew from a cleft in the rock a stout branch of a tree, around the end of which was wound a bit of twine with a large hook attached to it. this we unwound quickly, and after impaling a live grasshopper upon the barbs of our respective hooks, dropped them into the water, and gazed intently at the lines. mr russ, who was a great lover of angling, now began to get excited, and made several violent pulls at the line, under the impression that something had _bitten_. suddenly his rod, stout as it was, bent with the immense muscular force applied to it, and a small goldeye, about three or four inches long, flashed like an electric spark from the water, and fell with bursting force on the rocks behind, at the very feet of a small indian boy, who sat, nearly in a state of nature, watching our movements from among the bushes. the little captive was of a bright silvery colour, with a golden eye, and is an excellent fish for breakfast. the truth of the proverb, "it never rains but it pours," was soon verified by the immense number of goldeyes of every size, from one foot to four inches, which we showered into the bushes behind us. two or three dozen were caught in a few minutes, and at last we began to get quite exhausted; and mr russ proposed going up to the house for his new fly-rod, by way of diversifying the sport, and rendering it more scientific. down he came again in a few minutes, with a splendidly varnished, extremely slim rod, with an invisible line and an aerial fly. this instrument was soon put up; and mr russ, letting out six fathoms of line, stood erect, and making a splendid heave, caught the indian boy by the hair! this was an embarrassing commencement; but being an easy, good-natured man, he only frowned the boy out of countenance, and shortened his line. the next cast was more successful; the line swept gracefully through the air, and fell in a series of elegant circles within a few feet of the rock on which he stood. goldeyes, however, are not particular; and ere he could draw the line straight, a very large one darted at the fly, and swallowed it. the rod bent into a beautiful oval as mr russ made a futile attempt to whip the fish over his head, according to custom, and the line straightened with fearful rigidity as the fish began to pull for its life. the fisher became energetic, and the fish impatient, but there was no prospect of its ever being landed; till at last, having got his rod inextricably entangled among the neighbouring bushes, he let it fall, and most unscientifically hauled the fish out by the line, exclaiming, in the bitterness of his heart, "that rods were contemptible childish things, and that a stout branch of a tree was the rod for him." this last essay seemed to have frightened all the rest away, for not another bite did we get after that. towards the beginning of june , orders arrived from headquarters, appointing me to spend the approaching winter at york factory, the place where i had first pressed american soil. it is impossible to describe the joy with which i received the news. whether it was my extreme fondness for travelling, or the mere love of change, i cannot tell, but it had certainly the effect of affording me immense delight, and i set about making preparation for the journey immediately. the arrival of the canoes from canada was to be the signal for my departure, and i looked forward to their appearance with great impatience. in a few days the canoes arrived; and on the th of june, , i started, in company with several other gentlemen, in two north canoes. these light, graceful craft were about thirty-six feet long, by from five to six broad, and were capable of containing eight men and three passengers. they were made entirely of birch bark, and gaudily painted on the bow and stern. in these fairy-like boats, then, we swept swiftly over playgreen lake, the bright vermilion paddles glancing in the sunshine, and the woods echoing to the lively tune of _a la claire fontaine_, sung by the two crews in full chorus. we soon left norway house far behind us, and ere long were rapidly descending the streams that flow through the forests of the interior into hudson bay. while running one of the numerous rapids with which these rivers abound, our canoe struck upon a rock, which tore a large hole in its side. fortunately the accident happened close to the shore, and nearly at the usual breakfasting hour; so that while some of the men repaired the damages, which they did in half an hour, we employed ourselves agreeably in demolishing a huge ham, several slices of bread, and a cup or two of strong tea. this was the only event worth relating that happened to us during the voyage; and as canoe-travelling is enlarged upon in another chapter, we will jump at once to the termination of our journey. chapter eight. york factory--winter amusements--intense cold--the seasons--"skylarking"--sporting in the woods and marshes--trading with indians--christmas doings--breaking-up of the ice in spring. are you ambitious, reader, of dwelling in a "pleasant cot in a tranquil spot, with a distant view of the changing sea?" if so, do not go to york factory. not that it is such an unpleasant place--for i spent two years very happily there--but simply (to give a poetical reason, and explain its character in one sentence) because it is a monstrous blot on a swampy spot, with a partial view of the frozen sea! first impressions are generally incorrect; and i have little doubt that _your_ first impression is, that a "monstrous blot on a swampy spot" cannot by any possibility be an agreeable place. to dispel this impression, and at the same time to enlighten you with regard to a variety of facts with which you are probably unacquainted, i shall describe york factory as graphically as may be. an outline of its general appearance has been already given in a former chapter, so i will now proceed to particularise the buildings. the principal edifice is the "general store," where the goods, to the amount of two years' outfit for the whole northern department, are stored. on each side of this is a long, low whitewashed house, with green edgings, in one of which visitors and temporary residents during the summer are quartered. the other is the summer mess-room. four roomy fur-stores stand at right angles to these houses, thus forming three sides of the front square. behind these stands a row of smaller buildings for the labourers and tradesmen; and on the right hand is the dwelling-house of the gentleman in charge, and adjoining it the clerks' house; while on the left are the provision-store and indian trading-shop. a few insignificant buildings, such as the oil-store and lumber-house, intrude themselves here and there; and on the right a tall ungainly outlook rises in the air, affording the inhabitants an extensive view of their wild domains; and just beside it stands the ice-house. this latter building is filled every spring with blocks of solid ice of about three feet square, which do not melt during the short but intensely hot summer. the inhabitants are thus enabled to lay up a store of fresh meat for summer use, which lasts them till about the commencement of winter. the lower stratum of ice in this house never melts; nor, indeed, does the soil of the surrounding country, which only thaws to the depth of a few feet, the subsoil being perpetually frozen. the climate of york factory is very bad in the warm months of the year, but during the winter the intensity of the cold renders it healthy. summer is very short; and the whole three seasons of spring, summer, and autumn are included in the months of june, july, august, and september-- the rest being winter. during part of summer the heat is extreme, and millions of flies, mosquitoes, etcetera, render the country unbearable. fortunately, however, the cold soon extirpates them. scarcely anything in the way of vegetables can be raised in the small spot of ground called by courtesy a garden. potatoes one year, for a wonder, attained the size of walnuts; and sometimes a cabbage and a turnip are prevailed upon to grow. yet the woods are filled with a great variety of wild berries, among which the cranberry and swampberry are considered the best. black and red currants, as well as gooseberries, are plentiful; but the first are bitter, and the last small. the swampberry is in shape something like the raspberry, of a light yellow colour, and grows on a low bush, almost close to the ground. they make excellent preserves, and, together with cranberries, are made into tarts for the mess during winter. in the month of september there are generally a couple of weeks or so of extremely fine weather, which is called the indian summer; after which winter, with frost, cold, and snow, sets in with rapidity. for a few weeks in october there is sometimes a little warm weather (or rather, i should say, a little _thawy_, weather); but after that, until the following april, the thermometer seldom rises to the freezing-point. in the depth of winter it falls from to , , and even degrees _below zero_ of fahrenheit. this intense cold, however, is not so much felt as one might suppose, as during its continuance the air is perfectly calm. were the slightest breath of wind to arise when the thermometer stands so low, no man could show his face to it for a moment. forty degrees below zero, and quite calm, is infinitely preferable to fifteen degrees below, or thereabouts, with a strong breeze of wind. spirit of wine is, of course, the only liquid that can be used in the thermometers, as mercury, were it exposed to such cold, would remain frozen nearly half the winter. spirit never froze in any cold ever experienced at york factory, unless when very much adulterated with water; and even then the spirit would remain liquid in the centre of the mass [see note ]. to resist this intense cold the inhabitants dress, not in furs, as is generally supposed, but in coats and trousers made of smoked deer-skins; the only piece of fur in their costume being the cap. the houses are built of wood, with double windows and doors. they are heated by means of large iron stoves, fed with wood; yet so intense is the cold, that i have seen the stove in places _red-hot_, and a basin of water in the room _frozen_ nearly solid. the average cold, i should think, is about or degrees below zero, or degrees of frost. the country around is a complete swamp, but the extreme shortness of the warm weather, and the consequent length of winter, fortunately prevent the rapid decomposition of vegetable matter. another cause of the unhealthiness of the climate during summer is the prevalence of dense fogs, which come off the bay and enshroud the country; and also the liability of the weather to sudden and extreme changes. summer may be said to commence in july, the preceding month being a fight between summer and winter, which cannot claim the slightest title to the name of spring. as august advances the heat becomes great; but about the commencement of september nature wears a more pleasing aspect, which lasts till the middle of october. it is then clear and beautiful, just cold enough to kill all the mosquitoes, and render brisk exercise agreeable. about this time, too, the young ducks begin to fly south, affording excellent sport among the marshes. a week or so after this winter commences, with light falls of snow occasionally, and hard frost during the night. flocks of snow-birds (the harbingers of cold in autumn, and heat in spring) begin to appear, and soon the whirring wings of the white partridge may be heard among the snow-encompassed willows. the first thaw generally takes place in april; and may is characterised by melting snow, disruption of ice, and the arrival of the first flocks of wild-fowl. the country around the fort is one immense level swamp, thickly covered with willows, and dotted here and there with a few clumps of pine-trees. the only large timber in the vicinity grows on the banks of hayes and nelson rivers, and consists chiefly of spruce fir. the swampy nature of the ground has rendered it necessary to raise the houses in the fort several feet in the air upon blocks of wood; and the squares are intersected by elevated wooden platforms, which form the only promenade the inhabitants have during the summer, as no one can venture fifty yards beyond the gates without wetting his feet. nothing bearing the most distant resemblance to a hillock exists in the land. nelson river is a broad stream, which discharges itself into hudson bay, near the mouth of hayes river, between which lies a belt of swamp and willows, known by the name of the point of marsh. here may be found, during the spring and autumn, millions of ducks, geese, and plover, and during the summer billions of mosquitoes. there are a great many strange plants and shrubs in this marsh, which forms a wide field of research and pleasure to the botanist and the sportsman; but the lover of beautiful scenery and the florist will find little to please the eye or imagination, as nature has here put on her plainest garb, and flowers there are none. of the feathered tribes there are the large and small grey canada goose, the laughing goose (so called from the resemblance of its cry to laughter), and the wavie or white goose. the latter are not very numerous. there are great numbers of wild ducks, pintails, widgeons, divers, sawbills, black ducks, and teal; but the prince of ducks (the canvas-back) is not there. in spring and autumn the whole country becomes musical with the wild cries and shrill whistle of immense hosts of plover of all kinds--long legs, short legs, black legs, and yellow legs--sandpipers and snipe, which are assisted in their noisy concerts by myriads of frogs. the latter are really the best songsters in hudson bay [see note ]. bitterns are also found in the marshes; and sometimes, though rarely, a solitary crane finds its way to the coast. in the woods, and among the dry places around, there are a few grey grouse and wood partridges, a great many hawks, and owls of all sizes-- from the gigantic white owl, which measures five feet across the back and wings, to the small grey owl, not much bigger than a man's hand. in winter the woods and frozen swamps are filled with ptarmigan--or, as they are called by the trappers, white partridges. they are not very palatable; but, nevertheless, they form a pretty constant dish at the winter mess-table of york factory, and afford excellent sport to the inhabitants. there are also great varieties of small birds, among which the most interesting are the snow-birds, or snow-flakes, which pay the country a flying visit at the commencement and termination of winter. such is york fort, the great depot and gate to the wild regions surrounding hudson bay. having described its appearance and general characteristics, i shall proceed to introduce the reader to my future companions, and describe our amusements and sports among the marshes. bachelors' hall. on the--of june, , i landed the second time on the wharf of york fort, and betook myself to bachelors' hall, where mr grave, whom i met by the way, told me to take up my quarters. as i approached the door of the well-remembered house, the most tremendous uproar that ever was heard proceeded from within its dingy walls; so i jumped the paling that stood in front of the windows, and took a peep at the interior before introducing myself. the scene that met my eye was ludicrous in the extreme. mounted on a chair, behind a bedroom door, stood my friend crusty, with a large pail of water in his arms, which he raised cautiously to the top of the door, for the purpose of tilting it over upon two fellow-clerks who stood below, engaged in a wrestling match, little dreaming of the cataract that was soon to fall on their devoted heads; at the door of a room opposite stood the doctor, grinning from ear to ear at the thought of sending a thick stream of water in crusty's face from a large syringe which he held in his hands; while near the stove sat the jolly skipper, looking as grave as possible under the circumstances. the practical joke was just approaching to a climax when i looked in. the combatants neared the door behind which crusty was ensconced. the pail was raised, and the syringe pointed, when the hall door opened, and mr grave walked in! the sudden change that ensued could not have been more rapidly effected had mr grave been a magician. the doctor thrust the syringe into his pocket, into which a great deal of the water escaped and dripped from the skirts of his coat as he walked slowly across the room and began to examine, with a wonderful degree of earnestness, the edge of an amputating knife that lay upon his dressing-table. the two wrestlers sprang with one accord into their own room, where they hid their flushed faces behind the door. certain smothered sounds near the stove proclaimed the skipper to be revelling in an excruciating fit of suppressed laughter; while poor crusty, who slipped his foot in rapidly descending from his chair, lay sprawling in an ocean of water, which he had upset upon himself in his fall. mr grave merely went to mr wilson's room to ask a few questions, and then departed as if he had seen nothing; but a peculiar twist in the corners of his mouth, and a comical twinkle in his eye, showed that, although he said nothing, he had a pretty good guess that his "young men" had been engaged in mischief! such were the companions to whom i introduced myself shortly after; and, while they went off to the office, i amused myself in looking round the rooms in which i was to spend the approaching winter. the house was only one story high, and the greater part of the interior formed a large hall, from which several doors led into the sleeping apartments of the clerks. the whole was built of wood; and few houses could be found wherein so little attention was paid to ornament or luxury. the walls were originally painted white, but this, from long exposure to the influence of a large stove, had changed to a dirty yellow. no carpet covered the floor; nevertheless, its yellow planks had a cheerful appearance; and gazing at the numerous knots with which it was covered often afforded me a dreamy kind of amusement when i had nothing better to do. a large oblong iron box, on four crooked legs, with a funnel running from it through the roof, stood exactly in the middle of the room; this was a stove, but the empty wood-box in the corner showed that its services were not required at that time. and truly they were not; for it was the height of summer, and the whole room was filled with mosquitoes and bull-dog flies, which kept up a perpetual hum night and day. the only furniture that graced the room consisted of two small unpainted deal tables without tablecloths, five whole wooden chairs, and a broken one--which latter, being light and handy, was occasionally used as a missile by the young men when they happened to quarrel. several guns and fishing-rods stood in the corners of the hall, but their dirty appearance proclaimed that sporting, at that time, was not the order of the day. the tables were covered with a miscellaneous collection of articles; and from a number of pipes reposing on little odoriferous heaps of cut tobacco, i inferred that my future companions were great smokers. two or three books, a pair of broken foils, a battered mask, and several surgical instruments, over which a huge mortar and pestle presided, completed the catalogue. the different sleeping apartments around were not only interesting to contemplate, but also extremely characteristic of the pursuits of their different tenants. the first i entered was very small--just large enough to contain a bed, a table, and a chest, leaving little room for the occupant to move about in; and yet, from the appearance of things, he did move about in it to some purpose, as the table was strewn with a number of saws, files, bits of ivory and wood, and in a corner a small vice held the head of a cane in its iron jaws. these were mixed with a number of indian account-books and an inkstand, so that i concluded i had stumbled on the bedroom of my friend mr wilson, the postmaster. the quadrant-case and sea-chest in the next room proved it to be the skipper's, without the additional testimony of the oiled-cloth coat and sou'-wester hanging from a peg in the wall. the doctor's room was filled with dreadful-looking instruments, suggestive of operations, amputations, bleeding wounds, and human agony; while the accountant's was equally characterised by methodical neatness, and the junior clerks' by utter and chaotic confusion. none of these bedrooms were carpeted; none of them boasted of a chair--the trunks and boxes of the persons to whom they belonged answering instead; and none of the beds were graced with curtains. notwithstanding this emptiness, however, they had a somewhat furnished appearance, from the number of greatcoats, leather capotes, fur caps, worsted sashes, guns, rifles, shot-belts, snow-shoes, and powder-horns with which the walls were profusely decorated. the ceilings of the rooms, moreover, were very low--so much that by standing on tiptoe i could touch them with my hand; and the window in each was only about three feet high by two and a half broad, so that, upon the whole, the house was rather snug than otherwise. such was the habitation in which i dwelt; such were the companions with whom i associated at york factory. as the season advanced the days became shorter, the nights more frosty, and soon a few flakes of snow fell, indicating the approach of winter. about the beginning of october the cold, damp, snowy weather that usually precedes winter set in; and shortly afterwards hayes river was full of drifting ice, and the whole country covered with snow. a week or so after this the river was completely frozen over; and hudson bay itself, as far as the eye could reach, was covered with a coat of ice. we now settled down into our winter habits. double windows were fitted in, and double doors also. extra blankets were put upon the beds; the iron stove kept constantly alight; and, in fact, every preparation was made to mitigate the severity of the winter. the water froze every night in our basins, although the stove was kept at nearly a red heat all day, and pretty warm all night; and our out-of-door costume was changed from jackets and shooting-coats to thick leather capotes, fur caps, duffle socks, and moccasins. soon after this, white partridges showed themselves; and one fine clear, frosty morning, after breakfast, i made my first essay to kill some, in company with my fellow-clerk and room-mate crusty, and the worthy skipper. the manner of dressing ourselves to resist the cold was curious. i will describe crusty, as a type of the rest. after donning a pair of deer-skin trousers, he proceeded to put on three pair of blanket socks, and over these a pair of moose-skin moccasins. then a pair of blue cloth leggins were hauled over his trousers, partly to keep the snow from sticking to them, and partly for warmth. after this he put on a leather capote edged with fur. this coat was very warm, being lined with flannel, and overlapped very much in front. it was fastened with a scarlet worsted belt round the waist, and with a loop at the throat. a pair of thick mittens made of deer-skin hung round his shoulders by a worsted cord; and his neck was wrapped in a huge shawl, above whose mighty folds his good-humoured visage beamed like the sun on the edge of a fog-bank. a fur cap with ear-pieces completed his costume. having finished his toilet, and tucked a pair of snow-shoes, five feet long, under one arm, and a double-barrelled fowling-piece under the other, crusty waxed extremely impatient, and proceeded systematically to aggravate the unfortunate skipper (who was always very slow, poor man, except on board ship), addressing sundry remarks to the stove upon the slowness of seafaring men in general, and skippers in particular. in a few minutes the skipper appeared in a similar costume, with a monstrously long gun over his shoulder, and under his arm a pair of snow-shoes gaudily painted by himself; which snow-shoes he used to admire amazingly, and often gave it as his opinion that they were "slap-up, tossed-off-to-the-nines" snow-shoes! in this guise, then, we departed on our ramble. the sun shone brightly in the cold blue sky, giving a warm appearance to the scene, although no sensible warmth proceeded from it, so cold was the air. countless millions of icy particles covered every bush and tree, glittering tremulously in its rays like diamonds--psha! that hackneyed simile: diamonds of the purest water never shone like these evanescent little gems of nature. the air was biting cold, obliging us to walk briskly along to keep our blood in circulation; and the breath flew thick and white from our mouths and nostrils, like clouds of steam, and, condensing on our hair and the breasts of our coats, gave us the appearance of being powdered with fine snow. crusty's red countenance assumed a redder hue by contrast, and he cut a very comical figure when his bushy whiskers changed from their natural auburn hue to a pure white, under the influence of this icy covering. the skipper, who all this while had been floundering slowly among the deep snow, through which his short legs were but ill calculated to carry him, suddenly wheeled round, and presented to our view the phenomenon of a very red, warm face, and an extremely livid cold nose thereunto affixed. we instantly apprised him of the fact that his nose was frozen, which he would scarcely believe for some time; however, he was soon convinced, and after a few minutes' hard rubbing it was restored to its usual temperature. we had hitherto been walking through the thick woods near the river's bank; but finding no white partridges there, we stretched out into the frozen swamps, which now presented large fields and plains of compact snow, studded here and there with clumps and thickets of willows. among these we soon discovered fresh tracks of birds in the snow, whereat the skipper became excited (the sport being quite new to him), and expressed his belief, in a hoarse whisper, that they were not far off. he even went the length of endeavouring to walk on tiptoe, but being unable, from the weight of his snow-shoes, to accomplish this, he only tripped himself, and falling with a stunning crash through a large dried-up bush, buried his head, shoulders, and gun in the snow. whir-r-r! went the alarmed birds--crack! bang! went crusty's gun, and down came two partridges; while the unfortunate skipper, scarce taking time to clear his eyes from snow, in his anxiety to get a shot, started up, aimed at the birds, and blew the top of a willow, which stood a couple of feet before him, into a thousand atoms. the partridges were very tame, and only flew to a neighbouring clump of bushes, where they alighted. meanwhile crusty picked up his birds, and while reloading his gun complimented the skipper upon the beautiful manner in which he _pointed_. to this he answered not, but raising his gun, let drive at a solitary bird which, either from fear or astonishment, had remained behind the rest, and escaped detection until now, owing to its resemblance to the surrounding snow. he fortunately succeeded in hitting this time, and bagged it with great exultation. our next essay was even more successful. the skipper fired at one which he saw sitting near him, killed it,--and also two more which he had not seen, but which had happened to be in a line with the shot; and crusty and i killed a brace each when they took wing. during the whole day we wandered about the woods, sometimes killing a few ptarmigan, and occasionally a kind of grouse, which are called by the people of the country wood-partridges. whilst sauntering slowly along in the afternoon, a rabbit darted across our path; the skipper fired at it without even putting the gun to his shoulder, and to his utter astonishment killed it. after this we turned to retrace our steps, thinking that, as our game bags were pretty nearly full, we had done enough for one day. our sport was not done, however; we came suddenly upon a large flock of ptarmigan, so tame that they would not fly, but merely ran from us a little way at the noise of each shot. the firing that now commenced was quite terrific. crusty fired till both barrels of his gun were stopped up; the skipper fired till his powder and shot were done; and i fired till--_i skinned my tongue_! lest any one should feel surprised at the last statement, i may as well explain _how_ this happened. the cold had become so intense, and my hands so benumbed with loading, that the thumb at last obstinately refused to open the spring of my powder-flask. a partridge was sitting impudently before me, so that, in the fear of losing the shot, i thought of trying to open it with my teeth. in the execution of this plan, i put the brass handle to my mouth, and my tongue happening to come in contact with it, stuck fast thereto--or, in other words, was frozen to it. upon discovering this, i instantly pulled the flask away, and with it a piece of skin about the size of a sixpence. having achieved this little feat, we once more bent our steps homeward. during our walk the day had darkened, and the sky insensibly become overcast. solitary flakes of snow fell here and there around us, and a low moaning sound, as of distant wind, came mournfully down through the sombre trees, and, eddying round their trunks in little gusts, gently moved the branches, and died away in the distance. with an uneasy glance at these undoubted signs of an approaching storm, we hastened towards the fort as fast as our loads permitted us, but had little hope of reaching it before the first burst of the gale. nature had laid aside her sparkling jewels, and was now dressed in her simple robe of white. dark leaden clouds rose on the northern horizon, and the distant howling of the cold, cold wind struck mournfully on our ears, as it rushed fresh and bitterly piercing from the arctic seas, tearing madly over the frozen plains, and driving clouds of hail and snow before it. whew! how it dashed along--scouring wildly over the ground, as if maddened by the slight resistance offered to it by the swaying bushes, and hurrying impetuously forward to seek a more worthy object on which to spend its bitter fury! whew! how it curled around our limbs, catching up mountains of snow into the air, and dashing them into impalpable dust against our wretched faces. oh! it was bitterly, bitterly cold. notwithstanding our thick wrappings, we felt as if clothed in gauze; while our faces seemed to collapse and wrinkle up as we turned them from the wind and hid them in our mittens. one or two flocks of ptarmigan, scared by the storm, flew swiftly past us, and sought shelter in the neighbouring forest. we quickly followed their example, and availing ourselves of the partial shelter of the trees, made the best of our way back to the fort, where we arrived just as it was getting dark, and entered the warm precincts of bachelors' hall like three animated marble statues, so completely were we covered from head to foot with snow. it was curious to observe the change that took place in the appearance of our guns after we entered the warm room. the barrels, and every bit of metal upon them, instantly became white, like ground glass! this phenomenon was caused by the condensation and freezing of the moist atmosphere of the room upon the cold iron. any piece of metal, when brought suddenly out of such intense cold into a warm room, will in this way become covered with a pure white coating of hoar-frost. it does not remain long in this state, however, as the warmth of the room soon heats the metal and melts the ice. thus, in about ten minutes our guns assumed three different appearances: when we entered the house, they were clear, polished, and dry; in five minutes they were white as snow; and in five more, dripping wet! on the following morning a small party of indians arrived with furs, and mr wilson went with them to the trading-room, whither i accompanied him. the trading-room--or, as it is frequently called, the indian-shop--was much like what is called a store in the united states. it contained every imaginable commodity likely to be needed by indians. on various shelves were piled bales of cloth of all colours, capotes, blankets, caps, etcetera; and in smaller divisions were placed files, scalping-knives, gun-screws, flints, balls of twine, fire-steels, canoe-awls, and glass beads of all colours, sizes, and descriptions. drawers in the counter contained needles, pins, scissors, thimbles, fish-hooks, and vermilion for painting canoes and faces. the floor was strewn with a variety of copper and tin kettles, from half a pint to a gallon; and on a stand in the furthest corner of the room stood about a dozen trading guns, and beside them a keg of powder and a box of shot. upon our entrance into this room trade began. first of all, an old indian laid a pack of furs upon the counter, which mr wilson counted and valued. having done this, he marked the amount opposite the old man's name in his "indian book," and then handed him a number of small pieces of wood. the use of these pieces of wood is explained in the third chapter. the indian then began to look about him, opening his eyes gradually, as he endeavoured to find out which of the many things before him he would like to have. sympathising with his eyes, his mouth slowly opened also; and having remained in this state for some time, the former looked at mr wilson, and the latter pronounced _ahcoup_ (blanket). having received the blanket, he paid the requisite number of bits of wood for it, and became abstracted again. in this way he bought a gun, several yards of cloth, a few beads, etcetera, till all his sticks were gone, and he made way for another. the indians were uncommonly slow, however, and mr wilson and i returned to the house in a couple of hours, with very cold toes and fingers, and exceedingly blue noses. during winter we breakfasted usually at nine o'clock; then sat down to the desk till one, when we dined. after dinner we resumed our pens till six, when we had tea; and then wrote again till eight; after which we either amused ourselves with books (of which we had a few), kicked up a row, or, putting on our snow-shoes, went off to pay a moonlight visit to our traps. on wednesdays and saturdays, however, we did no work, and generally spent these days in shooting. it is only at the few principal establishments of the company, where the accounts of the country are collected annually, to be forwarded to the hudson bay house in london, that so much writing is necessary. as the christmas holidays approached, we prepared for the amusements of that joyous season. on the morning before christmas, a gentleman, who had spent the first part of the winter all alone at his outpost, arrived to pass the holidays at york factory. we were greatly delighted to have a new face to look at, having seen no one but ourselves since the ship left for england, nearly four months before. our visitor had travelled in a dog cariole. this machine is very narrow, just broad enough to admit one person. it is a wooden frame covered with deer-skin parchment, painted gaudily, and is generally drawn by four esquimaux dogs [see note ]. dogs are invaluable in the arctic regions, where horses are utterly useless, owing to the depth of snow which covers the earth for so large a portion of the year. the comparatively light weight of the dogs enables them to walk without sinking much; and even when the snow is so soft as to be incapable of supporting them, they are still able to sprawl along more easily than any other species of quadruped could do. four are usually attached to a sledge, which they haul with great vigour; being followed by a driver on snow-shoes, whose severe lash is brought to bear so powerfully on the backs of the poor animals, should any of them be observed to slacken their pace, that they are continually regarding him with deprecatory glances as they run along. should the lash give a flourish, there is generally a short yelp from the pack; and should it descend amongst them with a vigorous crack, the vociferous yelling that results is perfectly terrific. these drivers are sometimes very cruel; and when a pack of dogs have had a fight, and got their traces hopelessly ravelled (as is often the case), they have been known to fall on their knees in their passion, seize one of the poor dogs by the nose with their teeth, and almost bite it off. dogs are also used for dragging carioles, which vehicles are used by gentlemen in the company's service who are either too old or too lazy to walk on snow-shoes. the cariole is in form not unlike a slipper bath, both in shape and size. it is lined with buffalo robes, in the midst of a bundle of which the occupant reclines luxuriously, while the dogs drag him slowly through the soft snow, and among the trees and bushes of the forest, or scamper with him over the hard-beaten surface of a lake or river; while the machine is prevented from capsizing by a _voyageur_ who walks behind on snow-shoes, holding on to a line attached to the back part of the cariole. the weather during winter is so cold that it is often a matter of the greatest difficulty for the traveller to keep his toes from freezing, despite the buffalo robes; and sometimes, when the dogs start fresh in the morning, with a good breakfast, a bright, clear, frosty day, and a long expanse of comparatively open country before them, where the snow from exposure has become quite hard, away they go with a loud yelp, upsetting the driver in the bolt, who rises to heap undeserved and very improper epithets upon the poor brutes, who, careering over the ground at the rate of eleven miles an hour, swing the miserable cariole over the snow, tear it through the bushes, bang it first on one side, then on the other, against stumps and trees, yelling all the while, partly with frantic glee at the thought of having bolted, and partly with fearful anticipation of the tremendous welting that is to come; until at last the cariole gets jammed hard and fast among the trees of the forest, or plunges down the steep bank of a river head over heels till they reach the foot--a horrible and struggling compound of dogs, traveller, traces, parchment, buffalo robes, blankets, and snow! christmas morning dawned, and i opened my eyes to behold the sun flashing brightly on the window, in its endeavours to make a forcible entry into my room, through the thick hoar-frost which covered the panes. presently i became aware of a gentle breathing near me, and, turning my eyes slowly round, i beheld my companion crusty standing on tiptoe, with a tremendous grin on his countenance, and a huge pillow in his hands, which was in the very act of descending upon my devoted head. to collapse into the smallest possible compass, and present the most invulnerable part of my body to the blow, was the work of an instant, when down came the pillow, bang! "hooroo! hurroo! hurroo! a merry christmas to you, you rascal!" shouted crusty. bang! bang! went the pillow. "turn out of that, you lazy lump of plethoric somnolescence," whack!--and, twirling the ill-used pillow round his head, my facetious friend rushed from the room, to bestow upon the other occupants of the hall a similar salutation. upon recovering from the effects of my pommelling, i sprang from bed and donned my clothes with all speed, and then went to pay my friend mr wilson the compliments of the season. in passing through the hall for this purpose, i discovered crusty struggling in the arms of the skipper, who, having wrested the pillow from him, was now endeavouring to throttle him partially. i gently shut and fastened the door of their room, purposing to detain them there till _very nearly_ too late for breakfast, and then sat down with mr wilson to discuss our intended proceedings during the day. these were-- firstly, that we should go and pay a ceremonious visit to the men; secondly, that we should breakfast; thirdly, that we should go out to shoot partridges; fourthly, that we should return to dinner at five; and fifthly, that we should give a ball in bachelors' hall in the evening, to which were to be invited all the men at the fort, and _all_ the indians, men, women, and children, inhabiting the country for thirty miles round. as the latter, however, did not amount to above twenty, we did not fear that more would come than our hall was calculated to accommodate. in pursuance, then, of these resolutions, i cleaned my gun, freed my prisoners just as the breakfast-bell was ringing, and shortly afterwards went out to shoot. i will not drag the reader after me, but merely say that we all returned about dusk, with game-bags full, and appetites ravenous. our christmas dinner was a good one, in a substantial point of view; and a very pleasant one, in a social point of view. we ate it in the winter mess-room; and really (for hudson bay) this was quite a snug and highly decorated apartment. true, there was no carpet on the floor, and the chairs were home-made; but then the table was mahogany, and the walls were hung round with several large engravings in bird's-eye maple frames. the stove, too, was brightly polished with black lead, and the painting of the room had been executed with a view to striking dumb those innocent individuals who had spent the greater part of their lives at outposts, and were, consequently, accustomed to domiciles and furniture of the simplest and most unornamental description. on the present grand occasion the mess-room was illuminated by an argand lamp, and the table covered with a snow-white cloth, whereon reposed a platter containing a beautiful, fat, plump wild-goose, which had a sort of come-eat-me-up-quick-else-i'll-melt expression about it that was painfully delicious. opposite to this smoked a huge roast of beef, to procure which one of our most useless draught oxen had been sacrificed. this, with a dozen of white partridges, and a large piece of salt pork, composed our dinner. but the greatest rarities on the board were two large decanters of port wine, and two smaller ones of madeira. these were flanked by tumblers and glasses; and truly, upon the whole, our dinner made a goodly show. "come away, gentlemen," said mr grave, as we entered the room and approached the stove where he stood, smiling with that benign expression of countenance peculiar to stout, good-natured gentlemen at this season, and at this particular hour. "your walk must have sharpened your appetites; sit down, sit down. this way, doctor--sit near me; find a place, mr ballantyne, beside your friend crusty there; take the foot, mr wilson;" and amid a shower of such phrases we seated ourselves and began. at the top of the table sat mr grave, indistinctly visible through the steam that rose from the wild-goose before him. on his right and left sat the doctor and the accountant; and down from them sat the skipper, four clerks, and mr wilson, whose honest face beamed with philanthropic smiles at the foot of the table. loud were the mirth and fun that reigned on this eventful day within the walls of the highly decorated room at york factory. bland was the expression of mr grave's face when he asked each of the young clerks to drink wine with him in succession; and great was the confidence which thereby inspired the said clerks, prompting them to the perpetration of several rash and unparalleled pieces of presumption--such as drinking wine with each other (an act of free-will on their part almost unprecedented), and indulging in sundry sly pieces of covert humour, such as handing the vinegar to each other when the salt was requested, and becoming profusely apologetic upon discovering their mistake. but the wildest storm is often succeeded by the greatest calm, and the most hilarious mirth by the most solemn gravity. in the midst of our fun mr grave proposed a toast. each filled a bumper, and silence reigned around while he raised his glass and said, "let us drink to absent friends." we each whispered, "absent friends," and set our glasses down in silence, while our minds flew back to the scenes of former days, and we mingled again in spirit with our dear, dear friends at home. how different the mirth of the loved ones there, circling round the winter hearth, from that of the _men_ seated round the christmas table in the nor'-west wilderness i question very much if this toast was ever drunk with a more thorough appreciation of its melancholy import than upon the present memorable occasion. our sad feelings, however, were speedily put to flight, and our gravity routed, when the skipper, with characteristic modesty, proposed, "the ladies;" which toast we drank with a hearty good-will, although, indeed, the former included them, inasmuch as they also were _absent_ friends--the only one within two hundred and fifty miles of us being mr grave's wife. what a magical effect ladies have upon the male sex, to be sure! although hundreds of miles distant from an unmarried specimen of the species, upon the mere mention of their name there was instantly a perceptible alteration for the better in the looks of the whole party. mr wilson unconsciously arranged his hair a little more becomingly, as if his ladye-love were actually looking at him; and the skipper afterwards confessed that his heart had bounded suddenly out of his breast, across the snowy billows of the atlantic, and come smash down on the wharf at plymouth dock, where he had seen the last wave of nancy's checked cotton neckerchief as he left the shores of old england. just as we had reached the above climax, the sound of a fiddle struck upon our ears, and reminded us that our guests who had been invited to the ball were ready; so, emptying our glasses, we left the dining-room, and adjourned to the hall. here a scene of the oddest description presented itself. the room was lit up by means of a number of tallow candles, stuck in tin sconces round the walls. on benches and chairs sat the orkneymen and canadian half-breeds of the establishment, in their sunday jackets and capotes; while here and there the dark visage of an indian peered out from among their white ones. but round the stove--which had been removed to one side to leave space for the dancers--the strangest group was collected. squatting down on the floor, in every ungraceful attitude imaginable, sat about a dozen indian women, dressed in printed calico gowns, the chief peculiarity of which was the immense size of the balloon-shaped sleeves, and the extreme scantiness, both in length and width, of the skirts. coloured handkerchiefs covered their heads, and ornamented moccasins decorated their feet; besides which, each one wore a blanket in the form of a shawl, which they put off before standing up to dance. they were chatting and talking to each other with great volubility, occasionally casting a glance behind them, where at least half a dozen infants stood bolt upright in their tight-laced cradles. on a chair, in a corner near the stove, sat a young, good-looking indian, with a fiddle of his own making beside him. this was our paganini; and beside him sat an indian boy with a kettle-drum, on which he tapped occasionally, as if anxious that the ball should begin. all this flashed upon our eyes; but we had not much time for contemplating it, as, the moment we entered, the women simultaneously rose, and coming modestly forward to mr wilson, who was the senior of the party, saluted him, one after another! i had been told that this was a custom of the _ladies_ on christmas day, and was consequently not quite unprepared to go through the ordeal. but when i looked at the superhuman ugliness of some of the old ones--when i gazed at the immense, and in some cases toothless, chasms that were pressed to my senior's lips, and that gradually, like a hideous nightmare, approached towards me--and when i reflected that these same mouths might have, in former days, demolished a few children--my courage forsook me, and i entertained for a moment the idea of bolting. the doctor seemed to labour under the same disinclination as myself; for when they advanced to him, he refused to bend his head, and, being upwards of six feet high, they of course were obliged to pass him. they looked, however, so much disappointed at this, and withal so very modest, that i really felt for them, and prepared to submit to my fate with the best grace possible. a horrible old hag advanced towards me, the perfect embodiment of a nightmare, with a fearful grin on her countenance. i shut my eyes. suddenly a bright idea flashed across my mind: i stooped down, with apparent goodwill, to salute her; but just as our lips were about to meet, i slightly jerked up my head, and she kissed my _chin_. oh, happy thought! they were all quite satisfied, and attributed the accident, no doubt, to their own clumsiness--or to mine! this ceremony over, we each chose partners, the fiddle struck up, and the ball began. scotch reels were the only dances known by the majority of the guests, so we confined ourselves entirely to them. the indian women afforded us a good deal of amusement during the evening. of all ungraceful beings, they are the most ungraceful; and of all accomplishments, dancing is the one in which they shine least. there is no rapid motion of the feet, no lively expression of the countenance; but with a slow, regular, up-and-down motion, they stalk through the figure with extreme gravity. they seemed to enjoy it amazingly, however, and scarcely allowed the poor fiddler a moment's rest during the whole evening. between eleven and twelve o'clock our two tables were put together, and spread with several towels; thus forming a pretty respectable supper-table, which would have been perfect, had not the one part been three inches higher than the other. on it was placed a huge dish of cold venison, and a monstrous iron kettle of tea. this, with sugar, bread, and a lump of salt butter, completed the entertainment to which the indians sat down. they enjoyed it very much--at least, so i judged from the rapid manner in which the viands disappeared, and the incessant chattering and giggling kept up at intervals. after all were satisfied, the guests departed in a state of great happiness; particularly the ladies, who tied up the remnants of their supper in their handkerchiefs, and carried them away. before concluding the description of our christmas doings, i may as well mention a circumstance which resulted from the effects of the ball, as it shows in a curious manner the severity of the climate at york factory. in consequence of the breathing of so many people in so small a room for such a length of time, the walls had become quite damp, and ere the guests departed moisture was trickling down in many places. during the night this moisture was frozen, and on rising the following morning i found, to my astonishment, that bachelors' hall was apparently converted into a palace of crystal. the walls and ceiling were thickly coated with beautiful minute crystalline flowers, not sticking flat upon them, but projecting outwards in various directions, thus giving the whole apartment a cheerful, light appearance, quite indescribable. the moment our stove was heated, however, the crystals became fluid, and ere long evaporated, leaving the walls exposed in all their original dinginess. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ winter passed away; but not slowly, or by degrees. a winter of so long duration could not be expected to give up its dominion without a struggle. in october it began, and in november its empire was established. during december, january, february, march, and april it reigned unmolested, in steadfast bitterness; enclosing in its icy bands, and retaining in torpid frigidity, the whole inanimate and vegetable creation. but in may its powerful enemy, caloric, made a decided attack upon the empire, and dealt hoary winter a stunning blow. about the beginning of april a slight thaw occurred, the first that had taken place since the commencement of winter; but this was speedily succeeded by hard frost, which continued till the second week in may, when thaw set in so steadily that in a few days the appearance of the country entirely changed. on the th of may, hayes river, which had been covered for nearly eight months with a coat of ice upwards of six feet thick, gave way before the floods occasioned by the melting snow; and all the inmates of the fort rushed out to the banks upon hearing the news that the river was going. on reaching the gate, the sublimity of the spectacle that met our gaze can scarcely be imagined. the noble river, here nearly two miles broad, was entirely covered with huge blocks and jagged lumps of ice, rolling and dashing against each other in chaotic confusion, as the swelling floods heaved them up and swept them with irresistible force towards hudson bay. in one place, where the masses were too closely packed to admit of violent collision, they ground against each other with a slow but powerful motion that curled their hard edges up like paper, till the smaller lumps, unable to bear the pressure, were ground to powder, and with a loud crash the rest hurried on to renew the struggle elsewhere, while the ice above, whirling swiftly round in the clear space thus formed, as if delighted at its sudden release, hurried onwards. in another place, where it was not so closely packed, a huge lump suddenly grounded on a shallow; and in a moment the rolling masses, which were hurrying towards the sea with the velocity of a cataract, were precipitated against it with a noise like thunder, and the tremendous pressure from above forcing block upon block with a loud hissing noise, raised, as if by magic, an icy castle in the air, which, ere its pinnacles had pointed for a second to the sky, fell with stunning violence into the boiling flood from whence it rose. in a short time afterwards the mouth of the river became so full of ice that it stuck there, and in less than an hour the water rose ten or fifteen feet, nearly to a level with the top of the bank. in this state it continued for a week; and then, about the end of may, the whole floated quietly out to sea, and the cheerful river gurgled along its bed with many a curling eddy and watery dimple rippling its placid face, as if it smiled to think of having overcome its powerful enemy, and at length burst its prison walls. although the river was free, many a sign of winter yet remained around our forest home. the islands in the middle of the stream were covered with masses of ice, many of which were piled up to a height of twenty or thirty feet. all along the banks, too, it was strewn thickly; while in the woods snow still lay in many places several feet deep. in time, however, these last evidences of the mighty power of winter gave way before the warm embraces of spring. bushes and trees began to bud, gushing rills to flow, frogs to whistle in the swamp, and ducks to sport upon the river, while the hoarse cry of the wild-goose, the whistling wings of teal, and all the other sounds and cries of the long-absent inhabitants of the marshes, gave life and animation to the scene. often has nature been described as falling asleep in the arms of winter, and awaking at the touch of spring; but nowhere is this simile so strikingly illustrated as in these hyperborean climes, where, for eight long, silent months, nature falls into a slumber so deep and unbroken that death seems a fitter simile than sleep, and then bursts into a life so bright, so joyous, so teeming with animal and vegetable vitality, and, especially when contrasted with her previous torpidity, so noisy, that awakening from sleep gives no adequate idea of the change. now was the time that our guns were cleaned with peculiar care, and regarded with a sort of brotherly affection. not that we despised the sports of winter, but we infinitely preferred those of spring. young crusty and i were inseparable companions; we had slept in the same room, hunted over the same ground, and scribbled at the same desk during the whole winter, and now we purchased a small hunting canoe from an indian, for the purpose of roaming about together in spring. our excursions were always amusing; and, as a description of one of them may perhaps prove interesting to the reader, i shall narrate:-- a canoe excursion on the shores of hudson bay. it is needless to say that the day we chose was fine; that the sun shone brightly; that the curling eddies of the river smiled sweetly; that the jagged pinnacles of the blocks of ice along shore which had not yet melted sparkled brilliantly; that the fresh green foliage of the trees contrasted oddly with these white masses; that crusty and i shouldered our canoe between us, after having placed our guns, etcetera, in it, and walked lightly down to the river bank under our burden. it is needless, i say, to describe all this minutely, as it would be unnecessary waste of pen, ink, and paper. it is sufficient to say that we were soon out in the middle of the stream, floating gently down the current towards the point of marsh, which was to be the scene of our exploits. the day was indeed beautiful, and so very calm and still that the glassy water reflected every little cloud in the sky; and on the seaward horizon everything was quivering and magically turned upside down-- islands, trees, icebergs, and all! a solitary gull, which stood not far off upon a stone, looked so preposterously huge from the same atmospherical cause, that i would have laughed immoderately, had i had energy to do so; but i was too much wrapped in placid enjoyment of the scene to give way to boisterous mirth. the air was so calm that the plaintive cries of thousands of wildfowl which covered the point of marsh struck faintly on our ears. "ah!" thought i--but i need not say what i thought. i grasped my powder-flask and shook it; it was full-- crammed full! i felt my shot-belt; it was fat, very fat, bursting with shot! our two guns lay side by side, vying in brightness; their flints quite new and sharp, and standing up in a lively wide-awake sort of way, as much as to say, "if you do not let me go, i'll go bang off by myself!" happiness is sometimes too strong to be enjoyed quietly; and crusty and i, feeling that we could keep it down no longer, burst simultaneously into a yell that rent the air, and, seizing the paddles, made our light canoe spring over the water, while we vented our feelings in a lively song, which reaching the astonished ears of the afore-mentioned preposterously large gull, caused its precipitate departure. in half an hour we reached the point; dragged the canoe above high-water mark; shouldered our guns, and, with long strides, proceeded over the swamp in search of game. we had little doubt of having good sport, for the whole point away to the horizon was teeming with ducks and plover. we had scarcely gone a hundred yards ere a large widgeon rose from behind a bush, and crusty, who was in advance, brought it down. as we plodded on, the faint cry of a wild-goose caused us to squat down suddenly behind a neighbouring bush, from which retreat we gazed round to see where our friends were. another cry from behind attracted our attention; and far away on the horizon we saw a large flock of geese flying in a mathematically correct triangle. now, although far out of shot, and almost out of sight, we did not despair of getting one of these birds; for, by imitating their cry, there was a possibility of attracting them towards us. geese often answer to a call in this way, if well imitated; particularly in spring, as they imagine that their friends have found a good feeding-place, and wish them to alight. knowing this, crusty and i continued in our squatting position--utterly unmindful, in the excitement of the moment, of the fact that the water of the swamp lay in the same proximity to our persons as a chair does when we sit down on it--and commenced to yell and scream vociferously in imitation of geese; for which, doubtless, many people unacquainted with our purpose would have taken us. at first our call seemed to make no impression on them; but gradually they bent into a curve, and, sweeping round in a long circle, came nearer to us, while we continued to shout at the top of our voices. how they ever mistook our bad imitation of the cry for the voices of real geese, i cannot tell--probably they thought we had colds or sore throats; at any rate they came nearer and nearer, screaming to us in return, till at last they ceased to flap their wings, and sailed slowly over the bush behind which we were ensconced, with their long necks stretched straight out, and their heads a little to one side, looking down for their friends. upon discovering their mistake, and beholding two human beings instead of geese within a few yards of them, the sensation created among them was tremendous, and the racket they kicked up in trying to fly from us was terrific; but it was too late. the moment we saw that they had discovered us, our guns poured forth their contents, and two out of the flock fell with a lumbering smash upon the ground, while a third went off wounded, and, after wavering in its flight for a little, sank slowly to the ground. having bagged our game, we proceeded, and ere long filled our bags with ducks, geese, and plover. towards the afternoon we arrived at a tent belonging to an old indian called morris. with this dingy gentleman we agreed to dine, and accordingly bent our steps towards his habitation. here we found the old indian and his wife squatting down on the floor and wreathed in smoke, partly from the wood-fire which burned in the middle of the tent, and partly from the tobacco-pipes stuck in their respective mouths. old morris was engaged in preparing a kettle of pea-soup, in which were boiled several plover and a large white owl; which latter, when lifted out of the pot, looked so very like a skinned baby that we could scarcely believe they were not guilty of cannibalism. his wife was engaged in ornamenting a pair of moccasins with dyed quills. on our entrance, the old man removed his pipe, and cast an inquiring glance into the soup-kettle; this apparently gave him immense satisfaction, as he turned to us with a smiling countenance, and remarked (for he could speak capital english, having spent the most of his life near york factory) that "duck plenty, but he too hold to shoot much; obliged to heat howl." this we agreed was uncommonly hard, and after presenting him with several ducks and a goose, proposed an inspection of the contents of the kettle, which being agreed to, we demolished nearly half of the soup, and left him and his wife to "heat" the "howl." after resting an hour with this hospitable fellow, we departed, to prepare our encampment ere it became dark, as we intended passing the night in the swamps, under our canoe. near the tent we passed a fox-trap set on the top of a pole, and, on inquiring, found that this was the machine in which old morris caught his "_h_owls." the white owl is a very large and beautiful bird, sometimes nearly as large as a swan. i shot one which measured five feet three inches across the wings, when expanded. they are in the habit of alighting upon the tops of blighted trees, and poles of any kind, which happen to stand conspicuously apart from the forest trees--for the purpose, probably, of watching for mice and little birds, on which they prey. taking advantage of this habit, the indian plants his trap on the top of a bare tree, so that when the owl alights it is generally caught by the legs. our walk back to the place where we had left the canoe was very exhausting, as we had nearly tired ourselves out before thinking of returning. this is very often the case with eager sportsmen, as they follow the game till quite exhausted, and only then it strikes them that they have got as long a walk back as they had in going out. i recollect this happening once to myself. i had walked so far away into the forest after wild-fowl, that i forgot time and distance in the ardour of the pursuit, and only thought of returning when quite knocked up. the walk back was truly wretched. i was obliged to rest every ten minutes, as, besides being tired, i became faint from hunger. on the way i stumbled on the nest of a plover, with one egg in it. this was a great acquisition; so seating myself on a stone, i made my dinner of it raw. being very small, it did not do me much good, but it inspired me with courage; and, making a last effort, i reached the encampment in a very unenviable state of exhaustion. after an hour's walk, crusty and i arrived at the place where we left the canoe. our first care was to select a dry spot whereon to sleep, which was not an easy matter in such a swampy place. we found one at last, however, under the shelter of a small willow bush. thither we dragged the canoe, and turned it bottom up, intending to creep in below it when we retired to rest. after a long search on the sea-shore, we found a sufficiency of driftwood to make a fire, which we carried up to the encampment, and placed in a heap in front of the canoe. this was soon kindled by means of a flint and steel, and the forked flames began in a few minutes to rise and leap around the branches, throwing the swampy point into deeper shadow, making the sea look cold and black, and the ice upon its surface ghost-like. the interior of our inverted canoe looked really quite cheerful and snug, under the influence of the fire's rosy light. and when we had spread our blankets under it, plucked and cleaned two of the fattest ducks, and stuck them on sticks before the blaze to roast, we agreed that there were worse things in nature than an encampment in the swamps. ere long the night became pitchy dark; but although we could see nothing, yet ever and anon the whistling wings of ducks became audible, as they passed in flocks overhead. so often did they pass in this way, that at last i was tempted to try to get a shot at them, notwithstanding the apparent hopelessness of such an attempt. seizing my gun, and leaving strict injunctions with crusty to attend to the roasting of my widgeon, i sallied forth, and, after getting beyond the light of the fire, endeavoured to peer through the gloom. nothing was to be seen, however. flocks of ducks were passing quite near, for i heard their wings whizzing as they flew, but they were quite invisible; so at last, becoming tired of standing up to my knees in water, i pointed my gun at random at the next flock that passed, and fired. after the shot, i listened intently for a few seconds, and the next moment a splash in the water apprised me that the shot had taken effect. after a long search i found the bird, and returned to my friend crusty, whom i threw into a state of consternation by pitching the dead duck into his lap as he sat winking and rubbing his hands before the warm blaze. supper in these out-of-the-way regions is never long in the eating, and on the present occasion we finished it very quickly, being both hungry and fatigued. that over, we heaped fresh logs upon the fire, wrapped our green blankets round us, and nestling close together, as much underneath our canoe as possible, courted the drowsy god. in this courtship i was unsuccessful for some time, and lay gazing on the flickering flames of the watch-fire, which illuminated the grass of the marsh a little distance round, and listening, in a sort of dreamy felicity, to the occasional cry of a wakeful plover, or starting suddenly at the flapping wings of a huge owl, which, attracted by the light of our fire, wheeled slowly round, gazing on us in a kind of solemn astonishment, till, scared by the sounds that proceeded from crusty's nasal organ, it flew with a scream into the dark night air; and again all was silent save the protracted, solemn, sweeping boom of the distant waves, as they rolled at long intervals upon the sea-shore. during the night we were awakened by a shower of rain falling upon our feet and as much of our legs as the canoe was incapable of protecting. pulling them up more under shelter, at the expense of exposing our knees and elbows--for the canoe could not completely cover us--we each gave a mournful grunt, and dropped off again. morning broke with unclouded splendour, and we rose from our grassy couch with alacrity to resume our sport; but i will not again drag my patient reader through the point of marsh. in the afternoon, having spent our ammunition, we launched our light canoe, and after an hour's paddle up the river, arrived, laden with game and splashed with mud, at york factory. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ note . quicksilver easily freezes; and it has frequently been run into a bullet mould, exposed to the cold air till frozen, and in this state rammed down a gun barrel, and fired through a thick plank. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ note . the thousands of frogs that fill the swamps of america whistle or chirp so exactly like little birds, that many people, upon hearing them for the first time, have mistaken them for the feathered songsters of the groves. their only fault is that they scarcely ever cease singing. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ note . the traveller sits, or rather lies in it, wrapped in buffalo robes; while the dogs are urged forward by a man who walks behind, and prevents the machine from upsetting, which it is very liable to do, from the inequalities of the ground over which it sometimes passes. chapter nine. voyage from york factory to norway house in a small indian canoe-- departure--life in the woods--difficulties of canoe navigation--outwit the mosquitoes--"leve! leve! leve!"--music in the pot and on the organ. on the afternoon of the th of june , i sat in my room at york fort, musing on the probability of my being dispatched to some other part of the company's wide dominions. the season approached when changes from one part of the country to another might be expected, and boats began to arrive from the interior. two years of fun and frolic had i spent on the coast, and i was beginning to wish to be sent once more upon my travels, particularly as the busy season was about to commence, and the hot weather to set in. as i sat cogitating, my brother scribblers called me to join them in a short promenade upon the wharf, preparatory to resuming our pens. just as we reached it, a small indian canoe from the interior swept round the point above the factory, and came rapidly forward, the sparkling water foaming past her sharp bow as she made towards the landing. at almost any time an arrival causes a great deal of interest in this out-of-the-way place; but an arrival of this sort--for the canoe was evidently an _express_--threw us into a fever of excitement, which was greatly increased when we found that it contained dispatches from headquarters; and many speculative remarks passed among us as we hurried up to our hall, there to wait in anxious expectation for a letter or an order to appear _instanter_ before mr grave. our patience was severely tried, however, and we began to think there was no news at all, when gibeault, the butler, turned the corner, and came towards our door. we immediately rushed towards it in breathless expectation, and a row of eager faces appeared as he walked slowly up and said, "mr grave wishes to see mr ballantyne immediately." on hearing this i assumed an appearance of calm indifference i was far from feeling, put on my cap, and obeyed the order. upon entering mr grave's presence, he received me with a benign, patronising air, and requested me to be seated. he then went on to inform me that letters had just arrived, requesting that i might be sent off immediately to norway house, where i should be enlightened as to my ultimate destination. this piece of news i received with mingled surprise and delight, at the same time exclaiming "indeed!" with peculiar emphasis; and then, becoming suddenly aware of the impropriety of the expression, i endeavoured to follow it up with a look of sorrow at the prospect of leaving my friends, combined with resignation to the will of the honourable hudson bay company, in which attempt i failed most signally. after receiving orders to prepare for an immediate start, i rushed out in a state of high excitement, to acquaint my comrades with my good fortune. on entering the hall, i found them as anxious to know where i was destined to vegetate next winter, as they before had been to learn who was going off. having satisfied them on this point, or rather told them as much as i knew myself regarding it, i proceeded to pack up. it happened just at this time that a brigade of inland boats was on the eve of starting for the distant regions of the interior; and as the little canoe, destined to carry myself, was much too small to take such an unwieldy article as my "cassette," i gladly availed myself of the opportunity to forward it by the boats, as they would have to pass norway house _en route_. it would be endless to detail how i spent the next three days: how i never appeared in public without walking very fast, as if pressed with a superhuman amount of business; how i rummaged about here and there, seeing that everything was prepared; looking vastly important, and thinking i was immensely busy, when in reality i was doing next to nothing. i shall, therefore, without further preface, proceed to describe my travelling equipments. the canoe in which i and two indians were to travel from york factory to norway house, a distance of nearly three hundred miles, measured between five and six yards long, by two feet and a half broad in the middle, tapering from thence to _nothing_ at each end. it was made of birch bark, and could with great ease be carried by one man. in this we were to embark, with ten days' provisions for three men, three blankets, three small bundles, and a little travelling-case belonging to myself; besides three paddles wherewith to propel us forward, a tin kettle for cooking, and an iron one for boiling water. our craft being too small to permit my taking the usual allowance of what are called luxuries, i determined to take pot-luck with my men, so that our existence for the next eight or ten days was to depend upon the nutritive properties contained in a few pounds of pemmican, a little biscuit, one pound of butter, and a very small quantity of tea and sugar. with all this, in addition to ourselves, we calculated upon being pretty deeply laden. my men were of the tribe called swampy crees--and truly, to judge merely from appearance, they would have been the very last i should have picked out to travel with; for one was old, apparently upwards of fifty, and the other, though young, was a cripple. nevertheless, they were good, hard-working men, as i afterwards experienced. i did not take a tent with me, our craft requiring to be as light as possible, but i rolled up a mosquito-net in my blanket, that being a light affair of gauze, capable of compression into very small compass. such were our equipments; and on the rd of june we started for the interior. a melancholy feeling came over me as i turned and looked for the last time upon york factory, where i had spent so many happy days with the young men who now stood waving their handkerchiefs from the wharf. mr grave, too, stood among them, and as i looked on his benevolent, manly countenance, i felt that i should ever remember with gratitude his kindness to me while we resided together on the shores of hudson bay. a few minutes more, and the fort was hid from my sight for ever. my disposition is not a sorrowful one; i never did and never could remain long in a melancholy mood, which will account for the state of feeling i enjoyed half an hour after losing sight of my late home. the day was fine, and i began to anticipate a pleasant journey, and to speculate as to what part of the country i might be sent to. the whole wide continent of north america was now open to the excursive flights of my imagination, as there was a possibility of my being sent to any one of the numerous stations in the extensive territories of the hudson bay company. sometimes i fancied myself ranging through the wild district of mackenzie river, admiring the scenery described by franklin and back in their travels of discovery; and anon, as the tales of my companions occurred to me, i was bounding over the prairies of the saskatchewan in chase of the buffalo, or descending the rapid waters of the columbia to the pacific ocean. again my fancy wandered, and i imagined myself hunting the grizzly bear in the woods of athabasca--when a heavy lurch of the canoe awakened me to the fact that i was only ascending the sluggish waters of hayes river. the banks of the river were covered with huge blocks of ice, and scarcely a leaf had as yet made its appearance. not a bird was to be seen, except a few crows and whisky-jacks, which chattered among the branches of the trees; and nature appeared as if undecided whether or not she should take another nap, ere she bedecked herself in the garments of spring. my indians paddled slowly against the stream, and i lay back, with a leg cocked over each gunwale, watching the sombre pines as they dropped slowly astern. on our way we passed two landslips which encroached a good deal on the river, each forming a small rapid round its base. the trees with which they had formerly been clothed were now scattered about in chaotic confusion, leafless, and covered with mud; some more than half buried, and others standing with their roots in the air. there is a tradition among the natives that a whole camp of indians was overwhelmed in the falling of these slips. a good deal of danger is incurred in passing up these rivers, owing to the number of small landslips which occur annually. the banks, being principally composed of sandy clay, are loosened, and rendered almost fluid in many places, upon the melting of the snow in spring; and the ice, during the general disruption, tears away large masses of the lower part of the banks, which renders the superincumbent clay liable to slip, upon the first heavy shower of rain, with considerable force into the stream. about sixteen miles from york factory we ran against a stone, and tore a small hole in the bottom of our canoe. this obliged us to put ashore immediately, when i had an opportunity of watching the swiftness and dexterity of the indians in repairing the damage. a small hole, about three inches long and one inch wide, had been torn in the bottom of the canoe, through which the water squirted with considerable rapidity. into this hole they fitted a piece of bark, sewed it with wattape (the fibrous roots of the pine-tree), made a small fire, melted gum, and plastered the place so as to be effectually water-tight, all in about the space of an hour. during the day we passed a brigade of boats bound for the factory; but being too far off, and in a rapid part of the river we did not hail them. about nine o'clock we put ashore for the night, having travelled nearly twenty miles. the weather was pleasantly cool, so that we were free from mosquitoes. the spot we chose for our encampment was on the edge of a high bank, being the only place within three miles where we could carry up our provisions; and even here the ascent was bad enough. but after we were up, the top proved a good spot, covered with soft moss, and well sheltered by trees and bushes. a brook of fresh water rippled at the foot of the bank, and a few decayed trees afforded us excellent firewood. here, then, in the bosom of the wilderness, with the silvery light of the moon for our lamp, and serenaded by a solitary owl, we made our first bivouac. supper was neatly laid out on an oil-cloth, spread before a blazing fire. a huge junk of pemmican graced the centre of our rustic table, flanked by a small pile of ship's biscuit on one side, and a lump of salt butter on the other; while a large iron kettle filled with hot water, slightly flavoured with tea-leaves, brought up the rear. two tin pots and a tumbler performed outpost duty, and were soon smoking full of warm tea. we made an excellent supper, after which the indians proceeded to solace themselves with a whiff, while i lay on my blanket enjoying the warmth of the fire, and admiring the apparently extreme felicity of the men, as they sat, with half-closed eyes, watching the smoke curling in snowy wreaths from their pipes, and varying their employment now and then with a pull at the tin pots, which seemed to afford them extreme satisfaction. in this manner we lay till the moon waned; and the owl having finished his overture, we rolled ourselves in our blankets, and watched the twinkling star, till sleep closed our eyelids. next morning, between two and three o'clock, we began to stretch our limbs, and after a few ill-humoured grunts prepared for a start. the morning was foggy when we embarked and once more began to ascend the stream. everything was obscure and indistinct till about six o'clock, when the powerful rays of the rising sun dispelled the mist, and nature was herself again. a good deal of ice still lined the shores; but what astonished me most was the advanced state of vegetation apparent as we proceeded inland. when we left york factory, not a leaf had been visible; but here, though only thirty miles inland, the trees, and more particularly the bushes, were well covered with beautiful light green foliage, which appeared to me quite delightful after the patches of snow and leafless willows on the shores of hudson bay. at eight o'clock we put ashore for breakfast--which was just a repetition of the supper of the preceding night, with this exception, that we discussed it a little more hurriedly--and then proceeded on our way. shortly afterwards we met a small canoe, about the size of our own, which contained a postmaster and two indians, on their way to york factory with a few packs of otters. after five minutes' conversation we parted, and were soon out of sight of each other. the day, which had hitherto been agreeable, now became oppressively sultry: not a breath of wind ruffled the water; and as the sun shone down with intense heat from a perfectly cloudless sky, it became almost insufferable. i tried all methods to cool myself, by lying in every position i could think of, sometimes even hanging both legs and arms over the sides of the canoe and trailing them through the water. i had a racking headache, and, to add to my misery, as the sun sank the mosquitoes rose and bit ferociously. the indians, however, did not appear to suffer much, being accustomed, no doubt, to these little annoyances, much in the same way as eels are to being skinned. in the afternoon we arrived at the forks of hayes and steel rivers, and ascended the latter, till the increasing darkness and our quickening appetites reminded us that it was time to put ashore. we made a hearty supper, having eaten nothing since breakfast; dinner, while travelling in a light canoe, being considered quite superfluous. our persevering foes, the mosquitoes, now thought it high time to make their supper also, and attacked us in myriads whenever we dared to venture near the woods; so we were fain to sleep as best we could on the open beach, without any fire--being much too warm for that. but even there they found us out, and most effectually prevented us from sleeping. on the morning of the th, we arose very little refreshed by our short nap, and continued our journey. the weather was still warm, but a little more bearable, owing to a light, grateful breeze that came down the river. after breakfast--which we took at the usual hour, and in the usual way--while proceeding slowly up the current, we descried, on rounding a point, a brigade of boats close to the bank, on the opposite side of the river; so we embarked our man, who was tracking us up with a line (the current being too rapid for the continued use of the paddle), and crossed over to see who they were. on landing, we found it was the norway house brigade, in charge of george kippling, a red river settler. he shook hands with us, and then commenced an animated discourse with my two men in the indian language, which being perfectly unintelligible to me, i amused myself by watching the operations of the men, who were in the act of cooking breakfast. nothing can be more picturesque than a band of _voyageurs_ breakfasting on the banks of a pretty river. the spot they had chosen was a little above the burntwood creek, on a projecting grassy point, pretty clear of underwood. each boat's crew--of which there were three--had a fire to itself, and over these fires were placed gipsy-like tripods, from which huge tin kettles depended; and above them hovered three volunteer cooks, who were employed stirring their contents with persevering industry. the curling wreaths of smoke formed a black cloud among the numerous fleecy ones in the blue sky, while all around, in every imaginable attitude, sat, stood, and reclined the sunburnt, savage-looking half-breeds, chatting, laughing, and smoking in perfect happiness. they were all dressed alike, in light cloth capotes with hoods, corduroy trousers, striped shirts open in front, with cotton kerchiefs tied sailor-fashion loosely round their swarthy necks. a scarlet worsted belt strapped each man's coat tightly to his body, and indian moccasins defended their feet. their head-dresses were as various as fanciful-- some wore caps of coarse cloth; others coloured handkerchiefs, twisted turban-fashion round their heads; and one or two, who might be looked upon as voyageur-fops, sported tall black hats, covered so plenteously with bullion tassels and feathers as to be scarcely recognisable. the breakfast consisted solely of pemmican and flour, boiled into the sort of thick soup dignified by the name of _robbiboo_. as might be expected, it is not a very delicate dish, but is, nevertheless, exceedingly nutritious; and those who have lived long in the country, particularly the canadians, are very fond of it. i think, however, that another of their dishes, composed of the same materials, but fried instead of boiled, is much superior to it. they call it _richeau_; it is uncommonly rich, and very little will suffice for an ordinary man. after staying about a quarter of an hour, chatting with kippling about the good folk of red river and norway house, we took our departure, just as they commenced the first vigorous attack upon the capacious kettles of robbiboo. shortly after, we arrived at the mouth of hill river, which we began to ascend. the face of the country was now greatly changed, and it was evident that here spring had long ago dethroned winter. the banks of the river were covered from top to bottom with the most luxuriant foliage, while dark clumps of spruce-fir varied and improved the landscape. in many places the banks, which appeared to be upwards of a hundred feet high, ran almost perpendicularly down to the water's edge, perfectly devoid of vegetation, except at the top, where large trees overhung the precipice, some clinging by their roots and ready to fall. in other places the bank sloped from nearly the same height, gradually, and with slight undulations, down to the stream, thickly covered with vegetation, and teeming with little birds, whose merry voices, warbling a cheerful welcome to the opening buds, greatly enhanced the pleasures of the scene. we soon began to experience great difficulty in tracking the canoe against the rapid stream that now opposed us. from the steepness of the banks in some places, and their being clothed with thick willows in others, it became a slow and fatiguing process for the men to drag us against the strong current; and sometimes the poor indians had to cling like flies against nearly perpendicular cliffs of slippery clay, whilst at others they tore their way through almost impervious bushes. they relieved each other by turns every hour at this work, the one steering the canoe while the other tracked; and they took no rest during the whole day, except when at breakfast. indeed, any proposal to do so would have been received by them with great contempt, as a very improper and useless waste of time. when the track happened to be at all passable, i used to get out and walk, to relieve them a little, as well as to stretch my cramped limbs, it being almost impossible, when there is any luggage in a small indian canoe, to attain a comfortable position. at sunset we put ashore for the night, on a point covered with a great number of _lopsticks_. these are tall pine-trees, denuded of their lower branches, a small tuft being left at the top. they are generally made to serve as landmarks; and sometimes the _voyageurs_ make them in honour of gentlemen who happen to be travelling for the first time along the route--and those trees are chosen which, from their being on elevated ground, are conspicuous objects. the traveller for whom they are made is always expected to acknowledge his sense of the honour conferred upon him by presenting the boat's crew with a pint of grog, either on the spot or at the first establishment they meet with. he is then considered as having paid for his footing, and may ever afterwards pass scot-free. we soon had our encampment prepared, and the fire blazing: but hundreds of mosquitoes were, as usual, awaiting our arrival, and we found it utterly impossible to sup, so fiercely did they attack us. we at last went to leeward of the fire, and devoured it hastily in the smoke-- preferring to risk being suffocated or smoke-dried to being eaten up alive! it was certainly amusing to see us rushing into the thick smoke, bolt a few mouthfuls of pemmican, and then rush out again for fresh air; our hands swinging like the sails of a windmill round our heads, while every now and then, as a mosquito fastened on a tender part, we gave ourselves a resounding slap on the side of the head, which, had it come from the hand of another, would certainly have raised in us a most pugnacious spirit of resentment. in this manner we continued rushing out of and into the smoke till supper was finished, and then prepared for sleep. this time, however, i was determined not to be tormented; so i cut four stakes, drove them into the ground, and threw over them my gauze mosquito-net, previously making a small fire, with wet grass on it, to raise a smoke and prevent intruders from entering while i was in the act of putting it on; then, cautiously raising one end, i bolted in after the most approved harlequinian style, leaving my discomfited tormentors wondering at the audacity of a man who could snore in a state of unconcerned felicity in the very midst of the enemy's camp. on the following morning we started at an early hour. the day was delightfully cool, and mosquitoes were scarce, so that we felt considerably comfortable as we glided quietly up the current. in this way we proceeded till after breakfast, when we came in sight of the first portage, on which we landed. in a surprisingly short time our luggage, etcetera, was pitched ashore, and the canoe carried over by the indians, while i followed with some of the baggage; and in half an hour we were ready to start from the upper end of the portage. while carrying across the last few articles, one of the indians killed two fish called suckers, which they boiled on the spot and devoured immediately. towards sunset we paddled quietly up to the "white mud portage," where there is a fall, of about seven or eight feet, of extreme rapidity, shooting over the edge in an arch of solid water, which falls hissing and curling into the stream below. here we intended to encamp. as we approached the cataract, a boat suddenly appeared on the top of it, and shot with the speed of lightning into the boiling water beneath, its reckless crew shouting, pulling, laughing, and hallooing, as it swept round a small point at the foot of the fall and ran aground in a bay or hollow, where the eddying water, still covered with patches of foam after its mighty leap, floated quietly round the shore. they had scarcely landed when another boat appeared on the brink, and, hovering for an instant, as if to prepare itself for the leap, flashed through the water, and the next moment was aground beside the first. in this manner seven boats successively ran the fall, and grounded in the bay. upon our arriving, we found them to be a part of the saskatchewan brigade, on its way to the common point of rendezvous, york factory. it was in charge of two friends of mine; so i accosted them, without introducing myself, and chatted for some time about the occurrences of the voyage. they appeared a little disconcerted, however, and looked very earnestly at me two or three times. at last they confessed they had forgotten me altogether! and, indeed, it was no wonder, for the sun had burned me nearly as black as my indian friends, while my dress consisted of a blue capote, sadly singed by the fire; a straw hat, whose shape, from exposure and bad usage, was utterly indescribable; a pair of corduroys, and indian moccasins; which so metamorphosed me, that my friends, who perfectly recollected me the moment i mentioned my name, might have remained in ignorance to this day had i not enlightened them on the subject. after supper one of these gentlemen offered me a share of his tent, and we turned in together, but not to sleep; for we continued gossiping till long after the noisy voices of the men had ceased to disturb the tranquillity of night. at the first peep of day our ears were saluted with the usual unpleasant sound of "_leve! leve! leve_!" issuing from the leathern throat of the guide. now this same "_leve_!" is in my ears a peculiarly harsh and disagreeable word, being associated with frosty mornings, uncomfortable beds, and getting up in the dark before half enough of sleep has been obtained. the way in which it is uttered, too, is particularly exasperating; and often, when partially awakened by a stump boring a hole in my side, have i listened with dread to hear the detested sound, and then, fancying it must surely be too early to rise, have fallen gently over on the other side, when a low muffled sound, as if some one were throwing off his blanket, would strike upon my ear, then a cough or grunt, and finally, as if from the bowels of the earth, a low and scarcely audible "_leve! leve_!" would break the universal stillness-- growing rapidly louder, "_leve! leve! leve_!" and louder, "_leve! leve_!" till at last a final stentorian "_leve! leve! leve_!" brought the hateful sound to a close, and was succeeded by a confused collection of grunts, groans, coughs, grumbles, and sneezes from the unfortunate sleepers thus rudely roused from their slumbers. the disinclination to rise, however, was soon overcome; and up we got, merry as larks, the men loading their boats, while i and my indians carried our luggage, etcetera, over the portage. our troubles now commenced: the longest and most difficult part of the route lay before us, and we prepared for a day of toil. far as the eye could reach, the river was white with boiling rapids and foaming cascades, which, though small, were much too large to ascend, and consequently we were obliged to make portages at almost every two or three hundred yards. rapid after rapid was surmounted; yet still, as we rounded every point and curve, rapids and falls rose, in apparently endless succession, before our wearied eyes. my indians, however, knew exactly the number they had to ascend, so they set themselves manfully to the task. i could not help admiring the dexterous way in which they guided the canoe among the rapids. upon arriving at one, the old indian, who always sat in the bow (this being the principal seat in canoe travelling), rose up on his knees and stretched out his neck to take a look before commencing the attempt; and then, sinking down again, seized his paddle, and pointing significantly to the chaos of boiling waters that rushed swiftly past us (thus indicating the route he intended to pursue to his partner in the stern), dashed into the stream. at first we were borne down with the speed of lightning, while the water hissed and boiled to within an inch of the gunwale, and a person unaccustomed to such navigation would have thought it folly our attempting to ascend; but a second glance would prove that our indians had not acted rashly. in the centre of the impetuous current a large rock rose above the surface, and from its lower end a long eddy ran like the tail of a comet for about twenty yards down the river. it was just opposite this rock that we entered the rapid, and paddled for it with all our might. the current, however, as i said before, swept us down; and when we got to the middle of the stream, we just reached the extreme point of the eddy, and after a few vigorous strokes of the paddles were floating quietly in the lee of the rock. we did not stay long, however--just long enough to look for another stone; and the old indian soon pitched upon one a few yards higher up, but a good deal to one side; so, dipping our paddles once more, we pushed out into the stream again, and soon reached the second rock. in this way, yard by yard, did we ascend for miles, sometimes scarcely gaining a foot in a minute, and at others, as a favouring bay or curve presented a long piece of smooth water, advancing more rapidly. in fact, our progress could not be likened to anything more aptly than to the ascent of a salmon as he darts rapidly from eddy to eddy, taking advantage of every stone and hollow that he finds: and the simile may be still further carried out; for, as the salmon is sometimes driven back _tail_ foremost in attempting to leap a fall, so were we, in a similar attempt, driven back by the overpowering force of the water. it happened thus: we had surmounted a good many rapids, and made a few portages, when we arrived at a perpendicular fall of about two feet in height, but from the rapidity of the current it formed only a very steep shoot. here the indians paused to breathe, and seemed to doubt the possibility of ascent; however, after a little conversation on the subject, they determined to try it, and got out their poles for the purpose (poles being always used when the current is too strong for the paddles). we now made a dash, and turning the bow to the current, the indians fixed their poles firmly in the ground, while the water rushed like a mill-race past us. they then pushed forward, one keeping his pole fixed, while the other refixed his a little more ahead. in this way we advanced inch by inch, and had almost got up--the water rushing past us in a thick, black body, hissing sharply in passing the side of our canoe, which trembled like a reed before the powerful current--when suddenly the pole of the indian in the stern slipped; and almost before i knew what had happened, we were floating down the stream about a hundred yards below the fall. fortunately the canoe went stern foremost, so that we got down in safety. had it turned round even a little in its descent, it would have been rolled over and over like a cask. our second attempt proved more successful; and after a good deal of straining and puffing we arrived at the top, where the sight of a longer stretch than usual of calm and placid water rewarded us for our exertions during the day. in passing over a portage we met the english river brigade; and after a little conversation, we parted. the evening was deliciously cool and serene as we glided quietly up the now tranquil river. numbers of little islets, covered to the very edge of the rippling water with luxuriant vegetation, rose like emeralds from the bosom of the broad river, shining brightly in the rays of the setting sun; sometimes so closely scattered as to veil the real size of the river, which, upon our again emerging from among them, burst upon our delighted vision a broad sheet of clear pellucid water, with beautiful fresh banks covered with foliage of every shade, from the dark and sombre pine to the light drooping willow; while near the shore a matronly-looking duck swam solemnly along, casting now and then a look of warning to a numerous family of little yellow ducklings that frisked and gambolled in very wantonness, as if they too enjoyed and appreciated the beauties of the scene. through this terrestrial paradise we wended our way, till rapids again began to disturb the water, and a portage at last brought us to a stand. here we found mcnab, who had left york factory three days before us with his brigade, just going to encamp; so we also brought up for the night. when supper was ready, i sent an invitation to mcnab to come and sup with me, which he accepted, at the same time bringing his brother with him. the elder was a bluff, good-natured red river settler, with whom i had become acquainted while in the colony; and we chatted of bygone times and mutual acquaintances over a cup of excellent tea, till long after the sun had gone down, leaving the blazing camp-fires to illuminate the scene. next morning we started at the same time with the boats; but our little canoe soon passed them in the rapids, and we saw no more of them. our way was not now so much impeded by rapids as it had hitherto been; and by breakfast-time we had surmounted them all and arrived at the dram-stone, where we put ashore for our morning meal. in the morning i shot a duck, being the first that had come within range since i left york factory. ducks were very scarce, and the few that we did see were generally accompanied by a numerous offspring not much bigger than the eggs which originally contained them. while taking breakfast we were surprised by hearing a quick rushing sound a little above us, and the next moment a light canoe came sweeping round a point and made towards us. it was one of those called "north canoes," which are calculated to carry eight men as a crew, besides three passengers. the one now before us was built much the same as an indian canoe, but somewhat neater, and ornamented with sundry ingenious devices painted in gaudy colours on the bows and stern. it was manned by eight men and apparently one passenger, to whom i hallooed once or twice; but they took me, no doubt, for an indian, and so passed on without taking any notice of us. as the noble bark bounded quickly forward and was hid by intervening trees, i bent a look savouring slightly of contempt upon our little indian canoe, and proceeded to finish breakfast. a solitary north canoe, however, passing thus in silence, can give but a faint idea of the sensation felt on seeing a brigade of them arriving at a post after a long journey. it is then that they appear in wild perfection. the _voyageurs_ upon such occasions are dressed in their best clothes; and gaudy feathers, ribbons, and tassels stream in abundance from their caps and garters. painted gaily, and ranged side by side, like contending chargers, the light canoes skim swiftly over the water, bounding under the vigorous and rapid strokes of the small but numerous paddles, while the powerful _voyageurs_ strain every muscle to urge them quickly on. and while yet in the distance, the beautifully simple and lively yet plaintive paddling song, so well suited to the surrounding scenery, and so different from any other air, breaks sweetly on the ear; and one reflects, with a kind of subdued and pleasing melancholy, how far the singers are from their native land, and how many long and weary days of danger and of toil will pass before they can rest once more in their canadian homes. how strangely, too, upon their nearer approach, is this feeling changed for one of exultation, as the deep and manly voices swell in chorus over the placid waters, while a competition arises among them who shall first arrive; and the canoes dash over the water with arrow-speed to the very edge of the wharf, where they come suddenly, and as by magic, to a pause. this is effected by each man backing water with his utmost force; after which they roll their paddles on the gunwale simultaneously, enveloping themselves in a shower of spray as they shake the dripping water from the bright vermilion blades. truly it is an animating, inspiriting scene, the arrival of a brigade of light canoes. our route now lay through a number of small lakes and rivers, with scarcely any current in them; so we proceeded happily on our way with the cheering prospect of uninterrupted travelling. we had crossed swampy lake, and, after making one or two insignificant portages, entered knee lake. this body of water obtained its name from turning at a sharp angle near its centre, and stretching out in an opposite direction from its preceding course; thus forming something like a knee. late in the evening we encamped on one of the small islands with which it is here and there dotted. nothing could exceed the beauty of the view we had of the lake from our encampment. not a breath of wind stirred its glassy surface, which shone in the ruddy rays of the sun setting on its bosom in the distant horizon; and i sat long upon the rocks admiring the lovely scene, while one of my indians filled the tea-kettle, and the other was busily engaged in skinning a minx for supper. our evening meal was further enriched by the addition of a great many small gulls' eggs, which we had found on an island during the day--which, saving one or two that showed evident symptoms of being far advanced towards birdhood, were excellent. on the following morning the scene was entirely changed. dark and lowering clouds flew across the sky, and the wind blew furiously, with a melancholy moaning sound, through the trees. the lake, which the night before had been so calm and tranquil, was now of a dark leaden hue, and covered with foaming waves. however, we determined to proceed, and launched our canoe accordingly; but soon finding the wind too strong for us, we put ashore on a small island and breakfasted. as the weather moderated after breakfast, we made another attempt to advance. numerous islets studded the lake, and on one of them we landed to collect gulls' eggs. of these we found enough; but among them were a number of little yellow gulls, chattering vociferously, and in terrible consternation at our approach, while the old ones kept uttering the most plaintive cries overhead. the eggs were very small, being those of a small species of gull which frequents those inland lakes in great numbers. the wind again began to rise; and after a little consultation on the subject we landed, intending to spend the remainder of the day on shore. we now, for the first time since leaving york factory, prepared dinner, which we expected would be quite a sumptuous one, having collected a good many eggs in the morning; so we set about it with alacrity. a fire was quickly made, the tea-kettle on, and a huge pot containing upwards of a hundred eggs placed upon the fire. these we intended to boil hard and carry with us. being very hungry, i watched the progress of dinner with much interest, while the indians smoked in silence. while sitting thus, my attention was attracted by a loud whistling sound that greatly perplexed me, as i could not discover whence it proceeded--i got up once or twice to see what it could be, but found nothing, although it sounded as if close beside me. at last one of the indians rose, and, standing close to the fire, bent in a very attentive attitude over the kettle; and, after listening a little while, took up one of the eggs and broke it, when out came a young gull with a monstrous head and no feathers, squeaking and chirping in a most indefatigable manner! "so much for our dinner!" thought i, as he threw the bird into the lake, and took out a handful of eggs, which all proved to be much in the same condition. the warmth of the water put life into the little birds, which, however, was speedily destroyed when it began to boil. we did not despair, nevertheless, of finding a few good ones amongst them; so, after they were well cooked, we all sat round the kettle and commenced operations. some were good and others slightly spoiled, while many were intersected with red veins, but the greater part contained boiled birds. the indians were not nice, however, and we managed to make a good dinner off them after all. in the afternoon the weather cleared up and the wind moderated, but we had scarcely got under weigh again when a thunderstorm arose and obliged us to put ashore; and there we remained for four hours sitting under a tree, while the rain poured in torrents. in the evening nature tired of teasing us; and the sun shone brightly out as we once more resumed our paddles. to make up for lost time, we travelled until about two o'clock next morning, when we put ashore to rest a little; and, as the night was fine, we just threw our blankets over our shoulders and tumbled down on the first convenient spot we could find, without making a fire or taking any supper. we had not lain long, however, when i felt a curious chilly sensation all along my side, which effectually awakened me; and then i saw, or rather heard, that a perfect deluge of rain was descending upon our luckless heads, and that i had been reposing in the centre of a large puddle. this state of things was desperate; and as the poor indians seemed to be as thoroughly uncomfortable as they possibly could be, i proposed to start again--which we did, and before daylight were many a mile from our wretched encampment. as the sun rose the weather cleared up, and soon after we came to the end of knee lake and commenced the ascent of trout river. here i made a sketch of the trout falls while the men made a portage to avoid them. with a few indians encamped on this portage we exchanged a little pemmican for some excellent white-fish, a great treat to us after living so long on pemmican and tea. our biscuit had run short a few days before, and the pound of butter which we brought from york factory had melted into oil from the excessive heat, and vanished through the bottom of the canvas bag containing it. trout river, though short, has a pretty fair share of falls and rapids, which we continued ascending all day. the scenery was pleasing and romantic; but there was nothing of grandeur in it, the country being low, flat, and, excepting on the banks of the river, uninteresting. in the afternoon we came to the end of this short river, and arrived at oxford house. we landed in silence, and i walked slowly up the hill, but not a soul appeared. at last, as i neared the house, i caught a glimpse of a little boy's face at the window, who no sooner saw me than his eyes opened to their widest extent, while his mouth followed their example, and he disappeared with a precipitancy that convinced me he was off to tell his mother the astounding news that somebody had arrived. the next moment i was shaking hands with my old friend mrs gordon and her two daughters, whom i found engaged in the interesting occupation of preparing tea. from them i learned that they were entirely alone, with only one man to take care of the post--mr gordon, whom they expected back every day, having gone to norway house. i spent a delightful evening with this kind and hospitable family, talking of our mutual friends, and discussing the affairs of the country, till a tall box in a corner of the room attracted my attention. this i discovered to my delight was no less than a barrel-organ, on which one of the young ladies at my request played a few tunes. now, barrel-organs, be it known, were things that i had detested from my infancy upwards; but this dislike arose principally from my having been brought up in the dear town o' auld reekie, where barrel-organ music is, as it were, crammed down one's throat without permission being asked or received, and even, indeed, where it is decidedly objected to. everybody said, too, that barrel-organs were a nuisance, and of course i believed them; so that i left my home with a decided dislike to barrel-organs in general. four years' residence, however, in the bush had rendered me much less fastidious in music, as well as in many other things; and during the two last years spent at york factory, not a solitary note of melody had soothed my longing ear, so that it was with a species of rapture that i now ground away at the handle of this organ, which happened to be a very good one, and played in perfect tune. "god save the queen," "rule britannia," "lord mcdonald's reel," and the "blue bells of scotland" were played over and over again; and, old and threadbare though they be, to me they were replete with endearing associations, and sounded like the well-known voices of long, long absent friends. i spent indeed a delightful evening; and its pleasures were the more enhanced from the circumstance of its being the first, after a banishment of two years, which i had spent in the society of the fair sex. next morning was fine, though the wind blew pretty fresh, and we started before breakfast, having taken leave of the family the night before. this was the st of july. we had been eight days on the route, which is rather a long time for a canoe to take to reach oxford house; but as most of the portages were now over, we calculated upon arriving at norway house in two or three days. in the afternoon the wind blew again, and obliged us to encamp on a small island, where we remained all day. while there, a couple of indians visited us, and gave us an immense trout in exchange for some pemmican. this trout i neglected to measure, but i am convinced it was more than three feet long and half a foot broad: it was very good, and we made a capital dinner off it. during the day, as it was very warm, i had a delightful swim in the lake, on the lee of the island. the wind moderated a little in the evening, and we again embarked, making up for lost time by travelling till midnight, when we put ashore and went to sleep without making a fire or taking any supper. about four o'clock we started again, and in a couple of hours came to the end of oxford lake, after which we travelled through a number of small swamps or reedy lakes, and stagnant rivers, among which i got so bewildered that i gave up the attempt to chronicle their names as hopeless; and indeed it was scarcely worth while, as they were so small and overgrown with bulrushes that they were no more worthy of a name in such a place as america than a _dub_ would be in scotland. the weather was delightfully cool, and mosquitoes not troublesome, so that we proceeded with pleasure and rapidity. while thus threading our way through narrow channels and passages, upon turning a point we met three light canoes just on the point of putting ashore for breakfast, so i told my indians to run ashore near them. as we approached, i saw that there were five gentlemen assembled, with whom i was acquainted, so that i was rather anxious to get ashore; but, alas! fortune had determined to play me a scurvy trick, for no sooner had my foot touched the slippery stone on which i intended to land, than down i came squash on my breast in a most humiliating manner, while my legs kept playfully waving about in the cooling element. this unfortunate accident, i saw, occasioned a strange elongation in the lateral dimensions of the mouths of the party on shore, who stood in silence admiring the scene. i knew, however, that to appear annoyed would only make matters worse; so, with a desperate effort to appear at ease, i rose, and while shaking hands with them, expressed my belief that there was nothing so conducive to health as a cold bath in the morning. after a laugh at my expense, we sat down to breakfast. one of the gentlemen gave me a letter from the governor, and i now learned, for the first time, that i was to take a passage in one of the light canoes for montreal. here, then, was a termination to my imaginary rambles on the rocky mountains, or on the undulating prairies of the saskatchewan; and instead of massacring buffalo and deer in the bush, i was in a short time to endeavour to render myself a respectable member of civilised society. i was delighted with the idea of the change, however, and it was with a firmer step and lighter heart that i took my leave and once more stepped into the canoe. after passing through a succession of swamps and narrow channels, we arrived at robinson's portage, where we found _voyageurs_ running about in all directions, some with goods on their backs, and others returning light to the other end of the portage. we found that they belonged to the oxford house boats, which had just arrived at the other end of the portage, where they intended to encamp, as it was now late. robinson's portage is the longest on the route, being nearly a mile in length; and as all the brigades going to york factory must pass over it twice--in going and returning--the track is beaten into a good broad road, and pretty firm, although it is rather uneven, and during heavy rains somewhat muddy. over this all the boats are dragged, and launched at the upper or lower end of the portage, as the brigades may happen to be ascending or descending the stream. then all the cargoes are in like manner carried over. packs of furs and bales of goods are generally from to pounds weight each; and every man who does not wish to be considered a lazy fellow, or to be ridiculed by his companions, carries two of these _pieces_, as they are called, across all portages. the boats are capable of containing from seventy to ninety of these pieces, so that it will be easily conceived that a _voyageur's_ life is anything but an easy one; indeed, it is one of constant and harassing toil, even were the trouble of ascending rapid rivers, where he is often obliged to jump into the water at a moment's notice, to lighten the boat in shallows, left entirely out of the question. this portage is made to avoid what are called the white falls--a succession of cataracts up which nothing but a fish could possibly ascend. after carrying over our canoe and luggage, we encamped at the upper end. the river we commenced ascending next morning was pretty broad, and after a short paddle in it we entered the echimamis. this is a sluggish serpentine stream, about five or six yards broad, though in some places so narrow that boats scrape the banks on either side. what little current there is runs in a contrary direction to the rivers we had been ascending. mosquitoes again attacked us as we glided down its gloomy current, and nothing but swamps, filled with immense bulrushes, were visible around. here, in days of yore, the beaver had a flourishing colony, and numbers of their dams and cuttings were yet visible; but they have long since deserted this much-frequented waste, and one of their principal dams now serves to heighten the water, which is not deep, for the passage of brigades in dry seasons. at night, when we encamped on its low, damp banks, we were attacked by myriads of mosquitoes, so that we could only sleep by making several fires round us, the smoke from which partially protected us. about three o'clock in the morning, which was very warm, we re-embarked, and at noon arrived at the sea portage (why so called i know not, as it is hundreds of miles inland), which is the last on the route. this portage is very short, and is made to surmount a pretty large waterfall. almost immediately afterwards we entered playgreen lake, and put ashore on a small island, to alter our attire before arriving at norway house. here, with the woods for our closet, and the clear lake for our basin as well as looking-glass, we proceeded to scrub our sunburnt faces; and in half an hour, having made ourselves as respectable as circumstances would permit, we paddled swiftly over the lake. it is pretty long, and it was not until evening that i caught the first glimpse of the bright spire of the wesleyan church at rossville. we now approached the termination of our journey, for the time at least; and it was with pleasing recollections that i recognised the well-known rocks where i had so often wandered three years before. when we came in sight of the fort, it was in a state of bustle and excitement as usual, and i could perceive from the vigorous shaking of hands going forward, from the number of _voyageurs_ collected on the landing-place, and of boats assembled at the wharf, that there had just been an arrival. our poor little canoe was not taken any notice of as it neared the wharf, until some of the people on shore observed that there was some one in the middle of it sitting in a very lazy, indolent position, which is quite uncommon among indians. in another minute we gained the bank, and i grasped the hand of my kind friend and former chief, mr russ. we had now been travelling twelve days, and had passed over upwards of thirty portages during the voyage. we ought to have performed this voyage in a much shorter time, as canoes proceed faster than boats, which seldom take longer to complete this voyage than we did; but this arose from our detention during high winds in several of the lakes. chapter ten. voyage to canada by the great lakes of the interior--a black bear-- harassing detentions--another bear--meet dr. rae, the arctic discoverer--the guide's story--meet indians--running the rapid--lake superior--a squall--the ottawa--civilised life again--sleighing in canada. at norway house i remained for nearly a month with my old friend mr russ, who in a former part of this veracious book is described as being a very ardent and scientific fisher, extremely partial to strong rods and lines, and entertaining a powerful antipathy to slender rods and flies! little change had taken place in the appearance of the fort. the clerks' house was still as full, and as noisy, as when polly told frightful stories to the greenhorns on the point of setting out for the wild countries of mackenzie river and new caledonia. the indians of the village at rossville plodded on in their usual peaceful way, under the guidance of their former pastor; and the ladies of the establishment were as blooming as ever. one fine morning, just as mr russ and i were sauntering down to the river with our rods, a north canoe, full of men, swept round the point above the fort, and grounded near the wharf. our rods were soon cast aside, and we were speedily congratulating mr and mrs bain on their safe arrival. these were to be my companions on the impending voyage to canada, and the canoe in which they had arrived was to be our conveyance. mr bain was a good-natured, light-hearted highlander, and his lady a pretty lass of twenty-three. on the following morning all was ready; and soon after breakfast we were escorted down to the wharf by all the people in the fort, who crowded to the rocks to witness our departure. our men, eight in number, stood leaning on their paddles near the wharf; and, truly, a fine athletic set of fellows they were. the beautifully-shaped canoe floated lightly on the river, notwithstanding her heavy cargo, and the water rippled gently against her sides as it swept slowly past. this frail bark, on which our safety and progression depended, was made of birch bark sewed together, lined in the inside with thin laths of wood, and pitched on the seams with gum. it was about thirty-six feet long, and five broad in the middle, from whence it tapered either way to a sharp edge. it was calculated to carry from twenty to twenty-five hundredweight, with eight or nine men, besides three passengers, and provisions for nearly a month. and yet, so light was it, that two men could carry it a quarter of a mile without resting. such was the machine in which, on the th august , we embarked; and, after bidding our friends at norway house adieu, departed for canada, a distance of nearly two thousand three hundred miles through the uninhabited forests of america. our first day was propitious, being warm and clear; and we travelled a good distance ere the rapidly thickening shades of evening obliged us to put ashore for the night. the place on which we encamped was a flat rock which lay close to the river's bank, and behind it the thick forest formed a screen from the north wind. it looked gloomy enough on landing; but, ere long, a huge fire was kindled on the rock, our two snow-white tents pitched, and supper in course of preparation, so that things soon began to wear a gayer aspect. supper was spread in mr bain's tent by one of the men, whom we appointed to the office of cook and waiter. and when we were seated on our blankets and cloaks upon the ground, and mr bain had stared placidly at the fire for five minutes, and then at his wife (who presided at the _board)_ for ten, we began to feel quite jolly, and gazed with infinite satisfaction at the men, who ate their supper out of the same kettle, in the warm light of the camp-fire. our first bed was typical of the voyage, being hard and rough, but withal much more comfortable than many others we slept upon afterwards; and we were all soon as sound asleep upon the rock in the forest as if we had been in feather-beds at home. the beds on which a traveller in this country sleeps are various and strange. sometimes he reposes on a pile of branches of the pine-tree; sometimes on soft downy moss; occasionally on a pebbly beach or a flat rock; and not unfrequently on rough gravel and sand. of these the moss bed is the most agreeable, and the sandy one the worst. early on the following morning, long before daylight, we were roused from our slumbers to re-embark; and now our journey may be said to have commenced in earnest. slowly and silently we stepped into the canoe, and sat down in our allotted places, while the men advanced in silence, and paddled up the quiet river in a very melancholy sort of mood. the rising sun, however, dissipated these gloomy feelings; and after breakfast, which we took on a small island near the head of jack river, we revived at once, and started with a cheering song, in which all joined. soon after, we rounded a point of the river, and lake winnipeg, calm and clear as crystal, glittering in the beams of the morning sun, lay stretched out before us to the distant and scarcely perceptible horizon. every pleasure has its alloy, and the glorious calm, on which we felicitated ourselves not a little, was soon ruffled by a breeze, which speedily increased so much as to oblige us to encamp near montreal point, being too strong for us to venture across the traverse of five or six miles now before us. here, then, we remained the rest of the day and night, rather disappointed that delay should have occurred so soon. next day we left our encampment early, and travelled prosperously till about noon, when the wind again increased to such a degree that we were forced to put ashore on a point, where we remained for the next two days in grumbling inactivity. there is nothing more distressing and annoying than being wind-bound in these wild and uninhabited regions. one has no amusement except reading, or promenading about the shore of the lake. now, although this may be very delightful to a person of a romantic disposition, it was anything but agreeable to us, as the season was pretty far advanced, and the voyage long; besides, i had no gun, having parted with mine before leaving norway house, and no books had been brought, as we did not calculate upon being wind-bound. i was particularly disappointed at not having brought my gun, for while we lay upon the rocks one fine day, gazing gloomily on the foaming lake, a black bear was perceived walking slowly round the bottom of the bay formed by the point on which we were encamped. it was hopeless to attempt killing him, as mr bruin was not fool enough to permit us to attack him with axes. after this a regular course of high winds commenced, which retarded us very much, and gave us much uneasiness as well as annoyance. a good idea of the harassing nature of our voyage across lake winnipeg may be obtained from the following page or two of my journal, as i wrote it on the spot:-- _monday, th august_.--the wind having moderated this morning, we left the encampment at an early hour, and travelled uninterruptedly till nearly eight o'clock, when it began to blow so furiously that we were obliged to run ashore and encamp. all day the gale continued, but in the evening it moderated, and we were enabled to proceed a good way ere night closed in. _tuesday, th_.--rain fell in torrents during the night. the wind, too, was high, and we did not leave our encampment till after breakfast. we made a good day's journey, however, travelling about forty miles; and at night pitched our tents on a point of rock, the only camping-place, as our guide told us, within ten miles. no dry ground was to be found in the vicinity, so we were fain to sleep upon the flattest rock we could find, with only one blanket under us. this bed, however, was not so disagreeable as might be imagined; its principal disadvantage being that, should it happen to rain, the water, instead of sinking into the ground, forms a little pond below you, deep or shallow, according to the hollowness or flatness of the rock on which you repose. _wednesday, th_.--set out early this morning, and travelled till noon, when the wind _again_ drove us ashore, where we remained, in no very happy humour, all day. mr bain and i played the flute for pastime. _thursday, th_.--the persevering wind blew so hard that we remained in the encampment all day. this was indeed a dismal day; for, independently of being delayed, which is bad enough, the rain fell so heavily that it began to penetrate through our tents; and, as if not content with this, a gust of wind more violent than usual tore the fastenings of my tent out of the ground, and dashed it over my head, leaving me exposed to the pitiless pelting of the storm. mr bain's tent, being in a more sheltered spot, fortunately escaped. _friday, th_.--the weather was much improved to-day, but it still continued to blow sufficiently to prevent our starting. as the wind moderated, however, in the evening, the men carried the baggage down to the beach, to have it in readiness for an early start on the morrow. _saturday, th_.--in the morning we found that the wind had _again_ risen, so as to prevent our leaving the encampment. this detention is really very tiresome. we have no amusement except reading a few uninteresting books, eating without appetite, and sleeping inordinately. oh that i were possessed of the arabian nights' _mat_, which transported its owner whithersoever he listed! there is nothing for it, however, but patience; and assuredly i have a good example in poor mrs bain, who, though little accustomed to such work, has not given utterance to a word of complaint since we left norway house. it is now four days since we pitched our tents on this vile point. how long we may still remain is yet to be seen. _thursday, september th_.--the wind was still very strong this morning; but so impatient had we become at our repeated detentions, that, with one accord, we consented to do or die! so, after launching and loading the canoe with great difficulty, owing to the immense waves that thundered against the shore, we all embarked and pushed off. after severe exertion, and much shipping of water, we at length came to the mouth of the winnipeg river, up which we proceeded a short distance, and arrived at fort alexander. thus had we taken fifteen days to coast along lake winnipeg, a journey that is usually performed in a third of that time. fort alexander belongs to the lac la pluie district; but being a small post, neither famous for trade nor for appearance, i will not take the trouble of describing it. we only remained a couple of hours to take in provisions in the shape of a ham, a little pork, and some flour, and then re-embarking, commenced the ascent of winnipeg river. the travelling now before us was widely different from that of the last fifteen days. our men could no longer rest upon their paddles when tired, as they used to do on the level waters of the lake. the river was a rapid one; and towards evening we had an earnest of the rough work in store for us, by meeting in rapid succession with three waterfalls, to surmount which we were obliged to carry the canoe and cargo over the rocks, and launch them above the falls. while the men were engaged in this laborious duty, mr bain and i discovered a great many plum-trees laden with excellent fruit, of which we ate as many as we conveniently could, and then filling our caps and handkerchiefs, embarked with our prize. they were a great treat to us, after our long abstinence from everything but salt food; and i believe we demolished enough to have killed a whole parish school-boys, master, usher, and all! but in voyages like these one may take great liberties with one's interior with perfect impunity. about sunset we encamped in a picturesque spot near the top of a huge waterfall, whose thundering roar, as it mingled with the sighing of the night wind through the bushes and among the precipitous rocks around us, formed an appropriate and somewhat romantic lullaby. on the following morning we were aroused from our slumbers at daybreak; and in ten minutes our tents were down and ourselves in the canoe, bounding merrily up the river, while the echoing woods and dells responded to the lively air of "rose blanche," sung by the men as we swept round point after point and curve after curve of the noble river, which displayed to our admiring gaze every variety of wild and woodland scenery--now opening up a long vista of sloping groves of graceful trees, beautifully variegated with the tints of autumnal foliage, and sprinkled with a profusion of wildflowers; and anon surrounding us with immense cliffs and precipitous banks of the grandest and most majestic aspect, at the foot of which the black waters rushed impetuously past, and gurgling into white foam as they sped through a broken and more interrupted channel, finally sprang over a mist-shrouded clift and, after boiling madly onwards for a short space, resumed their silent, quiet course through peaceful scenery. as if to enhance the romantic wildness of the scene, upon rounding a point we came suddenly upon a large black bear, which was walking leisurely along the bank of the river. he gazed at us in surprise for a moment; and then, as if it had suddenly occurred to him that guns _might_ be in the canoe, away he went helter-skelter up the bank, tearing up the ground in his precipitate retreat, and vanished among the bushes. fortunately for him, there was not a gun in the canoe, else his chance of escape would have been very small indeed, as he was only fifty yards or so from us when we first discovered him. we made ten portages of various lengths during the course of the day: none of them exceeded a quarter of a mile, while the most were merely a few yards. they were very harassing, however, being close to each other; and often we loaded, unloaded, and carried the canoe and cargo overland several times in the distance of half a mile. on the th we left the encampment at an early hour, and made one short portage a few minutes after starting. after breakfast, as we paddled quietly along, we descried three canoes coming towards us, filled with indians of the seauteaux tribe. they gave us a few fresh ducks in exchange for some pork and tobacco, with which they were much delighted. after a short conversation between them and one of our men, who understood the language, we parted, and proceeded on our way. a little rain fell during the day, but in the afternoon the sun shone out and lighted up the scenery. the forests about this part of the river wore a much more cheerful aspect than those of the lower countries, being composed chiefly of poplar, birch, oak, and willows, whose beautiful light-green foliage had a very pleasing effect upon eyes long accustomed to the dark pines along the shores of hudson bay. in the afternoon we met another canoe, in which we saw a gentleman sitting. this strange sight set us all speculating as to who it could be, for we knew that all the canoes accustomed annually to go through these wilds had long since passed. we were soon enlightened, however, on the subject. both canoes made towards a flat rock that offered a convenient spot for landing on; and the stranger introduced himself as dr rae. he was on his way to york factory, for the purpose of fitting out at that post an expedition for the survey of the small part of the north american coast left unexplored by messrs. dease and simpson, which will then prove beyond a doubt whether or not there is a communication by water between the atlantic and pacific oceans round the north of america. dr rae appeared to be just the man for such an expedition. he was very muscular and active, full of animal spirits, and had a fine intellectual countenance. he was considered, by those who knew him well, to be one of the best snow-shoe walkers in the service, was also an excellent rifle-shot, and could stand an immense amount of fatigue. poor fellow! greatly will he require to exert all his abilities and powers of endurance. he does not proceed as other expeditions have done--namely, with large supplies of provisions and men--but merely takes a very small supply of provisions, and ten or twelve men. these, however, are all to be of his own choosing, and will doubtless be men of great experience in travelling among the wild regions of north america. the whole expedition is fitted out at the expense of the hudson bay company. the party are to depend almost entirely on their guns for provisions; and after proceeding in two open boats round the north-western shores of hudson bay as far as they may find it expedient or practicable, are to land, place their boats in security for the winter, and then penetrate into these unexplored regions on foot. after having done as much as possible towards the forwarding of the object of his journey, dr rae and his party are to spend the long dreary winter with the esquimaux, and commence operations again early in the spring. he is of such a pushing, energetic character, however, that there is every probability he will endeavour to prosecute his discoveries during winter, if at all practicable. how long he will remain exploring among these wild regions is uncertain; but he may be two, perhaps three years. there is every reason to believe that this expedition will be successful, as it is fitted out by a company intimately acquainted with the difficulties and dangers of the country through which it will have to pass, and the best methods of overcoming and avoiding them. besides, the doctor himself is well accustomed to the life he will have to lead; and enters upon it, not with the vague and uncertain notions of back and franklin, but with a pretty correct apprehension of the probable routine of procedure, and the experience of a great many years spent in the service of the hudson bay company [see note ]. after a few minutes' conversation we parted, and pursued our respective journeys. towards sunset we encamped on the margin of a small lake, or expanse of the river; and soon the silence of the forest was broken by the merry voices of our men, and by the crashing of the stately trees, as they fell under the axes of the _voyageurs_. the sun's last rays streamed across the water in a broad red glare, as if jealous of the huge campfire, which now rose crackling among the trees, casting a ruddy glow upon our huts, and lighting up the swarthy faces of our men as they assembled round it to rest their weary limbs, and to watch the operations of the cook while he prepared their evening meal. in less than an hour after we landed, the floor of our tent was covered with a smoking dish of fried pork, a huge ham, a monstrous teapot, and various massive slices of bread, with butter to match. to partake of these delicacies, we seated ourselves in oriental fashion, and sipped our tea in contemplative silence, as we listened to the gentle murmur of a neighbouring brook, and gazed through the opening of our tent at the _voyageurs_, while they ate their supper round the fire, or, reclining at length upon the grass, smoked their pipes in silence. supper was soon over, and i went out to warm myself, preparatory to turning in for the night. the men had supped, and their huge forms were now stretched around the fire, enveloped in clouds of tobacco smoke, which curled in volumes from their unshaven lips. they were chatting and laughing over tales of bygone days; and just as i came up they were begging pierre the guide to relate a tale of some sort or other. "come, pierre," said a tall, dark-looking fellow, whose pipe, eyes, and hair were of the same jetty hue, "tell us how that ingin was killed on the labrador coast by a black bear. baptiste, here, never heard how it happened, and you know he's fond of wild stories." "well," returned the guide, "since you must have it, i'll do what i can; but don't be disappointed if it isn't so interesting as you would wish. it's a simple tale, and not over-long." so saying, the guide disposed himself in a more comfortable attitude, refilled his pipe, and after blowing two or three thick clouds to make sure of its keeping alight, gave, in nearly the following words, an account of:-- the death of wapwian. "it is now twenty years since i saw wapwian, and during that time i have travelled far and wide in the plains and forests of america. i have hunted the buffalo with the seauteaux, in the prairies of the saskatchewan; i have crossed the rocky mountains with the blackfeet, and killed the black bear with the abinikies, on the coasts of labrador; but never, among all the tribes that i have visited, have i met an indian like wapwian. it was not his form or his strength that i admired, though the first was graceful, and the latter immense; but his disposition was so kind, and affectionate, and noble, that all who came in contact with him loved and respected him. yet, strange to say, he was never converted by the roman catholic missionaries who from time to time visited his village. he listened to them with respectful attention, but always answered that he could worship the great manitou better as a hunter in the forest than as a farmer in the settlements of the white men. "well do i remember the first time i stumbled upon the indian village in which he lived. i had set out from montreal with two trappers to pay a visit to the labrador coast; we had travelled most of the way in a small indian canoe, coasting along the northern shore of the gulf of st. lawrence, and reconnoitring in the woods for portages to avoid rounding long capes and points of land, and sometimes in search of game; for we depended almost entirely upon our guns for food. "it was upon one of the latter occasions that i went off, accompanied by one of the trappers, while the other remained to watch the canoe and prepare our encampment for the night. we were unsuccessful, and after a long walk thought of returning to our camp empty-handed, when a loud whirring sound in the bushes attracted our attention, and two partridges perched upon a tree quite near us. we shot them, and fixing them in our belts, retraced our way towards the coast with lighter hearts. just as we emerged from the dense forest, however, on one side of an open space, a tall muscular indian strode from among the bushes and stood before us. he was dressed in the blanket capote, cloth leggins, and scarlet cap usually worn by the abinikies, and other tribes of the labrador coast. a red deer-skin shot-pouch and a powder-horn hung round his neck, and at his side were a beautifully ornamented fire-bag and scalping-knife. a common gun lay in the hollow of his left arm, and a pair of ornamented moccasins covered his feet. he was, indeed, a handsome-looking fellow, as he stood scanning us rapidly with his jet-black eyes while we approached him. we accosted him, and informed him (for he understood a little french) whence we came, and our object in visiting his part of the country. he received our advances kindly, accepted a piece of tobacco that we offered him, and told us that his name was wapwian, and that we were welcome to remain at his village--to which he offered to conduct us--as long as we pleased. after a little hesitation we accepted his invitation to remain a few days; the more so, as by so doing we would have an opportunity of getting some provisions to enable us to continue our journey. in half an hour we reached the brow of a small eminence, whence the curling smoke of the wigwams was visible. the tents were pitched on the shores of a small bay or inlet, guarded from the east wind by a high precipice of rugged rocks, around which hundreds of sea-fowl sailed in graceful flights. beyond this headland stretched the majestic gulf of st. lawrence; while to the left the village was shaded by the spruce-fir, of which most of this part of the forest is composed. there were, in all, about a dozen tents, made of dressed deerskin; at the openings of which might be seen groups of little children playing about on the grass, or running after their mothers as they went to the neighbouring rivulet for water, or launched their canoes to examine the nets in the bay. "wapwian paused to gaze an instant on the scene, and then, descending the hill with rapid strides, entered the village, and dispatched a little boy for our companion in the encampment. "we were ushered into a tent somewhat elevated above the others, and soon were reclining on a soft pile of pine branches, smoking in company with our friend wapwian, while his pretty little squaw prepared a kettle of fish for supper. "we spent two happy days in the village, hunting deer with our indian friend, and assisting the squaws in their fishing operations. on the third morning we remained in the camp to dry the venison, and prepare for our departure; while wapwian shouldered his gun, and calling to his nephew, a slim, active youth of eighteen, bade him follow with his gun, as he intended to bring back a few ducks for his white brothers. "the two indians proceeded for a time along the shore, and then striking off into the forest, threaded their way among the thick bushes in the direction of a chain of small lakes where wild-fowl were numerous. "for some time they moved rapidly along under the sombre shade of the trees, casting from time to time sharp glances into the surrounding underwood. suddenly the elder indian paused and threw forward his gun, as a slight rustling in the bushes struck his ear. the boughs bent and crackled a few yards in advance, and a large black bear crossed the path and entered the underwood on the other side. wapwian fired at him instantly, and a savage growl told that the shot had taken effect. the gun, however, had been loaded with small shot; and although, when he fired, the bear was only a few yards off, yet the improbability of its having wounded him badly, and the distance they had to go ere they reached the lakes, inclined him to give up the chase. while wapwian was loading his gun, miniquan (his nephew) had been examining the bear's track, and returned, saying that he was sure the animal must be badly wounded, for there was much blood on the track. at first the elder indian refused to follow it; but seeing that his nephew wished very much to kill the brute, he at last consented. as the trail of the bear was much covered with blood, they found no difficulty in tracking it; and after a short walk they found him extended on his side at the foot of a large tree, apparently lifeless. wapwian, however, was too experienced a hunter to trust himself incautiously within its reach, so he examined the priming of his gun, and then, advancing slowly to the animal, pushed it with the muzzle. in an instant the bear sprang upon him, regardless of the shot lodged in its breast, and in another moment wapwian lay stunned and bleeding at the monster's feet. miniquan was at first so thunderstruck, as he gazed in horror at the savage animal tearing with bloody jaws the senseless form of his uncle, that he stood rooted to the ground. it was only for a moment--the next, his gun was at his shoulder, and after firing at, but unfortunately, in the excitement of the moment, missing the bear, he attacked it with the butt of his gun, which he soon shivered to pieces on its skull. this drew the animal for a few moments from wapwian; and miniquan, in hopes of leading it from the place, ran off in the direction of the village. the bear, however, soon gave up the chase, and returned again to its victim. miniquan now saw that the only chance of saving his relative was to alarm the village; so, tightening his belt, he set off with the speed of the hunted deer in the direction of the camp. in an incredibly short time he arrived, and soon returned with the trappers and myself. alas! alas!" said the guide with a deep sigh, "it was too late. upon arriving at the spot, we found the bear quite dead, and the noble, generous wapwian extended by its side, torn and lacerated in such a manner that we could scarcely recognise him. he still breathed a little, however, and appeared to know me, as i bent over him and tried to close his gaping wounds. we constructed a rude couch of branches, and conveyed him slowly to the village. no word of complaint or cry of sorrow escaped from his wife as we laid his bleeding form in her tent. she seemed to have lost the power of speech, as she sat, hour after hour, gazing in unutterable despair on the mangled form of her husband. poor wapwian lingered for a week in a state of unconsciousness. his skull had been fractured, and he lay almost in a state of insensibility, and never spoke, save when, in a fit of delirium, his fancy wandered back to bygone days, when he ranged the forest with a tiny bow in chase of little birds and squirrels, strode in the vigour of early manhood over frozen plains of snow, or dashed down foaming currents and mighty rivers in his light canoe. then a shade would cross his brow as he thought, perhaps, of his recent struggle with the bear, and he would again relapse into silence. "he recovered slightly before his death; and once he smiled, as if he recognised his wife, but he never spoke to any one. we scarcely know when his spirit fled, so calm and peaceful was his end. "his body now reposes beneath the spreading branches of a lordly pine, near the scenes of his childhood, where he had spent his youth, and where he met his untimely end." ------------------------------------------------------------------------ the guide paused, and looked round upon his auditors. alas! for the sympathy of man--the half of them had gone to sleep; and baptiste, for whose benefit the story had been related, lay, or rather sprawled, upon the turf behind the fire, his shaggy head resting on the decayed stump of an old tree, and his empty pipe hanging gracefully from his half-open mouth. a slight "humph" escaped the worthy guide as he shook the ashes from his pipe, and rolling his blanket round him, laid his head upon the ground. early the following morning we raised the camp and continued our journey. the scenery had now become more wild and picturesque. large pines became numerous; and the rocky fissures, through which the river rushed in a black unbroken mass, cast a gloomy shadow upon us as we struggled to ascend. sometimes we managed to get up these rapids with the paddles; and when the current was too powerful, with long poles, which the men fixed in the ground, and thus pushed slowly up; but when both of these failed, we resorted to the tracking line, upon which occasions four of the men went on shore and dragged us up, leaving four in the canoe to paddle and steer it. when the current was too strong for this, they used to carry parts of the cargo to the smooth water further up, and drag the canoe up light, or, taking it on their shoulders, carry it overland. we made nine or ten of these portages in two days. in the afternoon we came in view of a roman catholic mission station, snugly situated at the bottom of a small bay or creek; but as it was a little out of our way, and from its quiet appearance seemed deserted, we did not stop. in the afternoon of the following day, the th of september, we arrived at the company's post, called rat portage house, where we were hospitably entertained for a few hours by mr mckenzie, the gentleman in charge. on the portage, over which we had to carry our canoe and baggage, a large party of indians of both sexes and all ages were collected to witness our departure; and mr mckenzie advised us to keep a sharp lookout, as they were much addicted to appropriating the property of others to their own private use, provided they could find an opportunity of doing so unobserved; so, while our men were running backwards and forwards, carrying the things over the rocks, mr bain and his lady remained at one end to guard them, and i at the other. everything, however, was got safely across; the indians merely stood looking on, apparently much amused with our proceedings, and nothing seemed further from their thoughts than stealing. just as we paddled from the bank, one of our men threw them a handful of tobacco, for which there was a great scramble, and their noisy voices died away in the distance as we rounded an abrupt point of rocks, and floated out upon the glorious expanse of lac du bois, or, as it is more frequently called, the lake of the woods. there is nothing, i think, better calculated to awaken the more solemn feelings of our nature (unless, indeed, it be the thrilling tones of sacred music) than these noble lakes, studded with innumerable islets, suddenly bursting on the traveller's view as he emerges from the sombre forest-rivers of the american wilderness. the clear unruffled water, stretching out to the horizon--here, embracing the heavy and luxuriant foliage of a hundred wooded isles, or reflecting the wood-clad mountains on its margin, clothed in all the variegated hues of autumn; and there, glittering with dazzling brilliancy in the bright rays of the evening sun, or rippling among the reeds and rushes of some shallow bay, where hundreds of wild-fowl chatter, as they feed, with varied cry, rendering more apparent, rather than disturbing, the solemn stillness of the scene: all tends to "raise the soul from nature up to nature's god," and reminds one of the beautiful passage of scripture, "o lord, how manifold are thy works! in wisdom hast thou made them all: the earth is full of thy riches." at the same time, when one considers how very few of the human race cast even a passing glance on the beauties of nature around, one cannot but be impressed with the truth of the lines-- "full many a flower is born to blush unseen, and waste its sweetness on the desert air." at night we encamped at the furthest extremity of the lake, on a very exposed spot, whence we looked out upon the starlit scene, while our supper was spread before us in the warm light of the fire, which blazed and crackled as the men heaped log after log upon it, sending up clouds of bright sparks into the sky. next morning we commenced the ascent of lac la pluie river. this is decidedly the most beautiful river we had yet traversed--not only on account of the luxuriant foliage of every hue with which its noble banks are covered, but chiefly from the resemblance it bears in many places to the scenery of england, recalling to mind the grassy lawns and verdant banks of britain's streams, and transporting the beholder from the wild scenes of the western world to his native home. the trees along its banks were larger and more varied than any we had hitherto seen--ash, poplar, cedar, red and white pines, oak, and birch being abundant, whilst flowers of gaudy hues enhanced the beauty of the scene. towards noon our guide kept a sharp lookout for a convenient spot whereon to dine; and ere long a flat shelving rock, partly shaded by trees and partly exposed to the blaze of the sun, presented itself to view. the canoe was soon alongside of it, and kept floating about half a foot from the edge by means of two branches, the two ends of which were fastened to the bow and stern of the canoe, and the other two to the ground by means of huge stones. it is necessary to be thus careful with canoes, as the gum or pitch with which the seams are plastered breaks off in lumps, particularly in cold weather, and makes the craft leaky. a snow-white napkin was spread on the flattest part of the rock, and so arranged that, as we reclined around it, on cloaks and blankets, our bodies down to the knees were shaded by the luxuriant foliage behind us, while our feet were basking in the solar rays! upon the napkin were presently placed, by our active waiter gibault, three pewter plates, a decanter of port wine, and a large ham, together with a turret of salt butter, and a loaf of bread, to the demolition of which viands we devoted ourselves with great earnestness. at a short distance the men circled round a huge lump of boiled pork, each with a large slice of bread in one hand and a knife in the other, with which he _porked_ his bread in the same way that civilised people _butter_ theirs! half an hour concluded our mid-day meal; and then, casting off the branches from the canoe, we were out of sight of our temporary dining-room in five minutes. on the evening of the following day we arrived at the company's post, fort frances. the fort is rather an old building, situated at the bottom of a small bay or curve in the river, near the foot of a waterfall, whose thundering roar forms a ceaseless music to the inhabitants. we found the post in charge of a chief trader, who had no other society than that of three or four labouring men; so, as may be supposed, he was delighted to see us. our men carried the canoe, etcetera, over the portage to avoid the waterfall, and as it was then too late to proceed further that night, we accepted his pressing invitation to pass the night at the fort. there was only one spare bed in the house, but this was a matter of little moment to us after the variety of beds we had had since starting; so, spreading a buffalo robe on the floor for a mattress, i rolled myself in my blanket and tried to sleep. at first i could not manage it, owing to the unearthly stillness of a room, after being so long accustomed to the open air and the noise of rivers and cataracts, but at last succeeded, and slept soundly till morning. dame fortune does not always persecute her friends; and although she had retarded us hitherto a good deal with contrary winds and rains, she kindly assisted us when we commenced crossing lac la pluie next morning, by raising a stiff, fair breeze. now, be it known that a canoe, from having no keel, and a round bottom, cannot venture to hoist a sail unless the wind is directly astern--the least bit to one side would be sure to capsize it; so that our getting the wind precisely in the proper direction at the commencement was a great piece of good fortune, inasmuch as it enabled us to cross the lake in six hours, instead of (as is generally the case) taking one, two, or three days. in the evening we arrived, in high spirits, at a portage, on which we encamped. our progress now became a little more interrupted by portages and small lakes, or rather ponds, through which we sometimes passed with difficulty, owing to the shallowness of the water in many places. soon after this we came to the mecan river, which we prepared to ascend. in making a portage, we suddenly discovered a little indian boy, dressed in the extreme of the indian summer fashion--in other words, he was in a state of perfect nakedness, with the exception of a breech-cloth; and upon casting our eyes across the river we beheld his worthy father, in a similar costume, busily employed in catching fish with a hand-net. he was really a wild, picturesque-looking fellow, notwithstanding the scantiness of his dress; and i was much interested in his proceedings. when i first saw him, he was standing upon a rock close to the edge of a foaming rapid, into the eddies of which he gazed intently, with the net raised in the air, and his muscular frame motionless, as if petrified while in the act of striking. suddenly the net swung through the air, and his body quivered as he strained every sinew to force it quickly through the water: in a moment it came out with a beautiful white-fish, upwards of a foot long, glittering like silver as it struggled in the meshes. in the space of half an hour he had caught half a dozen in this manner, and we bought three or four of the finest for a few plugs of tobacco. his wigwam and family were close at hand; so, while our men crossed the portage, i ran up to see them. the tent, which was made of sheets of birch bark sewed together, was pitched beneath the branches of a gigantic pine, upon the lower limbs of which hung a pair of worn-out snow-shoes, a very dirty blanket, and a short bow, with a quiver of arrows near it. at the foot of it, upon the ground, were scattered a few tin pots, several pairs of old moccasins, and a gun; while against it leaned an indian cradle, in which a small, very brown baby, with jet-black eyes and hair, stood bolt upright, basking in the sun's rays, and bearing a comical resemblance to an egyptian mummy. at the door of the tent a child of riper years amused itself by rolling about among the chips of wood, useless bits of deer-skin, and filth always strewn around a wigwam. on the right hand lay a pile of firewood, with an axe beside it, near which crouched a half-starved, wretched-looking nondescript dog, who commenced barking vociferously the moment he cast eyes upon me. such was the outside. the interior, filled with smoke from the fire and indians' pipes, was, if possible, even dirtier. amid a large pile of rabbit-skins reclined an old woman, busily plucking the feathers from a fine duck, which she carefully preserved (the feathers, not the duck) in a bag, for the purpose of trading them with the company at a future period. her dress was a coat of rabbit-skins, so strangely shaped that no one could possibly tell how she ever got it off or on. this, however, was doubtless a matter of little consequence to her, as indians seldom take the trouble of changing their clothes, or even of undressing at all. the coat was fearfully dirty, and hung upon her in a way that led me to suppose she had worn it for six months, and that it would fall off her in a few days. a pair of faded blue cloth leggins completed her costume--her dirty shoulders, arms, and feet being quite destitute of covering; while her long black hair fell in tangled masses upon her neck, and it was evidently a long time since a comb had passed through it. on the other side sat a younger woman similarly attired, employed in mending a hand-net; and on a very much worn buffalo robe sat a young man (probably the brother of the one we had seen fishing), wrapped in a blanket, smoking his pipe in silence. a few dirty little half-naked boys lay sprawling among several packages of furs tied up in birch bark, and disputed with two or three ill-looking dogs the most commodious place whereon to lie. the fire in the middle of the tent sent up a cloud of smoke, which escaped through an aperture at the top; and from a cross-bar depended a few slices of deer-meat, undergoing the process of smoking. i had merely time to note all this, and say, "what cheer!" to the indians, who returned the compliment with a grunt, when the loud voice of our guide ringing through the glades of the forest informed me that the canoe was ready to proceed. the country through which we now passed was very interesting, on account of the variety of the scenes and places through which we wound our way. at times we were paddling with difficulty against the strong current of a narrow river, which, on our turning a point of land, suddenly became a large lake; and then, after crossing this, we arrived at a portage. after passing over it, there came a series of small ponds and little creeks, through which we pushed our way with difficulty; and then arrived at another lake, and more little rivers, with numerous portages. sometimes ludicrous accidents happened to us--bad enough at the time, but subjects of mirth afterwards. one cold, frosty morning (for the weather had now become cold, from the elevation of the country through which we were passing), while the canoe was going quietly over a small reedy lake or ford, i was awakened out of a nap, and told that the canoe was aground, and i must get out and walk a little way to lighten her. hastily pulling up my trousers for i always travelled barefoot--i sprang over the side into the water, and the canoe left me. now, all this happened so quickly that i was scarcely awake; but the bitterly cold water, which nearly reached my knees, cleared up my faculties most effectually, and i then found that i was fifty yards from the shore, with an unknown depth of water around me, the canoe out of sight ahead of me, and mr bain--who had been turned out while half asleep also--standing with a rueful expression of countenance beside me. after feeling our way cautiously--for the bottom was soft and muddy--we reached the shore; and then, thinking that all was right, proceeded to walk round to join the canoe. alas! we found the bushes so thick that they were very nearly impenetrable; and, worse than all, that they, as well as the ground, were covered with thorns, which scratched and lacerated our feet most fearfully at every step. there was nothing for it, however, but to persevere; and after a painful walk of a quarter of a mile we overtook the canoe, vowing never to leap before we looked upon any other occasion whatsoever. in this way we proceeded--literally over hill and dale--in our canoe; and in the course of a few days ascended mecan river, and traversed cross lake, malign river, sturgeon lake, lac du mort, mille lac, besides a great number of smaller sheets of water without names, and many portages of various lengths and descriptions, till the evening of the th, when we ascended the beautiful little river called the savan, and arrived at the savan portage. many years ago, in the time of the north-west company, the echoes among these wild solitudes were far oftener and more loudly awakened than they are now. the reason of it was this. the north-west company, having their head quarters at montreal, and being composed chiefly of canadian adventurers, imported their whole supplies into the country and exported all their furs out of it in north canoes, by the same route over which we now travelled. as they carried on business on a large scale, it may be supposed that the traffic was correspondingly great. no less than ten brigades, each numbering twenty canoes, used to pass through these scenes during the summer months. no one who has not experienced it can form an adequate idea of the thrilling effect the passing of these brigades must have had upon a stranger. i have seen four canoes sweep round a promontory suddenly, and burst upon my view, while at the same moment the wild romantic song of the _voyageurs_, as they plied their brisk paddles, struck upon my ear; and i have felt thrilling enthusiasm on witnessing such a scene. what, then, must have been the feelings of those who had spent a long, dreary winter in the wild north-west, far removed from the bustle and excitement of the civilised world, when thirty or forty of these picturesque canoes burst unexpectedly upon them, half shrouded in the spray that flew from the bright vermilion paddles; while the men, who had overcome difficulties and dangers innumerable during a long voyage through the wilderness, urged their light craft over the troubled water with the speed of the reindeer, and, with hearts joyful at the happy termination of their trials and privations, sang, with all the force of three hundred manly voices, one of their lively airs, which, rising and falling faintly in the distance as it was borne, first lightly on the breeze, and then more steadily as they approached, swelled out in the rich tones of many a mellow voice, and burst at last into a long enthusiastic shout of joy! alas! the forests no longer echo to such sounds. the passage of three or four canoes once or twice a year is all that breaks the stillness of the scene; and nought, save narrow pathways over the portages, and rough wooden crosses over the graves of the travellers who perished by the way, remains to mark that such things were. of these marks, the savan portage, at which we had arrived, was one of the most striking. a long succession of boiling rapids and waterfalls having in days of yore obstructed the passage of the fur-traders, they had landed at the top of them, and cut a pathway through the woods, which happened at this place to be exceedingly swampy: hence the name savan (or _swampy_) portage. to render the road more passable, they had cut down trees, which they placed side by side along its whole extent--which was about three miles--and over this wooden platform carried their canoes and cargoes with perfect ease. after the coalition of the two companies, and the consequent carriage of the furs to england by hudson bay--instead of to canada, by the lakes and rivers of the interior--these roads were neglected, and got out of repair; and consequently we found the logs over the portage decayed and trees fallen across them, so that our men, instead of running quickly over them, were constantly breaking through the rotten wood, sinking up to the knees in mud, and scrambling over trees and branches. we got over at last, however--in about two hours; and after proceeding a little further, arrived at and encamped upon the prairie portage, by the side of a _voyageur's_ grave, which was marked as usual with a wooden cross, on which some friendly hand had cut a rude inscription. time had now rendered it quite illegible. this is the height of land dividing the waters which flow northward into hudson bay from those which flow in a southerly direction, through the great lakes, into the atlantic ocean. a few pages from my journal here may serve to give a better idea of the characteristics of our voyage than could be conveyed in narrative:-- _saturday, th september_.--we crossed the prairie portage this morning--a distance of between three and four miles--and breakfasted at the upper end of it. amused myself by sketching the view from a neighbouring hill. after crossing two more portages and a variety of small lakes, we launched our canoe on the bosom of the river du chien, and began, for the first time since the commencement of our journey, to _descend_, having passed over the height of land. we saw several grey grouse here, and in the evening one of our men caught one in a curious manner. they were extremely tame, and allowed us to approach them very closely, so baptiste determined to catch one for supper. cutting a long branch from a neighbouring tree, he tied a running noose on one end of it, and going quietly up to the bird, put the noose gently over its head, and pulled it off the tree. this is a common practice among the indians, particularly when they have run short of gunpowder. _sunday, st_.--crossed lac du chien, and made the portage of the same name, from the top of which we had a most beautiful view of the whole country for miles round. having crossed this portage, we proceeded down the kamenistaquoia river, on the banks of which, after making another portage, we pitched our tents. _monday, nd_.--rain obliged us to put ashore this morning. nothing can be more wretched than travelling in rainy weather. the men, poor fellows, do not make the least attempt to keep themselves dry; but the passengers endeavour, by means of oiled cloths, to keep out the wet; and under this they broil and suffocate, till at last they are obliged to throw off the covering. even were this not the case, we should still be wretched, as the rain always finds its way in somewhere or other; and i have been often awakened from a nap by the cold trickling of moisture down my back, and have discovered upon moving that i was lying in a pool of water. ashore we are generally a little more comfortable, but not much. after dinner we again started, and advanced on our journey till sunset. _tuesday, rd_.--to-day we advanced very slowly, owing to the shallowness of the water, and crossed a number of portages. during the day we ran several rapids. this is very exciting work. upon nearing the head of a large rapid, the men strain every muscle to urge the canoe forward more quickly than the water, so that it may steer better. the bowsman and steersman stand erect, guiding the frail bark through the more unbroken places in the fierce current, which hisses and foams around, as if eager to swallow us up. now we rush with lightning force towards a rock, against which the water dashes in fury; and to an uninitiated traveller we appear to be on the point of destruction. but one vigorous stroke from the bowsman and steersman (for they always act in concert) sends the light craft at a sharp angle from the impending danger; and away we plunge again over the surging waters--sometimes floating for an instant in a small eddy, and hovering, as it were, to choose our path; and then plunging swiftly forward again through the windings of the stream, till, having passed the whole in safety, we float in the smooth water below. accidents, as may be supposed, often happen; and to-day we found that there is danger as well as pleasure in running the rapids. we had got over a great part of the day in safety, and were in the act of running the first part of the rose rapid, when our canoe struck upon a rock, and wheeling round with its broadside to the stream, began to fill quickly. i could hear the timbers cracking beneath me under the immense pressure. another minute, and we should have been gone; but our men, who were active fellows, and well accustomed to such dangers, sprang simultaneously over the side of the canoe, which, being thus lightened, passed over the rock, and rushed down the remainder of the rapid stern foremost ere the men could scramble in and resume their paddles. when rapids were very dangerous, most of the cargo was generally disembarked; and while one half of the crew carried it round to the still water below, the other half ran down light. crossed two small portages and the mountain portage in the afternoon; on the latter of which i went to see a waterfall, which i was told was in its vicinity. i had great difficulty in finding it at first, but its thundering roar soon guided me to a spot from which it was visible. truly, a grander waterfall i never saw. the whole river, which was pretty broad, plunged in one broad white sheet over a precipice, higher by a few feet than the famous falls of niagara; and the spray from the foot sprang high into the air, bedewing the wild, precipitous crags with which the fall is encompassed, and the gloomy pines that hang about the clefts and fissures of the rocks. fur-traders have given it the name of the mountain fall, from a peculiar mountain in its vicinity; but the natives call it the _kackabecka_ falls. after making a sketch of it, and getting myself thoroughly wet in so doing, i returned to the canoe. in the evening we encamped within nine miles of fort william, having lost one of our men, who went ashore to lighten the canoe while we ran a rapid. after a good deal of trouble we found him again, but too late to admit of our proceeding to the fort that night. _wednesday, th_.--early this morning we left the encampment, and after two hours' paddling fort william burst upon our gaze, mirrored in the limpid waters of lake superior--that immense fresh-water sea, whose rocky shores and rolling billows vie with the ocean itself in grandeur and magnificence. fort william was once one of the chief posts in the indian country, and, when it belonged to the north-west company, contained a great number of men. now, however, much of its glory has departed. many of the buildings have been pulled down, and those that remain are very rickety-looking affairs. it is still, however, a very important fishing station, and many hundreds of beautiful white-fish, with which lake superior swarms, are salted there annually for the canada markets. these white-fish are indeed excellent; and it is difficult to say whether they or the immense trout, which are also caught in abundance, have the most delicate flavour. these trout, as well as white-fish, are caught in nets; and the former sometimes measure three feet long, and are proportionately broad. the one we had to breakfast on the morning of our arrival must have been very nearly this size. the fur-trade of the post is not very good, but the furs traded are similar to those obtained in other parts of the country. a number of _canotes de maitre_, or very large canoes, are always kept in store here, for the use of the company's travellers. these canoes are of the largest size, exceeding the north canoe in length by several feet, besides being much broader and deeper. they are used solely for the purpose of travelling on lake superior, being much too large and cumbersome for travelling with through the interior. they are carried by four men instead of two, like the north canoe; and, besides being capable of carrying twice as much cargo, are paddled by fourteen or sixteen men. travellers from canada to the interior generally change their _canotes de maitre_ for north canoes at fort william, before entering upon the intricate navigation through which we had already passed; while those going from the interior to canada change the small for the large canoe. as we had few men, however, and the weather appeared settled, we determined to risk coasting round the northern shore of the lake in our north canoe. the scenery around the fort is very pretty. in its immediate vicinity the land is flat, covered with small trees and willows, which are agreeably suggestive of partridges and other game; but in the distance rise goodly-sized mountains; and on the left hand the noble expanse of the lake superior, with rocky islands on its mighty bosom and abrupt hills on its shores, stretches out to the horizon. the fort is built at the mouth of the kamenistaquoia river, and from its palisades a beautiful view of the surrounding country can be obtained. as the men wanted rest and our canoe a little repair, we determined to remain all day at fort william; so some of the men employed themselves re-gumming the canoe, while others spread out our blankets and tents to dry. this last was very necessary as on the journey we have little time to spare from eating and sleeping while on shore; and many a time have i, in consequence, slept in a wet blanket. the fair lady of the gentleman in charge of the fort was the _only lady_ at the place, and indeed the only one within a circuit of six hundred miles--which space, being the primeval forest, was inhabited only by wild beasts and a few indians. she was, consequently, very much delighted to meet with mrs bain, who, having for so many days seen no one but rough _voyageurs_, was equally delighted to meet her. while they went off to make the most of each other, mr bain and i sauntered about in the vicinity of the fort, admiring the beauty of the scenery, and paid numerous visits to a superb dairy in the fort, which overflowed with milk and cream. i rather think that we admired the dairy more than the scenery. there were a number of cows at the post, a few of which we encountered in our walk, and also a good many pigs and sheep. in the evening we returned, and at tea were introduced to a postmaster, who had been absent when we arrived. this postmaster turned out to be a first-rate player of scotch reels on the violin. he was self-taught, and truly the sweetness and precision with which he played every note and trill of the rapid reel and strathspey might have made neil gow himself envious. so beautiful and inspiriting were they, that mr bain and our host, who were both genuine highlanders, jumped simultaneously from their seats, in an ecstasy of enthusiasm, and danced to the lively music till the very walls shook; much to the amusement of the two ladies, who, having been both born in canada, could not so well appreciate the music. indeed, the musician himself looked a little astonished, being quite ignorant of the endearing recollections and associations recalled to the memory of the two highlanders by the rapid notes of his violin. they were not, however, to be contented with one reel; so, after fruitlessly attempting to make the ladies join us, we sent over to the men's houses for the old canadian wife of pierre lattinville and her two blooming daughters. they soon came, and after much coyness, blushing, and hesitation, at last stood up, and under the inspiring influence of the violin we:-- "danced, till we were like to fa', the reel o' tullochgorum!" and did not cease till the lateness of the hour and the exhaustion of our musician compelled us to give in. on the following morning we bade adieu to the good people at fort william, and began our journey along the northern shore of lake superior, which is upwards of three hundred miles in diameter. fortune, however, is proverbially fickle, and she did not belie her character on this particular day. the weather, when we started, was calm and clear, which pleased us much, as we had to make what is called a traverse--that is, to cross from one point of land to another, instead of coasting round a very deep bay. the traverse which we set out to make on leaving fort william was fourteen miles broad, which made it of some consequence our having a calm day to cross it in our little egg-shell of a canoe. away we went, then, over the clear lake, singing "rose blanche" vociferously. we had already gone a few miles of the distance, when a dark cloud rose on the seaward horizon. presently the water darkened under the influence of a stiff breeze, and in less than half an hour the waves were rolling and boiling around us like those of the atlantic. ahead of us lay a small island, about a mile distant; and towards this the canoe was steered, while the men urged it forward as quickly as the roughness of the sea would allow. still the wind increased, and the island was not yet gained. some of the waves had broken over the edge of the canoe, and she was getting filled with water; but a kind providence permitted us to reach the island in safety, though not in comfort, as most of the men were much wet, and many of them a good deal frightened. on landing, we pitched our tents, made a fire, and proceeded to dry ourselves, and in less than an hour were as comfortable as possible. the island on which we had encamped was a small rocky one, covered with short heathery-looking shrubs, among which we found thousands of blaeberries. on walking round to the other side of it, i discovered an indian encamped with his family. he supplied us with a fine white-fish, for which our men gave him a little tobacco and a bit of the fresh mutton which we had brought with us from fort william. three days did we remain on this island, while the wind and waves continued unceasingly to howl and lash around it, as if they wished, in their disappointment, to beat it down and swallow us up, island and all; but towards the close of the third day the gale moderated, and we ventured again to attempt the traverse. this time we succeeded, and in two hours passed thunder point, on the other side of which we encamped. the next day we could only travel till breakfast-time, as the wind again increased so much as to oblige us to put ashore. we comforted ourselves, however, with the prospect of a good mutton-chop. the fire was soon made, the kettle on, and everything in preparation, when the dreadful discovery was made that the whole of the fresh mutton had been forgotten! words cannot paint our consternation at this discovery. poor mrs bain sat in mute despair, thinking of the misery of being reduced again to salt pork; while her husband, who had hitherto stood aghast, jumped suddenly forward, and seizing a bag of fine potatoes that had been given to the men, threw it, in a transport of rage, into the lake, vowing that as we were, by their negligence, to be deprived of our mutton, they certainly should also be sufferers with us. it was very laughable to behold the rueful countenances of the men as their beautiful, large white potatoes sank to the bottom of the clear lake, and shone brightly there, as if to tantalise them, while the rippling water caused them to quiver so much that the lake seemed to rest on a pavement of huge potatoes! none dared, however, attempt to recover one; but after a while, when mr bain's back was turned, a man crept cautiously down to the water's edge, and gathered as many as were within reach--always, however, keeping an eye on his master, and stooping in an attitude that would permit of his bolting up on the slightest indication of a wrathful movement. it would be tedious, as well as unnecessary, to recount here all the minutiae of our voyage across lake superior; i shall merely touch on a few of the more particular incidents. on the st of october we arrived at the pic house [see note ], where we spent the night; and, after a rough voyage, reached michipicoton on the th. our voyage along lake superior was very stormy and harassing, reminding us often of lake winnipeg. sometimes we were paddling along over the smooth water, and at other times _lying-by_, while the lake was lashed into a mass of foam and billows by a strong gale. so much detention, and the lateness of the season, rendered it necessary to take advantage of every lull and calm hour that occurred, so that we travelled a good deal during the night. this sort of travelling was very romantic. on one occasion, after having been ashore two days, the wind moderated in the afternoon, and we determined to proceed, if possible. the sun set gloriously, giving promise of fine weather. the sky was clear and cloudless, and the lake calm. for an hour or so the men sang as they paddled, but as the shades of evening fell they ceased; and as it was getting rather chilly, i wrapped myself in my green blanket (which served me for a boat-cloak as well as a bed), and soon fell fast asleep. how long i slept i know not; but when i awoke, the regular, rapid hiss of the paddles struck upon my ear, and upon throwing off the blanket the first thing that met my eye was the dark sky, spangled with the most gorgeous and brilliant stars i ever beheld. the whole scene, indeed, was one of the most magnificent and awful that can be imagined. on our left hand rose tremendous precipices and cliffs, around the bottom and among the caverns of which the black waters of the lake curled quietly (for a most death-like, unearthly calm prevailed), sending forth a faint hollow murmur, which ended, at long intervals, in a low melancholy cadence. before and behind us abrupt craggy islands rose from the water, assuming every imaginable and unimaginable shape in the uncertain light; while on the right the eye ranged over the inky lake till it was lost in thick darkness. a thin, transparent night-fog added to the mystical appearance of the scene, upon which i looked with mingled feelings of wonder and awe. the only distinct sound that could be heard was the measured sound of the paddles, which the men plied in silence, as if unwilling to break the stillness of the night. suddenly the guide uttered in a hoarse whisper, "_a terre_!" startling the sleepy men, and rendering the succeeding silence still more impressive. the canoe glided noiselessly through a maze of narrow passages among the tall cliffs, and grounded on a stony beach. everything was then carried up, and the tents pitched in the dark, as no wood could be conveniently found for the purpose of making a fire; and without taking any supper, or even breaking the solemn silence of the night, we spread our beds as we best could upon the round stones (some of which were larger than a man's fist), and sank into repose. about a couple of hours afterwards we were roused by the anxious guide, and told to embark again. in this way we travelled at night or by day, as the weather permitted--and even, upon one or two occasions, both night and day--till the th of october, when we arrived at the _sault de ste. marie_, which is situated at the termination of lake superior, just as our provisions were exhausted. we had thus taken eighteen days to coast the lake. this was very slow going indeed, the usual time for coasting the lake in a north canoe being from eight to ten days. the sault de ste. marie is a large rapid, which carries the waters of lake superior into lake huron. it separates the british from the american possessions, and is fortified on the american side by a large wooden fort, in which a body of soldiers are constantly resident. there is also a pretty large village of americans, which is rapidly increasing. the british side is not fortified; and, indeed, there are no houses of any kind except the few belonging to the hudson bay company. this may be considered the extreme outskirts of civilisation, being the first place where i had seen any number of people collected together who were unconnected with the hudson bay company. i was not destined, however, to enjoy the sight of new faces long, for next morning we started to coast round the northern and uninhabited shores of lake huron, and so down the ottawa to montreal. mr and mrs bain left me here, and proceeded by the route of the lakes. during the next few days we travelled through a number of rivers and lakes of various sizes; among the latter were lakes huron and nipisingue. in crossing the latter, i observed a point on which were erected fourteen rough wooden crosses. such an unusual sight excited my curiosity, and upon inquiring i found that they were planted there to mark the place where a canoe, containing fourteen men, had been upset in a gale, and every soul lost. the lake was clear and smooth when we passed the melancholy spot, and many a rolling year has defaced and cast down the crosses since the unfortunate men whose sad fate they commemorate perished in the storm. while searching about the shore one night for wood to make a fire, one of our men found a large basket, made of bark, and filled with fine bears'-grease, which had been hid by some indians. this was considered a great windfall; and ere two days were passed the whole of it was eaten by the men, who buttered their flour cakes with it profusely. not long after this we passed a large waterfall, where a friend of mine was once very nearly lost. a projecting point obliges the traveller to run his canoe rather near the head of the fall, for the purpose of landing to make the portage. from long habit the guides had been accustomed to this, and always effected the doubling of the point in safety. upon this occasion, however, either from carelessness or accident, the canoe got into the strong current, and almost in an instant was swept down towards the fall. to turn the head of the canoe up the stream, and paddle for their lives, was the work of a moment; but before they got it fairly round they were on the very brink of the cataract, which, had they gone over it, would have dashed them to a thousand atoms. they paddled with the strength of desperation, but so strong was the current that they remained almost stationary. at last they began slowly to ascend--an inch at a time--and finally reached the bank in safety. on sunday the th of october we commenced descending the magnificent river ottawa, and began to feel that we were at last approaching the civilised nations of the earth. during the day we passed several small log-huts, or shanties, which are the temporary dwelling-places of men who penetrate thus far into the forest for the purpose of cutting timber. a canoe full of these adventurous pioneers also passed us; and in the evening we reached fort mattawan, one of the company's stations. at night we encamped along with a party who were taking provisions to the wood-cutters. the scenery on the ottawa is beautiful, and as we descended the stream it was rendered more picturesque and interesting by the appearance, occasionally, of that, to us, unusual sight, a farmhouse. they were too few and far between, however, to permit of our taking advantage of the inhabitants' hospitality, and for the next four days we continued to make our encampments in the woods as heretofore. at one of these frontier farms our worthy guide discovered, to his unutterable astonishment and delight, an old friend and fellow-voyageur, to greet whom he put ashore. the meeting was strange: instead of shaking hands warmly, as i had expected, they stood for a moment gazing in astonishment, and then, with perfect solemnity, kissed each other--not gently on the cheek, but with a good hearty smack on their sunburnt lips. after conversing for a little, they parted with another kiss. on the fourth day after this event we came in sight of the village of aylmer, which lay calmly on the sloping banks of the river, its church spire glittering in the sun, and its white houses reflected in the stream. it is difficult to express the feelings of delight with which i gazed upon this little village, after my long banishment from the civilised world. it was like recovering from a trance of four long dreamy years; and i wandered about the streets, gazing in joy and admiration upon everything and everybody, but especially upon the ladies, who appeared quite a strange race of beings to me--and all of them looked so beautiful in my eyes (long accustomed to indian dames), that i fell in love with every one individually that passed me in the village. in this happy mood i sauntered about, utterly oblivious of the fact that my men had been left in a public-house, and would infallibly, if not prevented, get dead drunk. i was soon awakened to this startling probability by the guide, who walked up the road in a very solemn i'm-not-at-all-drunk sort of a manner, peering about on every side, evidently in search of me. having found me, he burst into an expression of unbounded joy; and then, recollecting that this was inconsistent with his assumed character of sobriety, became awfully grave, and told me that we must start soon, as the men were all getting tipsy. the following day we arrived at bytown. this town is picturesquely situated on the brow of a stupendous cliff, which descends precipitously into the ottawa. just above the town a handsome bridge stretches across the river, near which the kettle fall thunders over a high cliff. we only stayed a few minutes here, and then proceeded on our way. during the day we passed the locks of the rideau canal, which rise, to the number of eight or ten, one over another like steps; and immediately below them appeared the curtain falls. these falls are not very picturesque, but their great height and curtain-like smoothness render them an interesting object. after this, villages and detached houses became numerous all the way down the river; and late in the evening of the th we arrived at a station belonging to the hudson bay company, on the lake of the two mountains, where we passed the remainder of the night. here, for the first time since leaving home, i was ushered into a civilised drawing-room; and when i found myself seated on a _cushioned_ chair, with my moccasined feet pressing a soft carpet, and several real, _bona fide ladies_ (the wife and daughters of my entertainer) sitting before me, and asking hundreds of questions about my long voyage, the strange species of unbelief in the possibility of again seeing the civilised world, which had beset me for the last three years, began slowly to give way, and at last entirely vanished when my host showed me into a handsomely furnished bedroom, and left me for the night. the first thing that struck me on entering the bedroom was the appearance of one of our _voyageurs_, dressed in a soiled blue capote, dilapidated corduroy trousers, and moccasins; while his deeply sunburnt face, under a mass of long straggling hair, stared at me in astonishment! it will doubtless be supposed that i was much horrified at this apparition. i was, indeed, much surprised; but, seeing that it was my own image reflected in a full-length looking-glass, i cannot say that i felt extremely horrified. this was the first time that i had seen myself--if i may so speak--since leaving norway house; and, truly, i had no reason to feel proud of my appearance. the following morning, at four o'clock, we left the lake of the two mountains; and in the afternoon of the th october, , arrived at lachine, where, for the time, my travels came to a close--having been journeying in the wilderness for sixty-six days. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ soon after my arrival winter set in, and i became acquainted with a few of the inhabitants of lachine. the moment the snow fell, wheeled carriages were superseded by carioles and sleighs of all descriptions. these beautiful vehicles are mounted on runners, or large skates, and slide very smoothly and easily over the snow, except when the road is bad; and then, owing to the want of springs, sleighs become very rough carriages indeed. they are usually drawn by one horse, the harness and trappings of which are profusely covered with small round bells. these bells are very necessary appendages, as little noise is made by the approach of a sleigh over the soft snow, and they serve to warn travellers in the dark. the cheerful tinkling music thus occasioned on the canadian roads is very pleasing. sleighs vary a good deal in structure and costliness of decoration; and one often meets a rough, cheerful canadian _habitant_ sitting in his small box of a sledge (painted sometimes red and sometimes green), lashing away at his shaggy pony in a fruitless attempt to keep up with the large graceful sleigh of a wealthy inhabitant of montreal, who, wrapped up in furs, drives tandem, with two strong horses, and loudly tinkling bells. reader, i had very nearly come to the resolution of giving you a long account of canada and the canadians, but i dare not venture on it. i feel that it would be encroaching upon the ground of civilised authors; and as i do not belong to this class, but profess to write of savage life, and nothing but savage life, i hope you will extend to me your kind forgiveness if i conclude this chapter rather abruptly. it is a true saying that the cup of happiness is often dashed from the lips that are about to taste it. i have sometimes proved this to be the case. the cup of happiness, on the present occasion, was the enjoyment of civilised and social life; and the dashing of it away was my being sent, with very short warning, to an out-of-the-way station, whose name, to me, was strange--distance uncertain, but long--appearance unknown, and geographical position a most profound mystery. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ note . since the above was written, many years have passed, and dr rae's name has become famous, not only on account of successful discovery, but also in connection with the expeditions sent out in search of sir john franklin. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ note . it must be borne in mind that all the establishments we passed on the way belonged to the hudson bay company. chapter eleven. winter-travelling in canada--departure from lachine--scenery along the road--"incidents" by the way--arrival at tadousac--mr. stone's adventure with indians--clubbing seals. it was on a bright winter's day in the month of january that i was sent for by the governor, and told to hold myself in readiness to start early the following morning with mr stone for tadousac--adding, that probably i should spend the approaching summer at seven islands. tadousac, be it known, is a station about three hundred miles below montreal, at the mouth of the river saguenay, and seven islands is two hundred miles below tadousac; so that the journey is not a short one. the greater part of the road runs through an uninhabited country, and the travelling is bad. in preparation for this journey, then, i employed myself during the remainder of the day; and before night all was ready. next morning i found that our journey was postponed to the following day, so i went into montreal to make a few purchases, and passed the rest of the day in a state of intense thought, endeavouring to find out if anything had been forgotten. nothing, however, recurred to my memory; and going to bed only half undressed, in order to be ready at a moment's notice, i soon fell into a short disturbed slumber, from which the servant awakened me long before daylight, by announcing that the sleigh was at the door. in ten minutes i was downstairs, where mr stone shortly afterwards joined me; and after seeing our traps safely deposited in the bottom of the sleigh, we jumped in, and slid noiselessly over the quiet street of lachine. the stars shone brightly as we glided over the crunching snow, and the sleigh-bells tinkled merrily as our horse sped over the deserted road. groups of white cottages and solitary gigantic trees flew past us, looking, in the uncertain light, like large snow-drifts; save where the twinkling of a candle, or the first blue flames of the morning fire, indicated that the industrious _habitant_ had risen to his daily toil. in silence we glided on our way, till the distant lights of montreal awakened us from our reveries, and we met at intervals a solitary pedestrian, or a sleigh-load of laughing, fur-encompassed faces returning from an evening party. about seven o'clock we arrived at the hotel from which the stage was to start for quebec--but when did stage-coach, or sleigh either, keep to its time? no sign of it was to be seen, and it required no small application of our knuckles and toes at the door to make the lazy waiter turn out to let us in. no misery, save being too late, can equal that of being too soon; at least, so i thought while walking up and down the coffee-room of the hotel, upon the table of which were scattered the remains of last night's supper, amid a confusion of newspapers and fag-ends of cigars; while the sleepy waiter made unavailing efforts to coax a small spark of fire to contribute some warmth to one or two damp billets of wood. about an hour after its appointed time, the sleigh drove up to the door, and we hastened to take our places. the stage, however, was full, but the driver informed us that an "extra" (or separate sleigh of smaller dimensions than the stage) had been provided for us; so that we enjoyed the enviable advantage of having it all to ourselves. crack went the whip, and off went the leader with a bound, the wheeler following at a pace between a trot and a gallop, and our "extra" keeping close in the rear. the lamps were still burning as we left the city, although the first streaks of dawn illumined the eastern sky. in fifteen minutes more we had left montreal far behind. there is something very agreeable in the motion of a sleigh along a good road. the soft muffled sound of the runners gliding over the snow harmonises well with the tinkling bells; and the rapid motion through the frosty air, together with the occasional jolt of going into a hollow or over a hillock, is very exhilarating, and we enjoyed our drive very much for the first hour or so. but, alas! human happiness is seldom of long duration, as we soon discovered; for, just as i was falling into a comfortable doze, bang! went the sleigh into a deep "cahoe," which most effectually wakened me. now these same "cahoes" are among the disadvantages attending sleigh-travelling in canada. they are nothing more or less than deep hollows or undulations in the road, into which the sleighs unexpectedly plunge, thereby pitching the traveller roughly forward; and upon the horses jerking the vehicles out of them, throwing him backward in a way that is pretty sure to bring his head into closer acquaintance with the back of the sleigh than is quite agreeable, particularly if he be a novice in sleigh-travelling. those which we now encountered were certainly the worst i ever travelled over, rising in succession like the waves of the sea, and making our conveyance plunge sometimes so roughly that i expected it to go to pieces. indeed, i cannot understand how wood and iron could stand the crashes to which we were exposed. in this way we jolted along, sometimes over good, sometimes over bad roads, till about nine o'clock, when we stopped at a neat, comfortable-looking inn, where the driver changed his horses, and the passengers sat down to a hurried breakfast. the morning turned out beautifully clear and warm, at least in comparison with what it had been; and upon re-entering the sleigh we all looked extremely happy, and disposed to be pleased with everything and everybody. the country through which we now passed was picturesque and varied. hills and valleys, covered with glittering snow and dark pines, followed each other in endless succession; while in every valley, and from every mountain-top, we saw hundreds of hamlets and villages, whose little streets and thoroughfares were crowded with busy _habitants_, engaged in their various occupations and winter traffic. the laughing voices of merry little children romping along the roads accorded harmoniously with the lively tinkling of their parents' sleigh-bells as they set out for the market with the produce of their farms, or, dressed in their whitest blanket capotes and smartest _bonnets rouges_, accompanied their wives and daughters to a marriage or a festival. the scene was rendered still more pleasing by the extreme clearness of the frosty air and the deep blue of the sky; while the weather was just cold enough to make the rapid motion of our sleighs agreeable and necessary. in some places the roads were extremely precipitous; and when we arrived at the foot of a large hill we used generally to get out and walk, preferring this to being dragged slowly up by the jaded horses. during the day our sleighs were upset several times; but mr stone and i, in the "extra," suffered more in this way than those of the regular stage, as it was much narrower, and, consequently, more liable to tip over. upon upsetting, it unaccountably happened that poor mr stone was always undermost. but he submitted to his fate most stoically; though from the nature of things my elbow invariably thrust him deep into the snow, on which, after being extricated, a splendid profile impression was left, to serve as a warning to other travellers, and to show them that a gentleman had been _cast_ there. as very little danger, however, attended these accidents, they only afforded subject for mirth at the time, and conversation at the end of the stage--except once, when the sleigh turned over so rapidly, that i was thrown with considerable force against the roof, which, being of a kind of slight framework, covered with painted canvas, offered but small opposition to my flight; my head, consequently, went quite through it, and my unfortunate nose was divested to rather an alarming extent of its cutaneous covering. with this exception, we proceeded safely and merrily along, and about seven o'clock in the evening arrived at the small town of three rivers. early next morning we resumed our journey, and about four in the afternoon arrived at the famous city of quebec, without having encountered any very interesting adventures by the way. the first sight we had of quebec was certainly anything but prepossessing. a recent fire in the lower town had completely destroyed a large portion of it; and the first street i passed through was nothing but a gaunt row of blackened chimneys and skeleton houses, which had a very melancholy, ghostlike appearance when contrasted with the white snow. as we advanced, however, to where the fire had been checked, the streets assumed a more agreeable aspect--shops were open here and there, and workmen busily employed in repairing damaged houses and pulling down dangerous ones. upon arriving at the steep street which leads from the lower town to within the walls, the immense strength of the ramparts and fortifications struck me forcibly. the road up which we passed to the gate was very narrow: on one side a steep hill descended to the lower town; and on the other towered the city walls, pierced all over with loopholes, and bristling with cannon. at the head of the road, in an angle of the wall, two silent but grim-looking guns pointed their muzzles directly down the road, so as to command it from one end to the other. all the other parts of the walls that i happened to see were even more strongly fortified than this. the streets of quebec are very steep, much more so than those of edinburgh; and it requires no small exertion to mount one or two without stopping to breathe at the top. upon the whole, it is anything but a pretty town (at least in winter), the houses being high, and the streets very narrow. the buildings, too, are commonplace; and the monument to wolfe and montcalm is a very insignificant affair. in fact, quebec can boast of little else than the magnificent views it commands from the ramparts, and the impregnable strength of its fortifications. some of the suburban villas, however, are very beautiful; and although i saw them in winter, yet i could form some idea of the enchanting places they must be in summer. after spending three pleasant days here, we got into our sleigh again, and resumed our journey. no stages ran below quebec, so that we now travelled in the sleigh of a farmer, who happened to be going down part of the way. soon after leaving the city, we passed quite close to the famous falls of montmorenci. they are as high, if not higher, than those of niagara, but i thought them rather tame, being nothing but a broad curtain of water falling over an even cliff, and quite devoid of picturesque scenery. a curious cone of ice, formed by the spray, rose nearly half-way up the falls. the scenery below quebec is much more rugged and mountainous than that above; and as we advanced the marks of civilisation began gradually to disappear--villages became scarcer, and roads worse, till at last we came to the shanties of the wood-cutters, with here and there a solitary farmhouse. still, however, we occasionally met a few sleighs, with the conductors of which our driver seemed to be intimately acquainted. these little interruptions broke, in a great degree, the monotony of the journey; and we always felt happier for an hour after having passed and exchanged with a canadian a cheerful _bonjour_. our driver happened to be a very agreeable man, and more intelligent than most canadians of his class; moreover, he had a good voice, and when we came to a level part of the road i requested him to sing me a song--which he did at once, singing with a clear, strong, manly voice the most beautiful french air i ever heard; both the name and air, however, i have now forgotten. he then asked me to sing--which i did without further ceremony, treating him to one of the ancient melodies of scotland; and thus, with solos and duets, we beguiled the tedium of the road, and filled the woods with melody! much to the annoyance of the unmusical american feathered tribes, and to the edification of our horse, who pricked up his ears, and often glanced backwards, apparently in extreme surprise. towards evening the driver told us that we should soon arrive at baie de st. paul; and in half an hour more our weary horse dragged us slowly to the top of a hill, whence we had a splendid view of the village. in all the miles of country i had passed over, i had seen nothing to equal the exquisite beauty of the vale of baie de st. paul. from the hill on which we stood the whole valley, of many miles in extent, was visible. it was perfectly level, and covered from end to end with thousands of little hamlets, and several churches, with here and there a few small patches of forest. the course of a little rivulet, which meanders through it in summer, was apparent, even though covered with snow. at the mouth of this several schooners and small vessels lay embedded in ice; beyond which rolled the dark, ice-laden waves of the gulf of st. lawrence. the whole valley teemed with human life. hundreds of canadians, in their graceful sleighs and carioles, flew over the numerous roads intersecting the country; and the faint sound of tinkling bells floated gently up the mountain-side, till it reached the elevated position on which we stood. the whole scene was exquisitely calm and peaceful, forming a strange and striking contrast to the country round it. like the happy valley of rasselas, it was surrounded by the most wild and rugged mountains, which rose in endless succession, one behind another, stretching away in the distance till they resembled a faint blue wave on the horizon. in this beautiful place we spent the night, and the following at mal baie. this village was also pretty, but after baie de st. paul i could but little admire it. next night we slept in a shanty belonging to the timber-cutters on the coast of the gulf, which was truly the most wretched abode, except an indian tent, i ever had the chance (or mischance) to sleep in. it was a small log-hut, with only one room; a low door--to enter which we had to stoop--and a solitary square window, filled with parchment in lieu of glass. the furniture was of the coarsest description, and certainly not too abundant. everything was extremely dirty, and the close air was further adulterated with thick clouds of tobacco smoke, which curled from the pipes of half a dozen wood-choppers. such was the place in which we passed the night; and glad was i when the first blush of day summoned us to resume our travels. we now entered our sleigh for the last time, and after a short drive arrived at the termination of the horse road. here we got out, and rested a short time in a shanty, preparatory to taking to our snow-shoes. the road now lay through the primeval forest, and fortunately it proved to be pretty well beaten, so we walked lightly along, with our snow-shoes under our arms. in the afternoon we arrived at another shanty, having walked about eighteen miles. here we found a gentleman who superintended the operations of the lumberers, or wood-cutters. he kindly offered to drive us to canard river, a place not far distant from the termination of our journey. i need scarcely say we gladly accepted his offer, and in a short time arrived at the river saguenay. this river, owing to its immense depth, never freezes over at its mouth; so we crossed it in a boat, and on the evening of the th of february we arrived at the post of tadousac. this establishment belongs to the hudson bay company, and is situated at the bottom of a large and deep bay adjoining the mouth of the river saguenay. unlike the posts of the north, it is merely a group of houses, scattered about in a hollow of the mountains, without any attempt at arrangement, and without a stockade. the post, when viewed from one of the hills in the neighbourhood, is rather picturesque; it is seen embedded in the mountains, and its white-topped houses contrast prettily with the few pines around it. a little to the right rolls the deep, unfathomable saguenay, at the base of precipitous rocks and abrupt mountains, covered in some places with stunted pines, but for the most part bald-fronted. up the river, the view is interrupted by a large rock, nearly round, which juts out into the stream, and is named the "bull." to the right lies the bay of st. catherine, with a new settlement at its head; and above this flows the majestic st. lawrence, compared to which the broad saguenay is but a thread. tadousac bay is one of the finest natural harbours in the st. lawrence. being very deep quite close to the shore, it is much frequented by vessels and craft of every description and dimension. ships, schooners, barks, brigs, and bateaux lie calmly at anchor within a stone's-throw of the bushes on shore; others are seen beating about at the mouth of the harbour, attempting to enter; while numerous pilot boats sail up and down, almost under the windows of the house; and in the offing are hundreds of vessels, whose white sails glimmer on the horizon like the wings of sea-gulls, as they beat up for anchorage, or proceed on their course for england or quebec. the magnificent panorama is closed by the distant hills of the opposite shore, blending with the azure sky. this, however, is the only view, the land being a monotonous repetition of bare granite hills and stunted pines [see note ]. here, then, for a time, my travels came to a close, and i set about making myself as comfortable in my new quarters as circumstances would permit. tadousac i found to be similar, in many respects, to the forts in the north. the country around was wild, mountainous, and inhabited only by a few indians and wild animals. there was no society, excepting that of mr stone's family; the only other civilised being, above the rank of a labourer, being a gentleman who superintended a timber-cutting and log-sawing establishment, a quarter of a mile from the company's post. my _bourgeois_, mr stone, was a very kind man and an entertaining companion. he had left scotland, his native land, when very young, and had ever since been travelling about and dwelling in the wild woods of america. a deep scar on the bridge of his nose showed that he had not passed through these savage countries scathless. the way in which he came by this scar was curious, so i may relate it here. at one of the solitary forts in the wild regions on the west side of the rocky mountains, where my friend mr stone dwelt, the indians were in the habit of selling horses, of which they had a great many, to the servants of the hudson bay company. they had, however, an uncommonly disagreeable propensity to steal these horses again the moment a convenient opportunity presented itself; and to guard against the gratification of this propensity was one of the many difficulties that the fur-traders had to encounter. upon one occasion a fine horse was sold by an indian to mr stone, the price (probably several yards of cloth and a few pounds of tobacco) paid, and the indian went away. not long after the horse was stolen; but as this was an event that often happened, it was soon forgotten. winter passed away, spring thawed the lakes and rivers, and soon a party of indians arrived with furs and horses to trade. they were of the blackfoot tribe, and a wilder set of fellows one would hardly wish to see. being much in the habit of fighting with the neighbouring tribes, they were quite prepared for battle, and decorated with many of the trophies of war. scalp-locks hung from the skirts of their leather shirts and leggins, eagles' feathers and beads ornamented their heads, and their faces were painted with stripes of black and red paint. after conversing with them a short time, they were admitted through the wicket one by one, and their arms taken from them and locked up. this precaution was rendered necessary at these posts, as the indians used to buy spirits, and often quarrelled with each other; but, having no arms, of course they could do themselves little damage. when about a dozen of them had entered, the gate was shut, and mr stone proceeded to trade their furs and examine their horses, when he beheld, to his surprise, the horse that had been stolen from him the summer before; and upon asking to whom it belonged, the same indian who had formerly sold it to him stood forward and said it was his. mr stone (an exceedingly quiet, good-natured man, but, like many men of this stamp, very passionate when roused) no sooner witnessed the fellow's audacity than he seized a gun from one of his men and shot the horse. the indian instantly sprang upon him, but being a less powerful man than mr stone, and, withal, unaccustomed to use his fists, he was soon overcome, and pommelled out of the fort. not content with this, mr stone followed him down to the indian camp, pommelling him all the way. the instant, however, that the indian found himself surrounded by his own friends, he faced about, and with a dozen warriors attacked mr stone and threw him on the ground, where they kicked and bruised him severely; whilst several boys of the tribe hovered around him with bows and arrows, waiting a favourable opportunity to shoot him. suddenly a savage came forward with a large stone in his hand, and, standing over his fallen enemy, raised it high in the air and dashed it down upon his face. my friend, when telling me the story, said that he had just time, upon seeing the stone in the act of falling, to commend his spirit to god ere he was rendered insensible. the merciful god, to whom he thus looked for help at the eleventh hour, did not desert him. several men belonging to the fort, seeing the turn things took, hastily armed themselves, and hurrying out to the rescue, arrived just at the critical moment when the stone was dashed in his face. though too late to prevent this, they were in time to prevent a repetition of the blow; and after a short scuffle with the indians, without any blood shed, they succeeded in carrying their master up to the fort, where he soon recovered. the deep cut made by the stone on the bridge of his nose left an indelible scar. besides mr stone, i had another companion--namely, mr jordan, a clerk, who inhabited the same office with me, and slept in the same bedroom, during the whole winter. he was a fine-looking athletic half-breed, who had been partially educated, but had spent much more of his life among indians than among civilised men. he used to be sent about the country to trade with the natives, and consequently led a much more active life than i did. one part of his business, during the early months of spring, was hunting seals. this was an amusing, though, withal, rather a murderous kind of sport. the manner of it was this:-- my friend jordan chose a fine day for his excursion, and, embarking in a boat with six or seven men, sailed a few miles down the st. lawrence, till he came to a low flat point. in a small bay near this he drew up the boat, and then went into the woods with his party, where each man cut a large pole or club. arming themselves with these, they waited until the tide receded and left the point dry. in a short time one or two seals crawled out of the sea to bask upon the shore; soon several more appeared, and ere long a band of more than a hundred lay sunning themselves upon the beach. the ambuscade now prepared to attack the enemy. creeping stealthily down as near as possible without being discovered, they simultaneously rushed upon the astonished animals; and the tragic scene of slaughter, mingled with melodramatic and comic incidents, that ensued, baffles all description. in one place might be seen my friend jordan swinging a huge club round with his powerful arms, and dealing death and destruction at every blow; while in another place a poor weazened-looking scotchman (who had formerly been a tailor! and to whom the work was new) advanced, with cautious trepidation, towards a huge seal, which spluttered and splashed fearfully in its endeavours to reach the sea, and dealt it a blow on the back. he might as well have hit a rock. the slight rap had only the effect of making the animal show its teeth; at which sight the tailor retreated precipitately, and, striking his heel against a rock, fell backwards into a pool of water, where he rolled over and over--impressed, apparently, with the idea that he was attacked by all the seals in the sea. his next essay, however, was more successful, and in a few minutes he killed several, having learned to hit on the head instead of on the back. in less than a quarter of an hour they killed between twenty and thirty seals, which were stowed in the boat and conveyed to the post. nothing worth mentioning took place at tadousac during my residence there. the winter became severe and stormy, confining us much to the house, and obliging us to lead very humdrum sort of lives. indeed, the only thing that i can recollect as being at all interesting or amusing-- except, of coarse, the society of my scientific and agreeable friend, mr stone, and his amiable family--was a huge barrel-organ, which, like the one that i had found at oxford house, played a rich variety of psalm tunes, and a choice selection of scotch reels--the grinding out of which formed the chief solace of my life, until the arrival of an auspicious day when i received sudden orders to prepare for another journey. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ note . it may be well to say that the above description applied to the country only in the summer and autumn months. it is now, we believe, an important summer resort, and a comparatively populous place. chapter twelve. a journey on snow-shoes--evils of snow-shoe travelling in spring--value of tea to a tired man--encamp in the snow--isle jeremie--canoeing and boating on the gulf of st. lawrence--amateur navigating--seven islands-- a narrow escape--conclusion. it was on a cold, bleak morning, about the beginning of march , that i awoke from a comfortable snooze in my bedroom at tadousac, and recollected that in a few hours i must take leave of my present quarters, and travel, on snow-shoes, sixty miles down the gulf of st. lawrence to the post of isle jeremie. the wind howled mournfully through the leafless trees, and a few flakes of snow fell upon the window as i looked out upon the cheerless prospect. winter--cold, biting, frosty winter--still reigned around. the shores of tadousac bay were still covered with the same coat of ice that had bound them up four months before; and the broad st. lawrence still flowed on, black as ink, and laden with immense fields and hummocks of dirty ice, brought down from the banks of the river above. the land presented one uniform chilling prospect of bare trees and deep snow, over which i was soon to traverse many a weary mile. there is nothing, however, like taking things philosophically; so, after venting my spite at the weather in one or two short grumbles, i sat down in a passable state of equanimity to breakfast. during the meal i discussed with mr stone the prospects of the impending journey, and indulged in a few excursive remarks upon snow-shoe travelling, whilst he related a few incidents of his own eventful career in the country. on one occasion he was sent off upon a long journey over the snow, where the country was so mountainous that snowshoe walking was rendered exceedingly painful, by the feet slipping forward against the front bar of the shoe when descending the hills. after he had accomplished a good part of his journey, two large blisters rose under the nails of his great toes; and soon the nails themselves came off. still he must go on, or die in the woods; so he was obliged to _tie_ the nails on his toes each morning before starting, for the purpose of protecting the tender parts beneath; and every evening he wrapped them up carefully in a piece of rag, and put them into his waistcoat pocket--_being afraid of losing them if he kept them on all night_. after breakfast i took leave of my friends at tadousac, and, with a pair of snow-shoes under my arm, followed my companion jordan to the boat which was to convey me the first twenty miles of the journey, and then land me, with one man, who was to be my only companion. in the boat was seated a roman catholic priest, on his way to visit a party of indians a short distance down the gulf. the shivering men shipped their oars in silence, and we glided through the black water, while the ice grated harshly against the boat's sides as we rounded point rouge. another pull, and tadousac was hidden from our view. few things can be more comfortless or depressing than a sail down the gulf of st. lawrence on a gloomy winter's day, with the thermometer at zero! the water looks so black and cold, and the sky so gray, that it makes one shudder, and turn to look upon the land. but there no cheering prospect meets the view. rocks--cold, hard, misanthropic rocks--grin from beneath volumes of snow; and the few stunted black-looking pines that dot the banks here and there only tend to render the scene more desolate. no birds fly about to enliven the traveller; and the only sound that meets the ear, besides the low sighing of the cold, cold wind, is the crashing of immense fields of ice, as they meet and war in the eddies of opposing currents. fortunately, however, there was no ice near the shore, and we met with little interruption on the way. the priest bore the cold like a stoic; and my friend jordan, being made, metaphorically speaking, of iron, treated it with the contemptuous indifference that might be expected from such metal. in the evening we arrived at esquimain river, where we took up our quarters in a small log-hut belonging to a poor seal-fisher, whose family, and a few men who attended a sawmill a short distance off, were the only inhabitants of this little hamlet. here we remained all night, and prepared our snow-shoes for the morrow, as the boat was there to leave us and return to tadousac. the night was calm and frosty, and everything gave promise of fine weather for our journey. but who can tell what an hour will bring forth? before morning the weather became milder, and soon it began to _thaw_. a fine warm day, with a bright sun, be it known, is one of the most dreadful calamities that can befall a snowshoe traveller, as the snow then becomes soft and sticky, thereby drenching the feet and snow-shoes, which become painfully heavy from the quantity of snow which sticks to and falls upon them. in cold frosty weather the snow is dry, crisp, and fine, so that it falls through the network of the snow-shoe without leaving a feather's weight behind, while the feet are dry and warm; but a thaw!--oh! it is useless attempting to recapitulate the miseries attending a thaw; my next day's experience will show what it is. early on the following morning i jumped from my bed on the floor of the hut, and proceeded to equip myself for the march. the apartment in which i had passed the night presented a curious appearance. it measured about sixteen feet by twelve, and the greater part of this space was occupied by two beds, on which lay, in every imaginable position, the different members of the half-breed family to whom the mansion belonged. in the centre of the room stood a coarsely-constructed deal table, on which lay in confusion the remains of the preceding night's supper. on the right of this, a large gaudily-painted yankee clock graced the wall, and stared down upon the sleeping figures of the men. this, with a few rough wooden chairs and a small cupboard, comprised all the furniture of the house. i soon singled out _my_ man from among the sleeping figures on the floor, and bade him equip himself for the road--or rather for the march, for road we had none. in half an hour we were ready; and having fortified ourselves with a cup of weak tea and a slice of bread, left the house and commenced our journey. my man bezeau (a french canadian) was dressed in a blue striped cotton shirt, of very coarse quality, and a pair of corduroys, strapped round his waist with a scarlet belt. over these he wore a pair of blue cloth leggins, neatly bound with orange-coloured ribbon. a glengarry bonnet covered his head; and two pairs of flannel socks, under a pair of raw seal-skin shoes, protected his feet from the cold. his burden consisted of my carpet-bag, two days' provisions, and a blue cloth capote--which latter he carried over his shoulder, the weather being warm. my dress consisted of a scarlet flannel shirt, and a pair of _etoffe du pays_ trousers, which were fastened round my waist by a leathern belt, from which depended a small hunting-knife; a foraging cap and deer-skin moccasins completed my costume. my burden was a large green blanket, a greatcoat, and a tin tea-kettle. our only arms of offence or defence were the little hunting-knife before mentioned, and a small axe for felling trees, should we wish to make a fire. we brought no guns, as there was little prospect of meeting any game on the road; and it behoves one, when travelling on foot, to carry as little as possible. thus we started from esquimain river. the best joke, however, of all was, that neither i nor my man had ever travelled that way before! all we knew was, that we had to walk fifty miles through an uninhabited country, and that then we should, or at least ought to, reach isle jeremie. there were two solitary houses, however, that we had to pass on the way; the one an outpost of the hudson bay company, the other a saw-mill belonging to one of the lumber companies (or timber-traders) in quebec. in fact, the best idea of our situation may be had from the following lines, which may be supposed to have been uttered by the establishment to which we were bound:-- "through the woods, through the woods, follow and find me, search every hollow, and dingle, and dell; to the right, left, or front, you may pass, or behind me, unless you are careful, and look for me well." the first part of our road lay along the shores of the st. lawrence. the sun shone brightly, and the drifting ice in the gulf glittered in its rays as it flowed slowly out to sea; but ere long the warm rays acted upon the snow, and rendered walking toilsome and fatiguing. after about an hour's walk along the shore, we arrived at the last hut we were likely to see that day. it was inhabited by an indian and his family. here we rested a few minutes, and i renewed my snow-shoe lines, the old ones having broken by the way. shortly after this we passed the wreck of what had once been a fine ship. she lay crushed and dismasted among the rocks and lumps of ice which lined the desolate shore, her decks and the stumps of her masts drifted over with snow. six short months before, she had bounded over the atlantic wave in all the panoply of sail and rigging pertaining to a large three-master, inclosing in her sturdy hull full many a daring heart beating high with sanguine hopes, and dreaming of fame and glory, or perchance of home. but now, how great the change!--her sails and masts uprooted, and her helm--the seaman's confidence and safeguard-- gone; her bed upon the rocks and pebbles of a dreary shore; and her shattered hull hung round with icicles, and wrapped in the cold embraces of the wintry ocean. few things, i think, can have a more inexpressibly melancholy appearance than a wreck upon a rocky and deserted shore in winter. the road now began to get extremely bad. the ice, over which we had to walk for miles, had been covered with about six inches of water and snow. a sharp frost during the night had covered this with a cake of ice sufficiently strong to bear us up until we got fairly upon it, and were preparing to take another step, when down it went--so that we had a sort of natural treadmill to exercise ourselves upon all day; while every time we sank, as a matter of course our snowshoes were covered with a mixture of water, snow, and broken ice, to extricate our feet from which almost pulled our legs out of the sockets. in this way we plodded slowly and painfully along, till we came to a part of the shore where the ice had been entirely carried off, leaving the sandy beach uncovered for about two miles. we gladly took advantage of this, and, pulling off our snow-shoes, walked along among the shells and tangle of the sea-shore. at this agreeable part of our journey, while we walked lightly along, with our snow-shoes under our arms, i fell into a reverie upon the superior advantages of travelling in cold weather, and the delights of walking on sandy beaches in contrast with wet snow. these cogitations, however, were suddenly interrupted by our arrival at the place where the ice had parted from the general mass; so, with a deep sigh, we resumed our snow-shoes. my feet, from the friction of the lines, now began to feel very painful; so, having walked about ten miles, i proposed taking a rest. to this my man, who seemed rather tired, gladly acceded, and we proceeded to light a fire under the stem of a fallen tree which opportunely presented itself. here we sat down comfortably together; and while our wet shoes and socks dried before the blazing fire, and our chafed toes wriggled joyously at being relieved from the painful harness of the snow-shoes, we swallowed a cup of congou with a degree of luxurious enjoyment, appreciable only by those who have walked themselves into a state of great exhaustion after a hurried breakfast. greatly refreshed by the tea, we resumed our journey in better spirits, and even affected to believe we were taking an agreeable afternoon walk for the first mile or so. we soon, however, fell to zero again, as we gazed wistfully upon the long line of coast stretching away to the horizon. but there was no help for it; on we splashed, sometimes through ice, water, and snow, and sometimes across the shingly beach, till the day was far spent, when i became so exhausted that i could scarcely drag one foot after the other, and moved along almost mechanically. my man, too, strong as he was, exhibited symptoms of fatigue; though, to do him justice, he was at least seven times more heavily laden than i. while we jogged slowly along in this unenviable condition, a lump of ice offered so tempting a seat that we simultaneously proposed to sit down. this was very foolish. resting without a fire is bad at all times; and the exhausted condition we were then in made it far worse, as i soon found to my cost. tired as i was before, i could have walked a good deal farther; but no sooner did i rise again to my feet than an inexpressible weakness overcame me, and i felt that i could go no farther. this my man soon perceived, and proposed making a fire and having a cup of tea; and then, if i felt better, we might proceed. this i agreed to; so, entering the woods, we dug a hole in the snow, and in half an hour had a fire blazing in it that would have roasted an ox! in a short time a panful of snow was converted into hot tea; and as i sat sipping this, and watching the white smoke as it wreathed upwards from the pipe of my good-natured guide, i never felt rest more delightful. the tea refreshed us so much that we resumed our journey, intending, if possible, to reach port neuf during the night; and as we calculated that we had walked between fifteen and eighteen miles, we hoped to reach it in a few hours. away, then, we went, and plodded on till dark without reaching the post; nevertheless, being determined to travel as long as we could, we pushed on till near midnight, when, being quite _done up_, and seeing no sign of the establishment, we called a council of war, and sat down on a lump of ice to discuss our difficulties. i suggested that if we had not already passed the post, in all probability we should do so, if we continued to travel any farther in the dark. my companion admitted that he entertained precisely the same views on the subject; and, furthermore, that as we both seemed pretty tired, and there happened to be a nice little clump of willows, intermixed with pine trees, close at hand, his opinion was that nothing better could be done than encamping for the night. i agreed to this; and the resolution being carried unanimously, the council adjourned, and we proceeded to make our encampment. first of all, the snow was dug away from the foot of a large pine with our snow-shoes, which we used as spades; and when a space of about ten feet long, by six broad, was cleared, we covered it with pine branches at one end, and made a roaring fire against the tree at the other. the snow rose all around to the height of about four feet, so that when our fire blazed cheerily, and our supper was spread out before it upon my green blanket, we looked very comfortable indeed--and what was of much more consequence, _felt_ so. supper consisted of a cup of tea, a loaf of bread, and a lump of salt butter. after having partaken largely of these delicacies, we threw a fresh log upon the fire, and rolling ourselves in our blankets, were soon buried in repose. next morning, on awaking, the first thing i became aware of was the fact that it was raining, and heavily too, in the shape of a scotch mist. i could scarcely believe it, and rubbed my eyes to make sure; but there was no mistake about it at all. the sky was gray, cold, and dismal, and the blanket quite wet! "well," thought i, as i fell back in a sort of mute despair, "this is certainly precious weather for snow-shoe travelling!" i nudged my sleeping companion, and the look of melancholy resignation which he put on, as he became gradually aware of the state of matters, convinced me that bad as yesterday had been, to-day would be far worse. when i got upon my legs, i found that every joint in my body was stiffer than the rustiest hinge ever heard of in the annals of doors! and my feet as tender as a chicken's, with huge blisters all over them. bezeau, however, though a little stiff, was otherwise quite well, being well inured to hardships of every description. it is needless to recount the miseries of the five miles' walk that we had to make before arriving at port neuf, over ground that was literally next to impassable. about nine o'clock we reached the house, and remained there for the rest of the day. here, for three days, we were hospitably entertained by the canadian family inhabiting the place; during this time it rained and thawed so heavily that we could not venture to resume our journey. on the th the weather became colder, and bezeau announced his opinion that we might venture to proceed. glad to be once more on the move--for fears of being arrested altogether by the setting-in of spring had begun to beset me--i once more put on my snow-shoes; and, bidding adieu to the hospitable inmates of port neuf, we again wended our weary way along the coast. alas! our misfortunes had not yet ceased. the snow was much softer than we anticipated, and the blisters on my feet, which had nearly healed during the time we stayed at port neuf, were now torn open afresh. after a painful and laborious walk of eight or nine miles, we arrived at a small house, where a few enterprising men lived who had penetrated thus far down the gulf to erect a saw-mill. here we found, to our infinite joy, a small flat-bottomed boat, capable of carrying two or three men; so, without delay, we launched it, and putting our snow-shoes and provisions into it, my man and i jumped in, and pulled away down the gulf, intending to finish the twenty miles that still remained of our journey by water. we were obliged to pull a long way out to sea, to avoid the ice which lined the shore, and our course lay a good deal among drifting masses. half an hour after we embarked a snow-storm came on, but still we pulled along, preferring anything to resuming the snow-shoes. after a few hours' rowing, we rested on our oars, and refreshed ourselves with a slice of bread and a glass of rum--which latter, having forgotten to bring water with us, we were obliged to drink pure. we certainly cut a strange figure, while thus lunching in our little boat-- surrounded by ice, and looking hazy through the thickly falling snow, which prevented us from seeing very far ahead, and made the mountains on shore look quite spectral. for about five miles we pulled along in a straight line, after which the ice trended outwards, and finally brought us to a stand-still by running straight out to sea. this was an interruption we were not at all prepared for, and we felt rather undecided how to proceed. after a little confabulation, we determined to pull out, and see if the ice did not again turn in the proper direction; but after pulling straight out for a quarter of a mile, we perceived, or imagined we perceived, to our horror, that the ice, instead of being stationary, as we supposed it to be, was floating slowly out to sea with the wind, and carrying us along with it. no time was to be lost; so, wheeling about, we rowed with all our strength for the shore, and after a pretty stiff pull gained the solid ice. here we hauled the flat up out of the water with great difficulty, and once more put on our snow-shoes. our road still lay along shore, and, as the weather was getting colder, we proceeded along much more easily than heretofore. in an hour or two the snow ceased to fall, and showed us that the ice was _not_ drifting, but that it ran so far out to sea that it would have proved a bar to our further progress by water at any rate. the last ten miles of our journey now lay before us; and we sat down, before starting, to have another bite of bread and a pull at the rum bottle; after which, we trudged along in silence. the peculiar compression of my guide's lips, and the length of step that he now adopted, showed me that he had made up his mind to get through the last part of the journey without stopping; so, tightening my belt, and bending my head forward, i plodded on, solacing myself as we advanced by humming, "follow, follow, over mountain,--follow, follow, over sea!" etcetera. about four or five o'clock in the afternoon, upon rounding a point, we were a little excited by perceiving evident signs of the axe having been at work in the forest; and a little farther on discovered, to our inexpressible joy, a small piece of ground enclosed as a garden. this led us to suppose that the post could not be far off, so we pushed forward rapidly; and upon gaining the summit of a small eminence, beheld with delight the post of isle jeremie. this establishment, like most of the others on the st. lawrence, is merely a collection of scattered buildings, most of which are storehouses and stables. it stands in a hollow of the mountains, and close to a large bay, where sundry small boats and a sloop lay quietly at anchor. upon a little hillock close to the principal house is a roman catholic chapel; and behind it stretches away the broad st. lawrence, the south shore of which is indistinctly seen on the horizon. we had not much inclination, however, to admire the scenery just then; so, hastening down the hill, my man walked into the men's house, where in five minutes he was busily engaged eating bread and pork, and recounting his adventures to a circle of admiring friends; while i warmed myself beside a comfortable fire in the hall, and chatted with the gentleman in charge of the establishment. at isle jeremie i remained about six weeks; or rather, i should say, belonged to the establishment for that time, as during a great part of it i was absent from the post. mr coral, soon after my arrival, went to visit the company's posts lower down the st. lawrence, leaving me in charge of isle jeremie; and as i had little or nothing to do in the way of business (our indians not having arrived from the interior), most of my time was spent in reading and shooting. it was here i took my first lessons in navigation--i mean in a practical way; as for the scientific part of the business, that was deferred to a more favourable opportunity--and, truly, the lessons were rather rough. the way of it was this:--our flour at isle jeremie had run out. indians were arriving every day calling loudly for flour, and more were expected; so mr coral told me, one fine morning, to get ready to go to tadousac in the boat for a load of flour. this i prepared to do at once, and started after breakfast in a large boat, manned by two men. the wind was fair, and i fired a couple of shots with my fowling-piece, as we cleared the harbour, in answer to an equal number of salutes from two iron cannons that stood in front of the house. by-the-bye, one of these guns had a melancholy interest attached to it a few months after this. while firing a salute of fourteen rounds, in honour of the arrival of a roman catholic bishop, one of them exploded while the man who acted as gunner was employed in ramming home the cartridge, and blew him about twenty yards down the bank. the unfortunate man expired in a few hours. poor fellow! he was a fine little canadian, and had sailed with me, not many weeks before, in a voyage up the st. lawrence. but to return. our voyage, during the first few days, was prosperous enough, and i amused myself in shooting the gulls which were foolish enough to come within range of my gun, and in recognizing the various places along shore where i had rested and slept on the memorable occasion of my snow-shoe trip. but when did the st. lawrence prove friendly for an entire voyage? certainly not when i had the pleasure of ploughing its rascally waters! the remainder of our voyage was a succession of squalls, calms, contrary winds, sticking on shoals for hours, and being detained on shore, with an accompaniment of pitching, tossing, oscillation and botheration, that baffles all description. however, time brings the greatest miseries to an end; and in the process of time we arrived at tadousac--loaded our boat deeply with flour--shook hands with our friends--related our adventures--bade them adieu--and again found ourselves scudding down the st. lawrence, with a snoring breeze on our quarter. now this was truly a most delectable state of things, when contrasted with our wretched trip up; so we wrapped our blankets round us (for it was very cold), and felicitated ourselves considerably on such good fortune. it was rather premature, however; as, not long after, we had a very narrow escape from being swamped. the wind, as i said before, was pretty strong, and it continued so the whole way; so that on the evening of the second day we came within sight of isle jeremie, while running before a stiff breeze, through the green waves which were covered with foam. our boat had a "drooping nose," and was extremely partial to what the men termed "drinking;" in other words, it shipped a good deal of water over the bows. now it happened that while we were straining our eyes ahead, to catch a sight of our haven, an insidious squall was creeping fast down behind us. the first intimation we had of its presence was a loud and ominous hiss, which made us turn our heads round rather smartly; but it was too late--for with a howl, that appeared to be quite vicious the wind burst upon our sails, and buried the boat in the water, which rushed in a cataract over the bows, and nearly filled us in a moment, although the steersman threw her into the wind immediately. the sheets were instantly let go, and one of the men, who happened to be a sailor, jumped up, and, seizing an axe, began to cut down the main-mast, at the same time exclaiming to the steersman, "you've done for us now, cooper!" he was mistaken, however, for the sails were taken in just in time to save us; and, while the boat lay tumbling in the sea, we all began to bail, with anything we could lay hands on, as fast as we could. in a few minutes the boat was lightened enough to allow of our hoisting the fore-sail; and about half an hour afterwards we were safely anchored in the harbour. this happened within about three or four hundred yards of the shore; yet the best swimmer in the world would have been drowned ere he reached it, as the water was so bitterly cold, that when i was bailing for my life, and, consequently, in pretty violent exercise, my hands became quite benumbed and almost powerless. shortly after this i was again sent up to tadousac, in charge of a small bateau, of about ten or fifteen tons, with a number of shipwrecked seamen on board. these unfortunate men had been cast on shore about the commencement of winter, on an uninhabited part of the coast, and had remained without provisions or fire for a long time, till they were discovered by a gentleman of the hudson bay company, and conveyed over the snow in sleighs to the nearest establishment, which happened to be isle jeremie. here they remained all winter, in a most dreadfully mutilated condition, some of them having been desperately frozen. one of the poor fellows, a negro, had one of his feet frozen off at the ankle, and had lost all the toes and the heel of the other, the bone being laid bare for about an inch and a half. mr coral, the gentleman who had saved them, did all in his power to relieve their distress-- amputating their frozen limbs, and dressing their wounds, while they were provided with food and warm clothing. i am sorry to say, however, that these men, who would have perished had it not been for mr coral's care of them, were the first, upon arriving at quebec the following spring, to open their mouths in violent reproach and bitter invective against him; forgetting that, while their only charge against him was a little severity in refusing them a few trifling and unnecessary luxuries, he had saved them from a painful and lingering death. in a couple of days we arrived at tadousac the second time, to the no small astonishment of my brother scribbler residing there. after reloading our craft, we directed our course once more down the gulf. this time the wind was also favourable, but, unfortunately, a little too strong; so we were obliged, in the evening, to come to an anchor in esquimain river. this river has good anchorage close to the bank, but is very deep in the lead, or current; this, however, we did not know at the time, and seeing a small schooner close to shore, we rounded to a few fathoms outside of her, and let go our anchor. whirr! went the chain--ten! twelve! sixteen! till at last forty fathoms ran out, and only a little bit remained on board, and still we had no bottom. after attaching our spare cable to the other one, the anchor at last grounded. this, however, was a dangerous situation to remain in, as, if the wind blew strong, we would have to run out to sea, and so much cable would take a long time to get in; so i ordered my two men, in a very pompous, despotic way, to heave up the anchor again. but not a bit would it budge. we all heaved at the windlass; still the obstinate anchor held fast. again we gave another heave, and smashed both the handspikes. in this dilemma i begged assistance from the neighbouring schooner, and they kindly sent all their men on board with new handspikes; but our refractory anchor would _not_ let go, and at last it was conjectured that it had got foul of a rock, and that it was not in the power of mortal man to move it. under these pleasant circumstances we went to bed, in hopes that the falling tide might swing us clear before morning. this turned out just as we expected--or, rather, a little better--for next morning, when i went on deck, i found that we were drifting quietly down the gulf, stern foremost, all the sails snugly tied up, and the long cable dragging at the bows! towards evening we arrived at jeremie, and i gladly resigned command of the vessel to my first lieutenant. one afternoon, near the middle of april, i sat sunning myself in the veranda before the door of the principal house at isle jeremie, and watched the fields of ice, as they floated down the gulf of st. lawrence, occasionally disappearing behind the body of a large pig, which stood upon a hillock close in front of me, and then reappearing again as the current swept them slowly past the intervening obstacle. mr coral, with whom i had been leading a very quiet, harmless sort of life for a couple of weeks past, leant against a wooden post, gazing wistfully out to sea. suddenly he turned towards me, and with great gravity told me that, as there was nothing particular for me to do at the establishment, he meant to send me down to seven islands, to relieve the gentleman at that post of his charge; adding, that as he wished me to set off the following morning at an early hour, i had better pack up a few things to-night. now, this order may not seem, at the first glance, a very dreadful one; but taking into consideration that seven islands is one hundred and twenty miles below the post at which i then resided, it did appear as if one would wish to think about it a little before starting. not having time to think about it, however, i merely, in a sort of bantering desperation, signified my readiness to undertake a voyage to any part of the undiscovered world, at any moment he (mr coral) might think proper, and then vanished, to prepare myself for the voyage. it was optional with me whether i should walk through one hundred and twenty miles of primeval and most impassable forest, or paddle over an equal number of miles of water. preferring the latter, as being at once the less disagreeable and more expeditious method, i accordingly, on the following morning, embarked in a small indian canoe, similar to the one in which i had formerly travelled with two indians in the north-west. my companions were--a canadian, who acted as steersman; a genuine patlander, who ostensibly acted as bowsman, but in reality was more useful in the way of ballast; and a young newfoundland dog, which i had got as a present from mr stone while at tadousac. when we were all in our allotted places, the canoe was quite full; and we started from isle jeremie in good spirits, with the broad, sun-like face of mike lynch looming over the bows of the canoe, and the black muzzle of humbug (the dog) resting on its gunwale. it is needless to describe the voyage minutely. we had the usual amount of bad and good weather, and ran the risk several times of upsetting; we had, also, several breakfasts, dinners, suppers, and beds in the forest; and on the afternoon of the third day we arrived at goodbout, an establishment nearly half-way between the post i had left and the one to which i was bound. here we stayed all night, proposing to start again on the morrow. but the weather was so stormy as to prevent us for a couple of days trusting ourselves out in a frail bark canoe. early on the third morning, however, i took my place as steersman in the stern of our craft (my former guide being obliged to leave me here), and my man mike squeezed his unwieldy person into the bow. in the middle lay our provisions and baggage, over which the black muzzle of humbug peered anxiously out upon the ocean. in this trim we paddled from the beach, amid a shower of advice to keep close to shore, in case the _big-fish_--alias, the whales--might take a fancy to upset us. after a long paddle of five or six hours we arrived at pointe des monts, where rough weather obliged us to put ashore. here i remained all night, and slept in the lighthouse--a cylindrical building of moderate height, which stands on a rock off pointe des monte, and serves to warn sailors off the numerous shoals with which this part of the gulf is filled. in the morning we fortunately found an indian with his boat, who was just starting for seven islands; and after a little higgling, at which mike proved himself quite an adept, he agreed to give us a lift for a few pounds of tobacco. away, then, we went, with:-- "a wet sheet and a flowing sea, and a wind that followed fast," ploughing through the water in beautiful style. the interior of our boat presented a truly ludicrous, and rather filthy scene. the indian, who was a fine-looking man of about thirty, had brought his whole family--sons, daughters, brothers, sisters, wife, and mother--and a more heterogeneous mass of dirty, dark-skinned humanity i never before had the ill-luck to travel with. the mother of the flock was the most extraordinary being that i ever beheld. she must have been very near a hundred years old, as black and wrinkled as a singed hide, yet active and playful as a kitten. she was a very bad sailor, however, and dived down into the bottom of the boat the moment a puff of wind arose. indians have a most extraordinary knack of diminishing their bulk, which is very convenient sometimes. upon this occasion it was amusing to watch them settling gradually down, upon the slightest appearance of wind, until you might almost believe they had squeezed themselves quite through the bottom of the boat, and left only a few dirty blankets to tell the tale. truly, one rarely meets with such a compact mass of human ballast. if, however, a slight lull occurred, or the sun peeped out from behind a cloud, there was immediately a perceptible increase in the bulk of the mass, and gradually a few heads appeared, then a leg, and soon a few arms; till at last the whole batch were up, laughing, talking, singing, eating, and chattering in a most uproarious state of confusion! after the usual amount of storms, calms, and contrary winds, we arrived in safety at the post of seven islands, where i threw my worthy friend mr anderson into a state of considerable surprise and agitation by informing him that in the individual before him he beheld his august successor! the establishment of seven islands is anything but an inviting place, although pretty enough on a fine day; and the general appearance of the surrounding scenery is lonely, wild, and desolate. the houses are built on a low sandy beach, at the bottom of the large bay of seven islands. the trees around are thinly scattered, and very small. in the background, rugged hills stretch as far as the eye can see; and in front, seven lofty islands, from which the bay and post derive their name, obstruct the view, affording only a partial glimpse of the open sea beyond. no human habitations exist within seventy miles of the place. being out of the line of sailing, no vessels ever visit it, except when driven to the bay for shelter; and the bay is so large, that many vessels come in and go out again without having been observed. altogether, i found it a lonely and desolate place, during a residence of nearly four months. an extensive salmon-fishery is carried on at a large river called the moisie, about eighteen miles below the post, where the company sometimes catch and salt upwards of eighty and ninety tierces of fish. during my sojourn there, i made one or two excursions to the fishery, a description of which may perhaps prove interesting to those versed in the more practical branches of ichthyology. it was a lovely morning in june when mr anderson and i set out from seven islands on foot, with our coats (for the weather was warm) slung across our backs, and walked rapidly along the beach in the direction of the river moisie. the weather was very calm, and the mosquitoes, consequently, rather annoying; but, as our progressive motion disconcerted their operations a little, we did not mind them much. the beach all the way was composed of fine hard sand, so that we found the walk very agreeable. a few loons dived about in the sea, and we passed two or three flocks of black ducks, known in some parts of the country by the name of "old wives;" but, having brought no gun with us, the old ladies were permitted to proceed on their way unmolested. the land all along presented the same uniform line of forest, with the yellow sand of the beach glittering at its edge; and as we cleared the islands, the boundless ocean opened upon our view. in about four hours or so we arrived at the mouth of the moisie, where the first fishery is established. here we found that our men had caught and salted a good many salmon, some of which had just come from the nets, and lay on the grass, plump and glittering, in their pristine freshness. they looked very tempting, and we had one put in the kettle immediately; which, when we set to work at him soon afterwards, certainly did not belie his looks. the salmon had only commenced to ascend the river that day, and were being taken by fifties at a haul in the nets. the fishery was attended by three men, who kept seven or eight nets constantly in the water, which gave them enough of employment--two of them attending to the nets, while the third split, salted, and packed the fish in large vats. here we spent the night, and slept in a small house about ten feet long by eight broad, built for the accommodation of the fishermen. next morning we embarked in a boat belonging to a trapper, and went up the river with a fair wind, to visit the fisheries higher up. on the way we passed a seal-net belonging to the owner of the boat, and at our request he visited it, and found seven or eight fine seals in it: they were all dead, and full of water. seal-nets are made the same as salmon-nets, except that the mesh is larger, the seal having a pretty good-sized cranium of his own. after a good deal of unravelling and pulling, we got them all out of the net, and proceeded onward with our cargo. the scenery on the river moisie is pleasing: the banks are moderately high, and covered to the foot with the richest and most variegated verdure; while here and there, upon rounding some of the curvatures of the stream, long vistas of the river may be seen, embedded in luxuriant foliage. thirteen or fourteen miles up the river is the frog creek fishery, at which we arrived late in the afternoon, and found that the man superintending it had taken a good many fish, and expected more. he visited his nets while we were there, but returned with only a few salmon. some of them were badly cut up by the seals, which are the most formidable enemies of fishermen, as they eat and destroy many salmon, besides breaking the nets. we were detained here by rain all night, and slept in the small fishing-house. travelling makes people acquainted with strange beds as well as strange bed-fellows; but i question if many people can boast of having slept on a bed of _nets_. this we were obliged to do here, having brought no blankets with us, as we expected to have returned to the point fishery in the evening. the bedstead was a long low platform, in one end of the little cabin, and was big enough to let four people sleep in it--two of us lying abreast at one end, and two more at the other end, feet to feet. a large salmon-net formed a pretty good mattress; another, spread out on top of us, served as a blanket; and a couple of trout-nets were excellent as pillows. from this _piscatorial_ couch we arose early on the following morning, and breakfasted on a splendid fresh salmon; after which we resumed our journey. in a couple of hours we arrived at the rapid fishery, where i found that my old friend mike, the irishman, had caught a great number of salmon. he was very bitter, however, in his remarks upon the seals, which it seems had made great havoc among his nets during the last two days. a black bear, too, was in the habit of visiting his station every morning, and, sitting on a rock not far off, watched his motions with great apparent interest while he took the fish out of the nets. mike, poor man, regretted very much that he had no gun, as he might perhaps shoot "the baste." bears are very destructive at times to the salted salmon, paying visits during the night to the vats, and carrying off and tearing to pieces far more than they are capable of devouring. while inspecting the nets here, we witnessed an interesting seal-hunt. two indians, in separate canoes, were floating quietly in a small eddy, with their guns cocked, ready to fire at the first unfortunate seal that should show his head on the surface of the stream. they had not waited long when one popped up his head, and instantly got a shot, which evidently hurt him, as he splashed a little, and then dived. in a minute the indian reloaded his gun, and paddled out into the stream, in order to have another shot the moment the seal rose for air: this he did in a short time, when another shot was fired, which turned him over apparently lifeless. the indian then laid down his gun, and seizing his paddle, made towards the spot where the seal lay. he had scarcely approached a few yards, however, when it recovered a little, and dived-- much to the indian's chagrin, who had approached too near the head of a small rapid, and went down, stern foremost, just at the moment his friend the seal did the same. on arriving at the bottom, the animal, after one or two kicks, expired, and the indian at last secured his prize. after this, we embarked again in our boat; and the wind _for once_ determined to be accommodating, as it shifted in our favour, almost at the same time that we turned to retrace our way. in a few hours we arrived at the fishery near the mouth of the river, where we found supper just ready. after supper, which we had about eight o'clock, the night looked so fine, and the mosquitoes in the little smoky house were so troublesome, that we determined to walk up to the post; so, ordering one of the men to follow us, away we went along the beach. the night was fine, though dark, and we trudged rapidly along. it was very tiresome work, however, as, the tide being full, we were obliged to walk upon the soft sand. everything along the beach looked huge and mystical in the uncertain light; and this, accompanied with the solemn boom of the waves as they fell at long intervals upon the shore, made the scene quite romantic. after five hours' sharp walking, with pocket-handkerchiefs tied round our heads to guard us from the attacks of mosquitoes, we arrived at seven islands between one and two in the morning. not long after this, a boat arrived with orders for my companion, mr anderson, to pack up his worldly goods and start for tadousac. the same day he bade me adieu and set sail. in a few minutes the boat turned a point of land, and i lost sight of one of the most kindly and agreeable men whom i have had the good fortune to meet in the nor'-west. the situation in which i found myself was a novel, and, to say truth, not a very agreeable one. a short way off stood a man watching contemplatively the point round which the boat had just disappeared; and this man was my only companion in the world!--my friday, in fact. not another human being lived within sixty miles of our solitary habitation, with the exception of the few men at the distant fishery. in front of us, the mighty gulf of st. lawrence stretched out to the horizon, its swelling bosom unbroken, save by the dipping of a sea-gull or the fin of a whale. behind lay the dense forest, stretching back, without a break in its primeval wildness, across the whole continent of america to the pacific ocean; while above and below lay the rugged mountains that form the shores of the gulf. as i walked up to the house, and wandered like a ghost through its empty rooms, i felt inexpressibly melancholy, and began to have unpleasant anticipations of spending the winter at this lonely spot. just as this thought occurred to me, my dog humbug bounded into the room, and, looking with a comical expression up in my face for a moment, went bounding off again. this incident induced me to take a more philosophical view of affairs. i began to gaze round upon my domain, and whisper to myself that i was "monarch of all i surveyed." all the mighty trees in the wood were mine--if i chose to cut them down; all the fish in the sea were mine--if i could only catch them; and the palace of seven islands was also mine. the regal feeling inspired by the consideration of these things induced me to call in a very kingly tone of voice for my man (he was a french canadian), who politely answered, "oui, monsieur." "dinner!" said i, falling back in my throne, and contemplating through the palace window our vast dominions! on the following day a small party of indians arrived, and the bustle of trading their furs, and asking questions about their expectations of a good winter hunt, tended to disperse those unpleasant feelings of loneliness that at first assailed me. one of these poor indians had died while travelling, and his relatives brought the body to be interred in our little burying-ground. the poor creatures came in a very melancholy mood to ask me for a few planks to make a coffin for him. they soon constructed a rough wooden box, in which the corpse was placed, and then buried. no ceremony attended the interment of this poor savage; no prayer was uttered over the grave; and the only mark that the survivors left upon the place was a small wooden cross, which those indians who have been visited by roman catholic priests are in the habit of erecting over their departed relatives. the almost total absence of religion of any kind among these unhappy natives is truly melancholy. the very name of our blessed saviour is almost unknown by the hundreds of indians who inhabit the vast forests of north america. it is strange that, while so many missionaries have been sent to the southern parts of the earth, so few should have been sent to the northward. there are not, i believe, more than a dozen or so of protestant clergymen over the whole wide northern continent. for at least a century these north american indians have hunted for the white men, and poured annually into britain a copious stream of wealth. surely it is the duty of _christian_ britain, in return, to send out faithful servants of god to preach the gospel of our lord throughout their land. the indians, after spending a couple of days at the establishment-- during which time they sold me a great many furs--set out again to return to their distant wigwams. it is strange to contemplate the precision and certainty with which these men travel towards any part of the vast wilderness, even where their route lies across numerous intricate and serpentine rivers. but the strangest thing of all is, the savage's certainty of finding his way in winter through the trackless forest, to a place where, perhaps, he never was before, and of which he has had only a slight description. they have no compasses, but the means by which they discover the cardinal points is curious. if an indian happens to become confused with regard to this, he lays down his burden, and, taking his axe, cuts through the bark of a tree; from the thickness or thinness of which he can tell the north point at once, the bark being thicker on that side. for a couple of weeks after this, i remained at the post with my solitary man, endeavouring by all the means in my power to dispel ennui; but it was a hard task. sometimes i shouldered my gun and ranged about the forest in search of game, and occasionally took a swim in the sea. _i_ was ignorant at the time, however, that there were sharks in the gulf of st. lawrence, else i should have been more cautious. the indians afterwards told me that they were often seen, and several gentlemen who had lived long on the coast corroborated their testimony. several times indians have left the shores of the gulf in their canoes, to go hunting, and have never been heard of again, although the weather at the time was calm; so that it was generally believed that shark had upset the canoes and devoured the men. an occurrence that afterwards happened to an indian renders this supposition highly probable. this man had been travelling along the shores of the gulf with his family--a wife and several children--in a small canoe. towards evening, as he was crossing a large bay, a shark rose near his canoe, and, after reconnoitring a short time, swam towards it, and endeavoured to upset it. the size of the canoe, however, rendered this impossible; so the ferocious monster actually began to break it to pieces, by rushing forcibly against it. the indian fired at the shark when he first saw it, but without effect; and, not having time to reload, he seized his paddle and made for the shore. the canoe, however, from the repeated attacks of the fish, soon became leaky, and it was evident that in a few minutes more the whole party would be at the mercy of the infuriated monster. in this extremity the indian took up his youngest child, an infant of a few months old, and dropped it overboard; and while the shark was devouring it, the rest of the party gained the shore. i sat one morning ruminating on the pleasures of solitude in the _palace_ of seven islands, and gazed through the window at my solitary man, who was just leaving an old boat he had been repairing, for the purpose of preparing dinner. the wide ocean, which rolled its waves almost to the door of the house, was calm and unruffled, and the yellow beach shone again in the sun's rays, while humbug lay stretched out at full length before the door. after contemplating this scene for some time, i rose, and was just turning away from the window, when i descried a _man_, accompanied by a _boy_, walking along the sea-shore towards the house. this unusual sight created in me almost as strong, though not so unpleasant, a sensation as was awakened in the bosom of robinson crusoe when he discovered the footprint in the sand. hastily putting on my cap, i ran out to meet him, and found, to my joy, that he was a trapper of my acquaintance; and, what added immensely to the novelty of the thing, he was also a _white_ man and a gentleman! he had entered one of the fur companies on the coast at an early age, and, a few years afterwards, fell in love with an indian girl, whom he married; and, ultimately, he became a trapper. he was a fine, good-natured man, and had been well educated: and to hear philosophical discourse proceeding from the lips of one who was, in outward appearance, a regular indian, was very strange indeed. he was dressed in the usual capote, leggins, and moccasins of a hunter. "what have you got for dinner?" was his first question, after shaking hands with me. "pork and pancakes," said i. "oh!" said the trapper; "the first salt, and the latter made of flour and water?" "just so; and, with the exception of some bread, and a few ground pease in lieu of coffee, this has been my diet for three weeks back." "you might have done better," said the trapper, pointing towards a blue line in the sea; "look, there are fish enough, if you only took the trouble to catch them." as he said this, i advanced to the edge of the water; and there, to my astonishment, discovered that what i had taken for seaweed was a shoal of kippling, so dense that they seemed scarcely able to move. upon beholding this, i recollected having seen a couple of old hand-nets in some of the stores, which we immediately sent the trapper's son (a youth of twelve) to fetch. in a few minutes he returned with them; so, tucking up our trousers, we both went into the water and scooped the fish out by dozens. it required great quickness, however, as they shot into deep water like lightning, and sometimes made us run in so deep that we wet ourselves considerably. indeed, the sport became so exciting at last, that we gave over attempting to keep our clothes dry; and in an hour we returned home, laden with kippling, and wet to the skin. the fish, which measured from four to five inches long, were really excellent, and lent an additional relish to the pork, pancakes, and _pease coffee_! i prevailed upon the trapper to remain with me during the following week; and a very pleasant time we had of it, paddling about in a canoe, or walking through the woods, while my companion told me numerous anecdotes, with which his memory was stored. some of these were grave, and some comical; especially one, in which he described a bear-hunt that he and his son had on the coast of labrador. he had been out on a shooting expedition, and was returning home in his canoe, when, on turning a headland, he discovered a black bear walking leisurely along the beach. now the place where he discovered him was a very wild, rugged spot. at the bottom of the bay rose a high precipice, so that bruin could not escape that way: along the beach, in the direction in which he had been walking, a cape, which the rising tide now washed, prevented his retreating; so that the only chance for the brute to escape was by running past the trapper, within a few yards of him. in this dilemma, the bear bethought himself of trying the precipice; so, collecting himself, he made a bolt for it, and actually managed to scramble up thirty or forty feet, when bang went the boy's gun; but the shot missed, and it appeared as if the beast would actually get away, when the trapper took a deliberate aim and fired. the effect of the shot was so comical, that the two hunters could scarcely re-load their guns for laughing. bruin, upon receiving the shot, covered his head with his fore-paws, and, curling himself up like a ball, came thundering down the precipice head over heels, raising clouds of dust, and hurling showers of stones down in his descent, till he actually rolled at the trapper's feet; and then, getting slowly up, he looked at him with such a bewildered expression, that the man could scarcely refrain from laughter, even while in the act of blowing the beast's brains out. this man had also a narrow escape of having a _boxing_ match with a moose-deer or elk. the moose had a strange method of fighting with its fore feet, getting up on its hind legs, and boxing, as it were, with great energy and deadly force. the trapper, upon the occasion referred to, was travelling with an indian, who, having discovered the track of a moose in the snow, set off in chase of it, while the trapper pursued his way with the indian's pack of furs and provisions on his shoulders. he had not gone far when he heard a shot, and the next moment a moose-deer, as large as a horse, sprang through the bushes and stood in front of him. the animal came so suddenly on the trapper that it could not turn; so, rising up with a savage look, it prepared to strike him, when another shot was fired from among the bushes by the indian, and the moose, springing nearly its own height into the air, fell dead upon the snow. in chasing the moose during winter in some parts of these countries, where the ground is broken and rugged, the hunters are not unfrequently exposed to the danger of falling over the precipices which the deceptive glare of the snow conceals from view, until, too late, he finds the treacherous snow giving way beneath his feet. on one occasion a young man in the service of the company received intelligence from an indian that he had seen fresh tracks of a moose, and being an eager sportsman, he sallied forth, accompanied by the indian, in chase of it. a long fatiguing walk on the chipewyan snow-shoes, which are six feet long, brought them within sight of the deer. the young man fired, wounded the animal, and then dashed forward in pursuit. for a long way the deer kept well ahead of them. at length they began to overtake it; but when they were about to fire again, it stumbled and disappeared, sending up a cloud of snow in its fall. supposing that it had sunk exhausted into one of the many hollows which were formed by the undulations of the ground, the young man rushed headlong towards it, followed at a slower pace by the indian. suddenly he stopped and cast a wild glance around him as he observed that he stood on the very brink of a precipice, at the foot of which the mangled carcass of the deer lay. thick masses of snow had drifted over its edge until a solid wreath was formed, projecting several feet beyond it. on this wreath the young man stood with the points of his long snow-shoes overhanging the yawning abyss; to turn round was impossible, as the exertion requisite to wield such huge snow-shoes would, in all probability, have broken off the mass. to step gently backwards was equally impossible, in consequence of the heels of the shoes being sunk into the snow. in this awful position he stood until the indian came up, and taking off his long sash, threw the end of it towards him; catching hold of this, he collected all his energies, and giving a desperate bound threw himself backwards at full length. the indian pulled with all his force on the belt, and succeeded in drawing him out of danger, just as the mass on which he had stood a moment before gave way, and thundered down the cliff, where it was dashed into clouds against the projecting crags long before it reached the foot. about a week after his arrival the trapper departed, and left me again in solitude. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ _the last voyage_.--there is something very sad and melancholy in these words--the last! the last look, the last word, the last smile, even the last shilling, have all a peculiarly melancholy import; but the last _voyage_, to one who has lived, as it were, on travelling--who has slept for weeks and months under the shadow of the forest trees, and dwelt among the wild romantic scenes of the wilderness--has a peculiar and thrilling interest. each tree i passed on leaving shook its boughs mournfully, as if it felt hurt at being thus forsaken. the very rocks seemed to frown reproachfully, while i stood up and gazed wistfully after each well-known object for the last time. even the wind seemed to sympathise with the rest; for, while it urged the boat swiftly away from my late home, like a faithful friend holding steadfastly on its favouring course, still it fell occasionally, and rose again in gusts and sighs, as if it wished to woo me back again to solitude. i started on this, the last voyage, shortly after the departure of my friend the trapper, leaving the palace in charge of an unfortunate gentleman who brought a wife and five children with him, which rendered seven islands a little less gloomy than heretofore. five men accompanied me in an open boat; and on the morning of the th august we took our departure for tadousac. and, truly, nature appeared to be aware that it was my _last_ voyage, for she gave us the most unkind and harassing treatment that i ever experienced at her hands. the first few miles were accomplished pleasantly enough. we had a fair breeze, and not too much of it; but towards the afternoon it shifted, and blew directly against us, so that the men were obliged to take to the oars; and, as the boat was large, it required them all to pull, while i steered. the men were all french canadians: a merry, careless, but persevering set of fellows, just cut out for the work they had to do, and, moreover, accustomed to it. the boat was a clumsy affair, with two spritsails and a jigger or mizzen; but, notwithstanding, she looked well at a distance, and though incapable of progressing very fast through the water, she could stand a pretty heavy sea. we were badly off, how ever, with regard to camp gear, having neither tent nor oilcloth to protect us should it rain--indeed, all we had to guard us from the inclemency of the weather at night was one blanket each man; but as the weather had been fine and settled for some time back, we hoped to get along pretty well. as for provisions, we had pork and flour, besides a small quantity of burnt-pease coffee, which i treasured up as a great delicacy. our first encampment was a good one. the night, though dark, was fine and calm, so that we slept very comfortably upon the beach, every man with his feet towards the fire, from which we all radiated like the spokes of a wheel. but our next bivouac was not so good. the day had been very boisterous and wet, so that we lay down to rest in damp clothes, with the pleasant reflection that we had scarcely advanced ten miles. the miseries of our fifth day, however, were so numerous and complicated that it at last became absurd! it was a drizzly damp morning to begin with; soon this gave way to a gale of contrary wind, so that we could scarcely proceed at the rate of half a mile an hour; and in the evening we were under the necessity either of running _back_ five miles to reach a harbour, or of anchoring off an exposed lee-shore. preferring the latter course, even at the risk of losing our boat altogether, we cast anchor, and leaving a man in the boat, waded ashore. here things looked very wretched indeed. everything was wet and clammy. very little firewood was to be found; and when it was found, we had the greatest difficulty in getting it to light. at last, however, the fire blazed up; and though it still rained, we began to feel, _comparatively speaking_, comfortable. now, it must have been about midnight when i awoke, wheezing and sniffling with a bad cold, and feeling uncommonly wretched--the fire having gone out, and the drizzly rain having increased--and while i was endeavouring to cover myself a little better with a wet blanket, the man who had been left to watch the boat rushed in among us, and said that it had been driven ashore, and would infallibly go to pieces if not shoved out to sea immediately. up we all got, and rushing down to the beach, were speedily groping about _in_ the dark, up to our waists in water, while the roaring breakers heaved the boat violently against our breasts. after at least an hour of this work, we got it afloat again, and returned to our beds, where we lay shivering in wet clothes till morning. we had several other nights nearly as bad as this one; and once or twice narrowly escaped being smashed to pieces among rocks and shoals, while travelling in foggy weather. even the last day of the voyage had something unpleasant in store for us. as we neared the mouth of the river saguenay the tide began to recede, and ere long the current became so strong that we could not make headway against it; we had no alternative, therefore, but to try to run ashore, there to remain until the tide should rise again. now it so happened that a sand-bank caught our keel just as we turned broadside to the current, and the water, rushing against the boat with the force of a mill-race, turned it up on one side, till it stood quivering, as if undecided whether or not to roll over on top of us. a simultaneous rush of the men to the elevated side decided the question, and caused it to fall squash down on its keel again, where it lay for the next four or five hours, being left quite dry by the tide. as this happened within a few miles of our journey's end, i left the men to take care of the boat, and walked along the beach to tadousac. here i remained some time, and then travelled through the beautiful lakes of canada and the united states to new york. but here i must pause. as i said before, i write not of civilised but of savage life; and having now o'ershot the boundary, it is time to close. on the th of may i bade adieu to the western hemisphere, and sailed for england in the good ship _new york_. the air was light and warm, and the sun unclouded, as we floated slowly out to sea, and ere long the vessel bathed her swelling bows in the broad atlantic. gradually, as if loath to part, the wood-clad shores of america grew faint and dim; i turned my eyes, for the last time, upon the distant shore: the blue hills quivered for a moment on the horizon, as if to bid us all a long farewell, and then sank into the liquid bosom of the ocean. the end. notes of a twenty-five years' service in the hudson's bay territory. by john m'lean. in two volumes. vol. i. london: richard bentley, new burlington street, publisher in ordinary to her majesty. . preface. the writer's main object in first committing to writing the following notes was to while away the many lonely and wearisome hours which are the lot of the indian trader;--a wish to gratify his friends by the narrative of his adventures had also some share in inducing him to take up the pen. while he might justly plead the hacknied excuse of being urged by not a few of those friends to publish these notes, in extenuation of the folly or presumption, or whatever else it may be termed, of obtruding them on the world, in these days of "making many books;" he feels that he can rest his vindication on higher grounds. although several works of some merit have appeared in connexion with the subject, the hudson's bay territory is yet, comparatively speaking, but little known; no faithful representation has yet been given of the situation of the company's servants--the indian traders; the degradation and misery of the many indian tribes, or rather remnants of tribes, scattered throughout this vast territory, is in a great measure unknown; erroneous statements have gone abroad in regard to the company's treatment of these indians; as also in regard to the government, policy, and management of the company's affairs;--on these points, he conceives that his plain, unvarnished tale may throw some new light. some of the details may seem trivial, and some of the incidents to be without much interest to the general reader; still as it was one chief design of the writer to draw a faithful picture of the indian trader's life,--its toils, annoyances, privations, and perils, when on actual service, or on a trading or exploring expedition; its loneliness, cheerlessness, and ennui, when not on actual service; together with the shifts to which he is reduced in order to combat that ennui;--such incidents, trifling though they may appear to be, he conceives may yet convey to the reader a livelier idea of life in the hudson's bay company's territories than a more ambitious or laboured description could have done. no one, indeed, who has passed his life amid the busy haunts of men, can form any just idea of the interest attached by the lonely trader to the most trifling events, such as the arrival of a stranger indian,--the coming of a new clerk,--a scuffle among the indians,--or a sudden change of weather. no one, unaccustomed to their "short commons," can conceive the intense, it may be said fearful, interest and excitement with which the issue of a fishing or hunting expedition is anticipated. should his work contribute, in any degree, to awaken the sympathy of the christian world in behalf of the wretched and degraded aborigines of this vast territory; should it tend in any way to expose, or to reform the abuses in the management of the hudson's bay company, or to render its monopoly less injurious to the natives than hitherto it has been; the writer's labour will have been amply compensated. interested as he still is in that company, with a considerable stake depending on its returns, it can scarcely be supposed that he has any intention, wantonly or unnecessarily, to injure its interests. guelph, canada west, _ st march, ._ contents of the first volume. chapter i. the hudson's bay company and territories chapter ii. i enter the hudson's bay company's service--padre gibert chapter iii. on service--lake of two mountains--opposition--indians--amusements at the posts chapter iv. portage des chats--tactics of our opponents--treachery of an iroquois--fierce yet ludicrous nature of the opposition chapter v. arrival at the chats--installed as bourgeois--first trading excursion--bivouac in the woods--indian barbarity chapter vi. trip to fort coulonge--mr. godin--natives chapter vii. superseded--feelings on the occasion--more opposition--Æ. macdonell--tactics--melancholy death of an indian chapter viii. activity of our opponents--violent conduct of an indian--narrow escape--artifice--trip to indian's lodge--stupidity of interpreter chapter ix. expedition to the bear's den--passage through the swamp--cunning of the indians--a scuffle--its results chapter x. père duchamp--mr. s.'s instructions--unsuccessful--trading excursion--difficulties of the journey--lose our way--provisions fail--reach the post--visit to an algonquin chief--his abusive treatment--success chapter xi. success of the iroquois traders--appointed to the charge of the chats--canadian disputes possession--bivouac without a fire--ruse to baffle my opponents--roman catholic bigotry chapter xii. journey to montreal--appointment to lac de sable--advantages of this post--its difficulties--governor's flattering letter--return from montreal--lost in the woods--sufferings--escape chapter xiii. narrowly escape drowning--accident to indian guide--am nearly frozen to death--misunderstanding between algonquins and iroquois--massacre at hannah bay chapter xiv. fall through the ice--dangerous adventure at a rapid--opponents give in--ordered to lachine--treatment on my arrival--manners, habits, and superstitions of the indians--ferocious revenge of a supposed injury--different methods of the roman catholic and protestant missionary--indian councils--tradition of the flood--beaver hunting--language chapter xv. embark for the interior--mode of travelling by canoes--little river--lake nipissing--french river--old station of indian robbers--fort mississaga--indians--light canoe-men--sault ste. marie--lake superior--canoe-men desert--re-taken--fort william--m. thibaud--lac la pluie and river--indians--white river--narrow escape--conversation with an indian about baptism chapter xvi. continuation of the voyage--run short of provisions--dogs flesh--norway house--indian voyageurs--ordered to new caledonia--lake winnipeg--mcintosh's island submerged--cumberland house--chippewayan and cree indians--portage la loche--scenery--athabasca--healthiness of the climate chapter xvii. arrival of mr. f. from caledonia--scenery--land-slip--massacre at fort st. john's--rocky mountain portage--rocky mountains--magnificent scenery--mcleod's lake--reception of its commander by the indians chapter xviii. arrival at new caledonia--beautiful scenery--indian houses--amusements at the fort--threatened attack of indians--expedition against them--beefsteaks--new caledonian fare--mode of catching salmon--singular death of native interpreter--indian funeral rites--barbarous treatment of widows chapter xix. indian feast--attempt at dramatic representation--religion--ordered to fort alexandria--advantages of the situation--sent back to fort st. james--solitude--punishment of indian murderer--its consequences--heroic adventure of interpreter chapter xx. appointed to the charge of fort george--murder of mr. yale's men--mysterious loss of mr. linton and family--adventures of leather party--failure of crops--influenza chapter xxi. climate of new caledonia--scenery--natural productions--animals--fishes--natives--their manners and customs--duelling--gambling--licentiousness--language notes of a twenty-five years' service at the hudson's bay territory. chapter i. the hudson's bay company and territories. that part of british north america known by the name of the hudson's bay territory extends from the eastern coast in about ° w. long. to the russian boundary in ° w.; and from the gulf of st. lawrence, along the ottawa river and the northern shores of lakes huron and superior, and thence to the boundary line of the united states; extending in latitude thence to the northern limit of america; being in length about , miles, and in breadth about , miles. this extensive space may be divided into three portions, each differing most materially in aspect and surface. the first and most extensive is that which is on the east, from the labrador coast, round hudson's bay, northward to the arctic region, and westward to the rocky mountains. this is entirely a wooded district, affording that plentiful supply of timber which forms so large a branch of the canadian export trade. these interminable forests are principally composed of pines of large size, but which towards the northern boundary are of a very stinted growth. another portion is the prairie country, reaching from canada westward to the rocky mountains, and intersected by the boundary line of the united states. in general, the soil is rich alluvial, which being covered with luxuriant herbage, affords pasturage for the vast herds of wild buffaloes which roam over these extensive plains. the western part is that which lies between the rocky mountains and the pacific ocean, including the oregon territory, which was likely to have led to a serious misunderstanding between great britain and the united states. these extensive portions are divided by the hudson's bay company into four departments, and these departments are again subdivided into districts. at the head of each department and district a chief factor or chief trader generally presides, to whom all the officers within their respective jurisdictions are amenable. those in charge of posts, whatever may be their rank, are subject to the authority of the person at the head of the district; and that person receives his instructions from the superintendent of the department. the whole affairs of the country at large are regulated by the governor and council, and their decisions again are referred, for final adjustment, to the governor and committee in london. the montreal department comprehends all the districts and posts along the gulf and river st. lawrence; also the different posts along the banks of the ottawa and the interior country. the depôt of the department is at lachine, where all the returns are collected, and the outfits prepared. the southern department has its depôt at moose factory, in james's bay; it includes the districts of albany, rupert's house, temiscamingue, lake huron, and lake superior, together with several isolated posts along the shores of the bay. the northern department is very extensive, having for its southern boundary the line which divides the british from the american territories, sweeping east and west from lac la pluie, in ° w. long, and ° n. lat. to the rocky mountains in ° w. long.; then, with the rocky mountains for its western boundary, it extends northward to the arctic sea. the whole of this vast country is divided into the following districts: norway house, rainy lake, red river, saskatchewan, english river, athabasca, and mckenzie's river. the depôt of this department is york factory, in hudson's bay, and is considered the grand emporium; here the grand council is held, which is formed of the governor and such chief factors and chief traders as may be present. the duty of the latter is to sit and listen to whatever measures the governor may have determined on, and give their assent thereto, no debating or vetoing being ever thought of; the governor being absolute, his measures therefore more require obedience than assent. chief traders are also permitted to sit in council as auditors, but have not the privilege of being considered members. the columbia department is bounded on the east by the rocky mountains, and on the west by the pacific ocean. an ideal line divides it on the south from the province of california, in lat. ° '; and it joins the russian boundary in lat. °. this, although a very extensive department, does not consist of many districts; new caledonia is the principal, situated among the rocky mountains, and having several of its posts established along the banks of the fraser river, which disembogues itself into the gulf of georgia in nearly ° lat. and ° w. long. the next is colville, on the columbia river, along with some isolated posts near the confluence of the same river. the _forts_, or trading posts, along the north-west coast, have each their respective commander. the shipping business is conducted by a person appointed for that purpose, who is styled, _par excellence_, the head of the "naval department." the company have a steamboat and several sailing vessels, for the purpose chiefly of trading with the natives along the coast. the primary object, however, is not so much the trade, as to keep brother jonathan in check, (whose propensity for encroaching has of late been "pretty much" exhibited,) and to deter him from forming any establishments on the coasts; there being a just apprehension that if once a footing were obtained on the coast, an equal eagerness might be manifested for extending their locations into the interior. strong parties of hunters are also constantly employed along the southern frontier for the purpose of destroying the fur-bearing animals in that quarter; the end in view being to secure the interior from the encroachments of foreign interlopers. the depôt of this department is at fort vancouver, on the columbia river. the hudson's bay company, as it at present exists, was incorporated in the winter of - , a coalition having been then formed with the north-west company. upon this taking place, an act of parliament was obtained which gave them not only the possession of the territory they had originally held by virtue of their royal charter, but also investing them with the same rights and privileges conferred by that charter in and over all the territories that had been settled by the north-west company for a term of twenty-one years. the governor, deputy-governor, and managing committee, are, properly speaking, the only capitalists. the stock is divided into one hundred shares; sixty of which their honours retain for themselves; and the remaining forty are divided among the chief traders and chief factors, who manage the affairs in the indian country. a chief factor holds two of these shares, and a chief trader one; of which they retain the full interest for one year after they retire, and half interest for the six following years. these cannot be said to be stock-holders, for they are not admitted to any share in the executive management; but according to the present system they are termed commissioned officers, and receive merely the proceeds of the share allotted to them. they enjoy, however, one very superior advantage,--they are not subjected to bear their share in any losses which the company may sustain. it is generally reckoned that the value of one share is on an average about l. sterling a-year. by the resignation of two chief traders, one share is at the company's disposal the year after, which is then bestowed on a clerk. when two chief factors retire, a chief trader is promoted in like manner. promotion also take place when the shares of the retired partners fall in. chapter ii. i enter the hudson's bay company's service--padre gibert. i entered the service of the company in the winter of - , and after passing my contract at montreal in the month of january, i took up my residence for the remainder of the season with a french priest, in the parish of petit le maska, for the purpose of studying the french language. the padre was a most affable, liberal-minded man, a warm friend of england and englishmen, and a staunch adherent to their government, which he considered as the most perfect under the sun. the fact is, that the old gentleman, along with many others of his countrymen who had escaped from the horrors of the french revolution, had found an asylum in our land of freedom, which they could find nowhere else; and the personal advantages that had accrued to him from that circumstance, naturally induced a favourable disposition towards his benefactors, their laws, and their institutions. though the padre was extremely liberal in his political opinions, his management of his worldly affairs bore the stamp of the most sordid parsimony. he worshipped the golden calf, and his adoration of the image was manifest in everything around him. he wore a cassock of cloth which had in former times been of a black colour, but was now of a dusky grey, the woollen material being so completely incorporated with dust as to give it that colour. his table was furnished with such fare as his farm produced, with the addition, on particular occasions, of a bottle of _black strap_. a charming nymph, of some fifty years of age or so, had the management of the household, and discharged all her duties with strict decorum and care. i have the beauties of her person in my mind's eye to this day. she was hump-backed, short-necked, and one-eyed, and squinted bewitchingly with the remaining one: she had a short leg and a long one, a high shoulder and a low. in short, the dear creature seemed to be formed, or rather deformed, by the hand of nature on purpose to fill the situation of housekeeper for a priest,--so that whatever might be his age, no scandal could possibly attach itself to him from such a housekeeper. the man-servant was directly the counterpart of the charming marguerite; he also was far advanced in the vale of years, and was of a most irascible temper. to stir up joseph to the _grinning point_ was a very easy matter; and his frantic gesticulations, when thus goaded to wrath by our teasing pleasantries, (there were two other young gentlemen beside myself,) were of the most extraordinary description, and afforded infinite amusement. we never failed to amuse ourselves at joseph's expense, when the padre's absence permitted our doing so with impunity,--especially as a small present of tobacco, which was always kept at hand for such occasions, soon made us friends again. but it sometimes happened that such jokes were carried too far, so as to render the offering of _incense_ quite unacceptable, when the touch of _metal_ could alone produce the desired effect. i remained with father gibert until spring, and shall take leave of him by relating an anecdote or two illustrative of his loyalty and benevolence. some time during madison's unprovoked war with great britain, an alarm came from the upper part of the parish of which father gibert was _curé_, that a party of americans had been seen marching down the country. the _capitaine_ of militia, who was the _curé's_ next door neighbour, was immediately sent for, and by their joint influence and authority a considerable number of _habitans_ were soon assembled under arms, such as they were. the father then shouldering his musket, and placing himself at the head of his parishioners, led them into his garden, which was enclosed by a picket fence, and bordered on the highway. here the loyal band took their stand under cover of the fence, waiting to give jonathan a warm reception the moment he came within reach. the supposed americans proved to be a small detachment of british troops, and thus the affair ended. on another occasion during the same period the padre's loyalty and good humour were manifested, though in a different manner. while amusing himself in the garden one day, he overheard two irish soldiers engaged in conversation to this effect:-- "you know that the ould boy asks every body afore he gives any praties, if they belong to st. patrick; well, is it a hard matter to tell him we do, agrah?" "sure you'd be telling a lie, paddy!" "never mind that," said paddy, "i'll spake." the old gentleman immediately returned to the house, and entering by a back door, was snugly seated in his arm-chair, book in hand, when the two hibernians were admitted. "well, my boys, what is your business with me?" "we would be wanting a few praties, if your riverence could spare them." "aha! you are from ireland, i perceive. irishmen very fond of potatoes! well, my boys, i have a few remaining, and you shall have some if you belong to st. patrick." "faith, and it is all as your honour says; we are irishmen, and we belong to st. patrick." the old gentleman ordered joseph to supply them with the "blessed root," without any further parley. then addressing the speaker in a voice of assumed choler, exclaimed:-- "you are a great raskail! does your religion teach you to tell lies? you are protestant both of you. however, if you do not belong to st. patrick, you belong to the king of england, and i give my potatoes for his sake. but you must never try to impose upon an old priest again, or you may not come so well off." chapter iii. on service--lake of two mountains--opposition--indians--amusements at the posts. i arrived at montreal about the beginning of may, and soon learnt that i was appointed to the post at lake of two mountains. the montreal department was headed at that time by mr. thane, a man of rather eccentric character, but possessed of a heart that glowed with the best feelings of humanity. i was allowed to amuse myself a few days in town, having directions however to call at the office every day, in case my services should be required. the period of departure at length arrived. i was one evening accosted by mr. thane in these terms:--"i say, youngster, you have been trifling away your time long enough here; you must hold yourself ready to embark for your destination to-morrow morning at five o'clock precisely. if you delay one moment, you shall have cause to remember it." such positive injunctions were not disregarded by me. i was of course ready at the time appointed, and after all the hurry, had the honour of breakfasting with my commander before departing; but the woful and disheartening accounts of the hardships and privations i was to suffer in the country to which i was to proceed, fairly spoiled my appetite. i was told that my only lodging was to be a tent, my only food indian corn, _when i could get it_; and many other _comforts_ were enumerated with the view of producing a certain effect, which my countenance no doubt betrayed, whilst he chuckled with the greatest delight at the success of his jokes. i took leave, and found myself that evening at the lake of two mountains. on my arrival, a large building was pointed out to me as the company's establishment, to which i soon found admittance, and was, to my great surprise, ushered into a large well furnished apartment. tea had just been served, with a variety of substantial accompaniments, to which i felt heartily disposed to do ample justice, after my day's abstinence. this was very different entertainment from what i had been led to expect in the morning; would it had been my lot to be always so agreeably deceived! the village of the lake of two mountains is inhabited by two distinct tribes of the aborigines--viz. the iroquois and the algonquins; the latter are a tribe of the sauteux nation, or ojibbeway, and live principally by the chase. the former cultivate the soil, and engage as voyageurs, or in any other capacity that may yield them the means of subsistence. they are a very hardy industrious race; but neither the habits of civilized life, nor the influence of the christian religion, appear to have mitigated, in any material degree, the ferocity that characterized their pagan ancestors. although they do not pay great deference to the laws of god, they are sufficiently aware of the consequences of violating the laws of man, and comport themselves accordingly. the catholic seminary and church, along with the gardens of the establishment, almost divide the village into two equal parts; yet this close proximity does not appear to encourage any friendly intercourse between the two tribes. they in fact seldom pass their respective limits, and, with few exceptions, cannot converse together, the language of the one being unintelligible to the other. the company established a post here in the spring of , and when i arrived it was in charge of mr. fisher, then a senior clerk. he had two other clerks under him, besides myself, a like number of _attachés_, two interpreters, two servants, and a horse to ride upon. with such an establishment to rule over, need it be matter of surprise that our _bourgeois_ was in his own estimation a magnate of the first order? _n'importe_,--whatever might be his vanity, he possessed those qualities which constitute a first-rate indian trader, and he required them to fill successfully his present situation. a number of petty traders were settled in the village, who, whenever the company entered the lists against them, laid aside the feuds that subsisted among themselves, and joined to oppose their united efforts against the powerful rival that threatened to overwhelm them all. the spring fur campaign was about to open when i made my _début_ at the post. the natives being daily expected from the interior, all parties watched their arrival night and day. this was not a very harassing duty to us, as we relieved each other; but the situation of our superior was exceedingly irksome and annoying. the moment an indian canoe appeared (the indians always arrived at night), we were ordered to apprize him of it; having done so, he was immediately at the landing-place, our opponents being also there, attending to their own interests. some of the natives were supplied by the company, others by the petty traders; and according as it happened to be the customers of either that arrived, the servants assisted in unloading the canoes, conveying the baggage to their houses, and kindling a fire. provisions were furnished in abundance by both parties. while these preliminary operations were being performed by the servants, the traders surrounded the principal object of their solicitude--the hunter; first one, then another, taking him aside to persuade him of the superior claims each had on his love and gratitude. after being pestered in this manner for some time, he, (the hunter,) eventually allowed himself to be led away to the residence of one of the parties, where he was treated to the best their establishment afforded; the natives, however, retaining their furs, and visiting from house to house, until satiated with the good cheer the traders had to give them, when they at length gave them up, but not always to the party to whom they were most indebted. they are generally great rogues; the sound of the dollars, which the company possessed in abundance, often brought the furs that were due to the petty trader to the company's stores; while some of our customers were induced by the same argument to carry their furs to our rivals. for a period of six weeks or so, the natives continued to arrive; sometimes in brigades, sometimes in single canoes; during the whole of this period we were occupied in the manner now described, day and night. so great was the pressure of business, that we had scarcely time to partake of the necessary refreshment. when they had at length all arrived, we enjoyed our night's rest, if indeed our continually disturbed slumbers could be called rest:--what with the howling of two or three hundred dogs, the tinkling of bells with which the horses the indians rode were ornamented, the bawling of the squaws when beaten by their drunken husbands, and the yelling of the savages themselves when in that beastly state, sleep was impossible,--the infernal sounds that continually rent the air, produced such a _symphony_ as could be heard nowhere else out of pandemonium. no liquors were sold to the natives at the village, but they procured as much as they required from the opposite side of the lake. some wretches of canadians were always ready, for a trifling consideration, to purchase it for them; thus the law prohibiting the sale of liquor to the indians was evaded. after wallowing in intemperance for some time, they ultimately submitted to the authority of the priests, confessed their sins, received absolution, and became _good christians_ for the remainder of the season. if any indulged in the favourite vice--a few always did--they were confined to their quarters by their families. after attending mass on sundays, they amused themselves playing at ball, or running foot races; and it was only on such occasions they were seen to associate with their neighbours the iroquois. they took opposite sides in the games; small stakes were allowed, merely to create an interest in the issue of the contest. the chiefs of both tribes sat smoking their pipes together, viewing the sports in silent gravity, and acting as umpires in all cases of doubt between the parties. they, in fact, led a glorious life during the three months they remained at the village; that period was to them a continued carnival. the best fare the country afforded--the best attire that money could procure--all that sensuality, all that vanity could desire--their means permitted them to enjoy. their lands not having been hunted on during the war, the beaver multiplied at an extraordinary rate, and now swarmed in every direction. every individual belonging to the tribe might then have acquired an independent fortune. they arrived at the village, their canoes laden with furs; but the characteristic improvidence of their race blinded them to future consequences. such was their wasteful extravagance, that the money obtained by the sale of their furs was dissipated ere half the summer season was over. the traders supplied them afterwards with all requisites at a _moderate_ per centage; and when they embarked in autumn for their hunting grounds, they found themselves deeply involved in debt, a few only excepted. in the course of this summer, some of our opponents foreseeing the probable issue of the contest they were engaged in, proposed terms of capitulation, which were in most instances readily assented to by the company; the inventories and outstanding debts were assumed at a certain valuation. they retired from the field, some with annuities for a stipulated period, while to others a round sum of money was granted; in either case the party bound himself, under certain penalties, not to interfere in the trade for a stated period of time. in this manner the company got rid of all petty opponents, with the exception of two who continued the unequal contest. by the latter end of august the natives had all started for the interior, leaving behind only a few decrepit old men and women. the scene was now completely changed; a death-like stillness prevailed where but a few days before all was activity, bustle and animation. two of my brother scribes were ordered to the interior; one[ ] to the distant lake nipissingue, the other to the chats. mr. fisher set off to enjoy himself in montreal, mr. francher, the accountant, being appointed _locum-tenens_ during his absence. another young scot and myself, together with two or three non-descripts, formed the winter establishment. having just quitted the scenes of civilized life, i found my present solitude sufficiently irksome; the natural buoyancy of youthful spirits, however, with the amusements we got up amongst us, conspired to banish all gloomy thoughts from my mind in a very short time. we--my friend mac and myself--soon became very intimate with two or three french families who resided in the village, who were, though in an humble station, kind and courteous, and who, moreover, danced, fiddled and played whist. [ ] this gentleman's name was cockburn;--he met his end a few years afterwards in a very melancholy manner, while on his way to montreal (having retired from the service). he rolled over the canoe on a dark night, and disappeared for ever! there was another family of a different status from the others, that of capt. ducharme, the king's interpreter, a kind-hearted, hospitable man, who frequently invited us to his house, where we enjoyed the charms of polished society and good cheer. the captain's residence was in the iroquois division of the village; this circumstance led us to form another acquaintance that for some time afforded us some amusement, _en passant_. we discovered that a very ugly old widow, who resided in that quarter, had two very pretty young daughters, to whom we discoursed in gaelic; they answered in iroquois; and in a short time the best _understanding_ imaginable was established between us, (mac and myself, be it always understood.) no harm came of it, though; i vow there did not; the priests, it seems, thought otherwise. our acquaintance with the girls having come to their knowledge, we were one day honoured with a visit from the iroquois padre; the severe gravity of whose countenance convinced us at a glance of the nature of his mission. i must do him the justice to say, however, that his address to us was mild and admonitory, rather than severe or reproachful. i resolved from that moment to speak no more gaelic to the iroquois maidens; mac continued his visits. we always amused ourselves in the evenings with our french _confrères_, (whom i have mentioned as "nondescripts," from the circumstance of their being under no regular engagement with the company,) playing cards or fiddling and dancing. we were on one occasion engaged in the latter amusement _en pleine midi_--our _deputy_ bourgeois being one of the party, and all of us in the highest possible glee, when lo! in the midst of our hilarity, the hall door flew open and the _great man_ stood sternly before us. the hand-writing on the wall could scarcely have produced a more startling effect on the convivial party of old, than did this unexpected apparition upon us. we listened to the reprimand which followed in all due humility, none more crest-fallen than our worthy deputy. mr. fisher then opened his portmanteau and drew forth a letter, which he presented to my friend mac, exclaiming in a voice of thunder, "read that, gentlemen, and hear what mr. thane thinks of your conduct." we read and trembled; mac's defiance of the authority of the priests offended them mortally; a formal complaint was consequently preferred against the innocent and the guilty, (although there was no guilt in fact, unless _speaking gaelic_ to the wood-nymphs could be so construed,) and drew upon us the censures this dreadful missive conveyed. the magnate remained a few days, and on his departure for town, we resumed our usual pastimes, but selected a different _path_ to captain ducharme's. the fathers had requested, when this establishment was first formed, that some of the company's officers should attend church on sundays for the purpose of showing a good example to the natives. i did so, on my part, very regularly until christmas eve, when having witnessed the ceremonies of the midnight mass, i determined on remaining at home in future. i shuddered with horror at the idolatrous rites, as they appeared to me, which were enacted on that occasion. the ceremonies commenced with the celebration of mass; then followed the introduction of the "infant jesus," borne by four of the choristers, attired in surplices of white linen. the image being placed by them on a sofa in front of the altar, the superior of the seminary made his début, retiring to the railing that surrounds the altar, when he knelt, and bending low his head apparently in devout adoration, he arose, then advanced two steps towards the altar and knelt again; he knelt the third time close to the side of the image, which he devoutly embraced, then withdrew: the younger priests performed the same ceremonies; and after them every one of their congregation: yet these people protest that their religion has no connexion with idolatry, and that the representations of protestants regarding it are false and calumnious. if we credit them, however, we must belie the evidence of our own senses; but the fact is, there are not a few roman catholics who speak with very little _respect_ themselves of some of these mummeries. chapter iv. portage des chats--tactics of our opponents--treachery of an iroquois--fierce, yet ludicrous nature of the opposition. mr. fisher returned from town in the month of march; he had learnt that our opponents intended to shift the scene of operations to the chats, (where the greater number of the indians pass on their way going to or returning from their hunting grounds,) and were making preparations of a very extensive nature for the spring competition. the company were not tardy in adopting such measures as were deemed the most efficient to meet them on their own terms. we understood that they had hired two _bullies_ for the purpose of deciding the matter _par voie de fait_. mr. fisher hired two of the same description, who were supposed to be more than a match for the opposition party. on the th of april, , our opponents set off in two large canoes, manned by eight men in each; we followed in three canoes with twenty-four men, under the command of three leaders--namely, captain ducharme, who had volunteered on the occasion, mr. lyons, a retired trader, and myself. nothing occurred worthy of description on our passage to the chats. the ottawa is at this point interrupted by a ledge of rock, which extends across its whole breadth. in forcing a passage for itself through this barrier, it is divided into several channels, which form as many beautiful cascades as they fall into the extensive basin that receives them below. on one of the islands thus formed, the natives make a portage. here, then, we took our station close to a cascade: our opponents commenced building a hut on one side of the path, we on the other. while this operation was in progress, basilisk looks denoted the strength of feeling that pervaded the breasts of either party, but not a word was exchanged between us. our hut was first completed, when our champion clambered aloft, and crowed defiance; three times he crowed (aloud), but no responding voice was heard from the opposite camp. this act was altogether voluntary on the part of our man, but it did not displease us, as the result convinced us that we stood on safe ground, should any violence be attempted. our opponents were enraged at the want of spirit evinced by their men, and determined on being revenged upon _us_ in a manner that showed the virulence of their animosity. a number of lumber men were making up their rafts within a short distance of us at the time, who were for the most part natives of the emerald isle. paddy's "knocking down for love" is proverbial. our opponents immediately sent them word that the hudson's bay company had brought up a _bully_ from montreal who defied "the whole of the grand river." "by my faith, does he thin," said pat; "let us have a look at him, any how." on the succeeding evening (after the occurrence of the circumstance above related) we were surprised to see the number of canoes that arrived at the portage from all directions. the crew of each canoe as they landed went direct to our opponents, where they appeared to be liberally supplied with spirits. their object was sufficiently evident, as the potent agent they had employed, in a short time, produced the desired effect. oaths and execrations were heard amid crowing and yelling. our canadians all took to their heels, except our noble game-cock and two others; and now the drama opened. a respectable good looking fellow stept out from the crowd, accompanied by another man, a canadian, and advancing to our champion, asked him "if he would not sell his feathers" (his hat being decorated with them). it is unnecessary to state the reply. an altercation ensued, and blows would undoubtedly have succeeded, had i not then interfered. i invited the stranger to my tent, and having opened my _garde de vin_, produced some of the good things it contained. a little conversation with my guest, proved him to be a shrewd sensible man; and when i explained the nature of our dispute with our rivals, he comprehended in an instant the object they had in view in circulating the reports which induced him and others to assemble at the portage. the consanguinity of the sons of erin and caledonia was next touched upon, and the point settled to our mutual satisfaction; in short, my brother celt and i parted as good friends as half-an-hour's acquaintance and a bottle of wine could make us. at the conclusion of our interview he departed, and meeting our champion, cordially shook him by the hand; then addressing his companions, remarked, "this, my lads, is a quarrel between the traders, in which we have no right to interfere at all; for my own part, i am very much obliged to the jintlemin on both sides o' the road, for traiting me so jintaily; but jack hall shall not be made a tool of by anybody whatsumdever." jack hall embarked with his crew, and was soon afterwards followed by the others. both parties were thus again in their previous positions, and a little tact saved us from the fatal consequences that might have ensued, had their villainous design proved successful. the daring insult was keenly felt by us all, and accordingly one of our trio despatched a message to the only individual of the opposite party who had any pretension to the title of gentleman, soliciting the pleasure of his company to take the air next morning. the invitation was accepted. our party kept the appointment, and remained for two hours on the ground, awaiting the arrival of their _friends_; but the friends allowed them the sole enjoyment of the morning air. a few days afterwards the natives began to make their appearance, and scenes of a revolting nature were of frequent occurrence. rum and brandy flowed in streams, and dollars were scattered about as if they had been of no greater value than pebbles on the beach. the expenses incurred by both parties were very great; but while this lavish expenditure seriously affected the resources of the petty traders, the coffers of the company were too liberally filled to be sensibly diminished by such outlay. nevertheless, the natives would not dispose of their furs until they reached the village. we remained at the portage until the th of june, when the natives having all passed, we embarked, and arrived at the lake on the th, where we were shocked to learn that our bourgeois[ ] had had a very narrow escape from the treachery of an iroquois during our absence, the particulars of which were thus related to us. mr. fisher had advanced a sum to this scoundrel two years before, and seeing him pass his door the ensuing spring after the debt had been contracted, with his furs, which he carried to our opponents, he watched his return, and calling him in, demanded payment; an insolent reply was the return for his kindness, which so much exasperated him, that he kicked him out in presence of several other indians. the insult was not forgotten. soon after his arrival this spring, he sent for mr. fisher, who complied with the invitation, expecting payment of his debt. the moment he entered the house, however, he discovered that he had been inveigled. the indian stood before him, his face painted, and a pistol in his hand, which he presented. in an instant mr. fisher bared his breast, and staring his enemy fiercely in the face, exclaimed, "fire, you black dog! what! did you imagine you had sent for an old woman?" [ ] the term bourgeois is used for master throughout the indian country. mr. fisher's knowledge of the indian character saved his life; had he betrayed the slightest symptom of fear, he was a dead man; but the undaunted attitude he assumed staggered the resolution of the savage; a new bias seemed to operate on his mind, probably through a feeling of respect for the determined courage displayed by his intended victim. he could not brace his nerves to a second effort; his hand dropped listlessly by his side; his gaze was fixed on mr. fisher for a moment; then dashing the pistol violently on the ground, he beckoned him to withdraw.[ ] [ ] at that period some of the iroquois made good hunts, trapping beaver along the main rivers and outskirts of the algonquin lands. immediately after the close of the spring trade, the most formidable of our opponents _hinted_ that he might be induced to quit the field; a negotiation was accordingly opened with him, which soon terminated in a favourable issue, on very advantageous terms to the retiring party. the solitary being who remained behind was thus thrown upon his own resources, and his efforts to maintain the unequal contest unaided, were so feeble and ineffectual, that the company might be said to hold a monopoly of the fur-trade at this period; but thereafter they paid dearly for their triumph, as further sacrifices had yet to be made ere they could enjoy it in quiet. a canadian merchant, in easy circumstances, who dwelt opposite to the village, having learned the advantageous terms obtained by the petty traders from the company, addressed a very polite note to mr. fisher, stating his intention to try his fortune as a trader, but that he would have no objection to postpone the attempt for five years, provided the company would allow him l. per annum, during that period. the proposal was submitted to mr. thane, who laconically replied, "let him do his worst, and be...." accordingly, st. julien immediately commenced operations. he hired one end of an indian house, which he fitted up as a trader's shop: fisher hired the other end. st. julien then removed to another: fisher occupied the other end of that house also. st. julien next rented a _whole_ house: fisher purchased a house, placed it upon rollers, and wheeled it directly in front of that of his rival, rearwards, scarcely leaving sufficient room for one person to pass between the premises. this caused great amusement to the indians; not so to st. julien, who had not anticipated so excessive a desire on the part of any of the company's officers for so close an intimacy; and at the end of six weeks he took his departure without pay or pension from the company. in the course of this summer our algonquins received a visit from a party of ottawas, (this tribe occupies the hunting grounds in the vicinity of michimmakina or makinaw, and speaks the sauteaux language,) which created considerable alarm in the village, as they came for the purpose of demanding satisfaction for the murder of one of their tribe, which had been perpetrated two years before by an algonquin. the details of the atrocious deed were communicated to me as follows. the ottawas and algonquins, with their families, were proceeding in company to the lake, in the spring of , when being encamped in the neighbourhood of the long sault rapid, the algonquin sprang upon his unsuspecting companion, and cleft his skull with his tomahawk, without the least apparent provocation; then dragging the body to the water's edge, he cut it up into small pieces, and threw them in. he next despatched the woman, and mutilated her body in the same savage manner, having first committed the most horrible barbarity on her person; (the recital of which curdled my blood; and yet our christianized (?) algonquins laughed heartily on hearing it!) the demon in human form, with the yet reeking tomahawk raised over the heads of his wife and children, made them swear that they would never divulge the horrid deed; but they did disclose it; and it was from the wife the tale of horror was elicited. the object of the ottawas was not revenge. compensation to the full estimated value of the lives of a man and woman was all they demanded; and that they received to an amount that far exceeded their expectations. had the murderer been in the village the chiefs declared they would have given him up; but they had already delivered him over to the proper authorities, and he was then in prison waiting his sentence. it has been already mentioned, that the company had assumed the outstanding debts of the petty traders. when the accounts were closed this autumn, the aggregate amount of liabilities due to the company exhibited the enormous sum of seventy-two thousand dollars--not a shilling of that sum has ever been repaid. soon after the departure of the natives for the interior, i was notified of my appointment to the charge of the chats post. my friend mac also received marching orders; and after parting with him i took leave of the lake of two mountains on the th of august. chapter v. arrival at the chats--installed as bourgeois--first trading excursion--bivouac in the woods--indian barbarity. i arrived at the chats on the th of august, . as we approached the establishment, the crew struck up a song which soon attracted the notice of its only inmate; a tall gaunt figure, who was observed moving toward the landing-place, where it remained stationary. with the exception of this solitary being, no sign of animation was perceptible. we landed, and found the recluse to be the gentleman whom i was to succeed. the men belonging to the post were at the time employed elsewhere; fire-arms were therefore discharged, to summon them to return. an old interpreter and two men, constituting the force at this station, soon made their appearance. such an uncommon event as an _arrival_ seemed to produce an exhilarating effect upon them. immediately after my landing the charge was made over to me; and on the following day my predecessor, mr. macdonald, took his departure, leaving me to the fellowship of my own musings, which for a time assumed but sombre hues; but i was then young, and the hopes and aspirations of an ardent mind threw a halo around the gloomy path that lay before me, and resting upon the bright spots that glimmered in the distant background, concealed from my view the toils and miseries i had to experience in the intermediate passage. on assuming the responsibility of this post, i found myself in a position which gratified my vanity. i was bourgeois of the chats; had an interpreter and two men subject to my orders; and could make such arrangements as my own inclinations dictated, without the surveillance of a superior. i was, in fact, master of my own time and of my own actions; could fiddle when i pleased, and dance when i had a mind with my own shadow; no person here dared to question my actions. about the beginning of september the natives began to pass for the interior, and to my great surprise appeared to be in want of further supplies, although they had left the lake amply provided with everything necessary. some of them took advances here again to a considerable amount. i learned from them that a petty trader who had just then sprung into existence, intended to establish a couple of posts in the interior of the district--(this post being subject to the lake of two mountains.) this was rather an unpleasant piece of intelligence, and quite unexpected by my superiors or myself. i despatched a messenger to head-quarters to give the alarm, and was soon joined by a reinforcement of men conducted by a junior clerk and an interpreter. preparations were then made to follow up this new competitor the moment he appeared. he did not allow us to remain long in suspense. a few days afterwards his party was observed passing in two canoes; our people were immediately in their wake, and i remained with but one man and the old interpreter during the winter. i had only two indian hunters to attend to; one in the immediate vicinity of the post, the other about three days' journey distant. late in autumn i was gratified by a visit from the superintendent of the district, who expressed himself perfectly satisfied with my arrangements. as soon as the river _set fast_ with ice, i resolved on paying a visit to my more remote customer, and assumed the snow-shoes for the first time. i set out with my _only_ man, leaving the old interpreter sole occupier of the post. my man had visited the indian on several occasions during the previous winter, and told me that he usually halted at a chantier,[ ] on the way to his lodge. we arrived late in the evening at the locality in question, and finding a quantity of timber collected on the ice, concluded that the _shanty_ must be close at hand. we accordingly followed the lumber-track until we reached the hut which had formerly afforded such comfortable accommodation to my companion. great was our disappointment, however, to find it now tenantless, and almost buried in snow. i had made an extraordinary effort to reach the spot in the hope of procuring good quarters for the night, and was now so completely exhausted by fatigue that i could proceed no further. the night was dark, and to make our situation as cheerless as possible, it was discovered that my companion had left his "fire-works" behind--a proof of his inexperience. under these circumstances our preparations were necessarily few. having laid a few boughs of pine upon the snow, we wrapped ourselves up in our blankets, and lay down together. i passed the night without much rest; but my attendant--a hardy canadian--kept the wild beasts at bay by his deep snoring, until dawn. i found myself completely benumbed with cold; a smart walk, however, soon put the blood in circulation, and ere long we entered a shanty where we experienced the usual hospitality of these generous folks. here we borrowed a "smoking-bag," containing a steel, flint, and tinder. with the aid of these desiderata in the appointments of a voyageur, we had a comfortable encampment on the following night. [ ] the hut used by the lumbermen, and the root of the well-known "shanty." the mode of constructing a winter encampment is simply this:--you measure with your eye the extent of ground you require for your purpose, then taking off your snow-shoes, use them as shovels to clear away the snow. this operation over, the finer branches of the balsam tree are laid upon the ground to a certain depth; then logs of dry wood are placed at right angles to the feet at a proper distance, and ignited by means of the "fire-works" alluded to. in such an encampment as this, after a plentiful supper of half-cooked peas and indian corn--the inland travelling fare of the montreal department--and a day's hard walking, one enjoys a repose to which the voluptuary reclining on his bed of down is a perfect stranger. we reached our destination on the following day about noon, where we found but little to recompense us for our journey. both our own people from the outpost and our opponents had already traded all the furs the indian had to dispose of, although his supplies at the lake of two mountains and at my post amounted to a sum that would have required his utmost exertions to pay. we remained that night at his lodge, and very early on the succeeding morning, started on our return. with the exception of a couple of trips i made to the inland posts, nothing disturbed the monotony of my avocations during the remaining part of the winter. petty traders swarmed all over the country; the posts which were established in the interior to cope with them traded freely with the natives, in order to secure their furs from competitors. thus the immense sacrifices which the company had made to obtain a monopoly, as they imagined, yielded them no advantage whatever; and repeated defalcations on the part of the natives, induced them to curtail their advances at their principal station. the natives, however, found no difficulty in procuring their requisites in exchange for their furs, either from the posts belonging to the company in the interior, or from the opposition; for they were, with few exceptions, of the same character as the individual already alluded to. the indian whom i mentioned as residing in the neighbourhood of the establishment arrived, late in autumn, from the lake, where he could not obtain a charge of ammunition on credit. i supplied all his wants liberally, knowing him to be a good hunter, though a notorious rogue; and he set out for his hunting grounds, to all appearance well pleased. in the course of the winter a yankee adventurer opened a "grog shop," within a short distance of the depôt, who appeared to have no objection to a beaver's skin in exchange for his commodities. my indian debtor returned in the month of march, with a tolerable "hunt," and pitched his tent midway between the post and my yankee neighbour. i called upon the indian immediately for payment, which he told me i should receive on the morrow. i went accordingly at the time appointed, and was annoyed to find that he had already disposed of a part of his furs for the yankee's whiskey; and i therefore demanded payment in a tone of voice which clearly indicated that i was in earnest. to-morrow was mentioned again; but having come with the determination of being satisfied on the spot, i seized, without further ceremony, what furs remained, and throwing them out of the wigwam to my man, who was placed there to receive them, i remained within, to bear the brunt of the indian's resentment, should he show any, until my man had secured the prize. i was well prepared to defend myself, in case of any violence being offered. nothing of the kind was attempted, however; and i took my leave, after sustaining a volley of abuse, which did me no harm. the indian paid me a visit next morning, for the purpose of settling accounts, a small balance being due to him, which, at his own request, was paid in rum. i soon after received another visit, for nectar, on credit; this request i granted. the visits, however, were repeated so often for the same purpose, that i at length found it advisable to give a denial, by proxy, not wishing to part on bad terms with him, if possible, on account of the spring hunt. i absented myself from the house, having instructed my interpreter how to act. i took my station in a small grove of pines, close by, watching for the appointed signal to apprise me of the departure of the indian. my attention was suddenly arrested by most doleful cries at the house; and presently the voice of my interpreter was heard, calling me loudly by name. i ran at the top of my speed, and arrived just in time to save the life of a poor old woman, who had been making sugar in my neighbourhood. i found the father and two sons, both approaching manhood, in a complete state of nudity, dancing round the body of their victim (to all appearance dead), their bodies besmeared with blood, and exulting in the barbarous deed they had committed. my interpreter informed me, that as soon as they observed the old woman approaching the house, the christian father told his sons that now was the time to take revenge for the death of their brother, whose life had been destroyed by this woman's "bad medicine." we drove the wretches away, and carried the miserable woman into the house; and so dreadfully bruised and mangled were her head and face, that not the least trace of her features could be distinguished. at the end of a month she recovered sufficiently to crawl about. her son passed in the spring, with an excellent hunt. when i related to him the manner his mother had been treated by the indians, and the care i had taken of her, he coolly replied that he was sure they were bad indians. "it was very charitable of you," said he, "to have taken so much care of the old woman. come to my wigwam next winter, and i shall trade with you, and treat you well." in the meantime every skin he had went to our opponents, although he was deeply indebted to the company. chapter vi. trip to fort coulonge--mr. godin--natives. a large canoe arrived from montreal about the latter end of june, by which i received orders to proceed to fort coulonge, situated about eighty miles higher up the ottawa, to relieve the person then in charge of that post. i accordingly embarked in the same canoe, accompanied by my young friend mr. macdougal, who joined me last autumn, and who kindly volunteered to proceed along with me to my destination. this canoe was under the charge of people hired for the trip, and directed by the bowsman, or guide. i soon discovered that i was considered merely as a piece of live lumber on board. my companion and myself were reduced to the necessity of cooking our own victuals, or of going without them. we pitched our tent as best we could, and packed it up in the morning without the slightest offer of assistance from the crew. no incident worthy of notice occurred until we reached the grand calumet portage, the longest on the ottawa river. the crew slept at the further end of the portage, whither the canoe and part of the cargo had been carried during the day, and we pitched our tent there also in the usual awkward manner. the weather was very fine in the evening, but soon after night-fall a tremendous storm burst upon us: our tent was blown about our ears in an instant. we endeavoured to compose ourselves to rest underneath, but found it impracticable. we then attempted to pitch it anew, but our strength and ingenuity were not sufficient for the purpose. we tried afterwards to find shelter under the canoe (the rain pouring in torrents), but the crew were already in possession, and so closely packed, that not an inch was unoccupied. thus baffled on every hand, we passed the night completely exposed to the "pelting of the pitiless storm," learning a lesson of practical philosophy which i have not yet forgotten. we arrived at fort coulonge early the next day, when a portly old gentleman, bearing a paunch that might have done credit to an edinburgh baillie, came puffing down to the landing-place to receive us. we soon discovered that mr. godin was only "nominally" in charge of the establishment, for that his daughter, a stout, masculine-looking wench, full thirty summers blown, possessed what little authority was required for the management of affairs. we arrived on wednesday. the father proposed setting out for montreal on friday; the daughter objected the ill luck of the day: it was finally determined that they should embark on thursday, however late. the necessary preparations were immediately commenced under her ladyship's superintendence, and being completed late in the evening, they embarked, leaving me perfectly alone. the contracts with the men had just expired, which i proposed to renew, but the answer from one and all was, "i shall follow my bourgeois." this was the result of the old gentleman's arrangements (having been ordered off contrary to his wishes), and which might have been anticipated by those who appointed me to the situation; but it would have been derogatory to the exalted rank of their highnesses to bestow any consideration on such trivial matters as related to the comfort or convenience of a paltry apprentice! their neglect, however, might have been attended on this occasion with serious consequences to the company's interests, as i had never seen any of the indians of that quarter before, and knew very little of their mode of trading. it was a fortunate circumstance for myself that i understood the language sufficiently well to converse with the natives, otherwise my situation would have been disagreeable in the extreme. i remained alone until the latter end of july, when i was joined by an english lad, whom i induced by the promise of high wages to leave his former employers (lumbermen) and share my solitude. the history of my predecessor being rather singular, a few words here regarding him may perhaps not be considered out of place. he commenced his career as a hired servant, or voyageur, as they are termed in the country, and was thirty years of age before he knew a letter of the alphabet. being a man possessed of strong natural parts, and great bodily strength withal, he soon distinguished himself as an under trader of uncommon tact,--his prowess as a pugilist also gave him a very decided advantage in the field of competition. endowed with such qualifications, his services were duly appreciated by the traders, and he knew full well how to turn them to his own advantage. he served all parties alike; that is, he served each in turn, and cheated and deceived them all. after the organization of the north-west company, he entered their service; and returning to the same quarter, temiscamingue, where he had wintered for his last employer, he passed the post unperceived, and falling in with a band of indians, whom he himself had supplied the preceding autumn, told them he still belonged to the same party, and traded all their furs on the spot. the north-west company gave him charge of a post, when his subtle management soon cleared the country of opposition. the natives of temiscamingue were in those times very treacherous, as they would be at this day, did they not dread the consequences; several men had been murdered by them, and they at length became exceedingly bold and daring in deeds of violence. one example is sufficient:--godin happened, on one occasion, to remain at his post with only one man, who attended the nets,--fish being the staff of life in that quarter. visiting them regularly every day to procure his own and his master's subsistence, his return was one morning delayed much beyond the usual time. godin felt so anxious, that he determined on going to the fishery to learn the cause; and just as he had quitted the house with that intention, he met an indian who had been for some time encamped in the vicinity, and asked him-- "what news?" "i have killed a white dog this morning," was the reply. "indeed!" said godin, feigning ignorance of the indian's meaning: "pray, to whom did he belong?" "he was a stray dog, i believe." conversing with him in this strain, he threw the indian completely off his guard, while he approached him until he was sufficiently near him for his purpose, when, raising his powerful arm, he struck the savage a blow under the ear that felled him to the ground,--he fell to rise no more. the next moment, a couple of well-disposed indians came to inform godin of the murder of his man, which it appeared they could not prevent. "my children," said he, with the utmost composure, "the master of life has punished your kinsman on the spot for taking the life of a white man; he told me just now that he had killed a white dog, and had scarcely finished the sentence when he fell down dead at my feet. feel his body, it must be still warm; examine it, and satisfy yourselves that he has suffered no violence from me, and you see that i have no weapons about me." godin was soon afterwards removed to fort coulonge, and was allowed a high salary by the north-west company. here he learned to read and write, and married a fair countrywoman of his own, who resided the greater part of the time in montreal, where, to make the gentleman's establishment complete, he had the good taste to introduce his mistress. a circumstance that presents his character in its true colours made his wife acquainted with his infidelity. writing to both his ladies at the same time, he unwittingly addressed his mistress's letter to his wife, by which she learnt, with other matters, that a present of ten prime otters had been sent to her rival. the enraged wife carried the letter to mr. thane, from whom, however, she met with a very different reception to what she had anticipated. after perusing the letter, he ordered her immediately out of his presence. "begone, vile woman!" he exclaimed: "what! would you really wish to see your husband hanged?" the company were well aware of godin's tricks, but winked at them on account of his valuable services. he was removed from fort coulonge in consequence of mismanagement, (occasioned by aberration of his mental faculties,) and was allowed by the company to retire with a pension of l. per annum. the transcript of a public letter, addressed to mr. thane, will show his attainments in literature; and, with this i shall close my sketch of mr. godin:-- "mon'r tane, "cher mon'r, "vot letre ma té livie par guiaume dean aisi qui le butin tout a bon ord le shauvages on ben travaié set anne et bon aparans de bon retour st. anne dieu merci je ne jami vu tant de moustique et de maragoen com il en a st anne je pens desend st anne ver le meme tan com l'anné pasé. "je sui, "cher mon'r, &c. "joseph godin." the indians attached to this post speak the sauteux language, and are denominated "tetes des boules" by the french, and "men of the woods" by the other indians. although so near to priests and ministers, they are still pagans, but are nevertheless a quiet harmless race, and excellent hunters. the greater part of them originally belonged to temiscamingue, and were drawn to this quarter by mr. godin. a considerable number of algonquins also trade here, where they pass the greater part of their lives without visiting the lake. the people appear to me to differ in no respect from their heathen brethren, save in the very negligent observance of certain external forms of worship, and in being more enlightened in the arts of deceiving and lying. about the middle of august, i was gratified by the arrival of mr. godin's interpreter, and three men, by whom i received letters from head-quarters, informing me that my neighbours of last winter intended to establish posts in this quarter also, and that i should soon be joined by a strong reinforcement of men, to enable me to cope successfully with them. we complain of solitude in the indian forests, yet the vicinity of such a neighbour is considered the greatest evil; and instead of cherishing the feelings enjoined in the decalogue, one hates his neighbour as the d----l, and employs every means to get rid of him. the natives having been all supplied, had taken their departure for their hunting-grounds by the latter end of august; i then commenced making the arrangements requisite for the coming contest. chapter vii. superseded--feelings on the occasion--more opposition--Æ. macdonell--tactics--melancholy death of an indian. about the middle of september, i observed a north canoe paddling in for the landing-place, having a gentleman passenger on board, who immediately on landing ordered his servant to carry his baggage up to the fort. on his entering the house, the apparent mystery was soon unfolded. mr. siviright handed me a letter from mr. thane, conveying the agreeable intelligence of my being superseded by the bearer,--commanding me to obey him as my bourgeois, and to conduct myself in such a manner as to give mr. s. every satisfaction. the latter injunction i felt very little inclination to comply with at the time; in fact, the slight put upon me caused my northern blood to rise to fever heat; and in this excited frame of mind i sat down to reply to the "great man's" communication, in which i gave vent to my injured feelings in very plain language. what he may have thought of the epistle, i know not, as he never deigned to reply. it was inconsiderate in me, however, to have so acted; but prudence had not yet assumed her due influence over me. mr. s. had been at that time twenty-four years in the service, i only three; he had therefore a superior claim to any i could advance: but why not inform me at once that my appointment to the charge was merely temporary? this double dealing manifested a distrust of me, for which no cause could possibly be assigned: that excited my resentment, and not the circumstance of being superseded. towards the latter end of the month of september, our opponents made their appearance in three small canoes, while i embarked in pursuit with the same number. one of my north canoes was in charge of three men, the others contained two, counting myself as a man. having become rather expert as an amateur voyageur, i considered myself capable of undertaking the real duty now, and accordingly volunteered my services as steersman, as no additional hand could be spared, without great inconvenience to my bourgeois. a little experience convinced me, however, that my zeal exceeded my ability. my opponent was in a light canoe, and moved, about with a celerity that my utmost exertions could not cope with; for as soon as an indian canoe appeared, he paddled off for it; i of course attempted to compete, but generally arrived just in time to find that he had already concluded his transaction with the hunters. we reached black river on the third day from fort coulonge, where it appeared my opponent's intention to remain for some time, to await the arrival of certain indians who were expected down by that river. i determined therefore to despatch a canoe to fort coulonge, to acquaint mr. s with the particulars above related; and sent back therewith such of the property as i thought could be dispensed with at the time, as it was quite evident we could not keep up with our opponent in the portages with such a quantity of baggage as we then had, and we could obtain no information that could be depended upon as to their ultimate destination--it might be at the distance of a hundred miles, or only ten. my messengers were but two days absent; and i was not a little mortified to learn from them, that mr. s., instead of attending to my suggestions, not only returned all the property i had sent, but nearly an equal quantity in addition. he wrote me his reasons for doing so; but i felt assured that he had no other object in view than to show me that he was the superior, i the subordinate; and i resolved from that moment, to perform no more extra duty. after continuing a fortnight at our encampment, we again embarked, when i ordered the third man in the large canoe into my own, and tossing my paddle down stream, took my station in the middle of my canoe. a few hours' paddling brought us to an old shanty in the island of allumette, where, to my great joy, i perceived my opponent intended to fix his winter quarters. we accordingly commenced erecting a couple of huts, a store, and dwelling-house, in close proximity to him. this being the best season of the year for the natives to hunt, it was the interest of all parties not to molest them; and we therefore employed our time in preparing suitable accommodation for the winter. on the completion of our arrangements, i set out, about the beginning of october, on a visit to fort coulonge; and on the day after my arrival there we observed a north canoe paddling slowly past, and distinguished the features of every individual on board through a telescope, but could recognise no one: however, to clear up the doubt, the interpreter was sent after them in a small canoe, with instructions to make a close scrutiny. they no sooner discovered that he was in pursuit, than they ceased paddling. after a long confabulation he learned that they were proceeding to sault st. marie, where they intended to settle. i passed two days with my bourgeois, and returned home, where we--our opponents and ourselves--watched each other's movements, being our only occupation until the end of november, when mr. s. paid me a visit, which proved anything but gratifying. he (mr. s.) had learned from some lumbermen, that the "settlers for the sault ste. marie" were an opposition party conducted by mr. Æneas macdonell, my predecessor at the chats; and that he purposed to _settle_ for the winter near lac des allumettes. this gentleman's engagement had been cancelled at the earnest solicitation of his father, whom death had lately deprived of another son; and who now, to requite the favour granted to him by the company, sent this son in opposition! we had barely a sufficient number of men to perform the necessary duties of the two posts already established; we were, therefore, completely at a loss to meet this emergency. mr. s. could spare one man only from his own post, whom he brought up to me. i embarked early next morning with one of my own men, in search of the "settler." on reaching lac des allumettes on the same evening, our attention was arrested by the voices of indians, singing on an island. we immediately pulled in for the spot, and found a large camp of algonquins, men, women and children, all in a state of intoxication; from whom i learned, though with much difficulty, the whereabouts of macdonell's retreat. quitting this disgusting scene as speedily as possible, we resumed our paddles, and soon afterwards discovered the opposition post. when we landed, my quondam mess-mate advanced to receive me, and, after a cordial shake of the hand, kindly invited me to pass the night with him. i gladly accepted the offer; and was not a little concerned to perceive that his preparations for winter were already complete; a circumstance which gave him a decided advantage. happening in the course of conversation to express my surprise at seeing him in the character of an opponent, he told me that nothing could be farther from his intention than to oppose the company. he came to this quarter for the purpose of preparing timber for the quebec market; in provincial phrase, "to make a shanty." but i knew well enough his designs. i started early next morning on my return, and immediately thereafter prepared a small outfit; and re-embarked next evening with five men in two canoes, leaving the interpreter in charge of the post, with one man to assist him. having experienced very bad weather on our way, and consequently some delay, we did not reach our new station until late in the evening of the fourth day. i immediately sent back two of the men to the interpreter, and retained three with myself, which placed me on a par with my opponent in point of numbers. but he was now ready for active operations, while i had every thing to prepare. i resolved, however, to forego every personal comfort and convenience rather than allow him to enjoy any advantage over me. i accordingly assisted in erecting a small hut, which i intended should serve for dwelling-house for myself and men, trading-shop, store and all. a couple of days after our arrival, macdonell was seen walking down to the water's edge with a very cautious step, accompanied by one of his men, bearing his canoe, basket fashion, on one arm, and a large bundle on the other, from which, notwithstanding his steady pace, the jumbling sound of liquor was distinctly heard. "holla, mac, where are you going with your basket?" "why, i am going across to herd's shanty, to get my axes ground." "my dear fellow, how can you think of risking yourself in such a gimcrack contrivance as that? i must absolutely send a couple of my men along with you to see no accident happens to you." having a parcel of goods ready for emergencies of this kind, my men started in a moment, and embarked at the same time as my neighbour. i continued with my only man completing my castle; but the earth being already hard frozen, no clay could be obtained for the purpose of plastering; the interstices between the logs were therefore caulked with moss; a large aperture being left in the roof to serve the double purpose of chimney and window. i had formerly seen houses so constructed--somewhere--but let no one dare to imagine that i allude to "my own, my native land." stones were piled up against the logs, to protect them from the fire. the timber required for floor, door, and beds, was all prepared with the axe; our building being thus rendered habitable without even going to the extent of lycurgus' frugal laws, for the axe was our only implement. my opponent returned in four days, having been at an indian camp, not far distant, where both he and our people traded a considerable quantity of furs. this was our only trip by open water. as soon as the river became ice-bound, we were again in motion. to enter into minute details of our various movements would but prove tedious; i shall therefore present a general sketch of our mode of life at this period, and such occurrences as i may consider worthy of note. macdonell had chosen his situation with great judgment. the majority of the algonquins take their start from the grand river at this place for their hunting-grounds. some of them not being more than a day's journey distant from us, the joyful intelligence soon spread amongst them that an opposition party had been established in their neighbourhood; they accordingly flocked about us as soon as travelling became practicable on the ice, and generally brought with them the means of ensuring a friendly reception. one party came in at this early season with all their fall hunts, which they bartered for liquors and provisions, and encamped close by, enjoying themselves, until an event occurred that alarmed them so much, (being with some reason considered by them as a punishment for the wicked life they had led,) that with the utmost precipitation they struck their camp. i was joined early in the month of january by a party of men and a clerk, whom mr. s. had ordered, or rather "requested," from montreal; and having, on the day of their arrival, received an invitation from one of our algonquin chiefs to pay him a _trading_ visit, i started next day, leaving mr. lane in charge, accompanied by two men, and reached the chief's wigwam late in the evening. as soon as i was seated, he asked me if i had not met the matawin indians. on my replying in the negative, he informed me that they had passed his place early in the morning, loaded with furs, and that they expressed their intention of proceeding to the post before they halted. these indians had all been supplied by myself in autumn to a large amount; so that the intelligence acted on my nerves like an electric shock. i felt much fatigued on entering the lodge, but i now sprung to my feet, as fresh for the journey as when i had commenced it; and ordering one of my men to return with me, left the other, an experienced hand, to manage affairs with the chief. i arrived at my post about two next morning, when i found the indians, some at our hut, some at our opponent's, all of them approaching the climax of indian happiness, and mr. lane in a state of mind bordering on distraction. neither he nor any of the men had ever seen any of these indians before, nor did they understand a word of the language. the indians were honest enough, however, to give him their furs in charge till my return; reserving only a small quantity to dispose of at discretion. my arrival was soon announced at my neighbour's, and brought the whole bevy about me in an instant, only one individual remaining behind. on inquiring into the cause of his absence, his companions replied that he had fallen asleep immediately after he had supped, and that they did not wish to disturb him. a few hours afterwards i was not a little surprised to see my neighbour entering our hut hurriedly, who addressed me thus:-- "my dear mac, it is true we are in opposition, but no enmity exists between us. a dreadful misfortune happened in my house last night.--come and see!" i instantly complied with his request; proceeded to his hut, and saw the indian who was said to be asleep, with his eyes closed--for ever; a sad spectacle, for it was evident that the death of the poor wretch had been caused by intemperance; he was found in the morning lying on his face, and his body already stiff. we were both alike involved in the same awful responsibility, for the indians drank as much at one house as the other, though his death occurred at the establishment of the other party. the company only permit the sale of liquors to the natives when the presence of opponents renders it an indispensable article of trade, as it is by this unhallowed traffic that the petty traders realize their greatest profit. yet this plea of necessity, however satisfactory it may appear in a certain quarter, will not, i feel assured, be accepted in our vindication by the world, nor hereafter in our justification at that tribunal where worldly considerations have no influence. information soon reached the camp of the calamity that had happened, which promptly silenced the clamorous mirth that prevailed; and the voice of mourning succeeded--the indians being all in good crying trim, that is, intoxicated; for i have never seen an indian shed a tear when sober. no more liquor was traded; the relatives of the deceased departed with the body to the lake of two mountains, and the other indians started for their hunting-grounds--thus granting us a short respite from the arduous duties in which we had been engaged. while the indians remained about us we never enjoyed a moment's refreshing rest, our hut being crowded with them night and day. it was at times with difficulty we could prepare our victuals, or, when cooked, command sufficient time to partake of a hasty meal, in the midst of the "living mass" that environed us. all this was extremely annoying; but other comforts must be added ere this picture of the life we then led is complete. the motions of our opponents must needs be attended to, at dawn of day; each morning every path was carefully examined, to ascertain that no one had started during night: these precautions were also punctually taken by our opponents; and every stratagem that could be devised to elude each other's vigilance put in practice, it being the "interest" of each party to reach the indians alone. chapter viii. activity of our opponents--violent conduct of an indian--narrow escape--artifice--trip to indian's lodge--stupidity of interpreter. when we discovered that our opponents had outwitted us, we would despatch messengers in pursuit; and i need scarcely add, the same means were resorted to by our neighbours, when inquisitive about our movements. we had now the advantage in point of numbers, being nearly two to one; yet it so happened that we seldom could perform a trip unattended; very frequently by a single man against two or three--still he got his share; for the system of trade in this quarter does not allow violent means being employed to obtain possession of the products of the hunt. the mode of procedure is this:--on entering the lodge of an indian, you present him with a small keg of nectar, as a propitiatory offering; then, in suppliant tones, request payment of the debt he may owe you, which he probably defers to a future day--the day of judgment. if your opponent be present, you dare not open your lips in objection to the delay; for you may offend his dignity, and consequently lose all his furs. this you are aware of, and accordingly proceed to untie your pack, and exposing its contents to view, solicit him to give, at least, the preference in trade. your opponent, on the other side of the fire-place, having also poured out his libation, imitates your example in every respect; and most probably he may secure the wife, while you engage the husband as customers. a few weeks elapsed without the arrival of any hunters, and we were beginning to recover from the effects of our late fatigues, when a numerous band arrived from a considerable distance, and encamped on the same spot that had been occupied by those lately noticed, and the same riotous scenes were again enacted, although these new comers were fully aware of the misfortune that had already occurred in consequence of similar disgusting intemperance. among this band was a son of the principal sachem of the algonquins, who was acknowledged heir apparent to his _dad's vermin_, and who assumed the airs of a man of great consequence, in virtue of his prospective dignity. the father bore a respectable character; the son was a sot. in consideration of his furs, however, i paid him some little attentions, though much against my inclination. he came one evening reeling into our hut, more than "half-seas over," having been thus far advanced on his voyage to elysium through the insinuating influences of my opponent's "fire-water;" and seating himself on a three-legged stool, close to the fire-place, he soon began to nod; then, losing his equilibrium, ultimately fell at full length on the floor. i could not suppress a smile at sight of his copper highness's prostrate position, when springing up in a furious passion, he seized an axe, and proceeded to demolish the seat. i wrested the axe from his grasp, and reprimanded him sharply for his insolence. this exasperated him to the utmost: he swore i was in league with the stool to insult him; but that he should be revenged on us both before morning. uttering these menaces, he set out for the camp. it so happened that a strong party of men arrived on that evening from fort coulonge with supplies, and were huddled together with myself and my men, all under the same roof. the greater part of them lay down to rest; but a few still continued the vigil, indulging in the favourite luxury of smoking, and chatting about the enjoyments of "mont-rial,"--when, all of a sudden, the dread-inspiring war-whoop echoed through our little hut; the next instant the door flew off its wooden hinges, and fell with a crash on the floor, exhibiting to view the person of the indian, standing on the threshold, holding a double-barrelled gun in his hand, with blackened face and his eyes flashing fire. the men had now all started to their feet, as well as myself. the moment the eyes of the savage fell upon me, in the midst of the crowd, he brought the piece to bear upon me, or at least attempted to do so; but i sprang upon him with a bound, and beat the muzzle down; instantly the discharge followed: we then struggled for the possession of the gun, which i quickly wrested from his grasp; and, applying the butt end of it "gently" to his ear, laid him sprawling at my feet. on the discharge of the gun, i heard a voice calling out, "mon dieu!" and another, in a plaintive tone, exclaiming, "ah mon garçon!" this was all i heard distinctly, when every voice joined in one cry, "tueons le crapaud;" and presently the wretched indian was kicked and cuffed by as many as could press round him. i called on them to desist--as well have spoken to the wind!--not a soul heeded my orders. at length one of them observed, "what occasion is there for more beating of him--the black dog is dead enough." i looked about for the person whom i supposed to have been wounded, in vain--the whole mass was in motion. as soon as the tumult had subsided, however, i was glad to find that no one had received any serious injury; the ball had grazed the thigh of a youth (who had arrived from montreal on a visit to his father), and lodged in a log of the building. the uproar occasioned by the men soon brought the indians from the camp about the hut; and perceiving the apparently lifeless body stretched on the floor, they raised a yell that was reverberated by the surrounding hills. "revenge! revenge!" shouted every savage present. we mustered too strong, however, to permit their threats being put into execution without great hazard to themselves; which fact pressed itself so powerfully on their minds, that for the present they discreetly vented their rage in abuse, and returned to their quarters. satisfied by the feeble beating of the indian's pulse that the vital spark was not extinct, i would not allow his kinsmen to remove him. towards morning, recovering the use of speech, he inquired, in a voice scarcely audible, if he "had shed the blood of a white man?" i replied in the affirmative. "then," said he, "it would have been better had you despatched me at once, for i shall certainly be hanged." with the view of pacifying the natives, i deemed it advisable to represent the young man's wound as very severe, and exercised my wits to give my representation the semblance of truth. i caused the young man's leg to be carefully bandaged; and, luckily, happening to have a fresh beaver in the house, the bandage was speedily besmeared with its blood, and the sound patient placed in bed, with instructions how to act his part. the indians returned early on the following morning to inquire after their young chief, and being all perfectly sober, i descanted on the calamity of the previous night, describing _my_ young man's case to be of such a serious nature as to induce the apprehension that death, or at least amputation of the limb, would be the consequence. in confirmation of the veracity of this statement, the afflicted leg was exposed to view, while the patient's groans, which impressed on the minds of the bystanders the conviction of the pain he endured, prevented too close a scrutiny. "alas!" they exclaimed, "it is all very true. wagh! this is indeed a sad business; but the bad fire-water is to blame for it all." my stratagem had succeeded. most of the natives acknowledged the justice of the punishment inflicted on their young chief, who had a brother present, however, whose sullen countenance betrayed the vindictive feelings in his breast, although he maintained a profound silence. the fort coulonge party started early next day, dragging their wounded companion on a sled, until they were out of sight. the relatives of the chief removed him to the camp, where he soon recovered. all the other indians took their departure on the day following the affray. shortly afterwards we were favoured with a visit from one whose hunting-grounds bordered on rice lake, a distance of miles. i had advanced this indian all the supplies he required previous to mr. siviright's arrival, which formed a pretty large amount. on examining the books, he animadverted upon the advance in terms of disapprobation, as being very imprudent to risk so much with an indian. most gratified and happy was i then to learn from the hunter that he had sufficient to liquidate the debt, and nearly as much more to trade. on making out his requisition for the latter purpose, it was found that four sleds at least would be required for the transport of all the property. to employ this number in one direction, however, would leave my neighbour at liberty to prosecute his views in another quarter without the necessary attendance. still, i determined on risking a point, and securing at all hazards the valuable prize now offered. obtaining a _piece_ at the sacrifice of a _pawn_ is considered good play. i proceeded accordingly with the indian, accompanied by four men, all with heavily laden sleds, with a pack of goods strapped over my shoulders weighing eighty pounds. macdonell did not follow, as the indian gave him no encouragement. we reached the indian's lodge on the eleventh day from the post, when the abundant display of furs i beheld gave assurance of being amply remunerated for my trip. there were eleven packs of beaver piled upon a scaffold, besides some others, amounting to at least l. sterling. my hospitable customer detained me two days with him to partake of his good cheer. after settling accounts with him, together with payment of the sum he owed, seven of the eleven packs were placed in my possession, with which i started on my return, as proud as if i had been advanced to a share in the company. we arrived at the post after an absence of twenty-five days; and i was mortified to learn that my substitute had most stupidly bungled affairs. a number of indians had come in during my absence who were considered our best friends, and entering our hut without noticing our opponent, threw down their bundles, thereby clearly indicating, according to the usual custom, their intention of trading with one party only. on the other hand, should they leave a bundle at the door, it shows that they intend to divide its contents between two parties. with these particulars the interpreter's experience rendered him perfectly well acquainted, but he "cau'd na be fasht." it is customary when the indians arrive, to present each with a pipe, a plug of tobacco, and, though last, not least in their estimation, "a dram." the usual _politesse_ was expected as a matter of course on this occasion. seeing it was not forthcoming, the indians demanded it. they were answered that no instructions had been left to that effect. "very well," said they, "we shall soon find it elsewhere." and away they went. macdonell received them with open arms. his reception not only induced them to trade every skin they had brought with them, but they also invited him to their camp; and he consequently returned with his own and his men's sleds laden with furs. i learnt all these particulars from himself; for he and i were on as good terms as the nature of our occupation and our relative positions would admit. i was, moreover, made acquainted through him that the indians had expressed regret at my absence, and that an immense quantity of "beaver" still remained at their camp. the spring was now fast approaching, the ice so bad as to render travelling dangerous, and but little snow on the ground. still, i determined on paying a visit to these indians, in order to retrieve the loss, if possible, sustained through the mismanagement of the interpreter. they might yet be in want of some supplies, poor fellows; and we were all so anxious they should want for nothing we could spare for their accommodation;--we, therefore, good, humane souls, supplied them even at the hazard of our lives. chapter ix. expedition to the bear's den--passage through the swamp--cunning of the indians--a scuffle--its results. i set off on this trip accompanied by another interpreter recently sent from montreal, and one of my men, all with heavy burdens on our backs, the season not allowing the use of sledges. the second day we arrived at an indian lodge about half-way to the bear's camp, where i learned that our opponent at the lower outpost had given our people the slip, but had been induced to return from the supposition that the extensive swamp in his way was impassable, being so inundated as to present the appearance of a lake. urged on, however, by youthful ardour and ambition, i determined to make at least one attempt ere i relinquished the enterprise; although i acknowledge that the idea of overcoming difficulties deemed insurmountable by an opponent, had as much to do with the resolution as the desire of doing my duty. followed by my men, i accordingly plunged in, along the margin of the marsh; the water reached our middle, but we found it to decrease in depth as we proceeded, though never below the knee. the water being very cold, our legs soon became quite benumbed; nevertheless we moved onward. a certain passage in history occurred to my mind, which records the perseverance of a great man in a like situation. i too persevered, though with a different object in view. we all have our hobbies. i waded for furs, he for glory. we occasionally met with large trunks of trees as we proceeded, on which we mounted, and restored the circulation to our limbs by stamping upon them; and thus, after five or six hours' painful exertion we reached dry land, where a rousing fire and a hearty breakfast made us soon forget the miseries of the swamp. we reached the old _bear's den_ next evening, who, with his party, expressed much surprise to see me at such a season, and in recompense for my exertions, "traded"[ ] every article of goods i had. [ ] _anglicè_,--bought. there were here seven indians, who, notwithstanding the frequent visits that had been paid them, in the course of the winter, by the people of the lower posts, had still upwards of forty packs of beaver. i got one pack, with which i set off on my return, pleased enough. we found the water in the swamp so far subsided as to permit an easy passage; but the ice on the grand river was so much worse that we were compelled to travel in the woods the greater part of the way. on arriving at the post, i found the opposition party in active preparation for their departure, macdonell having received orders from his father to that effect. he embarked as soon as the navigation became practicable. opponent as he was, i experienced some painful sensations at parting with him; but soon had the _consolation_ to see our opponent at the lower post occupy his place,--a measure which he ought to have adopted at a much earlier period, as even then it gave him a much better chance for a share of the spring trade than below, where he might be said to be placed between two fires. his removal, however, enabled us to concentrate our whole strength against him, so that he could not move a foot without a strong party at his heels. thus circumstanced, he chose to await the arrival of the natives quietly at his post, and we were happy to follow his example. the spring passed in a happy state of quiescence, which was scarcely disturbed by the arrival of the indians, who, this year, had all taken a fancy to visit their ghostly fathers at the lake,[ ] and had, consequently, no time to spend with us; some intending to get married, some having children to be baptized, and some carrying their dead, in order that the last sacred rites for the benefit of their departed spirits might be performed upon them. a few _têtes de boules_ remained for some time, but under so strict a surveillance that they could seldom communicate with our opponents without being observed, and the discovery subjected them to some chastisement. [ ] of the two mountains. i shall here relate a circumstance that occurred at this time, as an example of the cunning of the indians in devising plans to evade us. soon after their arrival, an old squaw brought to our house several casseaux[ ] of sugar, and pointing out one, which she said was left open for immediate consumption, said she would return for it presently. she came next day and took the casseaux down to the tent of the algonquin chief, who had passed the spring close by, and was now building a canoe, preparatory to his departure for the lake. soon after i went to have a chat with the chief, and found only his squaw at home. i observed the casseau, and asked for what purpose it was brought there. "mine hostess" smiled, and answered, "you ought to know everything about it, when it has just quitted your house and passed the night with you. you whites pretend to be very cunning," she continued, "but when an indian, or even an old squaw tries to cheat you, your 'white' knowledge is no match for her. now look into that casseau, anamatik,[ ] and see what is in it." [ ] packages made of bark. [ ] my indian cognomen. i looked, and found, instead of sugar, a very valuable bundle of furs. "what do you think of the sugar?" "oh, it is very fine indeed; so much finer than any that i have, that i must take it along with me." "your white neighbour will be angry with you, for it is left here for him." "let him come to my house if he wants any." i set off with my prize, and as soon as it was deposited in a place of safety, took up a favourable position to watch my opponent, whom i soon perceived making for the tent with long and rapid strides. i could not help laughing heartily at the idea of his disappointment, when told what had happened. the "fair deceiver," to whom the bone of contention had belonged, soon made her appearance with downcast looks, humbly entreating payment for her furs, and i paid her the full amount, after lecturing her severely on the treachery of her conduct _in doing "what she willed with her own._" my opponent embarked on the th june, and i immediately followed him to the lower post, which he left in charge of one man, and then set off for montreal. i kept him company as far as fort coulonge, where i met with a very friendly reception from my bourgeois,--the collected trade of the different posts having far exceeded his most sanguine expectations. he set out for montreal with returns of the value of , l. sterling, and left me in charge for the summer at fort coulonge, and mr. lane at the outpost. only one family of algonquins passed the summer inland,--the same miscreants that had nearly murdered the old woman at the chats; a deed which i had neither forgotten, nor could divest myself of the feelings of indignation it had awakened in my breast. in the course of the summer, the interpreter of the post being in want of some paddles, employed this exemplary father to make them, and paid for them in rum. the quantity was so small, however, that it only had the effect of exciting their thirst, and they returned early in the night for more, which was peremptorily refused. the doors were bolted, and we retired to rest; but rest they were determined we should not have that night; and they continued knocking at the doors and windows, and bawling out at the top of their lungs, "rum,--more rum!" until daylight next morning. i rose very early, in not the best humour possible, and taking the key of the store in my hand--i know not for what purpose--went out, and was followed by the indian, still demanding more rum. i told him he should have none from me. "but i must have some." "then you shall go elsewhere for it;" and without more ado, i turned him out, pushing him with some violence from the door. he fell on his face on the platform that ran in front of the building, and leaving him there to recover his footing at leisure, i returned towards the dwelling-house; but had scarcely reached the end of the platform, when the yell of defiance, "hee-eep, hoo-aw!" resounded in my ears. i instantly wheeled round, and found myself face to face with the indian. the old villain attempted to collar me, but, enraged to madness, i now grappled with him, and with all my might hurled him from the platform to the ground. i stood for a moment hesitating whether i should strike him while down, but had little time to deliberate,--the savage was again on his legs. he rushed towards a gun that stood against a fur-press hard by; i instantly comprehended his intention, and finding a stick at hand, in the twinkling of an eye, i struck him a blow that laid him senseless on the ground. being scarcely aware of what i was doing, i was about to repeat the blow, when i found the uplifted weapon seized from behind. it was primeau, my interpreter, who addressed me in a soothing tone, telling me i had already "done for" the indian. this startling announcement restored me to reason. was i indeed guilty of the blood of a fellow-creature? the thought chilled me with horror. i dashed the stick to the ground. it was instantly picked up by one of his three sons, whom the noise of the scuffle had now brought all up; brandishing it aloft, he aimed a blow at my head, which i parried with my arm, the limb dropping senseless to my side. my men, however, were now on the spot to defend me, and a fierce scuffle took place between them and the indian's sons. had they been the stronger party on this occasion, my fur-trading career would have terminated that morning. they, however, got a sound drubbing; while their wretched father, who had been the cause of the disturbance, lay unheeded and unconscious on the spot where he had fallen, not exhibiting the least sign of life. a place of temporary accommodation being prepared by his family, he was borne thither on a blanket, and i retired to my quarters in a state of mind not easy to be described. soon after, the interpreter came in with a message from the indians, entreating me to come and advise with them touching the manner in which they should dispose of their father's body. i went, and just as i stepped within the camp, to the astonishment of all present, the dead man sprang upon his feet. seeing me at his side, he exclaimed, "you shall have cause to repent this!" the words were scarcely out of his mouth, when he sank down again, and for a period of six weeks after he remained as helpless as an infant. he was subsequently carried down to the lake of two mountains, where he recovered from the effects of this castigation, to die, two years after, in a fit of drunkenness. chapter x. pÈre duchamp--mr. s.'s instructions--unsuccessful--trading excursion--difficulties of the journey--lose our way--provisions fail--reach the post--visit to an algonquin chief--his abusive treatment--success. mr. siviright arrived about the latter end of august, accompanied by another junior clerk, and a few days afterwards the opposition were seen passing. i embarked with my fellow-scribe, and arrived next day at the lower outpost, when i was much disappointed to find my old interpreter, whom i had with me at the chats, in the service of our opponents. he was my indian tutor, and took every pains, not only to teach me the language, but to initiate me in the mysteries of the trade, in which he was justly considered an adept. our opponents offered him a high salary, which he would not accept until he had previously made a tender of his valuable services to the company, whom he had faithfully served for a period of thirty years and upwards. he requested a small addition to his salary, which was refused. my regard for the worthy old man, however, was not in the least diminished by the circumstance of his being in opposition. père duchamp and i had still our friendly _tête-à-tête_ whenever we had an opportunity. the autumn passed without any incident having occurred worthy of note, i and my opponent being occupied in the usual way,--watching each other night and day, chasing each other, and circumventing each other when we could. late in the month of october, i was surprised to observe a couple of middle-sized canoes, deeply laden, put ashore at our opponent's, where the crews, five in number, passed the night. next morning, as soon as they were gone, i called on my old friend, who happened to be alone at the time, to inquire about his visitors. he demurred for a little, and at length said: "for your sake, and to you only, would i disclose the secret of these people's object and destination. they called at fort coulonge yesterday, and gave themselves out for a party of hunters, bound for the temiscamingue quarter;--they are a party of iroquois, supplied with a valuable assortment of goods for trade, and their destination is lac de la vieille, in the very centre of the algonquin hunting-grounds." this was a most important piece of intelligence: some of these indians had been supplied at fort coulonge, some at my post, and all of them were deeply indebted at the lake of two mountains. i passed the day in the anxious expectation of seeing mr. s., or at least receiving instructions from him with reference to these people. no one coming, i resolved to proceed to fort coulonge, and communicate _viva voce_ the information i had received. late in the evening, i embarked in a small canoe, with two men, and reached the fort at early dawn; and rousing mr. s. from his slumbers, i at once announced the object of my visit. "well," said he, "this requires consideration: retire to rest, and i shall think about it." i retired accordingly, and slept till breakfast-time, when the subject was discussed; and his decision was, that i should send one of the two young men who were at my post in pursuit of the iroquois, with instructions to follow them up, until the season should be so far advanced as merely to admit of his return by open water, unless the iroquois pitched their tent before then. i volunteered myself to go after them with an outfit; but no; it would be dividing our forces, thereby allowing an advantage to our more formidable opponents; besides, we had not much to apprehend from the iroquois with their trifling means. "_très bien_," i said to myself, and set off on my return forthwith. i of course lost no time in executing the orders i had received. my bourgeois had his opinion of the matter, and i had mine; i knew that the iroquois, when left to themselves, would make their own prices for their goods, and thus, even with the small outfit they had, fleece the indians of the principal part of their furs. among the indians whom i had supplied, was an individual whose advances amounted to a heavy sum. i felt extremely anxious about him, and resolved to pay him a visit as soon as travelling was practicable; meantime, swanston, who had been in pursuit of the iroquois, returned from his disagreeable voyage on the th november, having learned nothing more than we already knew. i set off the next day, ostensibly on a visit to mr. s., but really with the intention of starting from his post on my intended "derouine,"[ ] arrived at fort coulonge among the drift ice, and on the st december started, accompanied by the interpreter primeau and another man, all of us with heavy burdens on our backs. this proved the most toilsome trip i had yet undertaken; the smaller lakes only were passable on the ice, and the rivers were nearly all open. the difficulties we thus encountered necessarily retarded our progress, and occupied so much more time than we had calculated upon, that our provisions were nearly consumed by the time we reached the first indian camp, where we expected to procure a guide to conduct us to the party we were in search of. we succeeded in hiring a young man, but we only obtained a small supply of flour, the indians having no other kind of provision to spare. [ ] "derouine,"--a trading visit to the indians. three days travelling brought us to the borders of the indian's lands, where we soon discovered one of his early winter encampments; had we been a few days sooner we could have easily traced him from this spot, but the snow, which had recently fallen to a great depth, had nearly obliterated the marks he had left behind him.[ ] my interpreter, accustomed to "tracking," followed the _scent_ for two days; our guide, discontented with the short allowance, gave no assistance, till coming to an extensive "brulé,"[ ] he was completely _at fault_, as no marks of any kind could be discovered. [ ] when indians remove in winter, in passing on rivers and lakes, they stick, at intervals, in the snow, branches of balsam, inclining in the direction they may have gone. in the woods, small saplings are cut or broken down; if there is no underwood, an occasional "blaze" serves as a sign-post to the experienced woodsman. [ ] "brulé," a part of the forest consumed by fire. our situation was now extremely critical; we were reduced to one solitary meal of flour and water per diem, and but a few handfuls of this poor fare remained; to return by the way we came was out of the question, to proceed to the post was in truth our only alternative, and none of us was sufficiently acquainted with that part of the country to be sure of finding it; while the indian, positively refusing to keep us company any longer, turned back, and left us to get out of our difficulties as we best could. the interpreter proposed that another attempt should be made to find the indian's encampment, and volunteered to go alone; this proved the poor fellow's zeal, but he returned to our encampment next morning unsuccessful; we therefore resolved to go back, and, finding our way without much difficulty for a couple of days, we reached the upper end of a long portage leading to the ottawa river, where we encamped late in the evening, and supped on the _hope_ of getting to the post next forenoon. we started early in the morning, the canadian leading, and about noon fell on fresh snow-shoe tracks--the tracks, we supposed, of some of our people who had come to seek us; and feeling assured that our sufferings would terminate with the day, we pursued our route with renovated vigour and speed; when lo! our encampment of the preceding night came in view, the excitement of our minds having prevented us from discerning our mistake, as we might have done, sooner. the sun was still high, but the circumstance of the encampment being already prepared, induced us to put up there again for the night. it was a sad disappointment, and i felt it as such, though i affected a gaiety that was far from my heart; while with downcast looks and heavy hearts my poor fellows betook themselves to rest at a very early hour. next morning we set off determined to be more cautious; the mistake of the previous day was ascribed to the sound of a high cascade at the head of the rapid, which we had mistaken for another considerably farther down; our canadian still acted as guide--the blind leading the blind--and after two hours' walk we fell upon our own tracks again;--the poor fellow had yielded so completely to despair, that he walked about mechanically, scarcely knowing or caring whither he went; he was therefore ordered to the rear, and primeau succeeded as leader. we saw nothing more of our tracks, but encamped in the evening with much the same prospects as before. i felt extremely weak, having carried primeau's pack along with my own, as the old man could scarcely move when beating the track in the deep snow. having a few fresh beaver skins, we cut off the thicker parts about the head and legs, and made a _bouillon_ of them, which we drank, and then turned in. in the morning it became a subject of serious debate what direction we should proceed in; the sky, however, having been clear the preceding evening, i observed the sun setting, and determined in my own mind the proper course; both my companions differed from me, but readily agreed to follow me. i therefore took the lead, and was so fortunate as to discover an old track, soon after leaving our encampment, which we followed until it brought us in sight of the grand river--the long looked-for object of our fast failing hopes. tears of joy burst from my eyes, as i beheld before me the wide expanse of the noble stream: although covered with ice and divested of the beauties of summer, it never appeared more lovely to me. we reached the post after night-fall; opening the door cautiously, i threw in my snow-shoes, then bolting in myself, was gratified with the sight of a table garnished with the best things the country afforded, which my two friends had prepared for their christmas dinner; the sight, however, was all that prudence allowed us for the present to enjoy, our long abstinence rendering it necessary to confine ourselves, for a time, to a very weak diet. next day i despatched a messenger to fort coulonge with the narrative of my adventures; and as soon as my strength was sufficiently recruited i set off again, accompanied by a _tête de boule_ as my guide, who led us direct to the camp of the indian i had so long been in search of; where i had the mortification to learn, that on my first attempt i had returned from within a day's journey of him, and that if i had then succeeded in finding him, i should have secured the whole of the valuable hunts of him and his people, which were now in possession of the iroquois traders. on my return to the post i communicated my sentiments freely to mr. s. in writing, regarding the oversight that had led to consequences so injurious to the company, and went afterwards, at his own request, to talk over the matter with him. it was now decided that i should go with a party of men to establish a post against them, i.e. to shut the stable-door after the steed was stolen. to accomplish this object supplies of every kind must be hauled on sledges by the men, at an enormous expense, and after all we could not furnish the means of competing with the iroquois with any prospect of advantage. i however lost no time in executing the orders of my superior, and set off with as many men as could be spared for the purpose. on arriving at our destination, we built a temporary hut for our own accommodation, and a small store for the goods; but i soon discovered that the iroquois had not only already secured all the indians' furs, but had so completely ingratiated themselves with them that we were scarcely noticed. i remained two months in this wretched situation, and, as mr. s.'s instructions left me in some measure to the exercise of my own judgment, i resolved on transferring the _honourable_ charge to persons less sanguine than myself, and returned to my post, where i knew my services could be turned to better account. in returning i happened to fall in with a small band of indians, who had not yet been visited by the iroquois, one of whom was the brother of the algonquin chief, who had been so severely chastised the preceding winter. at his lodge i passed the night, and was not only treated with the usual indian hospitality, but received a very pressing invitation to return with a supply of goods, which he promised to trade. such invitations are never neglected. the moment i arrived at my post i laid aside the articles required by the indians, and after one day's rest, started, myself and two men, carrying everything on our backs. it being late in the season, we encountered every possible difficulty on our way: the small streams overflowed, and the ice was so bad on the rivers as to preclude travelling on them. we were therefore under the necessity of taking to the woods, through a horridly rugged country, now ascending hills so steep that we could only scramble up their sides by holding on by the branches and underwood, the descent on the opposite side being equally difficult and laborious; now forcing our way through deep ravines overgrown with underwood, all but impervious; sinking to the ground at every step, and raising on our snow-shoes a load of half-melted snow, which strained the tendons of the legs and caused acute pain. early in the morning of the sixth day we arrived at the camp, but, to our astonishment, neither heard the voice nor saw the form of a human being, though there were infallible signs that the camp was inhabited. it was the sugar season. i entered the great man's hut with a cautious step, and found every soul in it fast asleep. i marked with surprise the confusion that prevailed around,--sugar kettles upset, pots, pans, wearing apparel, blankets, and other articles, scattered about in every direction;--what could it mean? i awoke the chief, and the mystery was solved. he appeared to be just recovering from the effects of the night's debauch,--the iroquois were in the camp. mine host "grinned horribly a ghastly smile" as he placed himself, rather unsteadily, in a sitting posture in his bed, and in a hoarse tremulous voice bade me welcome, at the same time rousing his better-half, who appeared to be in the same _happy_ state as himself. a clatter ensued that soon set the whole household in motion, and i hastened to make the customary offering of a small keg of rum to the chief, and another of shrub to the squaw, who immediately ordered a young woman (the family drudge) to prepare my breakfast. meanwhile the chief, along with two of his relatives, amused himself quaffing his nectar, which evidently began to have its usual effects, and from the expressions i overheard, i could gather that he had neither forgotten his brother's treatment last winter, nor forgiven me the part i had acted on the occasion. i listened with affected indifference for a time to the taunts he began to throw out, and at last, to get rid of them, went to visit the other huts, where i found the iroquois preparing for their departure; they had several parcels of beaver, which they took no pains to conceal from me, but there was still much more remaining. after seeing them depart i returned to my chief, who received me with a volley of abuse, in which he was joined by his associates. the women, who were sober, observing by my looks that i was getting excited, requested me to withdraw. i did so, but was followed by the chief to the next hut, which i quitted immediately; i found myself still pursued by the same insufferable insolence. my philosophy being unequal to so severe a trial, i turned upon my tormentor, and seizing him by the throat, dashed him to the ground, and left him there speechless. i then made for a hut a short distance apart from the others, belonging to a _tête de boule_, where i remained in quietness for about the space of fifteen minutes; when suddenly my canadian came rushing into the hut, his countenance betraying the utmost alarm, and staring me wildly in the face, he stammered out, "les sauvages! les sauvages, monsieur, prennent leurs armes! sauvons-nous! sauvons-nous!" the iroquois, coming in the next instant, confirmed his report; but i had, in fact, been flying the whole morning, and thought it now high time to take my stand. my iroquois appearing quite calm, i told him i was determined not to stir from the spot, and asked if he would remain with me. "i came here for that purpose," said he, "and shall stand by you to the last." our _tête de boule_ had two guns, which he loaded; sabourin had his, which he promised to use in his own defence: thus prepared, we awaited the expected attack. the remainder of the day, however, passed without molestation, and after night-fall, i sent out my trusty iroquois to reconnoitre; he soon returned with the welcome intelligence that the indians had all retired to rest. we did the same. next morning i went to the chief's lodge, and found him perfectly sober; i saluted him according to custom, which he returned with a scowl, repeating my words in a contemptuous manner; this exasperated my yet excited feelings to the highest degree. i felt assured that the fellow had invited me on purpose to insult me, if not for a worse purpose; and, addressing him in language that plainly bespoke my feelings, i immediately ordered my men to prepare for our departure. he remained silent for a moment, and then whispered in his wife's ear; she turned round to me, smiling, and asked if i had not brought the goods, my men were packing up, to trade? "yes," i replied. "then," said she, "you must not be in such a hurry to go away." the husband now spoke to me in a conciliatory tone, begging me to place all that had happened to the account of the "fire-water," and for heaven's sake not to acquaint his father with his conduct. this i readily assented to; we entered upon business, and nearly all the goods i had were exchanged for their full value in beaver. we found the travelling much better on our return, the small streams having subsided, and the snow so much diminished, that we could walk without snow-shoes. chapter xi. success of the iroquois traders--appointed to the charge of the chats--canadian disputes possession--bivouac without a fire--ruse to baffle my opponents--roman catholic bigotry. the iroquois passed early in spring with eighteen indian packs in their canoes,--each pack might be estimated at l.,--our other opponent started for montreal about the same time as last year, and i was ordered down to fort coulonge to take mr. s.'s place for the summer. he returned from montreal about the end of august, and i was much gratified to learn from him that i had been again appointed to the charge of the chats, so that all the merit or demerit of good or bad management would now be entirely my own. a few days after, a middle-sized canoe arrived, manned by three canadians, with whom i embarked for the scene of my first essay as an indian trader. on arriving at the post, i was surprised to find an old canadian and his _cara sposa_ in possession,--a circumstance of which i had had no previous intimation. this worthy pair seemed determined to maintain their position in defiance of me; and not wishing to employ violent means to dispossess them if it could possibly be done otherwise, i passed the night in the hall. having, however, obtained possession of the outworks, i was determined to carry the citadel; and, summoning the contumacious occupants into my presence next morning, i demanded, in a peremptory tone, the immediate surrender of the keys. "show me your authority," said he. "if i do not show it, you shall feel it presently!" seeing that i ordered my men to put my threat into execution, jean baptiste assumed a more humble attitude, and requested me, as a favour, to permit him to remain in the kitchen until he could find a passage to montreal;--with this request i willingly complied. my old opponent had still a post in this district, and i was directed to send a party in opposition to him; which being done, i remained quiet until the winter communication became practicable, when i determined on paying a visit to my friends in the fort coulonge district. the distance being short, and my object having no connexion with the company's interests, i set off on my pleasure jaunt alone. i put up the first night at a sort of tavern just then opened by an american at the upper end of the chats' lake, the only habitation at that time in the quarter, whence i started at early dawn, expecting to reach fort coulonge before night. the lumbermen having commenced sledging their winter supplies, the road formed by these vehicles presented a hard, smooth surface, on which i made good speed, as i had nothing to encumber me, save my blanket and tomahawk. arriving at a long bend of the river about p.m., i put on my snow-shoes to cut across the point and meet the road again, flattering myself that i should thus shorten the distance some two or three miles. the weather being mild, and the sun overcast, i was as much at a loss to find my way in the woods as if i had been blindfolded; i nevertheless continued my onward course, and again came on the road. i proceeded in high spirits for a considerable time, when i perceived a man before me going in the same direction with myself; quickening my pace i soon came up with him, and asked him if he was bound for the fort? "i guess i don't know of any fort in this part of the world," said he. "what! not know of fort coulonge, and you so near to it? are you not going there?" "i have heard of such a place," said jonathan; "but i'd take a tarnation long time to get to it, i calculate, if i followed my nose as it points now." i told him who i was, whither bound, and where i slept last night. "i guess then you had better sleep there again, for it is not quite three miles off." this was the result of making a short cut, and i resolved to follow the long and sure road in future. a shanty that had been recently occupied, afforded me comfortable lodgings for the night, and i arrived at fort coulonge about noon next day, where i passed the night, and started for the outpost. here i remained two days, and would have remained still longer, had it not been discovered one morning that our opponents were off in the direction of my outpost on the bonne chere. as the indians in that quarter were excellent hunters, and owed me much, i deemed it advisable to follow them; my friends, too, sent an interpreter and three men along with me, for the purpose of trading what they could on account of their own post--_chacun pour soi_ being the order of the day. we soon overtook our opponents, and i resolved, if possible, to give them the slip by the way. accordingly, when within a day's journey of the establishment, i pretended to have sprained my foot so badly, that i walked with the greatest seeming difficulty. my men, who were aware of the ruse, requested me to place my bundle on their sledges, to enable me to keep up with them. this farce commenced in the evening. next morning my leg was worse than ever, until we came on the river at about ten miles' distance from the post. i was delighted to find but little snow upon the ice, so that i had a fair opportunity of putting the metal of my legs to the test, and the opposition party having sledges heavily laden, i walked hard, my foot on a sudden becoming perfectly sound, in order to tire them as much as possible before i bolted. having apparently effected my purpose, i set off at the top of my speed, and never looked behind me until i had cleared the first long reach, when turning round, i saw a man in pursuit about half-way across; i started again, and saw no more of my pursuer. on arriving at the post i was gratified to learn that the indians, whom i was so anxious about, had been in a few days previously, while our opponents were off in another direction; so that they had been seen by none save our own people. finding two men at home, i proceeded with them to the indian camp, and arrived at dawn of day. i met with a very friendly reception, and had the good fortune to prevail upon the indians to deliver me their furs upon the spot, which formed a very heavy load for both myself and men. we met our opponents in returning; but though they had ocular proof of my success, they nevertheless went on to the camp. having arrived at the post, i found some indians there all intoxicated; i was also mortified to find the person in charge in the same state. i immediately displaced him, and made over the charge, _pro tempore_, to one of the men. the conduct of my worthless deputy hurt me so much that i could not remain another night under the same roof with him. i therefore set off on my return to the chats, although already late in the afternoon, expecting to reach the first shanty in the early part of the night. the bonne chere river is very rapid in the upper part, and does not "set fast"[ ] until late in the season, unless the cold be very intense. i arrived at this part soon after night-fall, and perceiving by the clear light of the moon the dangers in my way, i deemed it imprudent to proceed farther; and having nothing to strike fire with, i cut a few branches of balsam and strewed them under the spreading boughs of a large cedar, and wrapping myself up in my blanket, lay down. the weather being mild, i thought i could sleep comfortably without fire; but was mistaken. when i awoke from my first sleep, which must have been sound, i found my limbs stiff with cold, while my teeth chattered violently in my head. to remain in this condition till daylight was almost certain death; i resolved, therefore, at all hazards to find my way to the shanty, which might be about ten miles distant. the light of the moon being very bright, enabled me to avoid the openings in the ice, and by moving on cautiously, about three o'clock in the morning i reached the shanty; which belonged to a warm-hearted son of erin, who received me with the characteristic hospitality of his countrymen, placing before me the best his cabin afforded, and with his own blankets and those of his men making up a comfortable bed, on which i slept till late in the day, and next night in my own bed. [ ] freeze. as the greater part of my customers wintered in the vicinity of the outpost, and i had no longer any confidence in the person in charge there, i resolved on passing the remainder of the winter at it myself; i therefore requested that a person should be sent up from the lake of two mountains to take care of the establishment during my absence. on the arrival of this person, i proceeded to the outpost, but shall pass over the transactions that occurred there, being similar in all respects to those already narrated. one circumstance, however, occurred, which, though not in my vocation, i think worthy of notice. two itinerant missionaries called at the lake of two mountains and distributed a number of religious tracts among the natives, together with a few copies of the gospel according to st. john, in the indian language. my algonquin interpreter happened to get one of the latter, and took much pleasure in reading it. towards the latter end of the season i received a packet from my superior at the lake, and, to my surprise, found in it a letter with the seal of the church affixed, addressed to my interpreter, which i put into his hands, and observed him perusing very attentively. soon after he called me aside, and told me that the letter in question conveyed a peremptory command from the priest to destroy the bad book he had in his possession, or else his child that died in autumn would be denied the rites of christian sepulture. we are told that the age of bigotry is past: facts like this prove the contrary. i asked him if he intended to obey the commands of his ghostly father. "not exactly," said he; "i shall send the book to him, and let him do with it what he pleases; for my part, i have read it over and over again, and find it all good, very good; why the 'black coat' should call it bad is a mystery to me." chapter xii. journey to montreal--appointment to lac de sable--advantages of this post--its difficulties--governor's flattering letter--return from montreal--lost in the wood--sufferings--escape. early in spring i returned to the chats, and after the close of the trade took my departure for montreal, having finished my apprenticeship. i renewed my contract for three years, and was appointed to the charge of lac de sable, a post situated on a tributary of the ottawa, called _rivière aux lièvres_, two hundred miles distant from montreal. i embarked on the th august, , and arrived at the post on the st september; where i was gratified to find a comfortable dwelling-house, and a large farm with pigs, poultry, and cattle in abundance. all this was very well, but there was also a powerful opposition, and i had experience enough to know that the enjoyment of any kind of comfort is incompatible with the life we lead in opposition. the difficulties of my situation, moreover, were from various causes extremely perplexing. the old north-west agents, acting for the hudson's bay company in canada, had declared a bankruptcy the preceding winter; the principal manager having quitted the country rather precipitately, as was supposed, and forgotten to appoint a successor; the management devolved in consequence upon the head accountant, mr. c----e, who, however well he might be qualified for the duties of the situation, felt the responsibility of acting without authority to be too great, and confined himself accordingly to such measures only as he was confident would subject him to no inconvenience when the day of reckoning arrived. meantime the business of this department sustained a serious check; the old hands of the post, having been tampered with by the opposition in the course of last winter, quitted the service to a man, and i now found the establishment to consist of a clerk, interpreter, and one man only. i was given to understand that three men additional would join me as soon as they could, and that i must not expect any more; thus our number would be seven against twenty-two. a disparity so vast precluded all hopes of maintaining the contest with advantage to the company or credit to myself. fortune, however, declared in our favour; dissensions arose in the ranks of our opponents, clerks and men deserted, supplies for trade ran short, and from being the weaker party we were now the stronger. governor simpson having taken up his residence at la chine in autumn, men and goods were furnished in abundance, and the petty traders were made to see, ere the winter passed, the futility of entering the lists in competition with a company possessing so vast resources. mr. macd----l having wintered two years at this post, and being consequently well acquainted with the natives, i entrusted the direction of affairs against the opposition entirely to him, and remained quietly at home, having only the few indians that wintered in the neighbourhood of the post to attend to; my situation, however, was often far from agreeable, being frequently reduced to the company of my pigs and poultry for weeks together, and obliged to act as trader, cook, hewer of wood, and drawer of water. in the course of the winter i was favoured with a visit from mr. f----r, to whose district this post had just been annexed, and had the gratification to receive, through him, a letter from governor simpson, conveying, in very flattering terms, his approbation of my conduct. i was told that i was in the direct road to preferment--that my merits should be represented to the council on his arrival in the interior--and that he should be happy to have an opportunity of recommending me to the governor and committee, when he returned to england. we shall see, in the sequel, how these promises were fulfilled. i embarked, on the th june, , for montreal, and found mr. k----h, a chief factor in the service, at the head of affairs; and my outfit being prepared in a few days, i re-embarked, taking my passage, as formerly, on board of a large canoe, deeply laden. the last rapid and portage on the rivière aux lièvres is within eight miles of the establishment, and generally takes the men a day to pass it. arriving at this place late in the evening, i resolved on going on a-foot; it being fine moonlight, i felt confident of finding my way without difficulty. the weather having been immoderately hot for some time past, i had sat in the canoe divested of my upper garments, and thought i might, without inconvenience, dispense with them now, as i expected to reach the house ere the night air could prove injurious to me. setting off, therefore, in "light marching order," i immediately gained the high grounds, in order to keep clear of the underwood that covers the banks of the river; and just as the moon appeared above the surrounding hills, arrived on the banks of a small stream, where i observed a portage path sunk deep in the ground, a circumstance which proved it to be much frequented--by whom or for what purpose i could not say, for i had seldom passed the limits of my farm during last winter, and was nearly as ignorant of the topography of the environs as the first day i arrived. i had not heard of the existence of a river in the quarter, nor did i imagine there was any; the conclusion i arrived at therefore was, that i had lost my way, and that my most eligible course was, to endeavour to find the main stream, and by following it, retrace my course to the portage. i soon fell on the river, but my retrograde march proved exceedingly toilsome; at every step i was obliged to bend the branches of the underwood to one side and another, or pressing them down under my feet, force my way through by main strength: some short spaces indeed intervened, that admitted of an easier passage; still my progress was so slow that the sun appeared before i reached the upper end of the portage. finding an old canoe here, belonging to the post, i resolved on crossing to the opposite side of the river, where i knew there was a path that led to the house, by which the indians often passed when travelling in small canoes. i accordingly ran to the lower end of the portage for a paddle, where i found my men still asleep; and having heard that the lower end of this path came out exactly opposite to the upper end of the portage, i struck out into the woods the moment i landed, fancying that i could not fail to discover it. the sun got higher and higher as i proceeded, and i went faster and yet faster, to no purpose;--no path appeared; and i at length became convinced that i was lost--being equally in difficulty to find my way back to the river as forward to the post. the weather was very sultry; and such had been the drought of the season that all the small creeks were dried up, so that i could nowhere procure a drop of water to moisten my parched lips. the sensations occasioned by thirst are so much more painful than those we feel from hunger, that although i had eaten but little the preceding day, and nothing on that day, i never thought of food. while my inner man was thus tortured by thirst, my outer man scarcely suffered less from another cause. the country through which i passed being of a marshy nature, i was incessantly tormented by the venomous flies that abound in such situations,--my shirt, and only other habiliment, having sustained so much damage in my nocturnal expedition, that the insects had free access _partout_.[ ] [ ] there are three different kinds of these tormenting insects, viz. the mosquito, the black-fly, and the gnat--the latter the same as the midge in n. britain--who relieve each other regularly in the work of torture. the mosquitoes continue at their post from dawn to eight or nine o'clock, a.m.; the black-flies succeed, and remain in the field till near sunset; the mosquitoes again mount guard till dark, and are finally succeeded by the gnats, who continue their watch and incessant attacks till near sunrise. i came to the foot of a high hill about two o'clock p.m., which i ascended, and got a very good view of the surrounding country from its summit; hills and lakes appeared in every direction; but the sight of these objects only served to impress my mind with the conviction, that, unless providence should direct my steps to the establishment, the game was up with me. having descended, i sauntered about the remainder of the day, my ideas becoming more and more bewildered, and my strength declining; and passed the night sometimes sitting, sometimes standing, sometimes moving about;--but sitting, standing, or moving about, subjected to the same tortures. i endeavoured during the night to compose my mind as much as possible; some happy thought might perchance suggest itself, which might lead to my deliverance. nor were my efforts without some success: i called to mind the position of the post with respect to the rising and setting sun; another circumstance of importance also recurred to me. a canadian hunter, who received his supplies at my post, had told me that such indians as did not wish to pay their debts at the post, frequently passed unperceived by a chain of small lakes that ran parallel to the river, and extended from lac de sable to somewhere near the rapid, whence i had taken my departure. i recollected, too, his having mentioned that some indian families occasionally made sugar on the borders of these lakes, and that a good path lay from their camp to the post. having passed the night in a deep valley, the sun did not appear until late in the morning, when i shaped my course, to the best of my judgment, for the post. two or three hours' walk brought me to the foot of a high hill, nearly destitute of wood on one side; and expecting that some discovery might be made from the top which might be of use to me, i resolved on attempting the ascent--an undertaking of no small difficulty in my enfeebled state. i succeeded in gaining the top, and to my unspeakable joy, perceived a chain of lakes within about two miles of me, exactly corresponding to the description given me by the canadian hunter. i also heard the reports of guns, but so indistinctly that i could not determine the direction the report came from. noting with the utmost care the course that would lead me to the lakes, i descended the steep declivity with a degree of speed that surprised myself,--such is the powerful influence the mind exercises over the body. i expected an hour's walk would bring me to the lakes, but the sun being in the zenith, and my way lying through a dense forest of pine, i could not keep a straight course. i proceeded onward, however, as well as _reason_ could direct me, and most willingly would i have exchanged a little of that _faculty_ for the _instinct_ that leads the brute creation with unerring certainty through the pathless depths of the forest. the sun was rapidly declining, and my hopes with it, when suddenly i fancied i heard the murmuring sound of running water. could it be really so? what a delightful feast i should have! for i had passed the day, like the preceding, without a drop of water to allay my raging thirst. i listened; the sound became more distinct--it was no illusion. i quickened my pace, and soon came upon a charming rivulet, flowing rapidly over a bed of white pebbles, its water clear as crystal. i rushed into the midst of it, and fervently thanking the giver of all good, threw myself on my knees, and drank draught after draught till my thirst was quenched. i felt refreshed to an extraordinary degree, and concluding that the stream would lead me to the river, or to some lake communicating with it, i followed its course, wading in the water that there might be "no mistake," and soon came out on the border of a small lake, where i had the additional satisfaction of hearing the report of guns so distinctly as to convince me that the party firing them could be at no great distance. i walked round the lake, and at its far end fell on a portage path that soon conducted me to another lake. this, then, must be the chain of lakes i was in search of! i was transported at the thought. but an incident soon occurred that served to damp at once my spirits and my person: a distant peal of thunder was heard; peal after peal succeeded; the heavens were obscured, and heavy drops of rain, the harbingers of an approaching storm, fell from the dark clouds. i strained every nerve to reach the firing party ere the storm should burst upon me. i reached the foot of the hill, but the firing had ceased. i nevertheless ascended as quickly as my wearied limbs would carry me, but on reaching the spot found no one there. the storm now burst upon me in all its fury. flash followed flash in quick succession, and the rain fell in torrents, which, however, as the few clothes that still adhered to my person were already saturated by the previous rain, caused me but little additional inconvenience. i descended to the lake, and by the time i reached the far end of it the darkness had increased so much, that i could proceed no farther. perceiving an old encampment--a few half-decayed branches of balsam, at the foot of a large hemlock--i took up my quarters there for the night. the tufted branches of this tree render it a much more secure retreat in a thunder-storm than the pine, whose pointed branches and spiral shaped top frequently attract the electric fluid. towards morning the storm seemed to have expended its fury; and, strange to say, in the midst of it i enjoyed two or three hours' sleep. nature had been so exhausted by protracted sufferings, that (though the flies were driven to their covert) i believe i could have slept upon a bed of thorns, covered with gnats and mosquitoes. as soon as it was sufficiently clear to enable me to find my way, i quitted my hemlock and fell on the portage path, which soon led me to another small lake, and which i proceeded to circumambulate as usual, keeping a sharp look-out for the path that led to the post; when suddenly the report of a gun burst from an adjoining hill. at the same instant, i observed a net pole standing in the water at the bottom of a small bay close by, and directed my steps towards it; when on approaching it i discovered a broad path ascending from the water's edge, and immediately after the buildings of a sugar camp. allowing the party on the hill to blaze away, i followed the path, and in less than half-an-hour came out upon the rivière aux lièvres, immediately opposite the house. i perceived the men of the establishment, with some indians, all in a bustle; some preparing to embark in a canoe, others firing. i sat down to gaze for a moment on the most interesting scene i had ever witnessed, and then gave a loud cry, which it was evident nobody heard, although the river is not more than a stone-cast across. i made a second effort with better success. the indians raised a shout of triumph; the men hallooed, "le voilà! le voilà! je le vois! je le vois à l'autre bord! embarquez! embarquez!" a few minutes more, and i found myself restored to at best a prolonged life of misery and exile. let it not be inferred from this expression that i felt ungrateful for my deliverance; on the contrary, my escape from a death so lingering and terrible made a deep impression upon my mind. i afterwards gave a holiday to my men in remembrance of it, and made them all happy for one day. chapter xiii. narrowly escape drowning--accident to indian guide--am nearly frozen to death--misunderstanding between algonquins and iroquois--massacre at hannah bay. nothing occurred this year out of the usual routine, save an accident that happened to myself, and had nearly proved fatal. a couple of hounds had been presented to me by a friend, for the purpose of hunting the deer that abounded in the neighbourhood. the dogs having one day broken loose from the leash, betook themselves to the hills; and the first intimation we had of their being at liberty, was the sound of their voices in full cry on an adjacent hill. i instantly seized my gun, and following a beaten track that led to a small lake at the base of the hill, i perceived a deer swimming towards an island in the middle of the lake, and only a little beyond the range of gun-shot. an old fishing-canoe happening to be at hand, i immediately launched it, and gave chase, without examining the condition it was in. i proceeded but a short distance, however, when i perceived that it leaked very much. i continued, nevertheless, to paddle, till i got nearly half-way across to the island; but by this time the quantity of water in the canoe had increased so much, that my ardour for the chase began to give way to anxiety for my own safety. i perceived a large hole in the stern of the canoe, now almost level with the surface of the lake, through which the water gushed with every stroke of the paddle. the fore-part appearing free from injury, i immediately inverted my position,--a movement necessarily effected with much difficulty in so small a craft; and having thus placed myself, the stern was consequently raised a little higher. i then paddled gently towards a long point projecting from the mainland, much nearer me than the island; and although i used the utmost caution in paddling, the canoe sunk under me some distance from the shore. the lake, however, was fortunately shallow at this place, so that i soon found bottom. had there been the least ripple on the water, i could not have escaped; but the weather was perfectly calm, and the lake smooth as glass. in the early part of next winter, i went again in pursuit of the deer; and although i incurred no great risk of losing my life, i yet experienced such inconveniences as seldom fall to the lot of amateur hunters in other parts of the world. i left the house early in the morning, and, starting a deer close by, gave chase, following the track over hill and dale, until i reached a high ridge bordering on lac de sable. here the deer slackened his pace, and appeared, by his track, to have descended slowly into a valley, where he remained until i started him a second time. i still continued the pursuit, without thinking of time or distance from the establishment. at length the night evidently began to close, and i felt faint and exhausted from want of food, and the exertions i had made during the day. i therefore gave up the chase; but to retrace my steps by the devious path by which i had pursued the deer, would have occupied the greater part of the night; i therefore resolved on returning by a more direct course; but the upshot was, that, after wandering about for some time, and repeatedly falling on my own tracks, i passed the night in the woods. although nearly overcome with fatigue, i durst not think of lying down, well knowing what the consequence would be; i therefore walked backwards and forwards, on a beaten track, the whole night; and next morning adopted the sure course of finding my way by my tracks of the preceding day. meeting an indian by the way, who had been sent in search of me, he led me by a short cut, and we arrived at the house about two o'clock, p.m. in the autumn of , another opponent entered the lists against us,--an enterprising canadian, who had been for a long time in the company's service. this adventurer proceeded some distance inland, and i need scarcely say that a party was sent to keep him company. understanding that the new competitor gave our people more trouble than had been anticipated, i determined on taking an active part in the game; and as i had only two men with me at lac de sable, whose services were required there, i set off alone, intending to take with me an indian who had an encampment by the way, as i was unacquainted with the route. i slept at the indian's wigwam, who readily accompanied me next morning; but the weather being intolerably cold, the poor fellow got both his ears frozen, _et aliud quidquam præterea_, in crossing a large lake not far from his camp. the moment he perceived his mishap, he assailed me in the most abusive terms, and swore that he would accompany me no farther; which, being conscious that i was partly the cause of his misfortune, i bore with as much equanimity as i could; and arriving at the opposite side of the lake, we kindled a fire, and i proceeded to treat his case according to the usual practice; that is, rubbing the part affected with snow, or bathing it with cold water until it is thawed, and the circulation restored. having happily succeeded, i forthwith dismissed him, and determined to find my way alone; and having a tolerable idea of the direction in which i should go, and the weather being clear, i entertained no doubt of falling somewhere on the river whereon the post is situated. i came upon it, as it seemed to me, a considerable distance below the establishment, just as the sun was setting. having travelled in deep snow the whole day, i felt so much fatigued that i could scarcely exert myself sufficiently to keep my body warm, the cold being intense. i walked as briskly as my diminished strength would allow; but at length became so weak, that i was obliged to lay myself down at short intervals. in this wretched state,--my limbs benumbed with cold, and thinking i should never see daylight,--i suddenly came upon a hard beaten path: this inspired me with new vigour, as it indicated the close vicinity of a shanty. i soon discovered the desired haven, and crawling up the steep bank that led to it, i knocked at the door with my snow-shoes, and was immediately admitted. the noise i made roused the inmates, who had been sound asleep; and who, seeing my helpless condition, exerted themselves in every possible way to relieve me. i was nearly in the last stage of exhaustion, being unable to take off my snow-shoes, or even articulate a word. one of these noble woodsmen guided me next day to the post; when, as a small mark of gratitude for his generous kindness, i presented him and his companions with what is always acceptable to a shanty-man, a liberal allowance of the "crathur," to enjoy themselves withal. if it be asked why i did not make a fire, when i had the necessary apparatus; i answer, that i had but a very small axe, quite unfit for felling so large timber as grew on the banks of this river; and i was, besides, so benumbed and exhausted as to be unequal to the task even of lighting a fire. sometime after my return from montreal in the autumn of , i went to pay a visit to one of my customers whose lands were at a considerable distance. i was accompanied by one man in a small canoe; and as it was necessary that one of us should carry the canoe over the portages, and the other the property, i chose the former, being the lightest though by far the most inconvenient load. i found it very oppressive at first, but use rendered it more easy. this was the first time i carried a canoe. on our return from the indian's camp we met with rather a disagreeable accident, while ascending a small and very rapid river. in pushing forward the canoe against the stream, my pole happened to glance off a stone, and the canoe swinging round came in contact with the trunk of a tree projecting from the bank, and we, or at least i, was upset in an instant. fortunately the current, though strong, was smooth and free from whirlpools; so that, after swimming down a short distance in search of a landing-place, i rejoined my companion, whom i found standing on the bank perfectly dry. on inquiring of him how he happened to avoid a ducking, he told me he sprang ashore while i was attempting to parry off the tree; doubtless his having done so was in a great measure the cause of the accident. he, however, acted a very prudent part after landing, having caught hold of the canoe in the act of upsetting, and thus preserved the goods from being lost or damaged. in the course of this year, the iroquois and algonquins were nearly coming to blows on account of the hunting-grounds. this quarrel originated from a speech which colonel mckay, then at the head of the indian department, had addressed to the iroquois, in which, making use of the metaphorical language of the people, he observed that indians of all tribes ought to live together in the utmost concord and amity, seeing they inhabited the same villages, "and ate out of the same dish." this the iroquois interpreted in a way more suitable to their own wishes than consistent with its real meaning. "our father," said they, "tells us we eat out of the same dish with the algonquins;--he means that we have an equal right to the hunting-grounds." they proceeded, accordingly, to avail themselves of the supposed privilege. the consequence was a very violent quarrel, in which government was ultimately obliged to interfere. the indians informed us, this spring, of a dreadful murder that had been committed in the early part of the winter by some of the natives of hudson's bay. the particulars of this tale of blood i since learned from an individual that escaped from the massacre. the indians attached to the posts established along the shores of hudson's bay are comparatively civilized; most of them speak english, and are employed as voyageurs by the company. few or no precautions are taken at these posts to guard against treachery; the gates are seldom shut, and some of the posts are destitute of palisades or defence of any kind. of this description was the post where the catastrophe occurred which i am about to relate. the post of hannah bay is situated about sixty miles to the north of moose factory, and was at this time under the charge of a mr. corrigal. his establishment consisted of two or three half-breeds, and an indian who had been brought up by the whites. he and some of the men had families. in the course of the winter five indians came in with their "hunts," and agreeably to their usual practice encamped close by. those indians are designated "home guards,"--a term generally applied to the indians attached to a trading post; they hunt in winter at a convenient distance from the post, and are employed in summer as voyageurs, or in performing any other necessary duty. notwithstanding their thus being frequently in company with white men and christians, they still retain many of the barbarous habits, and much of the superstitious belief of their forefathers, aggravated, i regret to say, by some of the vices of the whites. among the number of those just mentioned was an individual who had acquired considerable influence among his tribe, from his pretending to be skilled in the art of divination. this man told his fellows that he had had a communication from the great spirit, who assured him that he would become the greatest man in hudson's bay if he only followed the course prescribed to him, which was, first, to cut off their own trading post, and then with the spoil got there to hire other indians, who should assist in destroying all the other posts the company possessed in the country. accordingly, it was determined to carry their design into execution, whenever a favourable opportunity occurred. this was not long in presenting itself. they came one day to the establishment, and told the people that the "man of medicine" had come for the purpose of performing some extraordinary feat that would astonish them all. the silly creatures believed the story, and went to the borders of the lake, where they observed the sorcerer showing off a variety of antics very much to their amusement. the conspirators, seeing this part of the stratagem succeed, rushed into the house, and immediately despatched mr. corrigal and his family. the men, hearing the report of the guns, hastened back towards the house. the two that first arrived were saluted by a volley of balls; the one fell dead, the other fled. the third, seeing what had happened, seized his youngest child, and also fled. the murderers pursued. the poor fellow, encumbered by the weight of his child, necessarily fell behind. a ball from the pursuers killed the child, and wounded him in the hand. dropping, then, the lifeless body, he soon came up with his fellow, and both escaped without further injury. it was about noon when they began their flight. one of them reached moose factory next day about noon, the other soon after. the distance--nearly sixty miles--travelled in so short a space of time, may appear incredible; but fear gave them wings, they fled for their lives and never halted. one of them, my informant, lost all the toes of one of his feet by the frost. measures were immediately adopted to frustrate the further diabolical designs of the indians, as well as to avenge the innocent blood that had been shed. messengers were despatched with all possible haste to rupert's house, the nearest post, to give the alarm, and a party of men, under an efficient leader, was sent to seize the murderers. this expedition, however, proved unsuccessful, as the indians could not be found in that direction; but, in the meantime, two of them who had come to rupert's house to "spy the land," were seized and sent bound to moose factory, and one of them was compelled to act as guide to another party. led by him, they approached the camp without being perceived, and found the "man of medicine" sitting very composedly in his tent, surrounded by the spoils he had taken from the fort. he was secured, and the rest of his associates, who were absent hunting, were soon "tracked," and secured likewise. they then all underwent the punishment they deserved. the fort presented a horrible spectacle. men, women, and children shared the same fate, and the mangled limbs of their victims were scattered among the articles of property which the wretches, not being able to carry off with them, had attempted to destroy. chapter xiv. fall through the ice--dangerous adventure at a rapid--opponents give in--ordered to la chine--treatment on my arrival--manners, habits, and superstitions of the indians--ferocious revenge of a supposed injury--different methods of the roman catholic and protestant missionary--indian councils--tradition of the flood--beaver-hunting-- language. finding that my presence was more wanted at the outpost than elsewhere, i resolved on taking up my residence there for the winter - . our active opponent gave us much annoyance, causing great expense to the company, without any benefit to himself; on the contrary, it ultimately ruined him. while accompanying our party on a trading excursion in the beginning of winter, i had a very narrow escape. we were travelling on the gatineau, a very rapid stream that joins the ottawa, a little below hull. a young lad, interpreter to the opposition, and i, had one morning gone considerably in advance of the others, walking smartly to keep ourselves warm, when i suddenly broke through the ice. the current here running strong, i should soon have been swept under the ice, had i not, by extending my arms upon it on either side of me, kept my head above water. at the hazard of his own life, my companion came to my assistance; but the ice was too weak to admit of his approaching sufficiently near to reach me his hand; he therefore cut a long pole, and tying his belt to it, threw it to me; and laying hold of it, i dragged myself on the sound ice. but the danger was not yet over; the weather was intensely cold, so that my clothes were soon frozen solid upon me, and having no means of lighting a fire, i ran into the woods; and in order to keep my body from being frozen into the same mass with my clothes, continued running up and down with all my might, till the rest of the party arrived. i had a still more narrow escape in the month of march ensuing. i had been on a visit to the post under my own immediate charge, termed head-quarters _par excellence_; returning to the post alone, i came to a place where our men, in order to avoid a long detour occasioned by a high and steep hill coming close to the river, were accustomed to draw their sledges upon the ice along the edge of a rapid. about the middle of the rapid, where the torrent is fiercest, the banks of the river are formed of rocks rising almost perpendicularly from the water's edge; and here they had to pass on a narrow ledge of ice, between the rock on the one side, and the foaming and boiling surge on the other. the ledge, at no time very broad, was now reduced, by the falling in of the water, to a strip of ice of about eighteen inches, or little more, adhering to the rock. the ice, however, seemed perfectly solid, and i made no doubt that, with caution, i should succeed in passing safely this formidable strait. the weather having been very mild in the fore-part of the day, my shoes and socks had been saturated with wet, but were now frozen hard by the cold of the approaching night. overlooking this circumstance, i attempted the dangerous passage; and had proceeded about halfway, when my foot slipped, and i suddenly found myself resting with one hip on the border of ice, while the rest of my body overhung the rapid rushing fearfully underneath. i was now literally in a state of agonizing suspense: to regain my footing was impossible; even the attempt to move might precipitate me into the rapid. my first thought indeed was to throw myself in, and endeavour by swimming to reach the solid ice that bridged the river a short distance below; a glance at the torrent convinced me that this was a measure too desperate to be attempted;--i should have been dashed against the ice, or hurried beneath it by the current. but my time was not yet come. within a few feet of the spot where i was thus suspended _in sublimis_, the rock projected a little outward, so as to break the force of the current. it struck me that a new border of ice might be formed at this place, under and parallel to that on which i was perched; exploring cautiously, therefore, with a stick which i fortunately had in my hand, all along and beneath me, i found my conjecture well founded; but whether the ice were strong enough to bear me, i could not ascertain. but it was my only hope of deliverance; letting myself down therefore gently, i planted my feet on the lower ledge, and clinging with the tenacity of a shell-fish to the upper, i crept slowly along till i reached land. this autumn, i had the satisfaction of seeing all my opponents quit the field, some of whom had maintained a long and obstinate struggle; yet, although i had reason to congratulate myself on their departure, as it promised me relief from the painfully toilsome life i had led, i must do one of the parties, at least, the justice to say, that, in different circumstances, i should have beheld their departure with regret. dey and mcgillivray carried on the contest longer than the others, and did so without showing any of that rancorous feeling which the other petty traders manifested towards the company. macgillivray and myself, when travelling together, often shared the same blanket, and the same kettle; and found, that while this friendly feeling was mutually advantageous to ourselves, it did not in any way compromise the interests of our employers. i parted from him, wishing him every success in _any other_ line of business he might engage in. after the removal of my competitors, i found the time to hang heavily on my hands; and the ease i had so often sighed for, i now could scarcely endure; but i was not allowed long time to sigh for a change. on the th of april an iroquois came up from montreal with a packet conveying orders to me to proceed forthwith to lachine, whence i should embark by the opening of the navigation for the northern department. i was alone at the post when these unexpected orders came to hand, all the men being absent at the outpost; and as it behoved me to use the utmost diligence in order to get away ere winter travelling should break up, leaving an old squaw in charge, i set out for the outpost in quest of mr. cameron, who was appointed my successor; and on the th of april took my departure. on arriving at the grand river, i found travelling on the ice to be attended with great danger, and several accidents had already happened; but i had the good fortune to reach grenville at the head of the long sault in safety; here, however, my farther progress was arrested for a fortnight, the roads being impassable. i arrived at lachine in the end of april, and after handing in the documents relative to my late charge, mr. k---- toldme i was at liberty to spend the intervening time until the embarkation, where and how i pleased. gratified by this indulgence, i was about to frame a speech expressive of my gratitude, when he continued,--"for, sir, you are to understand we do not keep a boarding-house here." this stopped my mouth, and i reserved my thanks for a future occasion; for i could not but feel, that being an officer of the company, it was robbing me of a part of my pay under the pretext of an indulgence. availing myself, however, of this ungenerous grant of freedom, i spent some halcyon days in the company of relatives most dear to me, and expected no interruption to my enjoyment until the time appointed for the embarkation: but a few days after i had joined my relatives in the vicinity of montreal, i received a letter, commanding me, in the most peremptory manner, to repair to lachine,--"circumstances not foreseen at my arrival from the interior required my departure without further delay." i accompanied the bearer of mr. k----'s letter, and found, on arriving at lachine, that i had been appointed to conduct some of captain back's party, who proved rather troublesome to him at montreal, to the chats, and there to await my passage to the north by the brigade. i had now served the hudson's bay company faithfully and zealously for a period of twelve years, leading a life of hardship and toil, of which no idea can be formed except by those whose hard lot it may be to know it by experience. how enthusiastically i had laboured for them, may be better gathered from the foregoing narrative than from any statement i could here make. and what was my reward? i had no sooner succeeded in freeing my district from opposition, than i was ordered to resign my situation to another, who would enjoy the fruits of my labour:--when i arrived at the company's head-quarters to take my departure for a remote district, i was ordered to provide for myself until i embarked; and when enjoying myself in the bosom of my family, to suit the convenience of one of their correspondents, i was torn away from them prematurely, and without warning,--treatment, which caused one of them so severe a shock as nearly to prove fatal! before i take leave of the montreal department, it may be well to allude more particularly to the manners and customs of the natives. the mode of life the algonquins lead, while at their village, has been already touched upon; within these few years a great change has taken place, not in their morals, but in their circumstances. the southern and western parts of their hunting-grounds are now nearly all possessed by the white man, whose encroachments extend farther and farther every year. beaver meadows are now to be found in place of beaver dams; and rivers are crossed on bridges formed by the hand of man, where the labours of the beaver afforded a passage for the roving indian and hunter only a few years before. happy change, it may be said; but so say not the indians; the days of happiness are gone for them, at least for those of the present generation; though i have no doubt that their posterity may, in course of time, become reconciled to, and adopt those habits of life which their altered circumstances may require. a few have done so already, but many of them still remain on the most remote parts of their lauds, having no longer the means of enjoying themselves at their village, or of satisfying the avarice of priests and traders. here they pursue, without restraint or interruption, the mode of life most congenial to their habits. i have already observed, that i could discover but little difference between the (so called) christian indians, and their unbaptized countrymen, when beyond the surveillance of their priests. they practise all the superstitious rites of their forefathers, and place implicit confidence in the power of magic, although they admit that the same results cannot be obtained now, as formerly, in consequence, as they say, "of the cross having come in contact with the medicine." they have their genii of lakes, rivers, mountains, and forests, to whom they offer sacrifice. i was present at the sacrifice of a beaver, made by an algonquin to his familiar, or "totem," in order to propitiate him, because he had been unsuccessful in hunting. the beaver was roasted without being skinned, the fur only being appropriated to the spirit, whilst the flesh afforded a luxurious feast to the sacrificer; and in this part of the ceremony i willingly participated. when any of them is taken ill, the indisposition is ascribed to the effects of "bad medicine;" and the person is mentioned whom they suspect of having laid the disease upon them. many violent deeds are committed to revenge these supposed injuries. an algonquin, who had lost a child, blamed a _tête de boule_, who was domiciled at lac de sable, for his death. the ensuing spring the _tête de boule_ took a fancy to visit the lake of two mountains, and set off in company with the algonquins. on arrival of the party at the grand river, he who had lost his child invited the _tête de boule_ to his tent, and entertained him in the most friendly manner for a time, then suddenly drawing his knife, he plunged it into the side of his unsuspecting guest. the poor wretch fled, and concealed himself in a pig-sty, where his groans soon discovered him to the algonquin, who, again seizing him, thrust his knife into his throat, and did not withdraw it until he ceased to live. "now," exclaimed his murderer, "i am avenged for the death of my child. you wanted to go to the lake to be baptized, and here i have baptized you in your own blood." many other instances might be adduced to prove that the savage disposition of these indians has not been greatly ameliorated by their profession of christianity; they have, in fact, all the vices with but few of the virtues of their heathen countrymen. they are immoderately fond of ardent spirits, men, women and--shocking to say--children. this hateful vice, which contributes more than any other to the debasement of human nature, seems to produce more baneful effects upon the indian, both physically and morally, than upon the european. the worst propensities of his nature are excited by it. while under the influence of this demon he spares neither friend nor foe; and in many instances the members of his own family become the victims either of his fury or his lust. the crime of incest is by no means unknown among them; rum, the greatest scourge and curse of the indian race, is undoubtedly the principal cause of this dreadful corruption: but is it not strange that religion should have so little effect in reforming their manners? the mississagays, the neighbours of the algonquins, who speak the same language, were only converted a few years ago by the methodists, and from being the most dissipated and depraved of indians, are now become sober, industrious and devout. it seems, therefore, impossible even for the most unprejudiced to avoid the conclusion that the difference in manners must in a great measure be ascribed to the different methods adopted by the roman catholic and protestant missionaries in converting the natives. the roman catholic convert is first baptized, then instructed in the forms of worship, taught to repeat pater nosters and ave marias, to make the sign of the cross, and to confess. he is now a member of the church, and is dismissed to his woods--a christian, can we say? the methodists pursue a different course. their converts must not only reform their lives, but give indubitable proofs that they are reformed; they are taught so as to understand thoroughly the sound principles of christianity; and they must give an account of their faith, and a reason for the hope that is in them, before they are admitted as members of the christian community. "the tree is known by its fruits." the sachems, or chiefs of the algonquins, possess little or no authority, but their advice is of some weight there are gradations of rank in the chieftainship; the kitchi okima, or great chief, takes precedence at the council, and propounds the subject of discussion; the inferior chiefs (okimas) speak in turn, according to seniority; every old man, however, whether chief or not, is allowed to give his opinion, and the general voice of the assembly decides the question at issue. it is seldom, however, that any question arises requiring much deliberation in the present times of peace. when a party of strange indians arrives at the village, a council is called to ascertain the means the community may possess of discharging properly the rites of hospitality; each individual states the modicum he is willing to contribute, in cash or in kind, and the proceeds, which are always sufficient to entertain the guests sumptuously, according to indian ideas, while they remain, are placed at the disposal of the kitchi okima. councils are held and harangues delivered when they receive their annual presents from government; these consist of blankets, cloth, ammunition, and a variety of small articles, all of which in their present impoverished state are highly valued by them. they profess an attachment to the british government; but, like certain more civilized nations, they will fight for the cause that is likely to yield them most advantage. their loyalty to britain, therefore, is less to be depended on than their hatred to america. a general idea has gone abroad regarding their taciturnity which does not accord with my experience. far from being averse to colloquial intercourse, they delight in it; none more welcome to an indian wigwam than one who can talk freely. they pass the winter evenings in relating their adventures, hunting being their usual theme, or in telling stories; and often have i heard the woods resound with peals of laughter excited by their wit, for they too are witty in their own way. their tradition of the flood (_kitchi a tesoka_, or "great tale,") is somewhat remarkable. the world having been overflowed by water, all mankind perished but one family, who embarked in a large canoe, taking a variety of animals along with them. the canoe floated about for some time, when a musk-rat, tired of its confinement, jumped overboard and dived; it soon reappeared, with a mouthful of mud, which it deposited on the surface of the water, and from this beginning the new world was formed. when the veracity of an indian is doubted, he points to heaven with his forefinger, and exclaims:-- "he to whom we belong knows that what i say is true." no white man trusts more firmly in the validity of a solemn oath than the indian in this asseveration. still it must be confessed that they are prone to falsehood; but they seem to allow themselves a much greater licence in this respect in their intercourse with the whites than amongst themselves. when an indian is about to enter a wigwam, he utters the word or sound "quay" in a peculiar tone; the word repeated from within is considered as an invitation to enter. should he neglect to announce himself in this way he is considered as ill-bred--an unmannerly boor. the left-hand side of the wigwam as you enter is considered the place of honour; here the father of the family and chief squaw take their station, the young men on the opposite side, and the women next to the door, or at the upper end of the fire-place, both ends being alike plebeian. when a person of respectability enters, the father, moving towards the door, resigns his place to his guest, places skins under him, and otherwise pays every attention to his comfort. they are extremely hospitable, and cheerfully share their last morsel with the stranger who may be in want. hospitality, however, is a virtue which civilization rarely improves. a good hunter always leaves his lodge by dawn of day, and seldom tastes food till he returns late at night. hunting beavers is a most laborious occupation, and becomes more so in proportion to the scarcity of these animals; for this reason, that when a great number of beavers occupy a lake, their places of retreat are in closer proximity to each other, and for the most part inhabited; if the number be reduced, it is likely they will have the same places of retreat, and the hunter must bore through the ice, before he can ascertain whether they are inhabited or not. the sagacity of their dogs is truly surprising. the beaver house being first destroyed by the hunter, the dogs are urged by a peculiar call to scent out their retreats, which they never fail to do, whatever may be the thickness of the ice. they keep running about the borders of the lake, their noses close to the ground, and the moment they discover a retreat, begin to bark and jump on the ice; the hunter then cuts a hole with his trench, and with a stick which he carries along with him feels for the beaver; should he find one, he introduces his bare arm into the hole, and seizing his prey by the tail, drags it out on the ice, where it is dispatched with a spear. there is less danger in this operation than one would imagine, for the beaver allows itself to be seized without a struggle, but sometimes inflicts severe wounds on his captor after he is taken out of the water. when the retreat is not inhabited, the entrance to it is barred by sticks, and the hunter proceeds to chisel again, and continues his operations until the beaver is either taken, or shut out from all his haunts, in which case he is compelled to return to the house to take breath, where he is either shot or caught in a trap. the language of these indians is a dialect of the sauteux or bungee, intermixed with cree, and a few words of french derivation. the greater part of them have a smattering of french or english; but the acquisition of a foreign language is extremely difficult to them, from the peculiar formation of their own, which wants the letter r. an algonquin pronounces the word "marrow" "manno" or "mallo." their dialect has all the softness of the italian, but is extremely poor and defective. chapter xv. embark for the interior--mode of travelling by canoes--little river--lake nipissing--french river--old station of indian robbers--fort mississaga--indians--light canoe-men--sault ste. marie--lake superior--canoe-men desert--re-taken--fort william--m. thibaud--lac la pluie and river--indians--white river--narrow escape--conversation with an indian about baptism. on the th april, , i embarked on board of a steamboat at lachine, and reached hull on the th. here the regular conveyance by land carriages and steamboat ended, and the traveller in those days was obliged to wait his passage by the canoes of shanty men, or hire a boat or canoe for himself. i had recourse to the latter expedient, and reached the post of the chats, then in charge of my esteemed friend mr. mcd----l, on the th. captain back arrived on the st of may, put ashore for a few supplies and my wards, and immediately re-embarked. the brigade arrived on the d, and the guide delivered me a letter from mr. k----, informing me that i was to consider myself merely as a passenger, the command of the men being entrusted to the guide by governor simpson's orders. this arrangement relieved me of much anxiety and trouble; though i would rather have preferred undergoing any personal inconvenience to being placed under the command of an ignorant canadian, who might use his "brief" authority in a way very offensive to my feelings, without being guilty of anything that i could complain of. my fears, however, were disappointed, as he showed every deference to my wishes, as well as the utmost courtesy to the other passengers, most of whom were of a rank not likely to find much consideration from a canadian boatman; they consisted of a young priest not yet ordained, an apprentice clerk, three youths who had been at their education in lower canada, and myself. the brigade consisted of three montreal canoes, laden with provisions for the trip, and some tobacco for the southern department; and manned by sixty iroquois and canadians, the latter engaged to winter, the former for the trip. the day was far spent when we left the portage of the chats, and we encamped in the evening near the head of the rapids. the mode of travelling in canoes being now well known, i shall not detail the occurrences of each day, but confine myself to the narration of such incidents as may be most worthy of notice throughout the voyage. the moment we landed the tent was pitched by men employed for the purpose; the other men unloaded the canoes, and carried the goods beyond high-water mark, where it was piled and covered with oil-cloths. it is the particular duty of the bowsman to attend to the canoe, to repair and pitch it when necessary, and to place it in security when the cargo is discharged. in consideration of these services he is exempt from the duty of loading or unloading, his wages are higher than those of the steersman, and he ranks after the guide. the latter generally messes with the gentlemen, his canoe always takes the lead in the rapids, but in still water the post of honour is held by the best going canoe. the guide rouses the men in the morning; the moment the call is heard, "lève, lève!" the passengers spring upon their feet, tie up their beds, and if they are not smart about it, the tents go down about their ears, and they must finish the operation in the open air. several of our men having already deserted, we encamped upon islands, when they could be found, or kept watch on the mainland. our hour of departure was three o'clock, a.m.; when the weather permitted we breakfasted at seven, dined at one or two o'clock, p.m., and encamped at sunset. in calm weather the canoes went abreast, singing in chorus and keeping time with the paddles. all was then gaiety, and, to appearance, happiness; but this is one of those bright spots in a voyageur's life which are few and far between. we reached fort coulonge on the d, and it being late, i took up my quarters with my worthy old bourgeois, mr. s. here we received some additional supplies of provisions for the crews and passengers. we arrived at lac des allumettes on the th, where i put ashore merely to say _bon jour_ to an old acquaintance. we encamped rather early this evening, to allow the men a little extra rest, on account of the laborious duty they had performed for some days before. next day, when ascending the rapid of roche capitaine, the canoe in which i was passenger came in violent contact with another; but mine only sustained damage. the bow being stove in, the canoe began to fill; we however gained the shore, to which fortunately we were close, at a leap, and lost no time in discharging the cargo. drying the goods and repairing the canoe occupied us a good part of the day. we reached the forks of mattawin on the th, where we found a small outpost belonging to the fort coulonge district, recently established for the purpose of securing the hunts of the indians of this quarter, who were in the habit of trading with shanty men. being no longer under any apprehensions of the men deserting, we now discontinued the watch and slept in comfort. the passage of the little river was effected with much toil and difficulty, from the shallowness of the water. we entered lake nipissing on the th; descended french river, a rapid and dangerous stream, without accident, and entered lake huron on the morning of the th. the guide pointed out to me a place near the mouth of the river where the indians used to waylay the canoes on their passage to and from the interior; a sort of rude breastwork still marks the spot. after much destruction of life and property by the savages, they were eventually caught in their own toil; the voyageurs, instead of descending the river at this place, passed by land, and coming unawares on the indians killed them all. we reached the post of the cloche early on the th, and spent two hours in the company of mr. mcb----u, who entertained us most kindly; and on the th looked in at mississaga post, an establishment which appeared to possess but few attractions as a place of residence; consisting of a few miserable log buildings, surrounded by a number of pine-bark wigwams, the temporary residence of the natives; several of whom came reeling into the house after our arrival, there being an opposition party there. these indians were, without comparison, the most uncouth, savage-looking beings i ever beheld; mouth from ear to ear, cheek-bones remarkably high, low projecting forehead, hair like a horse's mane, and eyes red and swollen by continual intoxication. american whisky had no doubt contributed to increase their natural deformity. after leaving this post we had a strong breeze of adverse wind for the remainder of the day, and encamped in consequence earlier than usual. on the following morning we were very early roused from our slumbers by the call of "canot à lège," (light canoe). our beds were tied up, tents packed, canoes launched and loaded in an instant; and we set off in pursuit of the mail, which we overtook at breakfast time, and found mr. g. k----th in charge, who had just returned from england, and was now proceeding to assume the charge of lake superior district. mr. k----th exchanged some of his men, who were found incapable of performing light canoe duty, for some of our best; an arrangement that did not appear to please our guide much. the duty which the crew of a light canoe have to perform is laborious in the extreme, and requires men of the greatest strength and vigour to stand it. they are never allowed to remain more than four hours ashore by night, often only two or three; during the day they are constantly urged on by the guide or person in command, and never cease paddling, unless during the few moments required to exchange seats, or while they take their hasty meals ashore. they are liberally plied with grog, well paid, and well fed, and seldom quit the service until it is hinted to them that the duty is become too hard for them. a light canoe-man considers it quite a degradation to be employed in loaded craft. we arrived early on the th at the company's establishment at sault sainte marie, where there is a large depôt of provisions for the purpose of supplying the canoes passing to and from the interior and the surrounding districts. the south side of the river is occupied by the americans as a military post, and it was gratifying to see the friendly intercourse that subsisted between the american officers and the gentlemen in the company's service. would that the same good feeling were more universal between two nations of one blood and the same language! the rapid which unites the waters of lakes huron and superior is avoided by making a portage. the carrying of the canoes and goods to the upper end of this portage occupied the men till about noon, when we embarked on the "sea of canada," having messrs. bethune and mckenzie on board as passengers. we proceeded about fifteen miles and encamped. we were ready to embark at the usual hour next morning, but being prevented by the high wind, to make the best of the time we turned in again, and after a most refreshing nap got up to breakfast. the weather moderating soon after, all hands were ordered to embark, but all hands were not there; four of them had deserted during the night, and were not missed until the crews mustered for embarkation. while we were holding a consultation regarding this unpleasant matter, an indian canoe luckily cast up, and it was determined to despatch a party of iroquois, conducted by a passenger in disguise, in pursuit of the fugitives. another party was sent by land, and after an absence of about three hours returned with their prisoners. no criminals ever appeared more dejected than they; so humble did they seem, that they got off with a slight reprimand. we reached the post of michipikoton early on the morning of the th, and passed the remainder of the day waiting for despatches which mr. k---- was preparing for the interior. we left on the th, put ashore at the pic on the d, where we dined with mr. mcmurray, and after experiencing much bad weather, adverse winds, together with showers of snow, we reached fort william on the th, about noon. we found the grand depôt of the north-west company falling rapidly to decay, presenting in its present ruinous state but a shadow of departed greatness. it is now occupied as a petty post, a few indians and two or three old voyageurs being the sole representatives of the crowded throngs of former times. it must have been a beautiful establishment in its days of prosperity; but the buildings certainly do not appear to have been erected with a view to durability. we here exchanged our large montreal canoes for those of the north, (the former carrying seventy packages of ninety pounds, the latter twenty-five, exclusive of provisions;) and each of the passengers had a canoe for his own accommodation--an arrangement that seemed to increase in no small degree the self-importance of some of our number. our guide was now obliged to perform the duty of bowsman, still, however, retaining his authority over the whole brigade. we bade adieu to fort william and its hospitable commander on the th. mr. mci----h had supplied all our wants most liberally, but the men were now allowed only indian corn and a small quantity of grease;--a sad and unpleasing change for poor jean baptiste; but he had no help but to submit, though not perhaps with the utmost "christian resignation." our men being now well disciplined, and our canoes comparatively light, we sped over our way at an excellent rate. we encamped on the th of june at one of the thousand lakes, and the canoes were drawn up before m. thibaud (the priest) arrived. i was surprised to observe his frowning aspect on landing, and ascribed it to the circumstance of his being the "harse," or harrow, a term of derision applied to the slowest canoe. calling me aside, however, he explained the cause of his discontent, which was very different from what i had surmised: his crew, whenever they found themselves sufficiently far in the rear to be out of hearing, invariably struck up an obscene song, alike unmindful of his presence and remonstrances; and this day had not only sung, but indulged in conversation the most indecent imaginable. this announcement appeared to me the more strange, that most of these young men had never before quitted home; and i had always understood the authority of the priest to be, at least, equal to that of the parent. although, therefore, i never had any very great reverence for the (so-called) successors of st. peter, i yet felt for my fellow-traveller, and addressed the miscreants who had insulted him in terms of grave reprehension, threatening them with severe punishment if such conduct should again be repeated. we arrived at the post of lac de la pluie, on the th of june; and, after a short halt, and carrying our _impedimenta_ across the portage on which the fort is situated, commenced the descent of lac de la pluie river,--a beautiful stream, running with a smooth, though strong current, and maintaining a medium breadth of about yards. its banks, which are clothed with verdure to the water's edge, recede by a gradual slope until they terminate in a high ridge, running parallel to the river on both sides. this ridge yields poplar, birch, and maple, with a few pines, proving the excellence of the soil. the interior, however, is said to be low and swampy. we passed the residence of an old retired servant of the company, on the th, who, if i may judge from the appearance of his farm and the number of his cattle, must vegetate very much at his ease. observing in the evening a large indian camp, i requested the guide to put ashore for a little. we were received kindly, but in a manner quite different to what i had been accustomed. the young men were drawn up on the shore, and eyed us with a savage _fierté_ in their looks, returning our salutation in a way that convinced us that we were at length among the "wild men of the woods." the weather being extremely hot, we found them in almost a complete state of nudity, with only a narrow shred of cloth around their loins. they speak the sauteux language; and i had much difficulty in making myself understood by them. in their physiognomy and personal appearance they exhibit all the characteristic features of the genuine aboriginal race; and this party certainly appeared, one and all, to be "without a cross;" but there had been long a trading post at lac la pluie, and i noticed, in a neighbouring camp, a lass with brown hair and pretty blue eyes. where did she get them? after bartering some sturgeon with the indians, and presenting them with a little tobacco, we parted good friends, and encamped so near them as to be annoyed the whole night by the sound of their drum. on the following morning we entered the lake of the woods, and next morning white river, a very violent stream, full of falls and dangerous rapids. the portages are innumerable, and often close together. after crossing one of these portages, we observed, with astonishment, a number of people on the next portage, la cave, about pistol-shot distance from us. they proved to be mr. hughes, formerly partner of the north-west company; mr. berens, a member of committee, and suite: they were painfully situated, in consequence of the loss of their bowsman, who, by missing a stroke with his pole, fell into the rapid, and was drowned: the steersman was saved with great difficulty. we got safe through this dangerous river, on the th; but two of the men had a narrow escape in one of the last portages. our guide here, as everywhere else, having a picked crew, pushed on, and left us considerably in the rear. approaching a fall, le bonnet, where no traces of a portage could be discovered, the men unloaded the canoes, and commenced carrying the goods through the woods; but the _boutes_ (bowsmen and steersmen) determined on wading down with the canoes, the water being shallow, until they should come close to the fall; where, by lifting them across a narrow point, they could place them in the smooth water beneath. the attempt was made accordingly, by the leading canoe; but the rock over which the current flows being smooth, and covered with a slimy moss, the men slipped, and were in an instant precipitated over the fall. when we saw the canoe rushing over the brink, with the poor fellows clinging to it, we all concluded they had reached the end of their voyage. running down to the foot of the fall, which was about eleven feet high, having previously ordered a canoe to be carried across the point, and some shots to be fired to recall the guide, who was now nearly out of sight, i was astonished to find the canoe had not upset, although the men had got into it, and it was half full of water, and so near the shore that i extended my arm to lay hold of the bow. the next moment, however, the stern having come within the influence of a whirlpool, it was hurried out into the middle of the stream, and dashed with such violence against a rock, that the crashing of the timbers was distinctly heard from the shore. this shock, which had nearly proved fatal to the men, threw the canoe into an eddy, or counter-current, which whirled it to the opposite shore, where it was about to sink when assistance came. in the evening, we arrived at the post of bas de la rivière, in charge of an orkney-man, by name clouston, who had risen from the ranks, and who, seeing what small fry he had to deal with, treated us somewhat superciliously. our stock of provisions being exhausted, we applied to _maister_ clouston for a fresh supply: he granted us what i thought very inadequate to our wants; but he said it was all that was allowed by the governor for the passage of the lake. here m. thibaud found two men with a small canoe, who had been sent by the bishop of red river to convey him to his destination, waiting his arrival. we parted with feelings of mutual regret. we left this post late on the th, and had proceeded but a short distance on the lake, when a strong head wind compelled us to put ashore. we now experienced constant bad weather, never completing a day's sailing without interruption from some cause or other; and in consequence of these delays, it was found necessary to curtail our allowance of provisions. on the th, we pitched our tents near a camp of sauteux, from whom the men procured a small quantity of sturgeon, in exchange for some articles of clothing. i was surprised to find indians, in a quarter so remote from those tribes with whom i had hitherto been conversant, speaking a dialect which i understood perfectly: their erratic habits, and intercourse with the crees and algonquins, may perhaps account for this similarity of dialect. i entered into conversation with a shrewd old fellow, who had been often at red river settlement. among other questions, i asked him whether he had not been baptized? "baptized!" he exclaimed; "don't speak of it, my brother. baptized--that i may go to the devil! indians think a good indian goes to the good place when he dies; but the priests send _all_ to the evil one." i asked him how he made that out? "why, i learned it from the priests themselves. when i first went to red river, i met a french priest, who earnestly besought me to be converted. i heard him attentively, and his words had a great effect upon me; but i had been told there was another priest there, who had different thoughts about religion, and i thought i would go to him too. he was very kind to me, and spoke nearly the same words as the french priest; so that i thought there was no difference in their religions. he asked me if i would be baptized? and i told him that i would; but i wanted to learn the french prayer. 'ah! my son,' he said, 'that must not be: if you adopt that bad religion, you will be burned for certain.' and he spoke so strong, that i almost thought he was right. but before i would do anything, i went to the french priest again, and told him what the english priest said to me; and then said i would learn the english prayer. 'ah! my son,' said he, 'if you do so, it will lead you to perdition: all that pray after the english manner go to the fire.' and he said much more, and his words were very strong too; so i saw that i could be no better by forsaking the belief of my fathers, and i have not gone to french or english priest since." this is by no means a solitary case; and it is one of the sore evils which arise from the corruption of christianity, and the divisions of christians. nor, in the case of creeds so opposite as those of protestants and roman catholics--creeds as opposite as light and darkness--is it easy to point out a remedy. after all, it is surely better for these poor indians to adopt some form of christianity, however corrupt, than to remain in the darkness and debasement of heathenism. and if our missionaries would act upon the noble maxim of the greatest of the apostles--"never to enter upon the sphere of another man's labours,"--consequences so injurious would be avoided. if they have not so much christianity and good sense as to do so of themselves, where there is the power, they should be compelled to do it. the company have the power, but are too much occupied with matters which they deem more momentous, to waste a thought upon this. chapter xvi. continuation of the voyage--run short of provisions--dogs' flesh--norway house--indian voyageurs--ordered to new caledonia--lake winnipeg--macintosh's island submerged--cumberland house--chippeweyan and cree indians--portage la loche--scenery--athabasca--healthiness of the climate. high winds detained us in camp on the st. the crews of two canoes, having finished their last meal to-day, bartered some more of their clothes for dogs. we reached a small outpost called berens house on the d, where we procured a couple of sturgeon, and a dog valued at ten shillings, for which i gave my note of hand. i had a _preein_ of this cynic mutton at breakfast; and could not help thinking it would have made a most appropriate and _philosophical_ addition to the larder of the wise man of the tub. the men, however, having been for some time on short commons, seemed to relish it. we supped lightly enough on the remainder of mr. clouston's bountiful supply, giving a share to the men. after a most tedious and miserable passage, we reached the outlet of lake winnipeg on the th, and arrived next morning at norway house. here the men were liberally supplied; and i found myself at breakfast with a number of chief factors and chief traders, just arrived from their respective districts, and on their way with their valuable returns to york factory. captain back was also here, having sent on his men and baggage under the command of dr. king, intending himself to follow in a light canoe, after having forwarded his despatches to europe. the day after my arrival, i was notified by one of the officials, that it was arranged that i should pass the summer here, giving such assistance to the gentleman in charge as might be required of me; and that my future destination should be determined upon at york factory. i now passed my time very agreeably, having just enough employment in the day-time to keep off _ennui_, and the company of several gentlemen, and, what i thought still better, that of a fair countrywoman,[ ] in the evening. i was gratified to find that there existed here a far greater degree of intimacy between gentlemen of different ranks in the service, than in the montreal department, where a clerk is considered as a mere hireling; here, on the contrary, commissioned officers look upon clerks as candidates for the same rank which themselves hold, and treat them accordingly. [ ] mistress of the establishment. the governor, having taken up his residence for some years past in england, crosses the atlantic once a year, and during his brief sojourn, norway house forms his head-quarters. here it is that the sham council is held, and everything connected with the business of the interior arranged. here also is the depôt for the districts of athabasca and mckenzie's river, which supplies all the provisions required for inland transport. these provisions are furnished by the saskatchewan district, or are purchased by the company from the colonists of red river, who have no other customers. the natives of this quarter speak a jargon of cree and sauteux, which sounds very harshly. they all understand english, and some of them speak it fluently. many of them are constantly employed as voyageurs between norway house and york factory; and none perform the trip more expeditiously, or render their cargoes in better condition than they. of christianity, they have learned just as much as enables them to swear; in other respects, they are still pagans. on the th of july, i received a letter from mr. chief factor cameron, who acted as president of the council in the governor's absence, conveying orders for me to proceed to new caledonia; mr. charles being instructed to furnish me with a passage to athabasca, and to forward me afterwards to fort dunvegan, on peace river, where i was to wait the arrival of the party sent annually from new caledonia for a supply of leather. the brigade having been despatched on the th, mr. c. and i embarked on the th, and overtook it at the entrance of lake winnipeg. the crews being ashore, and enjoying themselves, we passed on; but did not proceed far, ere the wind blew so violently as to compel us to put ashore. after a delay of about four hours, we "put to sea" again; and the wind gradually abating as we proceeded, we encamped in the evening nearly opposite to mcintosh's island. this island, some years ago, presented an extensive surface of land covered with wood: there is not now a vestige of land to be seen; the spot where it existed being only known to voyagers by a shoal which is visible at low water. but not only have the islands been swept away, but the mainland along the west end of the lake seems gradually being encroached upon and engulphed by the waves; an undeniable proof of which is, that the old post of norway house, which formerly stood at a considerable distance from the water's edge, is now close to it, and the burial-ground is nearly all submerged. we arrived at the foot of grand rapid late on the th of july, and passed the portage on the th, assisted by the natives--sauteux, crees, and half-breeds. these live luxuriously on sturgeon, with little toil. among them i observed two or three old canadians, who could scarcely be distinguished from the natives by language, manners, or dress; such persons, when young, having formed an attachment to some of the indian young women, betake themselves to their half-savage mode of life, and very soon cannot be persuaded to quit it. we arrived on the th of august at rivière du pas, where an old canadian, m. constant, had fixed his abode, who appeared to have an abundance of the necessaries of life, and a large family of half-indians, who seemed to claim him as their sire. we breakfasted sumptuously on fish and fowl, and no charge was made; but a gratuity of tea, tobacco, or sugar is always given; so that m. constant loses nothing by his considerate attentions to his visitors. we reached cumberland house on the th. here i was cheered by the sight of extensive corn-fields, horned cattle, pigs and poultry, which gave the place more the appearance of a farm in the civilized world, than of a trading post in the far north-west; and i could not help envying the happy lot of its tenant, and contrasting it with my own, which led me to the wilds of new caledonia--to fare like a dog, without knowing how long my exile might be protracted. we arrived at the post of isle à la crosse, where we were detained a day in consequence of bad weather. this post is also surrounded by cultivated fields, and i observed a few cattle; but the voice of the grunter was not heard. the indians who frequent this post are chiefly chippeweyans, with a few families of crees. the former differ in features, language, and manners from any i had yet seen. their face is of a peculiar mould, broad; the cheekbone remarkably prominent, chin small, mouth wide, with thick lips, the upper covered with beard; the body strongly built and muscular. they appear destitute of the amiable qualities which characterise the crees. whenever we met any of them on our route, and asked for fish or meat, "budt hoola,"[ ] was the invariable answer; yet no indians were ever more importunate than they in begging for tobacco. on the contrary, when we fell in with crees, they allowed us to help ourselves freely, and were delighted to see us do so, receiving thankfully whatever we gave them in return. the features of the crees are not so strongly marked as those of the sauteux, although they are a kindred people; yet they are as easily distinguishable from each other, as an englishman from a frenchman. [ ] there is none. we left isle à la crosse on the th, and without meeting with any adventure worthy of notice, reached the end of portage la loche about two o'clock p.m. of the following day, with canoe and baggage. in this, as in every other part of their territories, the company use boats for the transport of property; but by a very judicious arrangement, much time and labour are saved at this portage, which is said to be twelve miles in length. boats are placed at the upper and lower ends, so that the men have only to carry across the property, which, in truth, of itself is a sufficiently laborious operation for human beings. the people from the district of mckenzie's river come thus far with their returns, and receive their outfit in boats manned by half-breeds, who are hired at red river for the trip. the prospect which the surrounding country presents from the upper end of the portage is very striking; and the more so from the sudden manner in which it bursts upon the view. you suddenly arrive at the summit of a remarkably steep hill, where, on looking around, the first object that attracts attention is a beautiful green hill standing on the opposite side of the deep glen, through which the clear water river flows, forming the most prominent feature of an extensive range, cut up by deep ravines, whose sides are clothed with wood, presenting already all the beautiful variety of their autumnal hues; while, at intervals, a glimpse was caught of the river meandering through the valley. in former times these hills were covered with herds of buffaloes, but not one is to be seen now. we once more proceeded down the stream, and arrived at athabasca on the st of august, where we found dr. king, who had been delayed some days repairing his boats; capt. back having proceeded onwards in a light canoe to fix on a winter residence. fort chippeweyan was, in the time of the north-west company, next in importance to fort william. besides having several detached posts depending immediately upon itself, and carrying on a very extensive trade with the chippeweyans, (the best hunters in the indian country,) it served as depôt for the districts of mckenzie's river, and peace river. the trade of this district, although it bears no comparison to that of former times, is yet pretty extensive. it is still the depôt for peace river, and commands the trade with the chippeweyans. trade is carried on in this quarter solely by barter, which secures the company from loss, and is apparently attended with no inconvenience to the natives, who used formerly to take their supplies on credit. beaver is the standard according to which all other furs are rated; so many martens, so many foxes, &c., equal to one beaver. the trader, on receiving the indian's hunt, proceeds to reckon it up according to this rule, giving the indian a quill for each beaver; these quills are again exchanged at the counter for whatever articles he wants. the people of this post subsist entirely on the produce of the country, fish, flesh, and fowl, of which there is the greatest abundance. both soil and climate are said to be unfavourable to the cultivation of grain or vegetables; the attempt is made, however, and sometimes with success. i took my departure from athabasca on the th of august, accompanied by mr. charles ross, who had passed the summer there as _locum tenens_, and was now proceeding to assume the charge of his own post, fort vermillion, where we arrived on the st of september. this post is agreeably situated on the right bank of peace river, having the river in front, and boundless prairies in the rear. the indians attached to it are designated beaver indians, and their language is said to have some affinity to the chippeweyan. this is, however, the only point of resemblance between them. the beavers are a more diminutive race than the chippeweyans, and their features bear a greater resemblance to those of the crees. they are allowed to be generous, hospitable and brave; and are distinguished for their strict adherence to truth. most indians boast of the murder of white men as a glorious exploit; these, on the contrary, glory in never having shed the blood of one, although they often imbrue their hands in the blood of their kindred; being very apt to quarrel among themselves, chiefly on account of their gallantry. when an illicit amour is detected, the consequence is frequently fatal to one of the parties; but the unmarried youth, of both sexes, are generally under no restraint whatever. i bade adieu to mr. ross, a warm-hearted gael, on the d, and arrived at fort dunvegan on the th of september, then under the charge of mr. mcintosh, chief factor, where i met with a highland welcome, and passed the time most agreeably in the company of a well educated gentleman. the indians here are of the same tribe as those of fort vermillion, but are not guiltless of the blood of the whites. this post is also surrounded by prairies. a large farm is cultivated, yielding in favourable seasons a variety of vegetables and grain: but the crops are subject to injury from frost; sometimes are altogether destroyed. when the wind blows for some time from the west, it cools in its passage across the glaciers of the rocky mountains, to such a degree, that the change of temperature caused by it is not only severely felt in the vicinity of the mountains, but at a great distance from them, as far even as red river. from the great age attained by many of the retired servants of the company, who pass their lives in this country, the salubrity of the climate may fairly be inferred. meeting a brigade of small canoes between fort vermillion and this place, and observing an old man with a white head and wrinkled face, sitting in the centre of one of them, i made up to him, and after saluting him _à la française_, presented him with a piece of tobacco--the indian letter of introduction. i inquired of him how long it was since he had left home. "sixty-two years, monsieur," was the reply; and as the canoes assembled around us, he pointed out to me his sons, and his sons' sons, to the third and fourth generation. i heard of no malady which the white inhabitants are liable to, except the goîtres; caused, it is presumed, in part by the use of snow-water, and in part by the use of the river-water, which is strongly impregnated with clay, so much so, as sometimes to resemble a solution of the earth itself. chapter xvii. arrival of mr. f. from caledonia--scenery--land-slip--massacre at fort st. john's--rocky mountain portage--rocky mountains--magnificent scenery--m'leod's lake--reception of its commander by the indians. mr. paul fraser, a senior clerk, arrived from caledonia with three canoes, on the th of september, and on the th we took our departure. above fort dunvegan the current becomes so strong that the canoes are propelled by long poles, in using which the men had acquired such dexterity that we made much better progress than i could have expected. as we ascended the river, the scenery became beautifully diversified with hill and dale and wooded valleys, through which there generally flowed streams of limpid water. i observed at one place a tremendous land-slip, caused by the water undermining the soil. trees were seen in an inverted position, the branches sunk in the ground and the roots uppermost; others with only the branches appearing above ground; the earth rent and intersected by chasms extending in every direction; while piles of earth and stones intermixed with shattered limbs and trunks of trees, contributed to increase the dreadful confusion of the scene. the half of a huge hill had tumbled into the river, and dammed it across, so that no water escaped for some time. the people of dunvegan, seeing the river suddenly dry up, were terrified by the phenomenon, but they had not much time to investigate the cause: the river as suddenly reappeared, presenting a front of nearly twenty feet in height, and foaming and rushing down with the noise of thunder. on the d of october we reached the tenantless fort of st. john's, where a horrid tragedy was enacted some years ago--the commander of the post with all his men having been cut off by the indians. the particulars of this atrocious deed, as related to me by the gentleman at the head of the district at the time, were as follows:-- it had been determined that the post of st. john's should be abandoned, and the establishment removed to the rocky mountain portage, for the convenience of the tsekanies, who were excellent hunters, but who could not be well supplied from this post, on account of the greatness of the distance. unfortunately a quarrel had arisen about this time between the indians of st. john's and the tsekanies. the former viewed the removal of the post from their lands as an insult, and a measure that gave their enemies a decided superiority over them, and they took a very effectual method of disappointing them. mr. hughes, having sent off his men with a load of property for the new post, remained alone. this was the opportunity the indians sought for, and they did not fail to take advantage of it. the unfortunate man had been in the habit of walking daily by the river side, and was taking his usual promenade the day after the departure of his men, when he was shot down by two of the assassins. they then carried his body to his room and left it, and his blood still marks the floor. the men, altogether unconscious of the fate that awaited them, came paddling toward the landing-place, singing a voyageur's song, and just as the canoe touched the shore a volley of bullets was discharged at them, which silenced them for ever. they were all killed on the spot. the post has remained desolate ever since. fort dunvegan was also abandoned for some years, which reduced the natives to the greatest distress. as soon as intelligence was received of the catastrophe, a party of half-breeds and crees, under the command of one of the clerks, was fitted out in order to inflict deserved punishment on the murderers; but just as the party had got on the trail, and within a short distance of the camp, they received orders from the superintendent to return. these orders were no doubt dictated by feelings of humanity, as mr. mcintosh had learned that some indians, who were not concerned in the murder, were in the same camp, and he was apprehensive the innocent might be involved in the same punishment with the guilty. the most of them, however, were afterwards starved to death; and the country having been abandoned by the company, gave the natives occasion to remark, that the measure was dictated more by fear of them than by motives of humanity. the rocky mountains came in view on the th of october, and we reached the portage bearing their name on the th, the crossing of which took us eight days, being fully thirteen miles in length, and excessively bad road, leading sometimes through swamps and morasses, then ascending and descending steep: hills, and for at least one-third of the distance so obstructed by fallen trees as to render it all but impassable. i consider the passage of this portage the most laborious duty the company's servants have to perform in any part of the territory; and, as the voyageurs say, "he that passes it with his share of a canoe's cargo may call himself a man." in the passage we came upon a large camp of tsekanies, mr. eraser's customers. their dialect is similar to that of the beaver indians, but they understand the cree, which is the medium of communication between mr. f. and them. it thus appears that this language is understood from the shores of labrador to the foot of the rocky mountains. after passing the portage, the rocky mountains reared their snow-clad summits all around us, presenting a scene of gloomy grandeur, that had nothing cheering in it. one scene, however, struck me as truly sublime. as we proceeded onward the mountains pressed closer on the river, and at one place approached so near that the gap seemed to have been made by the river forcing a passage through them. we passed in our canoes at the base of precipices that rose almost perpendicularly above us on either side to the height of , or , feet! after passing through these magnificent portals, the mountains recede to a considerable distance, the space intervening between them and the river being a flat, yielding timber of a larger growth than i expected to find in such a situation. we arrived at mcleod's lake--mr. fraser's post--on the th, where a number of indians were waiting their supplies. they received us quite in a military style, with several discharges of fire-arms, and appeared delighted at the arrival of their chief. they seemed to be on the best possible terms together--the white chief and his _red "tail"_. they are tsekanies, and are reputed honest, industrious, and faithful. the outfit for this post is conveyed on horse-back from stuart's lake. a more dreary situation can scarcely be imagined, surrounded by towering mountains that almost exclude the light of day, and snow storms not seldom occurring, so violent and long continued as to bury the establishment. i believe there are few situations in the country that present such local disadvantages; but there is the same miserable solitude everywhere; and yet we find natives of england, scotland, and ireland devoting their lives to a business that holds forth such prospects! i remained with my new friend one day, enjoying the comforts of his _eyry_, and then set off for the goal of my long course, where i arrived on the th of october. chapter xviii. arrival at new caledonia--beautiful scenery--indian houses--amusements at the fort--threatened attack of indians--expedition against them--beef-steaks--new caledonian fare--mode of catching salmon--singular death of native interpreter--indian funeral rites--barbarous treatment of widows. fort st. james, the depôt of new caledonia district, stands near the outlet of stuart's lake, and commands a splendid view of the surrounding country. the lake is about fifty miles in length, and from three to four miles in breadth, stretching away to the north and north-east for about twenty miles; the view from the fort embraces nearly the whole of this section of it, which is studded with beautiful islands. the western shore is low, and indented by a number of small bays formed by wooded points projecting into the lake, the back-ground rising abruptly into a ridge of hills of varied height and magnitude. on the east the view is limited to a range of two or three miles, by the intervention of a high promontory, from which the eye glances to the snowy summits of the rocky mountains in the distant back-ground. i do not know that i have seen anything to compare with this charming prospect in any other part of the country; its beauties struck me even at this season of the year, when nature having partly assumed her hybernal dress, everything appeared to so much greater disadvantage. the indian village is situated in a lovely spot at the outlet of the lake, and consists of only five or six houses, but every house is occupied by several families. these buildings are of a very slight and simple construction, being merely formed of stakes driven into the ground; a square piece of timber runs horizontally along the top of this wall, to which the stakes are fastened by strips of willow bark. this inclosure, which is of a square form, is roofed in by placing two strong posts at each gable, which support the ridge pole, on which the roof sticks are placed, one end resting on the ridge pole, and the other on the wall, the whole being covered with pine bark: there is generally a door at each end, which is cut in the wall after the building is erected. these apertures are of a circular form, and about two and a half feet in diameter, so that a stranger finds it very awkward to pass through them. in effecting a passage you first introduce a leg, then bending low the body you press in head and shoulders; in this position you will have some difficulty in maintaining your equilibrium, for if you draw in the rest of the body too quickly, it is a chance but you will find yourself with your head undermost: the natives bolt through them with the agility of a weasel. for some time after my arrival here, i had very little employment, there being a scribe already in the establishment, whose experience and industry required no assistance from me. i thus found myself a supernumerary--a character that did not suit me, but i was obliged to content myself for the present. we were joined early in winter by some of the gentlemen in charge of posts, when we managed to pass the time very agreeably. mr. d----, superintendent of the district, played remarkably well on the violin and flute, some of us "wee bodies" could also do something in that way, and our musical soirees, if not in melody, could at least compete in noise, numbers taken into account, with any association of the kind in the british dominions. chess, backgammon, and whist, completed the variety of our evening pastimes. in the daytime each individual occupied himself as he pleased. when together, smoking, "spinning yarns" about _dog_ racing, canoe sailing, and _l'amour_; sometimes politics; now and then an animated discussion on theology, but without bitterness; these made our days fly away as agreeably as our nights. while thus pleasantly occupied, a piece of intelligence was received, which caused the breaking up of our little society, and created some alarm. a party of seven or eight indians having been drowned on their way to alexandria, in autumn, their relatives imputed the misfortune to the whites. "had there been no whites at alexandria," said they, "our friends would not have gone there to trade; and if they had not gone there, they would not have been drowned:" _ergo_--the white men are the cause of their death, and the indians must be avenged. nothing, however, was known of their hostile intentions until winter, when mr. f. had occasion to send a man to stuart's lake with despatches, who, on arriving opposite to the indian camp, found himself suddenly surrounded by the natives. they advanced rapidly upon him, brandishing their arms, and uttering horrid yells, and would have dispatched him on the spot but for the interference of one of themselves, who nobly threw himself between the canadian and the muzzles of the guns that were levelled at him, and beckoned him to flee. he took to his heels accordingly, and never looked behind him till he reached the fort. a little before mr. fisher had learned from his home guards that an attack on the fort was intended, and that they had been solicited by their neighbours to join in it, but had refused. so far, indeed, from wishing to injure the whites, they consented to carry the despatches which conveyed the information i have just mentioned. as mr. f. urgently requested that assistance should be afforded him with as little delay as possible, it was determined that i should forthwith proceed to alexandria, accompanied by waccan, the interpreter, and eight men well armed. passing fraser's lake and fort george posts, we arrived at the indian winter camp, which we found abandoned; but a well beaten track led from it in the direction of alexandria, a circumstance which made us apprehensive that our aid might come too late, and prompted us to redouble our speed. our party consequently was soon very much scattered--a most unmilitary procedure--which might have proved fatal to ourselves, while we thought of relieving our friends. the interpreter, myself, and two iroquois, forming the advanced guard of the _grand army_, which consisted of full six men, still considerably in the rear, on turning a point found ourselves immediately in front of the camp. we were thus as much taken by surprise as those whom we wished to surprise; but without hesitating a moment we rushed up the bank, and were instantly in the midst of the camp. the uproar was tremendous, the indians seized their arms with the most threatening gestures and savage yells, and it would have been impossible for us to execute our orders--which were to seize the ringleader only--without a fierce struggle and bloodshed on both sides; and though more resolute, perhaps, than our enemies, we were by far the weaker party, their numbers being at least ten to one of ours. happily, however, there was an indian (one of our friends) from alexandria, in the camp, who, as soon as he could make himself heard, informed us that the affair had been already arranged to the satisfaction of both parties. thus terminated our expedition, without bloodshed and without laurels. a few days earlier it might have been otherwise; nor was mr. f. without blame in neglecting to advise us of the arrangement. we continued our course towards fort alexandria, and reached it late in the evening. my unexpected appearance gave my old bourgeois of two mountains an agreeable surprise. having eaten nothing since morning, we made sad havoc of his beefsteaks and potatoes. "well, mac," said he, "to judge from your appetite, the air of new caledonia seems to agree wonderfully with you. pray how do you like the beef-steaks?" "never tasted anything better," said i. next morning he requested me to accompany him to the store, as he said, to see a hind-leg of the steer which had furnished me with my steaks. i approached it, and lo! it was the hind-leg of a horse! the beef-steaks, or rather _horse_-steaks, were again presented at breakfast, and i confess i had not the same relish for them as at supper, but my repugnance--such is the effect of habit--was soon overcome. i remained a few days here for the sake of repose, and then returned. on the approach of spring, my fellow-subordinate, mr. mckenzie, dissatisfied with the service, left for the east side of the mountains, and i took his place at the desk, the duties of which, although by no means harassing, left me but little leisure. the accounts of all the posts in the district, eight in number, were made up here; i had also to superintend the men of the establishment, accompany them on their winter trips, and attend to the indian trade. but even if the duty had been more toilsome, i had every inducement to perform it cheerfully, as mr. dease was one of the kindest and most considerate of men. on the th of may mr. dease took his departure for fort vancouver, with the returns of his district, which might he valued at , l. the outfit, together with servants' wages and incidental expenses, amounted to about , l., leaving to the company a clear profit of about , l. i was appointed to the charge of stuart's lake during the summer, with four men to perform the ordinary duties of the establishment--making hay, attending to gardens, &c. a few cattle were introduced in , and we now began to derive some benefit from the produce of the dairy. our gardens (a term applied in this country to any piece of ground under cultivation) in former times yielded potatoes; nothing would now grow save turnips. a few carrots and cabbages were this year raised on a piece of new ground, which added to the luxuries of our table. heaven knows, they were much wanted, for the other fare was scarcely fit for dogs! in the early part of the season it consisted entirely of salmon, which this year was of the worst quality, having been two years in the store. a few sturgeon, however, of enormous[ ] size, were caught, whose flesh was the most tender and delicious i had ever eaten, and would have been considered a delicacy by apicius himself; it need not be wondered at then that the capture of one caused universal joy. [ ] belluga? the salmon (the new caledonian staff of life) ascend frazer's river and its tributaries, from the pacific in immense shoals, proceeding towards the sources of the streams until stopped by shallow water. having deposited their spawn, their dead bodies are seen floating down the current in thousands; few of them ever return to the sea; and in consequence of the old fish perishing in this manner, they fail in this quarter every fourth year. the natives display a good deal of ingenuity in catching them. where the current and depth of water permit, they bar it across by means of stakes driven into the bottom with much labour, and standing about six inches apart; these are strongly bound to a piece of timber, or "plate," running along the top; stays, or supporters, are placed at intervals of ten or twelve feet, the upper end bearing against the plate so as to form an angle with the stream. gaps are left in the works of sufficient size to admit the _varveaux_, or baskets, in which the fish are taken. after the whole is finished, square frames of wicker-work, called keys, are let down against the upper side, to prevent the fish from ascending, and at the same time to allow the water a free passage. the keys must be kept entirely free from filth, such as branches, leaves, &c., otherwise the whole works would soon be swept away. the baskets are of a cylindrical form, about two and a half feet in diameter at the mouth, and terminate in a point of four or, five inches. when the fishing is over, all the materials are removed, and replaced the ensuing year with equal labour. to preserve the fish for future consumption the following process is adopted. the back being split up, and the back-bone extracted, it is hung by the tail for a few days; then it is taken down and distended on splinters of wood; these are attached to a sort of scaffold erected for the purpose, where the fish remains till sufficiently dry for preservation. even in dry seasons, during this process, the ground all round the scaffold is thickly covered with large maggots; but in wet seasons the sight becomes much more loathsome. i have already observed that the salmon fail periodically, and the natives would consequently be reduced to the utmost distress, did not the goodness of providence furnish them with a substitute. rabbits are sent to supply the place of the salmon; and, singular as it may appear, these animals increase in number as the salmon decrease, until they swarm all over the country. when the salmon return, they gradually disappear, being destroyed or driven away by their greatest enemy, the lynx, which first appear in smaller, then in greater numbers;--both they and their prey disappearing together. as to the _cause_ that induces those animals to appear and disappear in this manner, i cannot take upon myself to explain. in the course of this summer one of our interpreters, a native, lost his life in rather a singular manner. he had made a bear-trap, and wishing to ascertain how it would work, tried his own weight on the spring, which yielded but too readily, and crushed him in so dreadful a manner that he only survived his experiment but a few hours. as he had withdrawn from the company's service this year, his body was disposed of after the manner of his own people, except that it was buried instead of being burned; this, however, was the first instance of an interment, it being introduced through our influence in pity to the unfortunate widows, who are exposed to the cruellest tortures at the burning of the body. i never beheld a more affecting scene than the present. immediately as the coffin was lowered into the grave, the widow threw herself upon it, shrieking and tearing her hair, and could only be removed by main force: several other females, relatives of the deceased, were also assembled in a group hard by, and evinced all the external symptoms of extreme grief, chanting the death-song in a most lugubrious tone, the tears streaming down their cheeks, and beating their breasts. the men, however, even the brothers of the deceased, showed no emotion whatever, and as soon as the rites were ended, moved off the ground, followed by the female mourners, who soon after were seen as gay and cheerful as if they had returned from a wedding. the widow, however, still remained by the grave, being obliged to do so in conformity with the customs of her nation, which required that she should mourn day and night, until the relatives of the deceased should collect a sufficiency of viands to make a feast in honour of his bones. as already observed, the bodies were formerly burned; the relatives of the deceased, as well as those of the widow, being present, all armed; a funeral pile was erected, and the body placed upon it. the widow then set fire to the pile, and was compelled to stand by it, anointing her breast with the fat that oozed from the body until the heat became insupportable: when the wretched creature, however, attempted to draw back, she was thrust forward by her husband's relatives at the point of their spears, and forced to endure the dreadful torture until either the body was reduced to ashes, or she herself almost scorched to death. her relatives were present merely to preserve her life; when no longer able to stand they dragged her away; and this intervention often led to bloody quarrels! the body being burned, the ashes were collected in a box and given in charge to the widow, who carried them about with her until the feast was prepared, when they were taken from her, and deposited in a small hut or placed upon the top of a wooden pillar neatly carved, as their final resting-place. during this interval she was in a state of the most wretched slavery; every child in the village might command her and beat her unmercifully if they chose, no one interfered. after the feast, however, she regained her freedom, and along with that the privilege of incurring the risk of another scorching. our interference relieved them from the most cruel part of the ceremony; the temporary state of slavery is still continued. chapter xix. indian feast--attempt at dramatic representation--religion--ordered to port alexandria--advantages of the situation--sent back to fort st. james--solitude--punishment of indian murderer--its consequences--heroic adventure of interpreter. mr. dease arrived from fort vancouver on the th of september, and expressed himself highly gratified with the appearance our "gardens" presented; an ample stock of salmon had also been laid in, so that we had nothing to fear from want, which sometimes had been severely felt. in the beginning of november, our despatches from the east side of the mountains came to hand, usually a joyful event, but saddened this year by the intelligence we received, that our excellent superintendent was about to leave us, having obtained permission to visit the civilized world for medical advice;--the doctor was only , miles off! in the beginning of the winter we were invited to a feast held in honour of a great chief, who died some years before. the person who delivered the invitation stalked into the room with an air of vast consequence, and strewing our heads with down, pronounced the name of the presiding chief, and withdrew without uttering another syllable. to me the invitation was most acceptable: although i had heard much of indian feasts, i never was present at any. late in the evening we directed our steps towards the "banqueting house," a large hut temporarily erected for the occasion. we found the numerous guests assembled and already seated around "the festive board;" our place had been left vacant for us, mr. dease taking his seat next to the great chief, quaw, and we, his meewidiyazees (little chiefs), in succession. the company were disposed in two rows: the chiefs and elders being seated next the wall, formed the outer, and the young men the inner row; an open space of about three feet in breadth intervening between them. immense quantities of roasted meat, bear, beaver, siffleu or marmot, were piled up at intervals, the whole length of the building; berries mixed up with rancid salmon oil, fish roe that had been buried underground a twelve-month, in order to give it an _agreeable_ flavour, were the good things presented at this feast of gluttony and flow of oil. the berry mixture, and roes were served in wooden troughs, each having a large wooden spoon attached to it. the enjoyments of the festival were ushered in with a song, in which all joined:-- "i approach the village, ya ha he ha, ya ha ha ha; and hear the voices of many people, ya ha, &c. the barking of dogs, ya ha, &c. salmon is plentiful, ya ha, &c. the berry season is good, ya ha, &c. after the song commenced the demolition of the mountains of meat, which was but slowly effected, notwithstanding the unremitting and strenuous exertions of the guests. the greatest order, however, was maintained; the relatives of the deceased acted as stewards, each of them seizing a roasted beaver, or something else, squatted himself in front of one of the guests, and presenting the meat, which he held with both his hands (males and females officiating), desired him to help himself. if the guest appeared backward in the attack, he was pressed, in the politest terms, to eat. "now, i pray you, tear away with a good will;"--"i am glad to see you eat so strongly;"--"come now, stuff yourself with this fine piece of fat bear." and stuff himself he must, or pay a forfeit, to avoid a catastrophe. but having paid thus, and acknowledged himself fairly overcome by his host's politeness, he is spared any further exertions, and his viands are no longer presented to him in this way, but placed in a dish beside him. well aware of our inability to maintain the honour of our country in a contest of this kind, we paid our forfeit at the commencement of the onslaught, reserving our portions to be disposed of at home. the gormandizing contest ended as it began, with songs and dances; in the latter amusement, however, few were now able to join; afterwards ensued a rude attempt at dramatic representation. old quaw, the chief of nekaslay, first appeared on the stage, in the character of a bear--an animal he was well qualified to personate. rushing from his den, and growling fiercely, he pursued the huntsman, the chief of babine portage, who defended himself with a long pole; both parties maintained a running fight, until they reached the far end of the building, where they made their exit. enter afterwards a jealous husband and his wife, wearing masks (both being men). the part these acted appeared rather dull; the husband merely sat down by the side of his "frail rib," watching her motions closely, and neither allowing her to speak to nor look at any of the young men. as to the other characters, one personated a deer, another a wolf, a third a strange tsekany. the bear seemed to give the spectators most delight. the scene was interesting, as exhibiting the first rude attempts at dramatic representation of a savage people; and it served, in some measure, to efface the impression made by the somewhat disgusting spectacle previously witnessed. the affair concluded by an exchange of presents, and the party broke up. two young men, natives of oregon, who had received a little education at red river, had, on their return to their own country, introduced a sort of religion, whose groundwork seemed to be christianity, accompanied with some of the heathen ceremonies of the natives. this religion spread with amazing rapidity all over the country. it reached fort alexandria, the lower post of the district, in the autumn; and was now embraced by all the nekaslayans. the ceremonial consisted chiefly in singing and dancing. as to the doctrines of our holy religion, their minds were too gross to comprehend, and their manners too corrupt to be influenced by them. they applied to us for instruction, and our worthy chief spared no pains to give it. but, alas! it is for the most part labour in vain. yet, an impression seemed to have been made on a few; and had there been missionaries there at the time, their efforts might have proved successful. but the influence of the "men of medicine," who strenuously withstand a religion which exposes their delusive tricks, and consequently deprives them of their gains,--together with the dreadful depravity everywhere prevalent,--renders the conversion of the tekallies an object most difficult to accomplish. it is a general opinion among christians, that there exists no nation or people on earth who are entirely ignorant of a supreme being. i shall contrast the language of this tribe with that of the sauteux or ojibbeway, and let the reader judge for himself. i have heard a heathen ojibbeway, when giving a feast, express himself thus: "the great master of life, he who sees us and whom we cannot see, having done me charity, i invite you, my brother, to partake of it." on a like occasion, a takelly describes the manner in which he killed his game, but never alludes to a deity. when an ojibbeway wishes to confirm the truth of what he says beyond a doubt, he points to heaven and exclaims, "he to whom we belong hears that what i say is true." the takelly says, "the toad hears me." you ask a takelly what becomes of him after death, he replies, "my life shall be _extinct_, and i shall be dead." not an idea has he of the soul, or of a future state of rewards and punishments. the ojibbeway answers, "after death my soul goes either to a happy land, abounding with game and every delight; or to a land of misery, where i shall suffer for ever from want. whether it go to the good or bad place depends on my good or bad conduct here." in fact the takelly language has not a term in it to express the name of deity, spirit, or soul. when the columbia religion was introduced among them, our interpreters had to invent a term for the deity--yagasita--the "man of heaven." the only expression i ever heard them use that conveyed any idea whatever of a superior being is, that when the salmon fail, they say, "the man who keeps the mouth of the river has shut it up with his red keys, so that the salmon cannot get up." one of our gentlemen, a member of the roman catholic church, teaching the takellies to make the sign of the cross, with the words used on the occasion, his interpreter translated them, "au nom du père, de son frère, et puis de son petit garçon!" (in the name of the father, his brother, and his little boy!) the accompts and despatches for head-quarters being finished in the beginning of march, i was ordered to convey them to fort alexandria, to the charge of which post i was now appointed. this post is agreeably situated on the banks of frazer's river, on the outskirts of the great prairies. the surrounding country is beautifully diversified by hill and dale, grove and plain; the soil is rich, yielding abundant successive crops of grain and vegetable, unmanured; but the crops are sometimes destroyed by frost. the charming locality, the friendly disposition of the indians, and better fare, rendered this post one of the most agreeable situations in the indian country. in spring, moreover, the country swarms with game--pheasants and a small species of curlieu in the immediate vicinity, and ducks and geese within a short distance. the sport was excellent, and, with the amusement the cultivation of my garden afforded me, enabled me to vegetate in great comfort--a comfort i was not destined long to enjoy. mr. ogden, chief factor, arrived from fort vancouver about the end of may, and mr. fisher from stuart's lake a few days afterwards; and having consulted together, determined that i should retrace my steps to stuart's lake without delay. when i arrived at fort st. james its dreadful solitude almost drove me to despair. i found myself sitting alone in the hall where my late excellent bourgeois and friends had passed the time so happily, and i felt a depression of spirits such as i never experienced before. fortunately for me, my old friend mr. fraser, a gentleman of a gay and lively disposition, arrived soon after, and continued with me for the remainder of the season, and his company soon drove melancholy away. the particulars of an affair which had occurred here some years before, and threatened the most serious consequences to the post, were about this time related to me by waccan, the interpreter. a native of frazer's lake had murdered one of the company's servants, and, strange to say, no steps were taken to punish him; he concealed himself some time, and finding he had nothing to apprehend, returned to his village. at length he was led by his evil genius to visit stuart's lake, then under the command of a douglas. douglas heard of his being in the village, and though he had but a weak garrison, determined that the blood of the white man should not be unavenged. the opportunity was favourable, the indians of the village were out on a hunting excursion, the murderer was nearly alone. he proceeded to the camp accompanied by two of his men, and executed justice[ ] on the murderer. on their return in the evening, the indians learned what had happened, and enraged, determined to retaliate. aware, however, that douglas was on his guard, that the gates were shut and could not be forced, they resolved to employ indian stratagem. [ ] "wild justice,"--bacon. the old chief accordingly proceeded to the fort alone, and knocking at the gate desired to be admitted, which was granted. he immediately stated the object of his visit, saying that a deed had been done in the village which subjected himself and his people to a heavy responsibility to the relatives of the dead; that he feared the consequences, and hoped that a present would be made to satisfy them; and continuing to converse thus calmly, mr. douglas was led to believe that the matter could easily be arranged. another knock was now heard at the gate: "it is my brother," said the chief, "you may open the gate; he told me he intended to come and hear what you had to say on this business." the gate was opened, and in rushed the whole nekasly tribe, the chief's brother at their head; and the men of the fort were overpowered ere they had time to stand on their defence. douglas, however, seized a wall-piece that was mounted in the hall, and was about to discharge it on the crowd that was pouring in upon him, when the chief seized him by the arms, and held him fast. for an instant his life was in the utmost peril. surrounded by thirty or forty indians, their knives drawn, and brandishing them over his head with frantic gestures, and calling out to the chief, "shall we strike? shall we strike?" the chief hesitated; and at this critical moment the interpreter's wife[ ] stepped forward, and by her presence of mind saved him and the establishment. [ ] this woman is the daughter of mr. james macdougal, a gentleman who had a chief hand in the settlement of the district. he served the company for a period of thirty-five years, enduring all the hardships that were in his time inseparable from an indian trader's life; and was dismissed from their service, in old age, without a pension, to starve on such little savings as he had effected out of his salary. he is still alive ( ), struggling with adversity. observing one of the inferior chiefs, who had always professed the greatest friendship for the whites, standing in the crowd, she addressed herself to him, exclaiming, "what! you a friend of the whites, and not say a word in their behalf at such a time as this! speak! you know the murderer deserved to die; according to your own laws the deed was just; it is blood for blood. the white men are not dogs; they love their kindred as well as you; why should they not avenge their murder?" the moment the heroine's voice was heard the tumult subsided; her boldness struck the savages with awe; the chief she addressed, acting on her suggestion, interfered; and being seconded by the old chief, who had no serious intention of injuring the whites, was satisfied with showing them that they were fairly in his power. mr. douglas and his men were set at liberty; and an amicable conference having taken place, the indians departed much elated with the issue of their enterprise. a personal adventure of waccan's is worth recording. an interpreter, a cree half-breed, had been murdered by the indians of babine post with circumstances of great barbarity; and the perpetrators of the deed were allowed to exult in the shedding of innocent blood with impunity, one feeble, ineffectual attempt only having been made to chastise them. waccan, however, determined that the matter should not end thus, the victim being his adopted brother. having been sent to babine post with an indian lad, he learned from him that the murderers were encamped in a certain bay on stuart's lake, and resolved to seize the long wished-for opportunity of revenge; but fearing for his companion's safety more than his own, he landed him at a considerable distance from the camp, directing him to make the best of his way home if he should hear many shots. he then paddled down as near the camp as he could without being discovered, and landing, threw off every article of clothing save a shred round his loins; and with his gun in the one hand, and dagger in the other, proceeded to the spot. having approached sufficiently near to see all that passed in the encampment, he squatted among the bushes, and watching his opportunity, "picked off" the ringleader; then rushing from his covert, and giving the war whoop, he planted his dagger in his heart almost before the indians had time to know what had happened. seeing the infuriated "avenger of blood" in the midst of them, they fled precipitately to the woods. waccan dared them to revenge the death of the "dead dog" who had murdered his brother. "come," said he, "you that were so brave at babine lake, and danced round the body of him whom you did not face, but knocked down when his back was to you, now is your time to show yourselves _men_." no one answering the challenge, he shouldered his gun, walked along the beach to his canoe, and paddling leisurely off from the shore, sang the cree song of triumph. chapter xx. appointed to the charge of fort george--murder of mr. yale's men--mysterious loss of mr. linton and family--adventures of leather party--failure of crops--influenza. in the beginning of september, mr. ogden arrived from fort vancouver, and i was appointed by him to the charge of fort george, whither i proceeded forthwith. mr. linton, my predecessor, was directed to wait the arrival of the party sent to jasper's house for a supply of leather, ere he took his departure for chilcotin, an outpost of fort alexandria. fort george was established a few years ago, and passed through the bloody ordeal ere yet the buildings were completed. the gentleman in charge, mr. yale, had left his men at work, and gone on a visit to fort st. james, where he only remained a few days; on his return he found his men had been treacherously murdered by the indians during his absence. their mangled bodies were found in one of the houses, with one of their own axes by their side, which evidently had been the instrument of their destruction. the poor men were in the habit of retiring to rest during the heat of the day, and were despatched while they slept. a great change has come over this people since that time; they are now justly considered the best disposed and most industrious indians in the district. the situation of the post is exceedingly dreary, standing on the right bank of frazer's river, having in front a high hill that shades the sun until late in the morning, and in the midst of "woods and wilds, whose melancholy gloom" is saddening enough. yet it has its _agrémens_, its good returns,--the _ne plus ultra_ of an indian trader's happiness,--its good indians, and its good fare; the produce of the soil and dairy. poor linton had remained with me till late in autumn; when the cold weather setting in with unusual rigour, the ice began to drift on the river, rendering the navigation already dangerous; and no accounts having been received of the leather party, he determined to embark for his destination without further loss of time. he, alas! had already waited too long. having occasion in the beginning of winter to send down a messenger to fort alexandria, i was surprised to see him two days after enter the fort, accompanied by one of mr. fisher's men, who brought me the melancholy tidings of mr. l.'s death, part of his baggage having been found by the natives among the ice. eight souls had perished, no one knows how; mr. l., his wife and three children, an interpreter, his wife and one child. some suspicions attached to a disreputable family of indians who were known to be encamped on the banks of the river at the time; but it is more probable that the catastrophe occurred in a rapid not far from this post, as a dog which the party had with them came back at an early hour the day after their departure. this misfortune threw a gloom over the whole district, where linton was much beloved, and his death, so sudden and mysterious, made the blow be felt more severely. before this sad intelligence reached us, the safety of the leather party had become a source of deep anxiety. they had been expected in october, and no accounts had been received of them in the month of december. having forwarded mr. fisher's despatches to head-quarters, i received orders from mr. ogden to proceed to jasper's house, in order, if possible, to obtain information regarding them; which i eagerly obeyed, setting off with five men, and sledges loaded with provisions, drawn by dogs. we had not proceeded far, however, when we met the truants all safe and sound. their non-arrival in the fall was occasioned by the winter setting in unprecedentedly early. they experienced the utmost difficulty in crossing the rocky mountains, from the great depth of snow that had already fallen; and when they reached the heights of frazer's river, they found the ice beginning to form along its shores. they persevered, however; sometimes forcing their way through the ice, sometimes carrying the canoes and property overland where the passage was blocked up by the ice. but all their efforts proved unavailing, for they were at length completely frozen in. their prospects were now most disheartening. their remaining provisions would only suffice for four days on short allowance, and they had a journey of fifteen days before them, whichever way they should direct their course. some of the men yielded to despair, but the greater part cheerfully embraced mr. andersen's views. those only who are unacquainted with the canadian voyageurs will deny them the possession of qualities, of the highest value in this country--ready obedience to their superiors, patience of fatigue and hardship, and unyielding perseverance under the most trying difficulties, so long as their leaders show them the way. mr. anderson having secured the property _en cache_, determined to return to jasper's house, in order to procure at least a part of the much wanted supply of leather. on their way back they had the good fortune to light upon a stray horse, which they converted into provender: they also shot a moose deer; and thus providentially supplied, they suffered little from want. on arriving at the post, they found to their sad disappointment that nothing could be got there, except some provisions; it was therefore necessary to proceed to fort edmonton, at least miles distant, with but one intermediate post. they succeeded in reaching it, though in a most deplorable condition, half starved and half frozen, none of the party being provided with winter clothing; but they were most hospitably received by the kind-hearted bourgeois mr. rowand; and, after remaining a few days to recruit their strength in this land overflowing with fat and pemmican, and receiving their supplies, they set off on their return, and reached their destination without accident. farming on a small scale had been attempted here by my predecessor, and the result was such as to induce more extensive operations. i received orders, therefore, to clear land, sow and plant, forthwith. these orders were in part carried into effect in the autumn. four acres of land were put in a condition to receive seed, and about the same quantity at fort alexandria. seed was ordered from the columbia, and handmills to grind our grain. pancakes and hot rolls were thenceforward to be the order of the day; babine salmon and dog's flesh were to be sent--"to coventry!" the spring, however, brought with it but poor prospects for pancakes; the season was late beyond all precedent; the fields were not sown until the th of may; they, nevertheless, promised well for some time, but cold weather ensued, and continued so long that the crops could not recover before the autumn frosts set in, and thus our hopes were blasted. the farm at alexandria had not much better success, owing to the neglect of the good people themselves;--not having enclosed their fields, the cattle destroyed the greater part of the crops. here, however, notwithstanding the failure of our grain crops, we had abundance of vegetables and a large stock of cattle, so that our fare was far superior to that of the other _exiles_ in the district. mr. ogden returned from fort vancouver about the usual time, and was mortified to find that our grand agricultural experiment had so completely failed. he, however, had brought a supply of flour sufficient to afford each commander of posts a couple of bags, and thus the inconvenience arising from our disappointment was, in some degree, obviated. from his first arrival amongst us, mr. ogden evinced the most earnest desire to ameliorate the condition of his subordinates in this wretched district, and all felt grateful to him for his benevolent intentions. to mr. dease, however, the praise is due of having introduced this new order of things: he it was who first introduced cattle from fort vancouver; it was he who first introduced farming, and recommended it to others. late in autumn, the natives being all about the post, the dread influenza, that had made such fearful havoc among the indians in other quarters, broke out here also. the poor creatures had a great deal of confidence in my medical skill, from the circumstance of my having saved the life of a boy who had eaten some poisonous root, when despaired of by their own mountebanks. on the present occasion i tried my skill on one of the subjects best able to bear my experiments, by administering a strong emetic and purge, and causing him afterwards to drink a decoction of mint. he was cured, and i afterwards prescribed the same medicine to many others with a like success; so that my reputation as a disciple of Æsculapius became firmly established. having last year applied to the governor for permission to visit head-quarters, for a purpose which will be noticed hereafter, i received a favourable answer, and, in the month of february, set off for the depôt of the district preparatory to my departure, where i remained for a month in company with mr. ogden and several fellow-scribes. chapter xxi. climate of new caledonia--scenery--natural productions--animals--fishes--natives--their manners and customs--duelling--gambling--licentiousness--language. ere i proceed on my long journey, i must pause for a little to describe more particularly the country, which i am about to quit, perhaps for ever, and the manners of its savage inhabitants. the climate of new caledonia is exceedingly variable at all seasons of the year. i have experienced at stuart's lake, in the month of july, every possible change of weather within twelve hours; frost in the morning, scorching heat at noon; then rain, hail, snow. the winter season is subject to the same vicissitudes, though not in so extreme a degree: some years it continues mild throughout. these vicissitudes may, i think, be ascribed to local causes--proximity to, or distance from the glaciers of the rocky mountains, the direction of the winds, the aspect of the place, &c. fort st. james is so situated as to be completely exposed to the north-east wind, which wafts on its wings the freezing vapours of the glaciers. the instant the wind shifts to this quarter, a change of temperature is felt; and when it continues to blow for a few hours, it becomes so cold that, even in midsummer, small ponds are frozen over. the surrounding country is mountainous and rocky. frazer's lake is only about thirty miles distant from fort st. james (on stuart's lake), yet there they raise abundance of vegetables, potatoes and turnips, and sometimes even wheat and barley. the post stands in a valley open to the south-west,--a fine champaign country, of a sandy soil; it is protected from the north-east winds by a high ridge of hills. the winter seldom sets in before december, and the navigation is generally open about the beginning of may. few countries present a more beautiful variety of scenery than new caledonia. stuart's lake and its environs i have already attempted to describe, but many such landscapes present themselves in different parts of the country, where towering mountains, hill and dale, forest and lake, and verdant plains, blended together in the happiest manner, are taken in by the eye at a glance. some scenes there are that recall forcibly to the remembrance of a son of scotia, the hills and glens and "bonnie braes" of his own poor, yet beloved native land. new caledonia, however, has the advantage over the old, of being generally well wooded, and possessed of lakes of far greater magnitude; unfortunately, however, the woods are decaying rapidly, particularly several varieties of fir, which are being destroyed by an insect that preys on the bark: when the country is denuded of this ornament, and its ridges have become bald, it will present a very desolate appearance. in some parts of the country, the poplar and aspen tree are to be found, together with a species of birch, of whose bark canoes are built; but there is neither hard wood nor cedar. such parts of the district as are not in the immediate vicinity of the regions of eternal snow, yield a variety of wild fruit, grateful to the palate, wholesome, and nutritious. of these, the indian pear is the most abundant, and most sought after, both by natives and whites; when fully ripe, it is of a black colour, with somewhat of a reddish tinge, pear-shaped, and very sweet to the taste. the natives dry them in the sun, and afterwards bake them into cakes, which are said to be delicious; for my own part, having seen the process of manufacturing them, i could not overcome my prejudices so far as to partake of a delicacy in whose composition filth formed so considerable an ingredient. when dried, the cakes are placed in wooden vessels to receive the juice of green fruit, which is expressed by placing weights upon it, in wooden troughs, from which spouts of bark draw off the liquid into the vessels containing the dry fruit; this being thoroughly saturated, is again bruised with the unclean hand, then re-formed into cakes, and dried again; and these processes are repeated alternately, until the cakes suit the taste of the maker. blue berries are plentiful in some parts of the district; there is a peculiar variety of them, which i preferred to any fruit i ever tasted; it is about the size of a musket-ball, of a purple colour, translucid, and in its taste sweet and acid are deliciously blended. the district is still rich in fur-bearing animals, especially beavers and martens, which are likely to continue numerous for many years to come, as they find a safe retreat among the fastnesses of the rocky mountains, where they multiply undisturbed. this is the great beaver nursery, which continues to replace the numbers destroyed in the more exposed situations; there is, nevertheless, a sensible decrease in the returns of the fur since the introduction of steel traps among the natives: there are also otters, musk-rats, minxes, and lynxes. of the larger quadrupeds bears only are numerous, and in all their varieties, grizzled, black, brown, and chocolate: numbers of them are taken by the natives in wooden traps. a chance moose or reindeer is sometimes found. the mountain sheep generally keeps aloft in the most inaccessible parts of the mountains, and is seldom "bagged" by a carrier, but often by the tsekanies. i have before observed that rabbits sometimes abound. another small animal, whose flesh is delicious in season, the marmot, is found in great numbers. in the neighbourhood of fort alexandria, the jumping deer, or chevreuil, is abundant. to these add dog and horse flesh, and you have all the varieties of animal food the country affords to its inhabitants, civilized or savage. a most destructive little animal, the wood-rat, infests the country, and generally nestles in the crevices of the rocks, but prefers still more human habitations; they domicile under the floors of out-buildings, and not content with this, force their way into the inside, where they destroy and carry off every thing they can; nor is there any way of securing the property in the stores from their depredations but by placing it in strong boxes. when fairly located, it is almost impossible to root them out. they are of a grey colour, and of nearly the size and form of the common rat, but the tail resembles that of the ground squirrel. the birds of this country are the same as in canada. i observed no strange variety, except a species of curlieu that frequents the plains of fort alexandria in the summer. immense flocks of cranes are seen in autumn and spring, flying high in the air; in autumn directing their flight towards the south, and in spring towards the north. some of the lakes abound in fish; the principal varieties are trout, carp, white fish, and pike. stuart's lake yields a small fish termed by the canadians "poisson inconnu;" it seems as if it were partly white fish and partly carp, the head resembling the former; it is full of small bones, and the flesh soft and unsavoury. the sturgeon has been already mentioned, but they are unfortunately too rare; seldom more than five or six are captured in a season; they weigh from one hundred to five hundred pounds. a beautiful small fish of the size of the anchovy, and shaped like a salmon, is found in a river that falls into stuart's lake; it is said they pass the winter in the lake, and ascend their favourite stream in the month of june, where they deposit their spawn. they have the silvery scales of the larger salmon, and are exceedingly rich; but the natives preserve them almost exclusively for their own use. there are four varieties of salmon, distinguished from each other by the peculiar form of the head; the largest species seems to be the same we have in the rivers of britain, and weighs from ten to twenty pounds; the others do not exceed half that weight. new caledonia is inhabited by the takelly or carrier nation, and by a few families of tsekanies on the north-eastern extremity of the district. the takellies are divided into as many tribes as there are posts--viz. eight, who formerly were as hostile to each other as if they had been of different nations. the presence of the whites, however, has had the beneficial effect of checking their cut-throat propensities, although individual murders still occasionally occur among them. before the introduction of fire-arms, the _honourable_ practice of duelling prevailed among them, though in a fashion peculiar to themselves. one arrow only was discharged, by the party demanding satisfaction, at his opponent, who, by dint of skipping about and dodging from side to side, generally contrived to escape it; fatal duels, therefore, seldom if ever occurred; and the parties, having thus given and received satisfaction, retired from the field reconciled.[ ] they appear more prone to sudden bursts of passion than most indians i have seen, and quarrel often and abuse each other in the most scurrilous terms. with the sauteux, crees, and other tribes on the east side of the mountains, few words are uttered before the blow, often a fatal one, is given; whereas, with the takellies, it is often many words and few blows. in the quarrels which take place among them, the ladies are generally the _causa belli_--a cause which would soon lead to the depopulation of the country, were all husbands to avenge their wrongs by shedding the blood of the guilty. [ ] i would recommend this mode of conducting "affairs of honour" to _honourable_ gentlemen using the hair-trigger, as an improvement. though practised by savages, it must be allowed to be somewhat less barbarous than ten paces' distance, and standing still! if the exhibition should appear somewhat ludicrous, both parties would have the additional "satisfaction" that their morning _exercise_ had given a keener zest to their breakfast. it would be a sort of pyrrhic dance. their chiefs have still considerable authority; but much of the homage they claimed and received in former times is now transferred to the white chiefs, or traders, whom they all esteem the greatest men in the universe. "after the man of heaven," said old guaw to mr. dease, "you are next in dignity." owing to the superstitious notions of the people, the chiefs are still feared on account of the magical powers ascribed to them; it is firmly believed they can, at will, inflict diseases, cause misfortunes of every kind, and even death itself; and so strong is this impression, that they will not even pass in a direction where the shadow of a chief, or "man of medicine," might fall on them, "lest," say they, "he should bear us some ill-will and afflict us with some disease." these conjurors, nevertheless, are the greatest bunglers at their trade of any in the indian territory; they practise none of the clever tricks of the sauteux sorcerers, and are perfectly ignorant of the medicinal virtues of herbs and plants, with which the sauteux and other indians often perform astonishing cures. the takellies administer no medicine to the sick; a variety of ridiculous gesticulations, together with singing, blowing, and _beating_ on the _patient_, are the means they adopt to effect their end; and they, not seldom, effectually cure the patient of "all the ills of life." whether they effect a cure or not, they are sure to be well recompensed for their expenditure of wind, an article of which they are not sparing: they, in fact, exert themselves so much that the perspiration pours from every pore. the only real remedy they use, in common with other indians, is the vapour-bath, or sweating-house. the house, as it is termed, which is constructed by bending twigs of willow, and fixing both ends in the ground, when finished, presents the appearance of a bee-hive, and is carefully covered to prevent the escape of the vapour; red-hot stones are then placed inside, and water poured upon them, and the patient remains in the midst of the steam thus generated as long as he can bear it, then rushing out, plunges into the cold stream. this is said to be a sovereign remedy for rheumatism, and the natives have recourse to it in all cases of severe pain: i myself witnessed its efficacy in a case of paralysis. the salubrity of the climate, however, renders disease of every kind extremely rare, except such as are caused by the excesses of the natives themselves. the venereal is very common, and appears to have been indigenous. at their feasts they gorge themselves to such a degree as to endanger their lives; after a feast many of the guests continue ill for a considerable time, yet this does not prevent them from gormandizing again whenever an opportunity presents itself. old and young, male and female, are subject to severe inflammation in the eyes, chiefly, i believe, from their passing the winter in hovels underground, which have no outlet for the smoke, and passing from them into the glare of sunshine upon the snow. what with the confined smoke and tainted atmosphere of these abominable burrows, i found it painful to remain even for a few minutes in them. it has been remarked by those who first settled in the district, that the indians are rapidly decreasing in numbers since their arrival--a fact which does not admit of a doubt: i myself have seen many villages and encampments without an inhabitant. but what can be the cause of it? here there has been neither rum nor small-pox--the scourges of this doomed race in other parts. yet, on the banks of the columbia, which, when first visited by the whites a few years ago, literally swarmed with indians, a disease broke out which nearly exterminated them. has the fiat, then, gone forth, that the aboriginal inhabitants of america shall make way for another race of men? to my mind, at least, the question presents not the shadow of a doubt. the existence of the present race of indians at some future, and by no means distant period, will only be known through the historical records of their successors. the takellies do not use canoes on their hunting excursions, so that they are necessitated to carry all their conveniences on their backs; and it is astonishing to see what heavy loads they can carry, especially the women, on whom the transport duty generally devolves. among this tribe, however, the women are held in much higher consideration than among other indians: they assist at the councils, and some ladies of distinction are even admitted to the feasts. this consideration they doubtless owe to the efficient aid they afford in procuring the means of subsistence. the one sex is as actively employed during the fishing season as the other. the men construct the weirs, repair them when necessary, and capture the fish; the women split them up--a most laborious operation when salmon is plentiful--suspend them on the scaffolds, attend to the drying, &c. they also collect berries, and dig up the edible roots that are found in the country, and which are of great service in years of scarcity. thus the labour of the women contributes as much to the support of the community as that of the men. the men are passionately addicted to gambling, staking everything they possess, and continuing at it night and day, until compelled to desist by sheer hunger, or by the loss of all. i could not understand their game; we, in fact, used our best endeavours to abolish the pernicious custom, and, to avoid countenancing it, were as seldom present as possible. it is played with a few small sticks, neatly carved, with a certain number of marks upon them, tied up in a small bundle of hay, which the player draws out successively, throws up and catches between his hands; and when all are drawn, they are taken up one by one, and dashed against a piece of parchment, and rolled up again in the hay. the whole party appear merry enough at the commencement of the game, all joining chorus in a song, and straining their lungs to such a degree, that hoarseness soon ensues, when they continue their amusement in silence. when the game is ended, some of them present a sad spectacle; coming forth, their hair dishevelled, their eyes bloodshot, and faces ghastly pale, with probably nothing to cover their nakedness, save perhaps an old siffleux robe, which the winner may be generous enough to bestow. they never shoot or hang themselves, let their luck be ever so bad, but sometimes shoot the winning party. dogs, if not held sacred, are at least as much esteemed by them as their own kindred. i have known an instance of a quadruped of the cynic sect being appointed successor to a biped chief, and discharging the duties of his office with the utmost gravity and decorum; appearing at the feast given in honour of his deceased predecessor, and furnishing his quota--(this of course by proxy)--of the provisions. this dog-chief was treated by his owner with as much regard as if he had been his child! all, indeed, treat their dogs with the greatest respect, calling them by the most endearing epithets:--"embark, my son;" "be quiet, my child;" "don't bark at the white men, they will not harm you." the lewdness of the carrier women cannot possibly be carried to a greater excess. they are addicted to the most abominable practices; abandoning themselves in early youth to the free indulgence of their passions, they soon become debilitated and infirm; and there can be no doubt that to this monstrous depravity the depopulation of the country may, in part, be ascribed. they never marry until satiated with indulgence; and if the woman then should be dissatisfied with the restraint of the conjugal yoke, the union, by mutual consent, is dissolved for a time; both then betake themselves to their former courses. the woman, nevertheless, dare not, according to law, take another husband during this temporary separation. whoever infringes this law, forfeits his life to the aggrieved party, if he choose, or dare to take it. polygamy is allowed; but only one of the women is considered as the wife. the most perfect harmony seems to subsist among them. when the favourite happens to be supplanted by a rival, she resigns her place without a murmur, well pleased if she can only enjoy the countenance of her lord in a subordinate situation. yet a rupture does sometimes occur, when the repudiated party not unfrequently destroys herself. suicides were frequent among the females in the neighbourhood of fort alexandria. the takellies are a sedentary people, remaining shut up in their huts during the severer part of the winter. you may then approach a camp without perceiving any sign of its vicinity, until you come upon their well, or one of their salmon _caches_. they are very social, congregating at each other's huts, and passing their time talking or sleeping. when awake, their tongues are ever in motion,--all bawling out at the same time; and it has often surprised me how they could possibly make themselves understood in the midst of such an uproar. all indians with whom i have come in contact, christian as well as pagan, are addicted to falsehood; but the takellies excel; they are perfect adepts in the art, telling their stories with such an appearance of truth, that even those who know them well are often deceived. they were the greatest thieves in the world when the whites first settled among them. the utmost vigilance failed to detect them. some of our people have been known to have their belts taken off them, without perceiving it till too late; and many a poor fellow, after passing a night in one of their encampments, has been obliged to pass the remainder of the winter with but half a blanket--the other half having been cut off while he slept. theft, however, is not quite so prevalent as formerly; and, strange to say, no indians can be more honest in paying their debts. it would indeed be desirable that this credit system, long since introduced, were abolished; but if this were done, the natives would carry the greater part of their hunts to another quarter. some of the natives of the coast, having become regular traders of late years, penetrate a considerable distance into the interior; in this manner the goods obtained from the company's posts along the coast, or from foreign trading ships, pass from hand to hand in barter, until they eventually reach the borders of new caledonia, where the trade still affords a very handsome profit to the native speculator. these indians are not given to hospitality in the proper sense of the word. a stranger arriving among them is provided with food for a day only; should he remain longer, he pays for it; for that day's entertainment, however, the best fare is liberally furnished. strangers invited to their feasts are also provided for while they remain. there is much more variety and melody in the airs they sing, than i have heard in any other part of the indian country. they have professed composers, who turn their talent to good account on the occasion of a feast, when new airs are in great request, and are purchased at a high rate. they dance in circles, men and women promiscuously, holding each other by the hand; and keeping both feet together, hop a little to a side all at once, giving at the same time a singular jerk to their persons behind. the movement seems to be difficult of execution, as it causes them to perspire profusely; they, however, keep excellent time, and the blending of the voices of the men and women in symphony has an agreeable effect. the takelly, or carrier language is a dialect of the chippewayan; and it is rather a singular fact, that the two intervening dialects of the beaver indians and tsekanies, kindred nations, should differ more from the chippewayan than the carrier; the two latter nations being perfectly intelligible to each other, while the former are but very imperfectly understood by their immediate neighbours, the chippewayans. an erroneous opinion seems to have gone abroad regarding the variety of languages spoken by the indians. there are, in reality, only four radically distinct languages from the shores of labrador to the pacific: sauteux, chippewayan, atna and chinook. the cree language is evidently a dialect of the sauteux, similar in construction, and differing only in the modification of a few words. the nascopies, or mountaineers of labrador, speak a mixture of cree and sauteux, the former predominating. along the communication from montreal to the foot of the rocky mountains, following the peace river route, we first meet with the sauteux tribes, who extend from the lake of the two mountains to lake winnipeg; then the crees to isle à la crosse; after them, crees and chippewayans to athabasca; and along the banks of peace river, the beaver indians occupy the lower, and the tsekanies the upper part. the chippewayan is evidently the root of the beaver, tsekany and carrier dialects; it is also spoken by a numerous tribe in the mckenzie's river district--the hare indians. on the west side of the rocky mountains the carrier language is succeeded by the atna, which extends along the columbia as far down, as the chinooks, who inhabit the coast. the atna language, in its variety of dialects, seems to have as wide a scope as either the sauteux or chippewayan. new caledonia is one of the richest districts in the company's vast domain; its returns average about , beavers, with a fair proportion of other valuable furs. when the district was first settled, the goods required for trade were brought in by the winterers from lac la pluie, which was their dépôt. the people left the district as early in spring as the navigation permitted, and returned so late that they were frequently overtaken by winter ere they reached their destination. cold, hunger, and fatigue, were the unavoidable consequences; but the enterprising spirit of the men of those days--the intrepid, indefatigable adventurers of the north-west company--overcame every difficulty. it was that spirit that opened a communication across the broad continent of america; that penetrated to the frostbound regions of the arctic circle; and that established a trade with the natives in this remote land, when the merchandise required for it was in one season transported from montreal to within a short distance of the pacific. such enterprise has never been exceeded, seldom or never equalled. the outfit is now sent out from england by cape horn, to fort vancouver, thence it is conveyed in boats to okanagan, then transported on horses' backs to alexandria, the lower post of the district, whence it is conveyed in boats to fort st. james. there are generally two commissioned gentlemen in this district,--a chief-factor and chief-trader, with six or seven clerks in charge of posts; and about forty men, principally iroquois and half-breeds. the fare at the different posts depends entirely on local circumstances. in some places it is tolerable, in others, scarcely fit for dogs. for the year's consumption, the company allow a clerk two bags of flour, sixty pounds of sugar, twelve pounds of tea, and a small quantity of wine and brandy. butter is now produced in abundance in the district. where there are no gardens, the men have only dried salmon,--as poor fare as civilized man subsists on in any part of the world. it has at first the same effect on most people as if they fed on glauber salts. nevertheless, the men generally continue in this wretched condition for many years, apparently contented and happy; the indulgence they find among the females being, i grieve to say, the principal inducement. end of vol. i. r. clay, printer, bread street hill. charter and supplemental charter of the hudson's bay company the royal charter for incorporating the hudson's bay company. a.d. . charles the second, by the grace of god, king of england, scotland, france, and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting: whereas our dear and entirely beloved cousin, prince rupert, count palatine of the rhine, duke of bavaria and cumberland, &c. christopher, duke of albemarle, william, earl of craven, henry, lord arlington, anthony, lord ashley, sir john robinson, and sir robert vyner, knights and baronets, sir peter colleton, baronet, sir edward hungerford, knight of the bath, sir paul neele, knight, sir john griffith and sir philip carteret, knights, james hayes, john kirke, francis millington, william prettyman, john fenn, esquires, and john portman, citizen and goldsmith of london, have, at their own great cost and charges, undertaken an expedition for hudson's bay in the north-west part of america, for the discovery of a new passage into the south sea, and for the finding some trade for furs, minerals, and other considerable commodities, and by such their undertaking, have already made such discoveries as do encourage them to proceed further in pursuance of their said design, by means whereof there may probably arise very great advantage to us and our kingdom. and whereas the said undertakers, for their further encouragement in the said design, have humbly besought us to incorporate them, and grant unto them, and their successors, the sole trade and commerce of all those seas, streights, bays, rivers, lakes, creeks, and sounds, in whatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie within the entrance of the streights commonly called hudson's streights, together with all the lands, countries and territories, upon the coasts and confines of the seas, streights, bays, lakes, rivers, creeks and sounds, aforesaid, which are not now actually possessed by any of our subjects, or by the subjects of any other christian prince or state. now know ye, that we being desirous to promote all endeavours tending to the publick good of our people, and to encourage the said undertaking, have of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, given, granted, ratified, and confirmed, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, do give, grant, ratify and confirm, unto our said cousin prince rupert, christopher, duke of albemarle, william, earl of craven, henry, lord arlington, anthony, lord ashley, sir john robinson, sir robert vyner, sir peter colleton, sir edward hungerford, sir paul neele, sir john griffith, and sir philip carteret, james hayes, john kirke, francis millington, william prettyman, john fenn, and john portman, that they, and such others as shall be admitted into the said society as is hereafter expressed, shall be one body corporate and politique, in deed and in name, by the name of the governor and company of adventurers of england, trading into hudson's bay, and them by the name of the governor and company of adventurers of england, trading into hudson's bay, one body corporate and politique, in deed and in name, really and fully for ever, for us, our heirs and successors, we do make ordain, constitute, establish, confirm, and declare, by these presents, and that by the same name of governor and company of adventurers of england, trading into hudson's bay, they shall have perpetual succession, and that they and their successors, by the name of the governor and company of adventurers of england, trading into hudson's bay, be, and at all times hereafter shall be, personable and capable in law to have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy and retain, lands, rents, privileges, liberties, jurisdictions, franchises, and hereditaments, of what kind, nature or quality soever they be, to them and their successors; and also to give, grant, demise, alien, assign and dispose lands, tenements and hereditaments, and to do and execute all and singular other things by the same name that to them shall or may appertain to do. and that they, and their successors, by the name of the governor and company of adventurers of england, trading into hudson's bay, may plead, and be impleaded, answer, and be answered, defend, and be defended, in whatsoever courts and places, before whatsoever judges and justices, and other persons and officers, in all and singular actions, pleas, suits, quarrels, causes and demands, whatsoever, of whatsoever kind, nature or sort, in such manner and form as any other. our liege people of this our realm of england, being persons able and capable in law, may, or can have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy, retain, give, grant, demise, alien, assign, dispose, plead, defend, and be defended, do, permit, and execute. and that the said governor and company of adventurers of england, trading into hudson's bay, and their successors, may have a common seal to serve for all the causes and businesses of them and their successors, and that it shall and may be lawful to the said governor and company, and their successors, the same seal, from time to time, at their will and pleasure, to break, change, and to make anew, or alter, as to them shall seem expedient. and further we will, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, we do ordain, that there shall be from henceforth one of the same company to be elected and appointed in such form as hereafter in these presents is expressed, which shall be called the governor of the said company. and that the said governor and company shall or may elect seven of their number in such form as hereafter in these presents is expressed, which shall be called the committee of the said company, which committee of seven, or any three of them, together with the governor or deputy-governor of the said company for the time being, shall have the direction of the voyages of and for the said company, and the provision of the shipping and merchandizes thereunto belonging, and also the sale of all merchandizes, goods, and other things returned, in all or any the voyages or ships of or for the said company, and the managing and handling of all other business, affairs and things, belonging to the said company. and we will, ordain, and grant by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that they the said governor and company, and their successors, shall from henceforth for ever be ruled, ordered and governed, according to such manner and form as is hereafter in these presents expressed, and not otherwise: and that they shall have, hold, retain, and enjoy the grants, liberties, privileges, jurisdictions and immunities, only hereafter in these presents granted and expressed, and no other. and for the better execution of our will and grant in this behalf, we have assigned, nominated, constituted, and made, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, we do assign, nominate, constitute and make, our said cousin, prince rupert, to be the first and present governor of the said company, and to continue in the said office from the date of these presents until the th november then next following, if he, the said prince rupert, shall so long live, and so until a new governor be chosen by the said company in form hereafter expressed. and also we have assigned, nominated and appointed, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, we do assign, nominate and constitute, the said sir john robinson, sir robert vyner, sir peter colleton, james hayes, john kirke, francis millington, and john portman, to be the seven first and present committees of the said company, from the date of these presents until the said th day of november then also next following, and so until new committees shall be chosen in form hereafter expressed. and further we will and grant by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, unto the said governor and company and their successors, that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor and company for the time being, or the greater part of them present at any publick assembly commonly called, the court general to be holden for the said company, the governor of the said company being always one, from time to time to elect, nominate and appoint one of the said company to be deputy to the said governor; which deputy shall take a corporal oath, before the governor and three or more of the committee of the said company for the time being, well, truly, and faithfully to execute his said office of deputy to the governor of the said company, and after his oath so taken, shall and may from time to time, in the absence of the said governor, exercise and execute the office of governor of the said company, in such sort as the said governor ought to do. and further we will and grant by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, unto the said governor and company of adventurers of england, trading into hudson's bay, and their successors, that they, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor for the time being, or his deputy, to be one, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, shall and may have authority and power, yearly and every year, between the first and last day of november, to assemble and meet together in some convenient place, to be appointed from time to time by the governor, or in his absence by the deputy of the said governor for the time being, and that they being so assembled, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor or deputy of the said governor, and the said company for the time being, or the greater part of them which then shall happen to be present, whereof the governor of the said company, or his deputy for the time being to be one, to elect and nominate one of the said company, which shall be governor of the said company for one whole year, then next following, which person being so elected and nominated to be governor of the said company, as is aforesaid, before he be admitted to the execution of the said office, shall take a corporal oath before the last governor, being his predecessor or his deputy, and any three or more of the committee of the said company for the time being, that he shall from time to time, well and truly execute the office of governor of the said company, in all things concerning the same; and that immediately after the same oath so taken, he shall and may execute and use the said office of governor of the said company, for one whole year from thence next following. and in like sort we will and grant, that as well every one of the above named to be of the said company or fellowship, as all others hereafter to be admitted, or free of the said company, shall take a corporal oath before the governor of the said company, or his deputy for the time being, to such effect as by the said governor and company, or the greater part of them, in any publick court to be held for the said company, shall be in reasonable and legal manner set down and devised, before they shall be allowed or admitted to trade or traffick as a freeman of the said company. and further we will and grant by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that the said governor, or deputy governor, and the rest of the said company, and their successors for the time being, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor or deputy governor, from time to time, to be one, shall and may from time to time, and at all times hereafter, have power and authority yearly, and every year, between the first and last day of november, to assemble and meet together in some convenient place, from time to time to be appointed by the said governor of the said company, or in his absence by his deputy; and that they being so assembled, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor or his deputy, and the company for the time being, or the greater part of them, which then shall happen to be present, whereof the governor of the said company, or his deputy for the time being to be one, to elect and nominate seven of the said company, which shall be a committee of the said company, for one whole year from then next ensuing, which persons being so elected and nominated to be a committee of the said company as aforesaid, before they be admitted to the execution of their office, shall take a corporal oath, before the governor or his deputy, and any three or more of the said committee of the said company, being their last predecessors, that they, and every of them, shall well and faithfully perform their said office of committees in all things concerning the same, and that immediately after the said oath so taken, they shall and may execute and use their said office of committees of the said company, for one whole year from thence next following. and moreover, our "will and pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that when, and as often as it shall happen, the governor or deputy governor of the said company for the time being, at any time within one year after that he shall be nominated, elected, and sworn to the office of the governor of the said company, as is aforesaid, to die or to be removed from the said office, which governor or deputy governor not demeaning himself well in his said office, we will to be removeable at the pleasure of the rest of the said company, or the greater part of them which shall be present at their publick assemblies, commonly called, their general courts holden for the said company, that then, and so often it shall and may be lawful to and for the residue of the said company for the time being, or the greater part of them, within a convenient time, after the death or removing of any such governor, or deputy governor to assemble themselves in such convenient place as they shall think fit, for the election of the governor or deputy governor of the said company; and that the said company, or the greater part of them, being then and there present, shall and may, then and there, before their departure from the said place, elect and nominate one other of the said company, to be governor or deputy governor for the said company, in the place and stead of him that so died or was removed; which person being so elected and nominated to the office of governor or deputy governor of the said company, shall have and exercise the said office, for and during the residue of the said year, taking first a corporal oath, as is aforesaid, for the due execution thereof; and this to be done from time to time, so often as the case shall so require. and also, our will and pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the said governor and company, that when, and as often as it shall happen any person or persons of the committee of the said company for the time being, at any time within one year next after that they or any of them shall be nominated, elected and sworn to the office of committee of the said company as is aforesaid, to die or to be removed from the said office, which committees not demeaning themselves well in their said office, we will, to be removeable at the pleasure of the said governor and company, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor of the said company for the time being, or his deputy, to be one; that then, and so often, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor, and the rest of the company for the time being, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor for the time being, or his deputy, to be one, within convenient time after the death or removing of any of the said committee, to assemble themselves in such convenient place as is or shall be usual and accustomed for the election of the governor of the said company, or where else the governor of the said company for the time being, or his deputy, shall appoint. and that the said governor and company, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor for the time being, or his deputy, to be one, being then and there present, shall, and may, then and there, before their departure from the said place, elect and nominate one or more of the said company, to be of the committee of the said company in the place and stead of him or them that so died, or were or was so removed, which person or persons so nominated and elected to the office of committee of the said company, shall have and exercise the said office, for and during the residue of the said year, taking first a corporal oath as is aforesaid, for the due execution thereof, and this to be done from time to time, so often as the case shall require. and to the end the said governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, may be encouraged to undertake, and effectually to prosecute the said design, of our more especial grace, certain knowledge, the mere motion, we have given, granted and confirmed, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do give, grant, and confirm, unto the said governor and company, and their successors, the sole trade and commerce of all those seas, streights, bays, rivers, lakes, creeks, and sounds, in whatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie within the entrance of the streights commonly called hudson's streights, together with all the lands and territories upon the countries, coasts and confines of the seas, bays, lakes, rivers, creeks, and sounds aforesaid, that are not already actually possessed by or granted to any of our subjects or possessed by the subjects of any other christian prince or state, with the fishing of all sorts of fish, whales, sturgeons, and all other royal fishes, in the seas, bays, inlets, and rivers within the premisses, and the fish therein taken, together with the royalty of the sea upon the coasts within the limits aforesaid, and all mines royal, as well discovered as not discovered, of gold, silver, gems, and precious stones, to be found or discovered within the territories, limits, and places aforesaid, and that the said land be from henceforth reckoned and reputed as one of our plantations or colonies in america, called _ruperts land_. and further, we do by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, make, create and constitute, the said governor and company for the time being, and their successors, the true and absolute lords and proprietors, of the same territory, limits and places aforesaid, and of all other the premisses, saving always, the faith, allegiance and sovereign dominion due to us, our heirs and successors, for the same to have, hold, possess and enjoy the said territory, limits, and places, and all and singular other the premisses, hereby granted as aforesaid, with their, and every of their rights, members, jurisdictions, prerogatives, royalties, and appurtenances whatsoever, to them the said governor and company, and their successors for ever, to be holden of us, our heirs and successors, as of our manor of east greenwich in our county of kent, in free and common soccage, and not in capite or by knight's service; yeilding and paying yearly to us, our heirs and successors, for the same, two elks and two black beavers, whensoever, and as often as we, our heirs and successors, shall happen to enter into the said countries, territories and regions hereby granted. and further, our will and pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the said governor and company, _and to their successors, that it shall and may be_ lawful, to and for the said governor and company, and their successors, from time to time, to assemble themselves, for or about any the matters, causes, affairs, or businesses of the said trade, in any place or places for the same convenient, within our dominions or elsewhere, and there to hold court for the said company, and the affairs thereof; and that also, it shall and may be lawful to and for them, and the greater part of them, being so assembled, and that shall then and there be present, in any such place or places whereof the governor or his deputy for the time being to be one, to make, ordain, and constitute, such, and so many reasonable laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances, as to them, or the greater part of them being then and there present, shall seem necessary and convenient for the good government of the said company, and of all governors of colonies, forts and plantations, factors, masters, mariners, and other officers employed or to be employed, in any of the territories and lands aforesaid, and in any of their voyages; and for the better advancement and continuance of the said trade, or traffic and plantations, and the same laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances so made, to put in use and execute accordingly, and at their pleasure to revoke and alter the same, or any of them, as the occasion shall require: and that the said governor and company, so often as they shall make, ordain, or establish, any such laws, constitutions, orders, and ordinances, in such form as aforesaid, shall and may lawfully impose, ordain, limit and provide, such pains, penalties and punishments upon all offenders, contrary to such laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances, or any of them, as to the said governor and company for the time being, or the greater part of them, then and there being present, the said governor or his deputy being always one, shall seem necessary, requisite, or convenient for the observation of the same laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances; and the same fines and amerciaments shall and may by their officers and servants, from time to time to be appointed for that purpose levy, take and have, to the use of the said governor and company, and their successors, without the impediment of us, our heirs or successors, or of any the officers or ministers of us, our heirs or successors, and without any account therefore to us, our heirs or successors, to be made. all and singular which laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances, so as aforesaid, to be made, we will to be duly observed and kept under the pains and penalties therein to be contained; so always as the said laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances, pines and amerciaments, be reasonable, and not contrary or repugnant, but as near as may be agreeable to the laws, statutes or customs of this our realm. and furthermore, of our ample and abundant grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we have granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, do grant unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that they, and their successors, and their factors, servants and agents, for them, and on their behalf and not otherwise, shall for ever hereafter have, use and enjoy, not only the whole, entire, and only trade and traffick, and the whole, entire, and only liberty, use and privilege, of trading and trafficking to and from the territory, limits and places aforesaid; but also the whole and entire trade and traffick to and from all havens, bays, creeks, rivers, lakes and seas, into which they shall find entrance or passage by water or land out of the territories, limits or places, aforesaid; and to and with all the natives and people, inhabiting, or which shall inhabit within the territories, limits and places aforesaid; and to and with all other nations inhabiting any the coasts adjacent to the said territories, limits and places which are not already possessed as aforesaid, or whereof the sole liberty or privilege of trade and traffick is not granted to any other of our subjects. and we of our further royal favour, and of our more especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, have granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, do grant to the said governor and company, and to their successors, that neither the said territories, limits and places, hereby granted as aforesaid, nor any part thereof, nor the islands, havens, ports, cities, towns or places, thereof, or therein contained, shall be visited, frequented or haunted, by any of the subjects of us, our heirs or successors, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, and by virtue of our prerogative royal, which we will not have in that behalf argued or brought into question; we streightly charge, command and prohibit, for us, our heirs and successors, all the subjects of us, our heirs and successors, of what degree or quality soever they be, that none of them directly or indirectly, do visit, haunt, frequent or trade, traffic or adventure, by way of merchandize, into, or from any the said territories, limits or places, hereby granted, or any, or either of them, other than the said governor and company, and such particular persons as now be, or hereafter shall be, of that company, their agents, factors, and assigns, unless it be by the licence and agreement of the said governor and company in writing first had and obtained, under their common seal, to be granted, upon pain that every such person or persons that shall trade or traffick into or from any of the countries, territories or limits aforesaid, other than the said governor and company, and their successors, shall incur our indignation, and the forfeiture, and the loss of the goods, merchandizes, and other things whatsoever, which so shall be brought into this realm of england, or any the dominions of the same, contrary to our said prohibition, or the purport or true meaning of these presents, for which the said governor and company shall find, take and seize, in other places out of our dominions, where the said company, their agents, factors or ministers, shall trade, traffick or inhabit, by virtue of these our letters patent, as also the ship and ships, with the furniture thereof, wherein such goods, merchandizes, and other things, shall be brought and found, the one half of all the said forfeitures to be to us, our heirs and successors, and the other half thereof we do by these presents clearly and wholly for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant unto the said governor and company, and their successors. and further, all and every the said offenders, for their said contempt, to suffer such other punishment as to us, our heirs and successors, for so high a contempt, shall seem meet and convenient, and not to be in anywise delivered until they, and every of them, shall become bound unto the said governor for the time being in the sum of one thousand pounds at the least, at no time then after to trade or traffick into any of the said places, seas, streights, bays, ports, havens or territories, aforesaid, contrary to our express commandment in that behalf set down and published. and further, of our more especial grace, we have condescended and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, do grant unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that we, our heirs and successors, will not grant liberty, licence, or power, to any person or persons whatsoever, contrary to the tenor of these our letters patent, to trade, traffick or inhabit, unto or upon any the territories, limits or places, afore specified, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, without the consent of the said governor and company, or the most part of them. and, of our more abundant grace and favour to the said governor and company, we do hereby declare our will and pleasure to be, that if it shall so happen, that any of the persons free, or to be free of the said company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, who shall, before the going forth of any ship or ships appointed for a voyage, or otherwise, promise or agree by writing under his or their hands, to adventure any sum or sums of money, towards the furnishing any provision, or maintenance of any voyage or voyages, set forth, or to be set forth, or intended or meant to be set forth, by the said governor and company, or the more part of them present at any publick assembly, commonly called their general court, shall not within the space of twenty days next after warning given to him or them, by the said governor or company, or their known officer or minister, bring in and deliver to the treasurer or treasurers appointed for the company, such sums of money as shall have been expressed and set down in writing, by the said person or persons, subscribed with the name of said adventurer or adventurers, that then, and at all times after, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor and company, or the more part of them present, whereof the said governor or his deputy to be one, at any of their general courts or general assemblies, to remove and disfranchise him or them, and every such person and persons at their wills and pleasures, and he or they so removed and disfranchised, not to be permitted to trade into the countries, territories, and limits aforesaid, or any part thereof, nor to have any adventure or stock going or remaining with or amongst the said company, without the special licence of the said governor and company, or the more part of them present at any general court, first had and obtained in that behalf, any thing before in these presents to the contrary thereof in anywise notwithstanding. and our will and pleasure is, and hereby we do also ordain, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said governor and company, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor for the time being, or his deputy to be one, to admit into, and to be of the said company, all such servants or factors, of or for the said company, and all such others, as to them, or the most part of them present, at any court held for the said company, the governor or his deputy being one, shall be thought fit and agreeable with the orders and ordinances made and to be made for the government of the said company. and further, our will and pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the said governor and company, and to their successors, that it shall and may be lawful in all elections, and bye-laws to be made by the general court of the adventurers of the said company, that every person shall have a number of votes according to his stock, that is to say, for every hundred pounds by him subscribed or brought into the present stock, one vote, and that any of those that have subscribed less than one hundred pounds, may join their respective sums to make up one hundred pounds, and have one vote jointly for the same, and not otherwise. and further, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we do for us, our heirs and successors, grant to and with the said governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, that all lands, islands, territories, plantations, forts, fortifications, factories, or colonies, where the said company's factories and trade are or shall be, within any the ports or places afore limited, shall be immediately and from henceforth, under the power and command of the said governor and company, their successors and assigns; saving the faith and allegiance due to be performed to us, our heirs and successors aforesaid; and that the said governor and company shall have liberty, full power and authority, to appoint and establish governors, and all other officers to govern them, and that the governor and his council of the several and respective places where the said company shall have plantations, forts, factories, colonies, or places of trade within any the countries, lands or territories hereby granted, may have power to judge all persons belonging to the said governor and company, or that shall live under them, in all causes, whether civil or criminal, according to the laws of this kingdom, and to execute justice accordingly. and, in case any crime or misdemeanor shall be committed in any of the said company's plantations, forts, factories, or places of trade within the limits aforesaid, where judicature cannot be executed for want of a governor and council there, then in such case it shall and may be lawful for the chief factor of that place and his council, to transmit the party, together with the offence, to such other plantation, factory, or fort, where there shall be a governor and council, where justice may be executed, or into this kingdom of england, as shall be thought most convenient, there to receive such punishment as the nature of his offence shall deserve. and moreover, our will and pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do give and grant unto the said governor and company, and their successors, free liberty and licence, in case they conceive it necessary, to send either ships of war, men or ammunition, unto any their plantations, forts, factories, or places of trade aforesaid, for the security and defence of the same, and to choose commanders and officers over them, and to give them power and authority, by commission under their common seal or otherwise, to continue or make peace or war with any prince or people whatsoever, that are not christians, in any places where the said company shall have any plantations, forts or factories, or adjacent thereunto, as shall be most for the advantage and benefit of the said governor and company, and of their trade; and also to right and recompense themselves upon the goods, estates or people of those parts, by whom the said governor and company shall sustain any injury, loss, or damage, or upon any other people whatsoever that shall any way, contrary to the intent of these presents, interrupt, wrong or injure them in their said trade, within the said places, territories, and limits, granted by this charter. and that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor and company, and their successors, from time to time, and at all times from henceforth, to erect and build such castles, fortifications, forts, garrisons, colonies or plantations, towns or villages, in any parts or places within the limits and bounds granted before in these presents, unto the said governor and company, as they in their discretion shall think fit and requisite, and for the supply of such as shall be needful and convenient, to keep and be in the same, to send out of this kingdom, to the said castles, forts, fortifications, garrisons, colonies, plantations, towns or villages, all kinds of cloathing, provision of victuals, ammunition, and implements, necessary for such purpose, paying the duties and customs for the same, as also to transport and carry over such number of men being willing thereunto, or not prohibited, as they shall think fit, and also to govern them in such legal and reasonable manner as the said governor and company shall think best, and to inflict punishment for misdemeanors, or impose such fines upon them for breach of their orders, as in these presents are formerly expressed. and further, our will and pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the said governor and company, and to their successors, full power and lawful authority to seize upon the persons of all such english, or any other our subjects, which shall sail into hudson's bay, or inhabit in any of the countries, islands or territories hereby granted to the said governor and company, without their leave and license in that behalf first had and obtained, or that shall contemn or disobey their orders, and send them to england; and that all and every person or persons, being our subjects, any ways employed by the said governor and company, within any of the parts, places, and limits aforesaid, shall be liable unto and suffer such punishment for any offences by them committed in the parts aforesaid, as the president and council for the said governor and company there shall think fit, and the merit of the offence shall require, as aforesaid; and in case any person or persons being convicted and sentenced by the president and council of the said governor and company, in the countries, lands, or limits aforesaid, their factors or agents there, for any offence by them done, shall appeal from the same; that then and in such case, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said president and council, factors, or agents, to seize upon him or them, and to carry him or them home prisoners into england, to the said governor and company, there to receive such condign punishment as his cause shall require, and the law of this nation allow of: and for the better discovery of abuses and injuries to be done unto the said governor and company, or their successors, by any servant by them to be employed in the said voyages and plantations, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor and company, and their respective president, chief agent or governor in the parts aforesaid, to examine upon oath all factors, masters, pursers, supercargoes, commanders of castles, forts, fortifications, plantations or colonies, or other persons, touching or concerning any matter or thing, in which by law or usage an oath may be administered, so as the said oath, and the matter therein contained, be not repugnant, but agreeable to the laws of this realm. and, we do hereby streightly charge and command all and singular, our admirals, vice-admirals, justices, mayors, sheriffs, constables, bailiffs, and all and singular other our officers, ministers, liege men and subjects whatsoever, to be aiding, favouring, helping and assisting, to the said governor and company, and to their successors, and to their deputies, officers, factors, servants, assigns and ministers, and every of them, in executing and enjoying the premisses, as well on land as on sea, from time to time, when any of you shall thereunto be required; any statute, act, ordinance, proviso, proclamation, or restraint heretofore had, made, set forth, ordained, or provided, or any other matter, cause or thing whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding, in witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made patent; witness ourself at westminster, the second day of may, in the two and twentieth year of our reign. by writ of privy seal, pigott. supplemental charter, th september, . victoria, by the grace of god of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland queen, defender of the faith, empress of india, to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting. _whereas by a royal charter granted on the nd day of may in the two-and-twentieth year of the reign of his late majesty king charles the second (in this our charter called "the original charter"), a company was incorporated by the name of "the governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay" with a common seal, for the purpose of trading within the territories mentioned in said original charter: and whereas by the said original charter, after declaring that one of the company should be elected in manner thereafter mentioned, to be called the governor of the company, and that the said governor and company should or might elect seven of their members in such form as thereafter mentioned, to be called the committee of the company, which committee of seven or any three of them, together with the governor or the deputy-governor for the time being, should have the general management of the affairs of the company, it was declared that the governor and company and their successors should from thenceforth for ever be ruled, ordered, and governed according to such manner and form as was thereafter expressed, and not otherwise: and whereas by the said original charter, after appointing prince rupert to be the first governor of the company, and seven persons to be the seven first committees of the company, it was provided that it should and might be lawful to or for the said governor and company for the time being or the greater part of them at any public assembly, commonly called the court general, to be holden for the said company, the governor of the said company being always one from time to time, to elect, nominate, and appoint one of the said company to be deputy to the said governor, which deputy should take a corporal oath before the governor and three or more of the committee of the said company for the time being, well and truly and faithfully to execute his said office of deputy to the governor of the said company, and after his oath so taken should and might from time to time, in the absence of the said governor, exercise and execute the office of governor of the said company in such sort as the said governor ought to do: and whereas the said original charter similarly provided for the election in each and every year between the first and last day of november of one of the company to be governor for one whole year then next following, and required the governor or deputy-governor for the time being to be present at each such election, and required the person so elected to be governor of the company, before being admitted to execute his office, to take a corporal oath before the last governor being his predecessor, or his deputy, and any three or more of the committee of the said company for the time being, that he would well and truly execute the office of governor: and whereas the said original charter similarly provided for the election in each and every year between the first and last day of november of seven of the company to be a committee of the company for one whole year then next ensuing, and required the governor or the deputy-governor of the company for the time being to be present at each, such election, and required the persons so elected to be a committee of the company, before being admitted to execute their office to take a corporal oath that they and every of them should well and faithfully perform their office of committee. and whereas the said original charter similarly provided for the election of a governor or a deputy-governor of the company in the event of the governor or deputy-governor for the time being, at any time within one year after being elected and sworn to the office of governor or deputy-governor, dying or being removed from his office (which governor or deputy-governor not demeaning himself well in his office was to be removeable at the pleasure of the rest of the company or the greater part of them present at a general court), and provided that the governor or deputy-governor so elected should hold office for the residue of the said year, and before being admitted to execute his office should take a corporal oath as aforesaid: and whereas the said original charter similarly provided in the event of any person or persons of the committee of the company for the time being within one year after being elected and sworn to such office dying or being removed from his or their office (which committee not demeaning themselves well in their said office were to be removeable at the pleasure of the governor and company or the greater part of them, whereof the governor for the time being, or his deputy should be one), for the election of one or more of the company to be of the committee in the place of him or them dying or being removed as aforesaid, and the said original charter provided that the person or persons so elected should hold office for the residue of the said year, and before being admitted to execute the office of committee should take a corporal oath as aforesaid, and the governor or the deputy-governor for the time being was required to be present at each such election. and whereas by the said original charter the governor and company were empowered to assemble themselves and hold court for the company and the affairs thereof, and it was thereby declared that it should be lawful for them and the greater part of them present at such assembly, whereof the governor or his deputy for the time being should be one, to make, ordain, and constitute such and so many laws, constitutions, orders, and ordinances as to them or the greater part of them being there present should seem necessary and convenient for the good government of the company, and at their pleasure to revoke and alter the same or any of them as the occasion should require: and whereas by the said original charter the governor or deputy-governor for the time being was required to be present at the admission into the company of servants, factors, and other persons: and whereas by the said original charter it was declared that it should be lawful in all elections and bye-laws to be made by the general court of the adventurers of the said company, that every person should have a number of votes according to his stock, that was to say, for every hundred pounds by him subscribed or brought into the present stock one vote, and that any of those who had subscribed less than one hundred pounds might join their respective sums to make up one hundred pounds and have one vote jointly for the same, and not otherwise: and whereas by a deed under the seal of the company, dated the nineteenth november, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-nine, certain rights of government and other rights and privileges granted, by the said original charter, but not affecting the subject matter of this our charter, were duly surrendered to her majesty, and such surrender was duly accepted by her majesty by an instrument under her sign manual: and whereas for many years the capital of the company has comprised no stock, but has been and is now divided into shares of equal value, and it is desirable that the qualification for votes should be changed from the holding of stock in the company to the holding of shares therein: and whereas many of the provisions contained in the original charter have been found very inconvenient in practice, and are not in accordance with the usual provisions regulating the affairs of modern companies, and in particular the following provisions have been found very inconvenient, that is to say: the provisions requiring the governor, deputy-governor, and committee to be elected every year, and fixing the date of the election between the first and last day of november; the provisions requiring the presence of the governor or deputy-governor at the general courts for the elections of governors or members of the committee, and at the general courts assembled for the purpose of making bye-laws, and on other occasions specified in the said original charter; the provisions requiring a corporal oath to be taken by the governor, deputy-governor, and committee, and by certain other persons on certain occasions. and whereas, in addition to the above provisions complained of, the absence of any power in the said original charter enabling the governor, deputy-governor, or any member of the committee, to resign office, or enabling votes to be taken by proxy, and the absence of several other powers usually given to trading companies for the better regulation of their internal affairs, has been found in practice to be very inconvenient and detrimental to the interests of the company. and whereas the company is desirous that the provisions in the original charter above complained of should be cancelled or modified, and has applied to us for a supplemental charter embodying more suitable provisions._ now know ye that we by these presents do will and ordain that the several provisions contained in the said original charter relating to the election to the office of governor, deputy-governor, or committee, and to the filling up of any vacancy in any such office, and requiring corporal oaths to be taken, and the other provisions contained in the said original charter, shall, so far as they are inconsistent with the provisions contained in this our charter, on and after the day of the date of this our charter, cease to be in force and be annulled. and we do hereby further will and ordain that, notwithstanding anything contained in the original charter, the presence of the governor or deputy-governor at any general court or at any meeting of the governor, deputy-governor, and committee (who are hereinafter collectively referred to as the board) shall not be essential for the proper holding of such court or board meeting, and that nothing done at any general court or meeting of the board shall be questioned or disputed on the ground of the absence of the governor or deputy-governor from such general court or meeting of the board, and that in case neither the governor nor deputy-governor happen to be present at any such general court or meeting of the board, at the appointed time for holding such general court or meeting of the board, the members of the committee present or the major part of them shall nominate and appoint one of themselves chairman or president of such court or board, and that the general powers of management and other powers given by the said original charter to any three members of the committee, together with the governor or deputy-governor, shall be exerciseable by any four members of the board, whether the governor or deputy-governor shall form one of such four or not. and we do hereby further will and ordain that, notwithstanding anything contained in the original charter, a general court for the company shall be held every year at such place and on such day in november or december as may be appointed by the board. and we do hereby further will and ordain that every question submitted to a general court shall be decided by a show of hands, unless before or upon the declaration of the result of the show of hands, a poll is demanded by at least five members present at such general court, and holding in the aggregate not less than one hundred shares, and unless a poll is so demanded a declaration by the chairman that the motion has been carried or lost, or carried or lost by a particular majority, shall be deemed conclusive evidence of the fact without proof of the number or the proportion of the votes recorded in favour of or against the motion, and that if a poll is demanded as aforesaid, it shall be taken in such manner and at such time and place and either at once or after an interval or adjournment, as the chairman of the general court directs, and the result of such poll shall be deemed to be the resolution of the general court at which the poll was demanded. in case of an equality of votes, the chairman shall, whether on a show of hands or at the poll, have a casting vote in addition to the vote or votes to which he may be entitled as a member. in computing the majority when a poll is demanded, reference shall be had to the number of votes to which each member is entitled by this our charter. and we do hereby further will and ordain that, notwithstanding anything contained in the original charter, every member of the company shall have one vote for every five shares in the company held by him, and that any of those members who hold less than five shares may join their respective shares, so as to make up five or more shares, and have one vote jointly for the same; provided nevertheless that no member shall be entitled to vote, or to join with any other member or members in making up a joint vote at any general court in respect of any shares or share, unless he shall have been the holder of such shares or share for at least six months prior to such general court. and we do hereby further will and ordain that votes may be given at every general court either personally or by proxy, but such proxy must be a proprietor in the company, and himself entitled to vote, and the appointment of every such proxy must be in writing and must be in the form following or to the like effect, that is to say: i (or we) appoint ___ my (our) proxy to vote and act for me (us) and in my (our) name (names) on all questions at the general court of the hudson's bay company to be held on the ___ day of ___ and every adjournment thereof whereat i (we) shall not be present in person. dated this ___ of ___. and we do hereby further will and ordain that the chairman may, with the consent of the meeting, adjourn any general court from time to time and place to place, but that no business shall be transacted at any adjourned general court other than the business left unfinished at the general court from which the adjournment took place. and we do hereby further will and ordain that, notwithstanding anything contained in the original charter, the governor, deputy-governor, and committeemen shall, after the year one thousand eight hundred and eighty-four, hold their respective offices subject to retirement by rotation as hereinafter provided, that is to say, at the general court to be held in the year one thousand eight hundred and eighty-five, and at every succeeding general court, three members of the board shall retire from office, and that, until all the present board shall in turn have retired, the members of the board to retire shall from time to time be determined by ballot or otherwise amongst the members of the present board, or such of them as for the time being shall not have retired, but afterwards the members of the board to retire shall be those who shall have been longest in office since their last election, and as between members of the board of equal seniority the member or members to retire shall be determined by lot; provided always that the governor and deputy-governor shall not both retire at the same time, and that in the ballot for determining who shall retire in the year one thousand eight hundred and eighty-five, the governor and deputy-governor shall not both be included, but only one of them, such one to be determined by lot; and in the event of neither the governor nor the deputy-governor being selected by ballot to retire in the year one thousand eight hundred and eighty-five, one of them to be determined by lot shall retire in the year one thousand eight hundred and eighty-six. and provided always that a retiring member of the board shall be eligible for re-election, and that, if the retiring member be the governor or deputy-governor of the company, he shall be eligible for re-election, or any other member of the board shall be eligible for election as governor or deputy-governor respectively; and in the event of any member of the board being elected to the office of governor or deputy-governor, in the place of the retiring governor or deputy-governor such member shall be deemed to have retired from his former office. and we do hereby further will and ordain that, notwithstanding anything contained in the original charter, the company at any general court at which any members of the board retire in manner aforesaid shall if it be the turn for the governor or deputy-governor to retire first fill up that office, and then shall fill up the other vacated offices, including any office rendered vacant by the election of any member of the board to the office of governor or deputy-governor as aforesaid, by electing a like number of persons to be members of the board; and that every election or re-election to the office of governor, deputy-governor, or committee shall be conducted in the manner and according to the forms from time to time to be prescribed by the bye-laws of the company, and that such notice of the names of every candidate for election or re-election to any such office shall be given as may be required by the bye-laws for the time being in force. and we do hereby further will and ordain that notwithstanding anything contained in the original charter, any member of the board may at any time give notice to the board in writing of his wish to resign, and on the acceptance of his resignation by the board, but not before, his office shall be vacant. nothing in this our charter contained shall affect the power given by the original charter to the company to remove any governor, deputy-governor, or member of the committee who should not demean himself well in his respective office. and we do hereby further will and ordain that, notwithstanding anything in the original charter contained, any casual vacancy occurring among the members of the board through death, resignation, removal, or other cause, except the expiration of the period of office, may be filled up by the board or the remaining members of the board, whatever there number may be, and if the casual vacancy occur in the office of governor or deputy-governor, such vacancy may be filled by electing any one of the remaining members of the board; and if so filled up a casual vacancy shall be deemed to have occurred in the office of the member of the board so elected to the office of governor or deputy-governor; provided always that any person so chosen to fill up any casual vacancy shall retain his office until the next general court held for the election of members of the board, and at such general court the company shall either confirm such person in his office or shall elect some other person to hold such office in his place, and provided always that the person so chosen and confirmed as aforesaid or the person elected by the company in his stead (as the case may be) shall retain his office so long only as the vacating member of the board would have retained the same if no vacancy had occurred, and provided always that, notwithstanding any vacancy in the board, the continuing members of the board may act so long as there remains not less than four members of the board. and we do hereby further will and ordain that, notwithstanding anything contained in the original charter, the corporal oath thereby required to be taken on the occasions and by the persons therein mentioned shall no longer be required to be taken by any person on any occasion whatsoever. in witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. witness ourself at westminster, the ninth day of september, in the forty-eighth year of our reign. by warrant under the queen's sign manual. palmer. [seal.] london: printed by sir joseph causton & sons , eastcheap, e.c. and , southwark street, s.e. and the online distributed proofing team. this file was produced from images generously made available by the canadian institute for historical microreproductions. the publications of the prince society established may th, . radisson's voyages. voyages of peter esprit radisson, being an account of his travels and experiences among the north american indians, from to . transcribed from original manuscripts in the bodleian library and the british museum. with historical illustrations and an introduction, by gideon d. scull, london, england. preface. it may be regarded as a fortunate circumstance that we are able to add to the society's publications this volume of radisson's voyages. the narratives contained in it are the record of events and transactions in which the author was a principal actor. they were apparently written without any intention of publication, and are plainly authentic and trustworthy. they have remained in manuscript more than two hundred years, and in the mean time appear to have escaped the notice of scholars, as not even extracts from them have, so far as we are aware, found their way into print. the author was a native of france, and had an imperfect knowledge of the english language. the journals, with the exception of the last in the volume, are, however, written in that language, and, as might be anticipated, in orthography, in the use of words, and in the structure of sentences, conform to no known standard of english composition. but the meaning is in all cases clearly conveyed, and, in justice both to the author and the reader, they have been printed _verbatim et literatim_, as in the original manuscripts. we desire to place upon record our high appreciation of the courtesy extended to the editor of this volume by the governors of the bodleian library and of the british museum, in allowing him to copy the original manuscripts in their possession. our thanks likewise are here tendered to mr. edward denham for the gratuitous contribution of the excellent index which accompanies the volume. edmund f. slafter, _president of the prince society_. boston, berkeley street, november , . table of contents. preface introduction first voyage of peter esprit radisson second voyage, made in the upper country of the iroquoits third voyage, made to the great lake of the hurons, upper sea of the east, and bay of the north fourth voyage of peter esprit radisson relation of a voyage to the north parts of america in the years and relation of the voyage anno officers of the prince society the prince society publications of the prince society volumes in preparation by the prince society index introduction. the author of the narratives contained in this volume was peter esprit radisson, who emigrated from france to canada, as he himself tells us, on the th day of may, . he was born at st. malo, and in , at three rivers, in canada, married elizabeth, the daughter of madeleine hainault. [footnote: vide _history of the ojibways_, by the rev. e. d. neill, ed. .] radisson says that he lived at three rivers, where also dwelt "my natural parents, and country-people, and my brother, his wife and children." [footnote: the abbe cyprian tanguay, the best genealogical authority in canada, gives the following account of the family: francoise radisson, a daughter of pierre esprit, married at quebec, in , claude volant de st. claude, born in , and had eight children. pierre and claude, eldest sons, became priests. francoise died in infancy: marguerite married noel le gardeur; francoise died in infancy; etienne, born october , , married in at sorel, but seems to have had no issue. jean francois married marguerite godfrey at montreal in . nicholas, born in , married genevieve niel, july , , and both died in , leaving two of their five sons surviving. there are descendants of noel le gardeur who claim radisson as their ancestor, and also descendants of claude volant, apparently through nicholas. among these descendants of the volant family is the rt. rev. joseph thomas duhamel, who was consecrated bishop of ottawa, canada, october , . of medard chouart's descendants, no account of any of the progeny of his son jean baptiste, born july , , can be found.] this brother, often alluded to in radisson's narratives as his companion on his journeys, was medard chouart, "who was the son of medard and marie poirier, of charly st. cyr, france, and in , when only sixteen years old, came to canada." [footnote: chouart's daughter marie antoinette, born june , , married first jean jalot in . he was a surgeon, born in , and killed by the iroquois, july , . he was called des groseilliers. she had nine children by jalot, and there are descendants from them in canada. on the th december, , she married, secondly, jean bouchard, by whom she had six children. the bouchard-dorval family of montreal descends from this marriage. vide _genealogical dictionary of canadian families_, quebec, .] he was a pilot, and married, rd september, , helen, the daughter of abraham martin, and widow of claude etienne. abraham martin left his name to the celebrated plains of abraham, near quebec. she dying in , chouart married, secondly, at quebec, august , , the sister of radisson, margaret hayet, the widow of john veron grandmenil. in canada, chouart acted as a donne, or lay assistant, in the jesuit mission near lake huron. he left the service of the mission about , and commenced trading with the indians for furs, in which he was very successful. with his gains he is supposed to have purchased some land in canada, as he assumed the seigneurial title of "sieur des groseilliers." radisson spent more than ten years trading with the indians of canada and the far west, making long and perilous journeys of from two to three years each, in company with his brother-in-law, des groseilliers. he carefully made notes during his wanderings from to , which he afterwards copied out on his voyage to england in . between these years he made four journeys, and heads his first narrative with this title: "the relation of my voyage, being in bondage in the lands of the irokoits, which was the next year after my coming into canada, in the yeare , the th day of may." in a roving band of iroquois, who had gone as far north as the three rivers, carried our author as a captive into their country, on the banks of the mohawk river. he was adopted into the family of a "great captayne who had killed nineteen men with his own hands, whereof he was marked on his right thigh for as many as he had killed." in the autumn of he accompanied the tribe in his village on a warlike incursion into the dutch territory. they arrived "the next day in a small brough of the hollanders," rensselaerswyck, and on the fourth day came to fort orange. here they remained several days, and radisson says: "our treaty's being done, overladened with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way that we came, to see again our village." at fort orange radisson met with the jesuit father, joseph noncet, who had also been captured in canada by the mohawks and taken to their country. in september he was taken down to fort orange by his captors, and it is mentioned in the jesuit "relations" of , chapter iv., that he "found there a young man captured near three rivers, who had been ransomed by the dutch and acted as interpreter." a few weeks after the return of the indians to their village, radisson made his escape alone, and found his way again to fort orange, from whence he was sent to new amsterdam, or menada, as he calls it. here he remained three weeks, and then embarked for holland, where he arrived after a six weeks' voyage, landing at amsterdam "the / of january, . a few days after," he says, "i imbarqued myself for france, and came to rochelle well and safe." he remained until spring, waiting for "the transport of a shipp for new france." the relation of the second journey is entitled, "the second voyage, made in the upper country of the irokoits." he landed in canada, from his return voyage from france, on the th of may, , and on the th set off to see his relatives at three rivers. he mentions that "in my absence peace was made betweene the french and the iroquoits, which was the reson i stayed not long in a place. the yeare before the ffrench began a new plantation in the upper country of the iroquoits, which is distant from the low iroquoits country some four score leagues, wher i was prisoner and been in the warrs of that country.... at that very time the reverend fathers jesuits embarked themselves for a second time to dwell there and teach christian doctrine. i offered myself to them and was, as their custome is, kindly accepted. i prepare meselfe for the journey, which was to be in june, ." charlevoix [footnote: _charlevoix's history of new france_, shea's ed., vol. ii. p. .] says: "in occurred the almost complete destruction of the huron nation. peace was concluded in . father le moyne went in , to ratify the treaty of peace, to onondaga, and told the indians there he wished to have his cabin in their canton. his offer was accepted, and a site marked out of which he took possession. he left quebec july , , and returned september . in fathers chaumont and dablon were sent to onondaga, and arrived there november , and began at once to build a chapel. [footnote: _charlevoix's hist. of new france_, shea's ed., vol. ii. p. .] "father dablon, having spent some months in the service of the mission at onondaga, was sent back to montreal, march, , for reinforcements. he returned with father francis le mercier and other help. they set out from quebec may, , with a force composed of four nations: french, onondagas, senecas, and a few hurons. about fifty men composed the party. sieur dupuys, an officer of the garrison, was appointed commandant of the proposed settlement at onondaga. on their arrival they at once proceeded to erect a fort, or block-house, for their defence. "while these things were passing at onondaga, the hurons on the isle orleans, where they had taken refuge from the iroquois, no longer deeming themselves secure, sought an asylum in quebec, and in a moment of resentment at having been abandoned by the french, they sent secretly to propose to the mohawks to receive them into their canton so as to form only one people with them. they had no sooner taken this step than they repented; but the mohawks took them at their word, and seeing that they endeavored to withdraw their proposition, resorted to secret measures to compel them to adhere to it." [footnote: _ibid._, vol. ii. p. .] the different families of the hurons held a council, and "the attignenonhac or cord family resolved to stay with the french; the arendarrhonon, or rock, to go to onondaga; and the attignaonanton, or bear, to join the mohawks." [footnote: _relation nouvelle france_, and _charlevoix_, shea's ed., vol. ii. p .] "in onondagas had arrived at montreal to receive the hurons and take them to their canton, as agreed upon the year previous." [footnote: _charlevoix_, shea's ed., vol. iii. p. .] some frenchmen and two jesuits were to accompany them. one of the former was radisson, who had volunteered; and the two jesuits were fathers paul ragueneau and joseph inbert duperon. the party started on their journey in july, . the relation of this, the writer's second voyage, is taken up entirely with the narrative of their journey to onondaga, his residence at the mission, and its abandonment on the night of the th of march, . on his way thither he was present at the massacre of the hurons by the iroquois, in august, . his account of the events of and , concerning the mission, will be found to give fuller details than those of charlevoix, [footnote: _ibid_., vol. iii. p. .] and the jesuit relations written for those years by father ragueneau. radisson, in concluding his second narrative, says: "about the last of march we ended our great and incredible dangers. about fourteen nights after we went downe to the three rivers, where most of us stayed. a month after, my brother and i resolves to travell and see countreys. wee find a good opportunity in our voyage. we proceeded three years; during that time we had the happiness to see very faire countreys." he says of the third voyage: "now followeth the auxoticiat, or auxotacicae, voyage into the great and filthy lake of the hurrons upper sea of the east and bay of the north." he mentions that "about the middle of june, , we began to take leave of our company and venter our lives for the common good." concerning the third voyage, radisson states above, "wee proceeded three years." the memory of the writer had evidently been thrown into some confusion when recording one of the historical incidents in his relation, as he was finishing his narrative of the fourth journey. at the close of his fourth narrative, on his return from the lake superior country, where he had been over three years, instead of over two, as he mentions, he says: "you must know that seventeen ffrenchmen made a plott with four algonquins to make a league with three score hurrons for to goe and wait for the iroquoits in the passage." this passage was the long sault, on the ottawa river, where the above seventeen frenchmen were commanded by a young officer of twenty-five, adam dollard, sieur des ormeaux. the massacre of the party took place on may , , and is duly recorded by several authorities; namely, dollier de casson [footnote: _histoire de montreal, relation de la nouvelle france_, , p. .], m. marie [footnote: _de l'incarnation_, p. .], and father lalemont [footnote: _journal_, june , .]. as radisson has placed the incident in his manuscript, he would make it appear as having occurred in may, . he writes: "it was a terrible spectacle to us, for wee came there eight dayes after that defeat, which saved us without doubt." he started on this third journey about the middle of june, , and it would therefore seem he was only absent on it two years, instead of over three, as he says. charlevoix gives the above incident in detail. [footnote: shea's edition, vol. iii. p. , n.] during the third voyage radisson and his brother-in-law went to the mississippi river in / . he says, "wee mett with severall sorts of people. wee conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. by the persuasion of som of them wee went into the great river that divides itself in two where the hurrons with some ottanake and the wild men that had warrs with them had retired.... the river is called the forked, because it has two branches: the one towards the west, the other towards the south, which we believe runs towards mexico, by the tokens they gave." they also made diligent inquiry concerning hudson's bay, and of the best means to reach that fur-producing country, evidently with a view to future exploration and trade. they must have returned to the three rivers about june , . radisson says: "wee stayed att home att rest the yeare. my brother and i considered whether we should discover what we have seen or no, and because we had not a full and whole discovery which was that we have not ben in the bay of the north (hudson's bay), not knowing anything but by report of the wild christinos, we would make no mention of it for feare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. we would have made a discovery of it ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover anything of it." in the fourth narrative he says: "the spring following we weare in hopes to meet with some company, having ben so fortunat the yeare before. now during the winter, whether it was that my brother revealed to his wife what we had seene in our voyage and what we further intended, or how it came to passe, it was knowne so much that the ffather jesuits weare desirous to find out a way how they might gett downe the castors from the bay of the north, by the sacques, and so make themselves masters of that trade. they resolved to make a tryall as soone as the ice would permitt them. so to discover our intentions they weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that voyage, to the end that my brother would give over his, which i uterly denied them, knowing that they could never bring it about." they made an application to the governor of quebec for permission to start upon this their fourth voyage; but he refused, unless they agreed to certain hard conditions which they found it impossible to accept. in august they departed without the governor's leave, secretly at midnight, on their journey, having made an agreement to join a company of the nation of the sault who were about returning to their country, and who agreed to wait for them two days in the lake of st. peter, some six leagues from three rivers. their journey was made to the country about lake superior, where they passed much of their time among the nations of the sault, fire, christinos (knisteneux), beef, and other tribes. being at lake superior, radisson says they came "to a remarkable place. it's a banke of rocks that the wild men made a sacrifice to,... it's like a great portall by reason of the beating of the waves. the lower part of that opening is as bigg as a tower, and grows bigger in the going up. there is, i believe, six acres of land above it; a shipp of tuns could passe by, soe bigg is the arch. i gave it the name of the portail of st. peter, because my name is so called, and that i was the first christian that ever saw it." concerning hudson's bay, whilst they were among the christinos at lake assiniboin, radisson mentions in his narrative that "being resolved to know what we heard before, we waited untill the ice should vanish." the governor was greatly displeased at the disobedience of radisson and his brother-in-law in going on their last voyage without his permission. on their return, the narrative states, "he made my brother prisoner for not having obeyed his orders; he fines us l. , to make a fort at the three rivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give us leave to put our coat of armes upon it; and moreover l. , for the country, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, being wee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same country with our relations and friends.... seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother did resolve to go and demand justice in france." failing to get restitution, they resolved to go over to the english. they went early in to port royal, nova scotia, and from thence to new england, where they engaged an english or new england ship for a trading adventure into hudson's straits in deg. north. this expedition was attempted because radisson and des groseilliers, on their last journey to lake superior, "met with some savages on the lake of assiniboin, and from them they learned that they might go by land to the bottom of hudson's bay, where the english had not been yet, at james bay; upon which they desired them to conduct them thither, and the savages accordingly did it. they returned to the upper lake the same way they came, and thence to quebec, where they offered the principal merchants to carry ships to hudson's bay; but their project was rejected. des groseilliers then went to france in hopes of a more favorable hearing at court; but after presenting several memorials and spending a great deal of time and money, he was answered as he had been at quebec, and the project looked upon as chimerical." [footnote: oldmixon, vol. i. p. .] this voyage to hudson's straits proved unremunerative. "wee had knowledge and conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know that there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season of the year was far spent by the indiscretion of our master." radisson continues: "wee were promissed two shipps for a second voyage." one of these ships was sent to "the isle of sand, there to fish for basse to make oyle of it," and was soon after lost. in new england, in the early part of the year , radisson and des groseilliers met with two of the four english commissioners who were sent over by charles ii in to settle several important questions in the provinces of new york and new england. they were engaged in the prosecution of their work in the different governments from to / . the two frenchmen, it appears, were called upon in boston to defend themselves in a lawsuit instituted against them in the courts there, for the annulling of the contract in the trading adventure above mentioned, whereby one of the two ships contracted for was lost. the writer states, that "the expectation of that ship made us loose our second voyage, which did very much discourage the merchants with whom wee had to do; they went to law with us to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. after wee had disputed a long time, it was found that the right was on our side and wee innocent of what they did accuse us. so they endeavoured to come to an agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own party. "in the mean time the commissioners of the king of great britain arrived in that place, & one of them would have us goe with him to new york, and the other advised us to come to england and offer ourselves to the king, which wee did." the commissioners were colonel richard nicolls, sir robert carr, colonel george cartwright, and samuel mavericke. sir robert carr wished the two frenchmen to go with him to new york, but colonel george cartwright, erroneously called by radisson in his manuscript "cartaret," prevailed upon them to embark with him from nantucket, august , . on this voyage cartwright carried with him "all the original papers of the transactions of the royal commissioners, together with the maps of the several colonies." they had also as a fellow passenger george carr, presumably the brother of sir robert, and probably the acting secretary to the commission. colonel richard nicolls, writing to secretary lord arlington, july , , says, "he supposes col. geo. cartwright is now at sea." george carr, also writing to lord arlington, december , , tells him that "he sends the transactions of the commissioners in new england briefly set down, each colony by itself. the papers by which all this and much more might have been demonstrated were lost in obeying his majesty's command by keeping company with captain pierce, who was laden with masts; for otherwise in probability we might have been in england ten days before we met the dutch 'caper,' who after two hours' fight stripped and landed us in spain. hearing also some frenchmen discourse in new england of a passage from the west sea to the south sea, and of a great trade of beaver in that passage, and afterwards meeting with sufficient proof of the truth of what they had said, and knowing what great endeavours have been made for the finding out of a north western passage, he thought them the best present he could possibly make his majesty, and persuaded them to come to england. begs his lordship to procure some consideration for his loss, suffering, and service." colonel cartwright, upon his capture at sea by the dutch "caper," threw all his despatches and papers overboard. no doubt the captain of the dutch vessel carefully scrutinized the papers of radisson and his brother-in-law, and, it may be, carried off some of them; for there is evidence in one part at least of the former's narration of his travels, of some confusion, as the writer has transposed the date of one important and well-known event in canadian history. it is evident that the writer was busy on his voyage preparing his narrative of travels for presentation to the king. towards the conclusion of his manuscript he says: "we are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of the commissioners called collonell george cartaret, was taken by the hollanders, and wee arrived in england in a very bad time for the plague and the warrs. being at oxford, wee went to sir george cartaret, who spoke to his majesty, who gave good hopes that wee should have a shipp ready for the next spring, and that the king did allow us forty shillings a week for our maintenance, and wee had chambers in the town by his order, where wee stayed three months. afterwards the king came to london and sent us to windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter." charles ii., with his court, came to open parliament and the courts of law at oxford, september , , and left for hampton court to reside, january , . radisson and des groseilliers must have arrived there about the th of october. dewitt, the dutch statesman, and grand pensionary of the states of holland from , becoming informed by the captain of the dutch "caper" of the errand of radisson and his companion into england, despatched an emissary to that country in to endeavor to entice them out of the english into the service of the dutch. sir john colleton first brought the matter before the notice of lord arlington in a letter of november th. the agent of dewitt was one elie godefroy touret, a native of picardy, france, and an acquaintance of groseilliers. touret had lived over ten years in the service of the rhinegrave at maestricht. thinking it might possibly aid him in his design, he endeavored to pass himself off in london as groseilliers' nephew. one monsieur delheure deposed that groseilliers "always held touret in suspicion for calling himself his nephew, and for being in england without employment, not being a person who could live on his income, and had therefore avoided his company as dangerous to the state. has heard touret say that if his uncle groseilliers were in service of the states of holland, he would be more considered than here, where his merits are not recognised, and that if his discovery were under the protection of holland, all would go better with him." on the st of november a warrant was issued to the keeper of the gate house, london, "to take into custody the person of touret for corresponding with the king's enemies." on the d of december touret sent in a petition to lord arlington, bitterly complaining of the severity of his treatment, and endeavored to turn the tables upon his accuser by representing that groseilliers, radisson, and a certain priest in london tried to persuade him to join them in making counterfeit coin, and for his refusal had persecuted and entered the accusation against him. to des groseilliers and radisson must be given the credit of originating the idea of forming a settlement at hudson's bay, out of which grew the profitable organization of the hudson's bay company. they obtained through the english ambassador to france an interview with prince rupert, and laid before him their plans, which had been before presented to the leading merchants of canada and the french court. prince rupert at once foresaw the value of such an enterprise, and aided them in procuring the required assistance from several noblemen and gentlemen, to fit out in two ships from london, the "eagle," captain stannard, and the "nonsuch," ketch, captain zechariah gillam. this gillam is called by oldmixon a new englander, and was probably the same one who went in / with radisson and groseilliers to hudson's strait on the unsuccessful voyage from boston. radisson thus alludes to the two ships that were fitted out in london by the help of prince rupert and his associates. the third year after their arrival in england "wee went out with a new company in two small vessels, my brother in one and i in another, and wee went together four hundred leagues from the north of ireland, where a sudden greate storme did rise and put us asunder. the sea was soe furious six or seven hours after, that it did almost overturne our ship. so that wee were forced to cut our masts rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, god be thanked; and the other, i hope, is gone on his voyage, god be with him." captain gillam and the ketch "nonsuch," with des groseilliers, proceeded on their voyage, "passed thro hudson's streights, and then into baffin's bay to deg. north, and thence southwards into deg., where, in a river afterwards called prince rupert river, he had a friendly correspondence with the natives, built a fort, named it charles fort, and returned with success." [footnote: oldmixon, _british empire_, ed. , vol. i. p. ] when gillam and groseilliers returned, the adventurers concerned in fitting them out "applied themselves to charles ii. for a patent, who granted one to them and their successors for the bay called hudson's streights." [footnote: _ibid._, vol. i. p. .] the patent bears date the d of may, in the twenty-second year of charles ii., . in ellis's manuscript papers [footnote: _ibid_., vol. v. p. ] has been found the following original draft of an "answer of the hudson's bay company to a french paper entitled memoriall justifieing the pretensions of france to fort bourbon." / . "the french in this paper carrying their pretended right of discovery and settlement no higher then the year , and their being dispossessed in . wee shall briefly shew what sort of possession that was, and how those two actions were managed. mr. radisson, mentioned in the said paper to have made this settlement for the french at port nelson in , was many years before settled in england, and marryed an english wife, sir john kirke's daughter, and engaged in the interest and service of the english upon private adventure before as well as after the incorporation of the hudson's bay company. in , when prince rupert and other noblemen set out two shipps, radisson went in the eagle, captain stannard commander, and in that voyage the name of rupert's river was given. again in and in , and in this voyage directed his course to port nelson, and went on shore with one bayly (designed governor for the english), fixed the king of england's arms there, & left some goods for trading. in three ships were set out from london by the hudson's bay company, then incorporated, and radisson went in one of them in their service, settled moose river, & went to port nelson, where he left some goods, and wintered at rupert's river. in , upon some difference with the hudson's bay company, radisson returned into france and was there persuaded to go to canada. he formed severall designs of going on private accounts for the french into hudson's bay, which the governor, monsr. frontenac, would by no means permitt, declaring it would break the union between the two kings." oldmixon says [footnote: oldmixon, vol. i. p. .] that the above-mentioned charles baily, with whom went radisson and ten or twenty men, took out with him mr. thomas gorst as his secretary, who at his request kept a journal, which eventually passed into the possession of oldmixon. the following extracts give some idea of the life led by the fur-traders at the fort: "they were apprehensive of being attacked by some indians, whom the french jesuits had animated against the english and all that dealt with them. the french used many artifices to hinder the natives trading with the english; they gave them great rates for their goods, and obliged mr baily to lower the price of his to oblige the indians who dwelt about moose river, with whom they drove the greatest trade. the french, to ruin their commerce with the natives, came and made a settlement not above eight days' journey up that river from the place where the english traded. 'twas therefore debated whether the company's agents should not remove from rupert's to moose river, to prevent their traffick being interrupted by the french. on the d of april, , a council of the principal persons in the fort was held, where mr baily, the governor, captain groseilliers, and captain cole were present and gave their several opinions. the governor inclined to move. captain cole was against it, as dangerous, and captain groseilliers for going thither in their bark to trade. [footnote: oldmixon, vol. i. p. .] ... the governor, having got everything ready for a voyage to moose river, sent captain groseilliers, captain cole, mr gorst, and other indians to trade there. they got two hundred and fifty skins, and the captain of the tabittee indians informed them the french jesuits had bribed the indians not to deal with the english, but to live in friendship with the indian nations in league with the french.... the reason they got no more peltry now was because the indians thought groseilliers was too hard for them, and few would come down to deal with him." [footnote: oldmixon, vol. i. p. .] after captain baily [footnote: _ibid._, vol. i. p. .] had returned from a voyage in his sloop to trade to the fort, "on the th aug a missionary jesuit, born of english parents, arrived, bearing a letter from the governor of quebec to mr baily, dated the th of october, . "the governor of quebec desired mr baily to treat the jesuit civilly, on account of the great amity between the two crowns. mr baily resolved to keep the priest till ships came from england. he brought a letter, also, for capt groseilliers, which gave jealousy to the english of his corresponding with the french. his son-in-law lived in quebec, and had accompanied the priest part of the way, with three other frenchmen, who, being afraid to venture among strange indians, returned.... provisions running short, they were agreed, on the th sept, they were all to depart for point comfort, to stay there till the d, and then make the best of their way for england. in this deplorable condition were they when the jesuit, capt groseilliers, & another papist, walking downwards to the seaside at their devotions, heard seven great guns fire distinctly. they came home in a transport of joy, told their companions the news, and assured them it was true. upon which they fired three great guns from the fort to return the salute, though they could ill spare the powder upon such an uncertainty." the ship "prince rupert" had arrived, with captain gillam, bringing the new governor, william lyddel, esq. groseilliers and radisson, after remaining for several years under the hudson's bay company, at last in felt obliged to sever the connection, and went over again to france. radisson told his nephew in that the cause was "the refusal, that showed the bad intention of the hudson's bay company to satisfy us." several influential members of the committee of direction for the company were desirous of retaining them in their employ; among them the duke of york, prince rupert their first governor, sir james hayes, sir william young, sir john kirke, and others; but it is evident there was a hostile feeling towards radisson and his brother-in-law on the part of several members of the committee, for even after his successful expedition in they found "some members of the committee offended because i had had the honour of making my reverence to the king and to his royal highness." from to , radisson seems to have remained stanch in his allegiance to louis xiv. in his narrative of the years and he shews that colbert endeavored to induce him to bring his wife over into france, it would appear to remain there during his absence in hudson's bay, as some sort of security for her husband's fidelity to the interests of the french monarch. after his return from this voyage in he felt himself again unfairly treated by the french court, and in , as he relates in his narrative, he "passed over to england for good, and of engaging myself so strongly to the service of his majesty, and to the interests of the nation, that any other consideration was never able to detach me from it." we again hear of radisson in hudson's bay in ; and this is his last appearance in public records or documents as far as is known. a canadian, captain berger, states that in the beginning of june, , "he and his crew ascended four leagues above the english in hudson's bay, where they made a small settlement. on the th of july they set out to return to quebec. on the th they met with a vessel of ten or twelve guns, commanded by captain oslar, on board of which was the man named bridgar, the governor, who was going to relieve the governor at the head of the bay. he is the same that radisson brought to quebec three years ago in the ship monsieur de la barre restored to him. berger also says he asked a parley with the captain of mr bridgar's bark, who told him that radisson had gone with mr chouart, his nephew, fifteen days ago, to winter in the river santa theresa, where they wintered a year." [footnote: _new york colonial documents_, vol. ix.] after this date the english and the french frequently came into hostile collision in hudson's bay. in king james demanded satisfaction from france for losses inflicted upon the company. then the jesuits procured neutrality for america, and knew by that time they were in possession of fort albany. in the french took the "hayes" sloop, an infraction of the treaty. in they took three ships, valued, in all, at l. , ; l. , damage in time of peace. in the company set out four ships to recover fort albany, taken in . in the french took york, alias fort bourbon. in the english retook it from them. on the th september, , the french retook it and kept it. the peace was made september , . [footnote: _minutes relating to hudson's bay company_.] in the stock rose from l. to near l. , . notwithstanding the losses sustained by the company, amounting to l. , between and , they were able to pay in the shareholders a dividend of fifty per cent. radisson brought home in a cargo of , beaver skins. oldmixon says, " , beavers, in all their factories, was one of the best years of trade they ever had, besides other peltry." again in a dividend of fifty per cent was made, and in one of twenty-five per cent. in , without any call being made, the stock was trebled, while at the same time a dividend of twenty-five per cent was paid on the increased or newly created stock. at the peace of utrecht, in , the forts captured by the french in were restored to the company, who by had again trebled their capital, with a call of only ten per cent. after a long and fierce rivalry with the northwest fur company, the two companies were amalgamated in . [footnote: encyclopaedia britannica.] radisson commences his narrative of in a reverent spirit, by inscribing it "a la plus grande gloire de dieu." all his manuscripts have been handed down in perfect preservation. they are written out in a clear and excellent handwriting, showing the writer to have been a person of good education, who had also travelled in turkey and italy, and who had been in london, and perhaps learned his english there in his early life. the narrative of travels between the years and was for some time the property of samuel pepys, the well-known diarist, and secretary of the admiralty to charles ii. and james ii. he probably received it from sir george cartaret, the vice-chamberlain of the king and treasurer of the navy, for whom it was no doubt carefully copied out from his rough notes by the author, so that it might, through him, be brought under the notice of charles ii. some years after the death of pepys, in , his collection of manuscripts was dispersed and fell into the hands of various london tradesmen, who bought parcels of it to use in their shops as waste-paper. the most valuable portions were carefully reclaimed by the celebrated collector, richard rawlinson, who in writing to his friend t. rawlins, from. "london house, january th, / ," says: "i have purchased the best part of the fine collection of mr pepys, secretary to the admiralty during the reigns of charles d and james d. some are as old as king henry viii. they were collected with a design for a lord high admiral such as he should approve; but those times are not yet come, and so little care was taken of them that they were redeemed from _thus et adores vendentibus_." the manuscript containing radisson's narrative for the years and was "purchased of rodd, th july, ," by the british museum. the narrative in french, for the year , was bought by sir hans sloane from the collection of "nicolai joseph foucault, comitis consistoriani," as his bookplate informs us. with the manuscript this gentleman had bound up in the same volume a religious treatise in manuscript, highly illuminated, in italian, relating to some of the saints of the catholic church. [footnote: i am under obligations to mr. john gilmary shea for valuable information.] voyages of peter esprit radisson. _the relation of my voyage, being in bondage in the lands of the irokoits, which was the next yeare after my coming into canada, in the yeare , the th day of may._ being persuaded in the morning by two of my comrades to go and recreat ourselves in fowling, i disposed myselfe to keepe them company; wherfor i cloathed myselfe the lightest way i could possible, that i might be the nimbler and not stay behinde, as much for the prey that i hoped for, as for to escape the danger into which wee have ventered ourselves of an enemy the cruelest that ever was uppon the face of the earth. it is to bee observed that the french had warre with a wild nation called iroquoites, who for that time weare soe strong and so to be feared that scarce any body durst stirre out either cottage or house without being taken or kill'd, [footnote: in - father vimont writes: "i had as lief be beset by goblins as by the iroquois. the one are about as invisible as the other. our people on the richelieu and at montreal are kept in a closer confinement than ever were monks or nuns in our smallest convents in france."] saving that he had nimble limbs to escape their fury; being departed, all three well armed, and unanimiously rather die then abandon one another, notwithstanding these resolutions weare but young mens deboasting; being then in a very litle assurance and lesse security. at an offspring of a village of three rivers we consult together that two should go the watter side, the other in a wood hardby to warne us, for to advertise us if he accidentaly should light [upon] or suspect any barbars in ambush, we also retreat ourselves to him if we should discover any thing uppon the river. having comed to the first river, which was a mile distant from our dwellings, wee mett a man who mett a man who kept cattell, and asked him if he had knowne any appearance of ennemy, and likewise demanded which way he would advise us to gett better fortune, and what part he spied more danger; he guiding us the best way he could, prohibiting us by no means not to render ourselves att the skirts of the mountains; ffor, said he, i discovered oftentimes a multitude of people which rose up as it weare of a sudaine from of the earth, and that doubtless there weare some enemys that way; which sayings made us looke to ourselves and charge two of our fowling peeces with great shot the one, and the other with small. priming our pistols, we went where our fancy first lead us, being impossible for us to avoid the destinies of the heavens; no sooner tourned our backs, but my nose fell ableeding without any provocation in the least. certainly it was a warning for me of a beginning of a yeare and a half of hazards and of miseryes that weare to befall mee. we did shoot sometime and killed some duks, which made one of my fellow travellers go no further. i seeing him taking such a resolution, i proferred some words that did not like him, giving him the character of a timourous, childish humor; so this did nothing prevaile with him, to the contrary that had with him quite another isue then what i hoped for; ffor offending him with my words he prevailed so much with the others that he persuaded them to doe the same. i lett them goe, laughing them to scorne, beseeching them to helpe me to my fowles, and that i would tell them the discovery of my designes, hoping to kill meat to make us meate att my retourne. i went my way along the wood some times by the side of the river, where i finde something to shute att, though no considerable quantitie, which made me goe a league off and more, so i could not go in all further then st. peeter's, which is nine mile from the plantation by reason of the river ovamasis, which hindered me the pasage. i begun'd to think att my retourne how i might transport my fowle. i hide one part in a hollow tree to keep them from the eagles and other devouring fowles, so as i came backe the same way where before had no bad incounter. arrived within one halfe a mile where my comrades had left me, i rested awhile by reason that i was looden'd with three geese, tenn ducks, and one crane, with some teales. after having layd downe my burden uppon the grasse, i thought to have heard a noise in the wood by me, which made me to overlook my armes; i found one of my girdle pistols wette. i shott it off and charged it againe, went up to the wood the soffliest i might, to discover and defend myselfe the better against any surprise. after i had gone from tree to tree some paces off i espied nothing; as i came back from out of the wood to an adjacent brooke, i perceived a great number of ducks; my discovery imbouldened me, and for that there was a litle way to the fort, i determined to shute once more; coming nigh preparing meselfe for to shute, i found another worke, the two young men that i left some tenne houres before heere weare killed. whether they came after mee, or weare brought thither by the barbars, i know not. however [they] weare murthered. looking over them, knew them albeit quite naked, and their hair standing up, the one being shott through with three boulletts and two blowes of an hatchett on the head, and the other runne thorough in severall places with a sword and smitten with an hatchett. att the same instance my nose begun'd to bleed, which made me afraid of my life; but withdrawing myselfe to the watter side to see if any body followed mee, i espied twenty or thirty heads in a long grasse. mightily surprized att the view, i must needs passe through the midst of them or tourne backe into the woode. i slipped a boullet uppon the shott and beate the paper into my gunne. i heard a noise, which made me looke on that side; hopeing to save meselfe, perswading myselfe i was not yet perceived by them that weare in the medow, and in the meane while some gunns weare lett off with an horrid cry. seeing myselfe compassed round about by a multitude of dogges, or rather devils, that rose from the grasse, rushesse, and bushesse, i shott my gunne, whether un warrs or purposly i know not, but i shott with a pistolle confidently, but was seised on all sids by a great number that threw me downe, taking away my arme without giving mee one blowe; ffor afterwards i felt no paine att all, onely a great guidinesse in my heade, from whence it comes i doe not remember. in the same time they brought me into the wood, where they shewed me the two heads all bloody. after they consulted together for a while, retired into their boats, which weare four or five miles from thence, and wher i have bin a while before. they layed mee hither, houlding me by the hayre, to the imbarking place; there they began to errect their cottages, which consisted only of some sticks to boyle their meate, whereof they had plenty, but stuncke, which was strange to mee to finde such an alteration so sudaine. they made [me] sitt downe by. after this they searched me and tooke what i had, then stripped me naked, and tyed a rope about my middle, wherin i remained, fearing to persist, in the same posture the rest of the night. after this they removed me, laughing and howling like as many wolves, i knowing not the reason, if not for my skin, that was soe whit in respect of theirs. but their gaping did soone cease because of a false alarme, that their scout who stayed behind gave them, saying that the ffrench and the wild algongins, friends to the ffrench, came with all speed. they presently put out the fire, and tooke hould of the most advantageous passages, and sent men to discover what it meant, who brought certaine tydings of assurance and liberty. in the meanewhile i was garded by men, who gave me a good part of my cloathes. after kindling a fire againe, they gott theire supper ready, which was sudenly don, ffor they dresse their meat halfe boyled, mingling some yallowish meale in the broath of that infected stinking meate; so whilst this was adoing they combed my head, and with a filthy grease greased my head, and dashed all over my face with redd paintings. so then, when the meat was ready, they feeded me with their hod-pot, forcing me to swallow it in a maner. my heart did so faint at this, that in good deede i should have given freely up the ghost to be freed from their clawes, thinking every moment they would end my life. they perceived that my stomach could not beare such victuals. they tooke some of this stinking meate and boyled it in a cleare watter, then mingled a litle indian meale put to it, which meale before was tossed amongst bourning sand, and then made in powder betwixt two rocks. i, to shew myselfe cheerfull att this, swallowed downe some of this that seemed to me very unsavoury and clammie by reason of the scume that was upon the meat. having supped, they untyed mee, and made me lye betwixt them, having one end of one side and one of another, and covered me with a red coverlet, thorough which i might have counted the starrs. i slept a sound sleep, for they awaked me uppon the breaking of the day. i dreamed that night that i was with the jesuits at quebuc drinking beere, which gave me hopes to be free sometimes, and also because i heard those people lived among dutch people in a place called menada [footnote: _menada_, manhattan, or new netherlands, called by the french of canada "manatte."], and fort of orang, where without doubt i could drinke beere. i, after this, finding meselfe somewhat altered, and my body more like a devil then anything else, after being so smeared and burst with their filthy meate that i could not digest, but must suffer all patiently. finally they seemed to me kinder and kinder, giving me of the best bitts where lesse wormes weare. then they layd [me] to the watter side, where there weare and boats, ffor each of them imbark'd himselfe. they tyed me to the barre in a boat, where they tooke at the same instance the heads of those that weare killed the day before, and for to preserve them they cutt off the flesh to the skull and left nothing but skin and haire, putting of it into a litle panne wherein they melt some grease, and gott it dry with hot stones. they spread themselves from off the side of the river a good way, and gathered together againe and made a fearfull noise and shott some gunns off, after which followed a kind of an incondit singing after nots, which was an oudiousom noise. as they weare departing from thence they injoyned silence, and one of the company, wherein i was, made three shouts, which was answered by the like maner from the whole flocke; which done they tooke their way, singing and leaping, and so past the day in such like. they offered mee meate; but such victuals i reguarded it litle, but could drinke for thirst. my sperit was troubled with infinite deale of thoughts, but all to no purpose for the ease of my sicknesse; sometimes despairing, now againe in some hopes. i allwayes indeavoured to comfort myselfe, though half dead. my resolution was so mastered with feare, that at every stroake of the oares of these inhumans i thought it to be my end. by sunsett we arrived att the isles of richelieu, a place rather for victors then for captives most pleasant. there is to be seen wild cowes together, a number of elks and beavers, an infinit of fowls. there we must make cottages, and for this purpose they imploy all together their wits and art, ffor of these islands are drowned in spring, when the floods begin to rise from the melting of the snow, and that by reason of the lowness of the land. here they found a place fitt enough for men that their army consisted [of]. they landed mee & shewed mee great kindnesse, saying chagon, which is as much [as] to say, as i understood afterwards, be cheerfull or merry; but for my part i was both deafe and dumb. their behaviour made me neverthelesse cheerfull, or att least of a smiling countenance, and constraine my aversion and feare to an assurance, which proved not ill to my thinking; ffor the young men tooke delight in combing my head, greasing and powdering out a kinde of redd powder, then tying my haire with a redd string of leather like to a coard, which caused my haire to grow longer in a short time. the day following they prepared themselves to passe the adjacent places and shoote to gett victualls, where we stayed dayes, making great cheere and fires. i more and more getting familiarity with them, that i had the liberty to goe from cottage, having one or two by mee. they untyed mee, and tooke delight to make me speake words of their language, and weare earnest that i should pronounce as they. they tooke care to give me meate as often as i would; they gave me salt that served me all my voyage. they also tooke the paines to put it up safe for mee, not takeing any of it for themselves. there was nothing else but feasting and singing during our abode. i tooke notice that our men decreased, ffor every night one other boate tooke his way, which persuaded mee that they went to the warrs to gett more booty. the fourth day, early in the morning, my brother, viz., he that tooke me, so he called me, embarked me without tying me. he gave me an oare, which i tooke with a good will, and rowed till i sweate againe. they, perceaving, made me give over; not content with that i made a signe of my willingnesse to continue that worke. they consent to my desire, but shewed me how i should row without putting myselfe into a sweat. our company being considerable hitherto, was now reduced to three score. mid-day wee came to the river of richlieu, where we weare not farre gon, but mett a new gang of their people in cottages; they began to hoop and hollow as the first day of my taking. they made me stand upright in the boat, as they themselves, saluting one another with all kindnesse and joy. in this new company there was one that had a minde to doe me mischiefe, but prevented by him that tooke me. i taking notice of the fellow, i shewed him more friendshipe. i gott some meate roasted for him, and throwing a litle salt and flower over it, which he finding very good tast, gave it to the rest as a rarity, nor did afterwards molest mee. they tooke a fancy to teach mee to sing; and as i had allready a beginning of their hooping, it was an easy thing for me to learne, our algonquins making the same noise. they tooke an exceeding delight to heare mee. often have i sunged in french, to which they gave eares with a deepe silence. we passed that day and night following with litle rest by reason of their joy and mirth. they lead a dance, and tyed my comrades both their heads att the end of a stick and hopt it; this done, every one packt and embarked himselfe, some going one way, some another. being separated, one of the boats that we mett before comes backe againe and approaches the boat wherein i was; i wondered, a woman of the said company taking hould on my haire, signifying great kindnesse. shee combs my head with her fingers and tyed my wrist with a bracelett, and sunged. my wish was that shee would proceed in our way. after both companys made a shout wee separated, i was sorry for this woman's departure, ffor having shewed me such favour att her first aspect, doubtlesse but shee might, if neede required, saved my life. our journey was indifferent good, without any delay, which caused us to arrive in a good and pleasant harbour. it was on the side of the sand where our people had any paine scarce to errect their cottages, being that it was a place they had sejourned [at] before. the place round about [was] full of trees. heare they kindled a fire and provided what was necessary for their food. in this place they cutt off my hair in the front and upon the crowne of the head, and turning up the locks of the haire they dab'd mee with some thicke grease. so done, they brought me a looking-glasse. i viewing myselfe all in a pickle, smir'd with redde and black, covered with such a cappe, and locks tyed up with a peece of leather and stunked horridly, i could not but fall in love with myselfe, if not that i had better instructions to shun the sin of pride. so after repasting themselves, they made them ready for the journey with takeing repose that night. this was the time i thought to have escaped, ffor in vaine, ffor i being alone feared least i should be apprehended and dealt with more violently. and moreover i was desirous to have seene their country. att the sun rising i awaked my brother, telling him by signes it was time to goe. he called the rest, but non would stirre, which made him lye downe againe. i rose and went to the water side, where i walked awhile. if there weare another we might, i dare say, escape out of their sight. heere i recreated myselfe running a naked swoord into the sand. one of them seeing mee after such an exercise calls mee and shews me his way, which made me more confidence in them. they brought mee a dish full of meate to the water side. i began to eat like a beare. in the mean time they imbark'd themselves, one of them tooke notice that i had not a knife, brings me his, which i kept the rest of the voyage, without that they had the least feare of me. being ready to goe, saving my boat that was ammending, which was soone done. the other boats weare not as yett out of sight, and in the way my boat killed a stagg. they made me shoot att it, and not quite dead they runed it thorough with their swoords, and having cutt it in peeces, they devided it, and proceeded on their way. at of the clock in the afternoone we came into a rappid streame, where we weare forced to land and carry our equipages and boats thorough a dangerous place. wee had not any encounter that day. att night where we found cottages ready made, there i cutt wood as the rest with all dilligence. the morning early following we marched without making great noise, or singing as accustomed. sejourning awhile, we came to a lake leagues wide, about it a very pleasant country imbellished with great forests. that day our wild people killed bears, one monstrous like for its biggnesse, the other a small one. wee arrived to a fine sandy bancke, where not long before many cabbanes weare errected and places made where prisoners weare tyed. in this place our wild people sweated after the maner following: first heated stones till they weare redd as fire, then they made a lantherne with small sticks, then stoaring the place with deale trees, saving a place in the middle whereinto they put the stoanes, and covered the place with severall covers, then striped themselves naked, went into it. they made a noise as if the devil weare there; after they being there for an hour they came out of the watter, and then throwing one another into the watter, i thought veryly they weare insensed. it is their usual custome. being comed out of this place, they feasted themselves with the two bears, turning the outside of the tripes inward not washed. they gave every one his share; as for my part i found them [neither] good, nor savory to the pallet. in the night they heard some shooting, which made them embark themselves speedily. in the mean while they made me lay downe whilst they rowed very hard. i slept securely till the morning, where i found meselfe in great high rushes. there they stayed without noise. from thence wee proceeded, though not without some feare of an algonquin army. we went on for some dayes that lake. att last they endeavoured to retire to the woods, every one carrying his bundle. after a daye's march we came to a litle river where we lay'd that night. the day following we proceeded on our journey, where we mett men, with whome our wild men seemed to be acquainted by some signes. these men began to speake a longe while. after came a company of women, in number, that brought us dry fish and indian corne. these women loaded themselves, after that we had eaten, like mules with our baggage. we went through a small wood, the way well beaten, untill the evening we touched a place for fishing, of cabbans. there they weare well received but myselfe, who was stroaken by a yong man. he, my keeper, made a signe i should to him againe. i tourning to him instantly, he to me, taking hould of my haire, all the wild men came about us, encouraging with their cryes and hands, which encouraged me most that non helpt him more then mee. wee clawed one another with hands, tooth, and nailes. my adversary being offended i have gotten the best, he kick't me; but my french shoes that they left mee weare harder then his, which made him [give up] that game againe. he tooke me about the wrest, where he found himselfe downe before he was awarre, houlding him upon the ground till some came and putt us asunder. my company seeing mee free, began to cry out, giving me watter to wash me, and then fresh fish to relish me. they encouraged me so much, the one combing my head, the other greasing my haire. there we stayed dayes, where no body durst trouble me. in the same cabban that i was, there has bin a wild man wounded with a small shott. i thought i have seen him the day of my taking, which made me feare least i was the one that wounded him. he knowing it to be so had shewed me as much charity as a christian might have given. another of his fellowes (i also wounded) came to me att my first coming there, whom i thought to have come for reveng, contrarywise shewed me a cheerfull countenance; he gave mee a box full of red paintings, calling me his brother. i had not as yett caryed any burden, but meeting with an ould man, gave me a sacke of tobacco of pounds' weight, bearing it uppon my head, as it's their usuall custome. we made severall stayes the day by reason of the severall encounters of their people that came from villages, as warrs others from fishing and shooting. in that journey our company increased, among others a great many hurrons that had bin lately taken, and who for the most part are as slaves. we lay'd in the wood because they would not goe into their village in the night time. the next day we marched into a village where as wee came in sight we heard nothing but outcryes, as from one side as from the other, being a quarter of a mile from the village. they satt downe and i in the midle, where i saw women and men and children with staves and in array, which put me in feare, and instantly stripped me naked. my keeper gave me a signe to be gone as fast as i could drive. in the meane while many of the village came about us, among which a good old woman, and a boy with a hatchet in his hand came near mee. the old woman covered me, and the young man tooke me by the hand and lead me out of the company. the old woman made me step aside from those that weare ready to stricke att mee. there i left the heads of my comrades, and that with comforted me yet i escaped the blowes. then they brought me into their cottage; there the old woman shewed me kindnesse. shee gave me to eate. the great terror i had a litle before tooke my stomack away from me. i stayed an hower, where a great company of people came to see mee. heere came a company of old men, having pipes in their mouthes, satt about me. after smoaking, they lead me into another cabban, where there weare a company all smoaking; they made [me] sitt downe by the fire, which made [me] apprehend they should cast me into the said fire. but it proved otherwise; for the old woman followed mee, speaking aloud, whom they answered with a loud ho, then shee tooke her girdle and about mee shee tyed it, so brought me to her cottage, and made me sitt downe in the same place i was before. then shee began to dance and sing a while, after [she] brings downe from her box a combe, gives it to a maide that was neare mee, who presently comes to greas and combe my haire, and tooke away the paint that the fellows stuck to my face. now the old woman getts me some indian corne toasted in the fire. i tooke paines to gether it out of the fire; after this shee gave me a blew coverlett, stokins and shoos, and where with to make me drawers. she looked in my cloathes, and if shee found any lice shee would squeeze them betwixt her teeth, as if they had ben substantiall meate. i lay'd with her son, who tooke me from those of my first takers, and gott at last a great acquaintance with many. i did what i could to gett familiarity with them, yeat i suffered no wrong att their hands, taking all freedom, which the old woman inticed me to doe. but still they altered my face where ever i went, and a new dish to satisfy nature. i tooke all the pleasures imaginable, having a small peece at my command, shooting patriges and squerells, playing most part of the day with my companions. the old woman wished that i would make meselfe more familiar with her daughters, which weare tolerable among such people. they weare accustomed to grease and combe my haire in the morning. i went with them into the wilderness, there they would be gabling which i could not understand. they wanted no company but i was shure to be of the number. i brought all ways some guifts that i received, which i gave to my purse-keeper and refuge, the good old woman. i lived weeks without thinking from whence i came. i learned more of their maners in weeks then if i had bin in ffrance months. att the end i was troubled in minde, which made her inquire if i was anjonack, a huron word. att this i made as if i weare subported for speaking in a strang language, which shee liked well, calling me by the name of her son who before was killed, orinha, [footnote: called _orimha_, over-leaf.] which signifies ledd or stone, without difference of the words. so that it was my lordshippe. shee inquired [of] mee whether i was asserony, a french. i answering no, saying i was panugaga, that is, of their nation, for which shee was pleased. my father feasted men that day. my sisters made me clean for that purpos, and greased my haire. my mother decked me with a new cover and a redd and blew cappe, with necklace of porcelaine. my sisters tyed me with braceletts and garters of the same porcelaine. my brother painted my face, and [put] feathers on my head, and tyed both my locks with porcelaine. my father was liberall to me, giving me a garland instead of my blew cap and a necklace of porcelaine that hung downe to my heels, and a hattchet in my hand. it was hard for me to defend myselfe against any encounter, being so laden with riches. then my father made a speech shewing many demonstrations of vallor, broak a kettle full of cagamite [footnote: _cagamite, cagaimtie, sagamite_, a mush made of pounded indian corn boiled with bits of meat or fish.] with a hattchett so they sung, as is their usual coustom. they weare waited on by a sort of yong men, bringing downe dishes of meate of oriniacke, [footnote: _oriniacke, auriniacks, horiniac_, the moose, the largest species of deer. called by the french writers-- sagard-theodat, la hontan, and charlevoix--_eslan, orinal_, or _orignal_.] of castors, and of red deer mingled with some flowers. the order of makeing was thus: the corne being dried between stones into powder, being very thick, putt it into a kettle full of watter, then a quantity of bear's grease. this banquett being over, they cryed to me shagon, orimha, that is, be hearty, stone or ledd. every one withdrew into his quarters, and so did i. but to the purpose of my history. as i went to the fields once, where i mett with of my acquaintance, who had a designe for to hunt a great way off, they desired me to goe along. i lett them know in huron language (for that i knew better then that of the iroquoits) i was content, desiring them to stay till i acquainted my mother. one of them came along with mee, and gott leave for me of my kindred. my mother gott me presently a sack of meale, paire of shoos, my gun, and tourned backe where the stayed for us. my sisters accompanied me even out of the wildernesse and carried my bundle, where they tooke leave. we marched on that day through the woods till we came by a lake where we travelled without any rest. i wished i had stayed att home, for we had sad victualls. the next day about noone we came to a river; there we made a skiffe, so litle that we could scarce go into it. i admired their skill in doing of it, ffor in lesse then hours they cutt the tree and pulled up the rind, of which they made the boat. we embarked ourselves and went to the lower end of the river, which emptied it selfe into a litle lake of about miles in length and a mile in breadth. we passed this lake into another river broader then the other; there we found a fresh track of a stagge, which made us stay heere a while. it was five of the clock att least when of our men made themselves ready to looke after that beast; the other and i stayed behind. not long after we saw the stagge crosse the river, which foarding brought him to his ending. so done, they went on their cours, and came backe againe att of the clocke with bears, a castor, and the stagge which was slaine att our sight. how did wee rejoice to see that killed which would make the kettle boyle. after we have eaten, wee slept. the next day we made trappes for to trapp castors, whilst we weare bussie, one about one thing, one about another. as of us retourned homewards to our cottage we heard a wild man singing. he made us looke to our selves least he should prove an ennemy, but as we have seene him, called to him, who came immediately, telling us that he was in pursuite of a beare since morning, and that he gave him over, having lost his doggs by the same beare. he came with us to our cottage, where we mett our companion after having killed one beare, staggs, and mountain catts, being in number. whilst the meat was a boyling that wild man spoake to me the algonquin language. i wondred to heare this stranger; he tould me that he was taken years agoe; he asked me concerning the rivers and of quebuck, who wished himselfe there, and i said the same, though i did not intend it. he asked me if i loved the french. i inquired [of] him also if he loved the algonquins? mary, quoth he, and so doe i my owne nation. then replyed he, brother, cheare up, lett us escape, the rivers are not a farre off. i tould him my comrades would not permitt me, and that they promissed my mother to bring me back againe. then he inquired whether i would live like the hurrons, who weare in bondage, or have my owne liberty with the ffrench, where there was good bread to be eaten. feare not, quoth he, shall kill them all this night when they will bee a sleepe, which will be an easy matter with their owne hatchetts. att last i consented, considering they weare mortall ennemys to my country, that had cutt the throats of so many of my relations, burned and murdered them. i promissed him to succour him in his designe. they not understanding our language asked the algonquin what is that that he said, but tould them some other story, nor did they suspect us in the least. their belly full, their mind without care, wearyed to the utmost of the formost day's journey, fell a sleepe securely, leaning their armes up and downe without the least danger. then my wild man pushed me, thinking i was a sleepe. he rises and sitts him downe by the fire, behoulding them one after an other, and taking their armes a side, and having the hattchetts in his hand gives me one; to tell the truth i was loathsome to do them mischif that never did me any. yett for the above said reasons i tooke the hattchet and began the execution, which was soone done. my fellow comes to him that was nearest to the fire (i dare say he never saw the stroake), and i have done that like to an other, but i hitting him with the edge of the hattchett could not disingage [it] presently, being so deep in his head, rises upon his breast, butt fell back sudainly, making a great noise, which almost waked the third; but my comrade gave him a deadly blow of a hattchet, and presently after i shott him dead. then we prepared our selves with all speed, throwing their dead corps, after that the wild man took off their heads, into the watter. we tooke guns, leaving the th, their swoords, their hattchetts, their powder and shott, and all their porselaine; we tooke also some meale and meate. i was sorry for to have ben in such an incounter, but too late to repent. wee tooke our journey that night alongst the river. the break of day we landed on the side of a rock which was smooth. we carryed our boat and equippage into the wood above a hundred paces from the watter side, where we stayed most sadly all that day tormented by the maringoines; [footnote: _musquetos_.] we tourned our boat upside downe, we putt us under it from the raine. the night coming, which was the fitest time to leave that place, we goe without any noise for our safty. wee travelled nights in that maner in great feare, hearing boats passing by. when we have perceaved any fire, left off rowing, and went by with as litle noise as could [be] possible. att last with many tournings by lande and by watter, wee came to the lake of st. peeter's. we landed about of the clock, leaving our skiff in among rushes farr out of the way from those that passed that way and doe us injury. we retired into the wood, where we made a fire some paces from the river. there we roasted some meat and boyled meale; after, we rested ourselves a while from the many labours of the former night. so, having slept, my companion awaks first, and stirrs me, saying it was high time that we might by day come to our dweling, of which councel i did not approve. [i] tould him the ennemys commonly weare lurking about the river side, and we should doe very well [to] stay in that place till sunnsett. then, said he, lett us begon, we [are] passed all feare. let us shake off the yoake of a company of whelps that killed so many french and black-coats, and so many of my nation. nay, saith he, brother, if you come not, i will leave you, and will go through the woods till i shall be over against the french quarters. there i will make a fire for a signe that they may fetch me. i will tell to the governor that you stayed behind. take courage, man, says he. with this he tooke his peece and things. att this i considered how if [i] weare taken att the doore by meere rashnesse; the next, the impossibility i saw to go by myselfe if my comrad would leave me, and perhaps the wind might rise, that i could [only] come to the end of my journey in a long time, and that i should be accounted a coward for not daring to hazard myselfe with him that so much ventured for mee. i resolved to go along through the woods; but the litle constancy that is to be expected in wild men made me feare he should [take] to his heels, which approved his unfortunate advice; ffor he hath lost his life by it, and i in great danger have escaped by the helpe of the almighty. i consent to goe by watter with him. in a short time wee came to the lake. the watter very calme and cleare. no liklyhood of any storme. we hazarded to the other side of the lake, thinking ffor more security. after we passed the third part of the lake, i being the foremost, have perceaved as if it weare a black shaddow, which proved a real thing. he at this rises and tells mee that it was a company of buzards, a kinde of geese in that country. we went on, where wee soone perceaved our owne fatall blindnesse, ffor they weare ennemys. we went back againe towards the lande with all speed to escape the evident danger, but it was too late; ffor before we could come to the russhes that weare within halfe a league of the waterside we weare tired. seeing them approaching nigher and nigher, we threw the heads in the watter. they meet with these heads, which makes them to row harder after us, thinking that we had runn away from their country. we weare so neere the lande that we saw the bottom of the watter, but yett too deepe to step in. when those cruel inhumans came within a musquett shott of us, and fearing least the booty should gett a way from them, shott severall times att us, and deadly wounding my comrade, [who] fell dead. i expected such another shott. the litle skiff was pierced in severall places with their shooting, [so] that watter ran in a pace. i defended me selfe with the arms. att last they environed me with their boats, that tooke me just as i was a sinking. they held up the wild man and threw him into one of their boats and me they brought with all diligence to land. i thought to die without mercy. they made a great fire and tooke my comrade's heart out, and choped off his head, which they put on an end of a stick and carryed it to one of their boats. they cutt off some of the flesh of that miserable, broyled it and eat it. if he had not ben so desperately wounded they had don their best to keepe him alive to make him suffer the more by bourning him with small fires; but being wounded in the chin, and [a] bullet gon through the troat, and another in the shoulder that broake his arme, making him incurable, they burned some parte of his body, and the rest they left there. that was the miserable end of that wretch. lett us come now to the beginning of my miseries and calamities that i was to undergo. whilst they weare bussie about my companion's head, the others tyed me safe and fast in a strang maner; having striped me naked, they tyed me above the elbows behind my back, and then they putt a collar about me, not of porcelaine as before, but a rope wrought about my midle. so [they] brought me in that pickle to the boat. as i was imbarqued they asked mee severall questions. i being not able to answer, gave me great blowes with their fists. [they] then pulled out one of my nailes, and partly untied me. what displeasure had i, to have seen meselfe taken againe, being almost come to my journey's end, that i must now goe back againe to suffer such torments, as death was to be expected. having lost all hopes, i resolved alltogether to die, being a folly to think otherwise. i was not the [only] one in the clawes of those wolves. their company was composed of men. these tooke about quebucq and other places frenchmen, one french woman, hurrons, men as [well as] women. they had eleven heads which they sayd weare of the algonquins, and i was the rd victime with those cruels. the wild men that weare prisners sang their fatal song, which was a mornfull song or noise. the couleurs (which weare heads) stood out for a shew. we prisoners weare separated, one in one boat, one in an other. as for me, i was put into a boat with a huron whose fingers weare cutt and bourned, and very [few] amongst them but had the markes of those inhuman devils. they did not permitt me to tarry long with my fellow prisoner, least i should tell him any news, as i imagine, but sent me to another boat, where i remained the rest of the voyage by watter, which proved somewhat to my disadvantage. in this boat there was an old man, who having examined me, i answered him as i could best; tould him how i was adopted by such an one by name, and as i was a hunting with my companions that wildman that was killed came to us, and after he had eaten went his way. in the evening [he] came back againe and found us all a sleepe, tooke a hattchett and killed my companions, and awaked me, and so embarked me and brought me to this place. that old man believed me in some measure, which i perceived in him by his kindnesse towards me. but he was not able to protect me from those that [had] a will to doe me mischief. many slandred me, but i tooke no notice. some leagues thence they erected cottages by a small river, very difficult to gett to it, for that there is litle watter on a great sand [bank] a league wide. to this very houre i tooke notice how they tyed their captives, though att my owne cost. they planted severall poastes of the bignesse of an arme, then layd us of a length, tyed us to the said poasts far a sunder from one another. then tyed our knees, our wrists, and elbows, and our hairs directly upon the crowne of our heads, and then cutt barrs of the bignesse of a legge & used thus. they tooke for the necke, puting one of each side, tying the ends together, so that our heads weare fast in a hole like a trappe; likewayes they did to our leggs. and what tormented us most was the maringoines and great flyes being in abundance; did all night but puff and blow, that by that means we saved our faces from the sting of those ugly creatures; having no use of our hands, we are cruelly tormented. our voyage was laborious and most miserable, suffering every night the like misery. when we came neere our dwellings we mett severall gangs of men to our greatest disadvantage, for we weare forced to sing, and those that came to see us gave porcelaine to those that most did us injury. one cutt of a finger, and another pluck'd out a naile, and putt the end of our fingers into their bourning pipes, & burned severall parts in our bodyes. some tooke our fingers and of a stick made a thing like a fork, with which [they] gave severall blowes on the back of the hands, which caused our hands to swell, and became att last insensible as dead. having souffred all these crueltyes, which weare nothing to that they make usually souffer their prisoners, we arrived att last to the place of execution, which is att the coming in to their village, which wheere not [long] before i escaped very neere to be soundly beaten with staves and fists. now i must think to be no lesse traited by reason of the murder of the men, but the feare of death takes away the feare of blowes. nineteen of us prisoners weare brought thither, and left behind with the heads. in this place we had coulours. who would not shake att the sight of so many men, women, and children armed with all sorte of instruments: staves, hand irons, heelskins wherein they putt halfe a score [of] bullets? others had brands, rods of thorne, and all suchlike that the crueltie could invent to putt their prisoners to greater torments. heere, no help, no remedy. we must passe this dangerous passage in our extremity without helpe. he that is the fearfullest, or that is observed to stay the last, getts nothing by it butt more blowes, and putt him to more paine. for the meanest sort of people commonly is more cruell to the fearfullest then to the others that they see more fearfull, being att last to suffer chearfuly and with constancy. they begun to cry to both sides, we marching one after another, environed with a number of people from all parts to be witnesse to that hidious sight, which seriously may be called the image of hell in this world. the men sing their fatall song, the women make horrible cryes, the victores cryes of joy, and their wives make acclamations of mirth. in a word, all prepare for the ruine of these poore victimes who are so tyed, having nothing saving only our leggs free, for to advance by litle and litle according [to] the will of him that leades; ffor as he held us by a long rope, he stayed us to his will, & often he makes us falle, for to shew them cruelty, abusing you so for to give them pleasure and to you more torment. as our band was great, there was a greater crew of people to see the prisoners, and the report of my taking being now made, and of the death of the men, which afflicted the most part of that nation, great many of which came through a designe of revenge and to molest me more then any other. but it was altogether otherwise, for among the tumult i perceaved my father & mother with their daughters. the mother pushes in among the crew directly to mee, and when shee was neere enough, shee clutches hould of my haire as one desperat, calling me often by my name; drawing me out of my ranck, shee putts me into the hands of her husband, who then bid me have courage, conducting me an other way home to his cabban, when he made me sitt downe. [he] said to me: you senselesse, thou was my son, and thou rendered thyselfe enemy, and thou rendered thyself enemy, thou lovest not thy mother, nor thy father that gave thee thy life, and thou notwithstanding will kill me. bee merry; conharrassan, give him to eate. that was the name of one of the sisters. my heart shook with trembling and feare, which tooke away my stomach. neverthelesse to signifie a bould countenance, knowing well a bould generous minde is allwayes accounted among all sort of nations, especially among wariors, as that nation is very presumptious and haughty. because of their magnanimity and victories opposing themselves into all dangers and incounters what ever, running over the whole land for to make themselves appeere slaining and killing all they meete in exercising their cruelties, or else shewing mercy to whom they please to give liberty. god gave mee the grace to forgett nothing of my duty, as i tould my father the successe of my voyage in the best tearme i could, and how all things passed, mixturing a litle of their languag with that of the hurrons, which i learned more fluently then theirs, being longer and more frequently with the hurrons. every one attentively gave ears to me, hoping by this means to save my life. uppon this heere comes a great number of armed men, enters the cabban, where finding mee yett tyed with my cords, fitting by my parents, made their addresses to my father, and spak to him very loud. after a while my father made me rise and delivers me into their hands. my mother seeing this, cryes and laments with both my sisters, and i believing in a terrible motion to goe directly on to the place of execution. i must march, i must yeeld wheere force is predominant att the publique place. i was conducted where i found a good company of those miserable wretches, alltogether beaten with blowes, covered with blood, and bourned. one miserable frenchman, yett breathing, having now ben consumed with blowes of sticks, past so through the hands of this inraged crew, and seeing he could [bear] no more, cutt off his head and threw it into the fire. this was the end of this execrable wofull body of this miserable. they made me goe up the scaffold where weare men, women, and children captives, and i made the eleventh. there weare severall scaffolds nigh one an other, where weare these wretches, who with dolefull singings replenished the heavens with their cryes. for i can say that an houre before the weather approved very faire, and in an instant the weather changed and rayned extremely. the most part retired for to avoid this hayle, and now we must expect the full rigour of the weather by the retiration of those perfidious [persons], except one part of the band of hell who stayed about us for to learn the trade of barbary; ffor those litle devils seeing themselves all alone, continued [a] thousand inventions of wickednesse. this is nothing strang, seeing that they are brought up, and suck the crueltie from their mother's brest. i prolong a litle from my purpose of my adventure for to say the torments that i have seen souffred att coutu, after that they have passed the sallett, att their entering in to the village, and the rencounters that they meet ordinarily in the wayes, as above said. they tie the prisoners to a poast by their hands, their backs tourned towards the hangman, who hath a bourning fire of dry wood and rind of trees, which doth not quench easily. they putt into this fire hattchets, swords, and such like instruments of iron. they take these and quench them on human flesh. they pluck out their nailes for the most part in this sort. they putt a redd coale of fire uppon it, and when it is swolen bite it out with their teeth. after they stop the blood with a brand which by litle and litle drawes the veines the one after another from off the fingers, and when they draw all as much as they can, they cutt it with peeces of redd hott iron; they squeeze the fingers between stones, and so draw the marrow out of the boanes, and when the flesh is all taken away, they putt it in a dishfull of bourning sand. after they tye your wrist with a corde, putting two for this effect, one drawing him one way, another of another way. if the sinews be not cutt with a stick, putting it through & tourning it, they make them come as fast as they can, and cutt them in the same way as the others. some others cutt peeces of flesh from all parts of the body & broyle them, gett you to eat it, thrusting them into yor mouth, puting into it a stick of fire. they breake your teeth with a stoane or clubbs, and use the handle of a kettle, and upon this do hang or hattchetts, red hott, which they hang about their neck and roast your leggs with brands of fire, and thrusting into it some sticks pointed, wherein they put ledd melted and gunnepowder, and then give it fire like unto artificiall fire, and make the patient gather it by the stumps of his remalning fingers. if he cannot sing they make him quack like a henne. i saw two men tyed to a rope, one att each end, and hang them so all night, throwing red coales att them, or bourning sand, and in such like bourne their feet, leggs, thighs, and breech. the litle ones doe exercise themselves about such cruelties; they deck the bodyes all over with hard straw, putting in the end of this straw, thornes, so leaves them; now & then gives them a litle rest, and sometimes gives them fresh watter and make them repose on fresh leaves. they also give them to eat of the best they have that they come to themselves againe, to give them more torments. then when they see that the patient can no more take up his haire, they cover his head with a platter made of rind full of bourning sand, and often getts the platter a fire. in the next place they cloath you with a suit made of rind of a tree, and this they make bourne out on your body. they cutt off your stones and the women play with them as with balles. when they see the miserable die, they open him and pluck out his heart; they drink some of his blood, and wash the children's heads with the rest to make them valient. if you have indured all the above said torments patiently and without moanes, and have defied death in singing, then they thrust burning blades all along your boanes, and so ending the tragedie cutt off the head and putt it on the end of a stick and draw his body in quarters which they hawle about their village. lastly [they] throw him into the watter or leave [him] in the fields to be eaten by the crowes or doggs. now lett me come to our miserable poore captives that stayed all along [through] the raine upon the scaffold to the mercy of or rogues that shott us with litle arrowes, and so drew out our beards and the haire from those that had any. the showre of rayne being over, all come together againe, and having kindled fires began to burne some of those poore wretches. that day they pluckt nailes out of my fingers, and made me sing, though i had no mind att that time. i became speechlesse oftentimes; then they gave me watter wherin they boyled a certain herbe that the gunsmiths use to pollish their armes. that liquour brought me to my speech againe. the night being come they made me come downe all naked as i was, & brought to a strang cottage. i wished heartily it had ben that of my parents. being come, they tyed me to a poast, where i stayed a full houre without the least molestation. a woman came there with her boy, inticed him to cutt off one of my fingers with a flint stoan. the boy was not yeares old. this [boy] takes my finger and begins to worke, but in vaine, because he had not the strength to breake my fingers. so my poore finger escaped, having no other hurt don to it but the flesh cutt round about it. his mother made him suck the very blood that runn from my finger. i had no other torment all that day. att night i could not sleepe for because of the great paine. i did eat a litle, and drunk much watter by reason of a feaver i caught by the cruel torment i suffred. the next morning i was brought back againe to the scaffold, where there were company enough. they made me sing a new, but my mother came there and made [me] hould my peace, bidding me be cheerfull and that i should not die. shee brought mee some meate. her coming comforted me much, but that did not last long; ffor heare comes severall old people, one of which being on the scaffold, satt him downe by me, houlding in his mouth a pewter pipe burning, tooke my thumb and putt it on the burning tobacco, and so smoaked pipes one after another, which made my thumb swell, and the nayle and flesh became as coales. my mother was allwayes by me to comfort me, but said not what i thought. that man having finished his hard worke, but i am sure i felt it harder to suffer it. he trembled, whether for feare or for so much action i cannot tell. my mother tyed my fingers with cloath, and when he was gon shee greased my haire and combed my haire with a wooden comb, fitter to combe a horse's tayle then anything else. shee goes back againe. that day they ended many of those poore wretches, flinging some all alive into the midle of a great fire. they burned a frenchwoman; they pulled out her breasts and tooke a child out of her belly, which they broyled and made the mother eat of it; so, in short, [she] died. i was not abused all that day till the night. they bourned the soales of my feet and leggs. a souldier run through my foot a swoord red out of the fire, and plucked severall of my nailes. i stayed in that maner all night. i neither wanted in the meane while meate nor drinke. i was supplied by my mother and sisters. my father alsoe came to see me & tould me i should have courage. that very time there came a litle boy to gnaw with his teeth the end of my fingers. there appears a man to cutt off my thumb, and being about it leaves me instantly & did no harme, for which i was glad. i believe that my father dissuaded him from it. a while after my father was gon came to the scaffold who swore they would me a mischiefe, as i thinke, for yet he tied his leggs to mine, called for a brand of fire, and layd it between his leggs and mine, and sings: but by good lucke it was out on my side, and did no other effect then bourne my skin, but bourned him to some purpos. in this posture i was to follow him, & being not able to hould mee, draweth mee downe. one of the company cutt the rope that held us with his knife, and makes mee goe up againe the scaffold and then went their way. there i stayed till midday alone. there comes a multitude of people who make me come downe and led mee into a cottage where there weare a number of sixty old men smoaking tobacco. here they make mee sitt downe among them and stayed about halfe an houre without that they asked who and why i was brought thither, nor did i much care. for the great torments that i souffred, i knew not whether i was dead or alive. and albeit i was in a hott feavor & great pain, i rejoyced att the sight of my brother, that i have not seene since my arrivement. he comes in very sumptuously covered with severall necklaces of porcelaine,[footnote: _porcelaine_, the french for wam-pum, or shell beads.] & a hattchett in his hand, satt downe by the company and cast an eye on me now and then. presently and comes in my father with a new and long cover, and a new porcelaine about him, with a hatchett in his hands, likewise satt downe with the company. he had a calumet of red stoane in his hands, a cake [footnote: _cake_, meaning a medicine-bag.] uppon his shoulders, that hanged downe his back, and so had the rest of the old men. in that same cake are incloased all the things in the world, as they tould me often, advertising mee that i should [not] disoblige them in the least nor make them angry, by reason they had in their power the sun, and moone, and the heavans, and consequently all the earth. you must know in this cake there is nothing but tobacco and roots to heale some wounds or sores; some others keepe in it the bones of their deceased friends; most of them wolves' heads, squirrels', or any other beast's head. when there they have any debatement among them they sacrifice to this tobacco, that they throw into the fire, and make smoake, of that they puff out of their pipes; whether for peace or adversity or prosperity or warre, such ceremonies they make very often. my father, taking his place, lights his pipe & smoaks as the rest. they held great silence. during this they bring prisoners; to wit, women and men, more [then] children from the age of to years, having placed them all by mee, who as yett had my armes tyed. the others all att liberty, being not tyed, which putt me into some despaire least i should pay for all. awhile after one of the company rises and makes a long speech, now shewing the heavens with his hands, and then the earth, and fire. this good man putt himselfe into a sweate through the earnest discours. having finished his panigerique, another begins, and also many, one after another. they gave then liberty to some, butt killed children with hattchetts, and a woman of years old, and threw them out of the cottage (saving onely myselfe) att full liberty. i was left alone for a stake, they contested together [upon] which my father rose and made a speech which lasted above an houre, being naked, having nothing on but his drawers and the cover of his head, and putt himselfe all in a heate. his eyes weare hollow in his head; he appeared to me like [as if] mad, and naming often the algonquins in their language [that is, eruata], which made me believe he spoake in my behalfe. in that very time comes my mother, with two necklaces of porcelaine, one in her armes, and another about her like a belt. as soone as shee came in shee began to sing and dance, and flings off one of her necklaces in the midle of the place, having made many tourns from one end to the other. shee takes the other necklace and gives it mee, then goes her way. then my brother rises and holding his hattchett in his hand sings a military song. having finished [he] departs. i feared much that he was first to knock me in the head; and happy are those that can escape so well, rather then be bourned. my father rises for a second time and sings; so done, retired himselfe. i thought all their guifts, songs, and speeches should prevaile nothing with mee. those that stayed held a councell and spoake one to an other very long, throwing tobacco into the fire, making exclamations. then the cottage was open of all sides by those that came to view, some of the company retires, and place was made for them as if they weare kings. forty staye about me, and nigh about my cottage, of men, women, and children. those that went their way retourned presently. being sett downe, smoaked againe whilest my father, mother, brother, and sisters weare present. my father sings a while; so done, makes a speech, and taking the porcelaine necklace from off me throws it att the feet of an old man, and cutts the cord that held me, then makes me rise. the joy that i receaved att that time was incomparable, for suddenly all my paines and griefs ceased, not feeling the least paine. he bids me be merry, makes me sing, to which i consented with all my heart. whilst i did sing they hooped and hollowed on all sids. the old man bid me "ever be cheerfull, my son!" having don, my mother, sisters, and the rest of their friends [sung] and danced. then my father takes me by the arme and leads me to his cabban. as we went along nothing was heard but hooping and hollowing on all parts, biding me to take great courage. my mother was not long after me, with the rest of her friends. now i see myselfe free from death. their care att this was to give me meate. i have not eaten a bitt all that day, and for the great joy i had conceaved, caused me to have a good stomach, so that i did eat lustily. then my mother begins to cure my sores and wounds. then begins my paines to [break out] a new; ffor shee cleans my wounds and scrapes them with a knife, and often thrusts a stick in them, and then takes watter in her mouth, and spouts it to make them cleane. the meanwhile my father goes to seeke rootes, and my sister chaws them, and my mother applyes them to my sores as a plaster. the next day the swelling was gone, but worse then before; but in lesse then a fortnight my sores weare healed, saving my feete, that kept [me] more then a whole month in my cabban. during this time my nailes grewed a pace. i remained onely lame of my midle finger, that they have squeezed between two stoanes. every one was kind to mee as beforesaid, and [i] wanted no company to be merry with. i should [be] kept too long to tell you the particulars that befell me during my winter. i was beloved of my parents as before. my exercise was allwayes a hunting without that any gave me the least injury. my mother kept me most brave, and my sisters tooke great care of mee. every moneth i had a white shirt, which my father sent for from the flemeings, who weare not a farr off our village. i could never gett leave to goe along with my brother, who went there very often. finally, seeing myselfe in the former condition as before, i constituted as long as my father and fortune would permitt mee to live there. dayly there weare military feasts for the south nations, and others for the algonquins and for the french. the exclamations, hoopings and cryes, songs and dances, signifies nothing but the murdering and killing, and the intended victory that they will have the next yeare, which is in the beginning of spring. in those feasts my father heaves up his hattchett against the algonquins. for this effect [he] makes great preparations for his next incamping. every night [he] never failes to instruct and encourage the young age to take armes and to reveng the death of so many of their ennemy that lived among the french nation. the desire that i had to make me beloved, for the assurance of my life made me resolve to offer myselfe for to serve, and to take party with them. but i feared much least he should mistrust me touching his advis to my resolution. neverthelesse i finding him once of a good humour and on the point of honnour encourages his son to break the kettle and take the hattchett and to be gon to the forraigne nations, and that was of courage and of great renowne to see the father of one parte and the son of another part, & that he should not mispraise if he should seperat from him, but that it was the quickest way to make the world tremble, & by that means have liberty everywhere by vanquishing the mortall enemy of his nation; uppon this i venture to aske him what i was. [he] presently answers that i was a iroquoite as himselfe. lett me revenge, said i, my kindred. i love my brother. lett me die with him. i would die with you, but you will not because you goe against the ffrench. lett me a gaine goe with my brother, the prisoners & the heads that i shall bring, to the joy of my mother and sisters, will make me undertake att my retourne to take up the hattchett against those of quebecq, of the rivers, and monteroyall in declaring them my name, and that it's i that kills them, and by that you shall know i am your son, worthy to beare that title that you gave me when you adopted me. he sett [up] a great crye, saying, have great courage, son oninga, thy brother died in the warrs not in the cabban; he was of a courage not of a woman. i goe to aveng his death. if i die, aveng you mine. that one word was my leave, which made me hope that one day i might escape, having soe great an opportunity; or att least i should have the happinesse to see their country, which i heard so much recommended by the iroquoites, who brought wondrous stories and the facilitie of killing so many men. thus the winter was past in thoughts and preparing for to depart before the melting of the snow, which is very soone in that country. i began to sett my witts together how i should resolve this my voyage; for my mother opposed against it mightily, saying i should bee lost in the woods, and that i should gett it [put] off till the next yeare. but at last i flattered with her and dissembled; besides, my father had the power in his hands. shee daring not to deny him any thing because shee was not borne in my father's country, but was taken [when] little in the huronit's country. notwithstanding [she was] well beloved of her husband, having lived together more then fourty years, and in that space brought him children, males and females. two girls died after a while, and sons killed in the warrs, and one that went years before with a band of men to warre against a fiery nation which is farre beyonde the great lake. the th had allready performed voyages with a greate deale of successe. my father was a great captayne in warrs, having ben commander in all his times, and distructed many villages of their ennemy, having killed men with his owne hands, whereof he was marked [on] his right thigh for as many [as] he killed. he should have as many more, but that you must know that the commander has not amused himselfe to kille, but in the front of his army to encourage his men. if by chance he tooke any prisoners, he calles one of his men and gives him the captives, saying that it's honour enough to command the conquerors, and by his example shews to the yong men that he has the power as much as the honour. he receaved gunn shots and arrows shotts, and was runne through the shoulders with a lance. he was aged score years old, he was talle, and of an excellent witt for a wild man. when our baggage was ready, my father makes a feast to which he invites a number of people, & declares that he was sorry he had resolved to go to warre against an ennemy which was in a cold country, which hindred him to march sooner then he would, but willing to see his sonnes before him, and that this banquett was made for his sons' farewell. then he tould that his adopted son was ready to go with his owne son to be revenged of the death of their brothers, and desired the commander to have a care of us both. this commander loved us both, said that the one which [was] meselfe should be with him to the end. if anything should oppose he would make me fight him. i was not att home when he spoke those words, but my mother toald me it att my retourne. i was a fishing by with my sisters & brother. when wee came back wee found all ready, butt with a heart broken that our mother and sisters lett us goe. few days after i was invited to a military banquett where was the captayne, a yong gallant of years old, with a company of , and i made the th. we all did sing and made good cheare of a fatt beare. we gave our things to slaves, we carried only our musquetts. our kindred brought us a great way. my sister could not forbeare crying, yett tould me to be of a stout heart. we tooke att last [leave and] bid them adieu. we tooke on our journey over great snowes for to come to the great lake before the spring. we travelled days through woods and indifferent country, easie in some places and others difficult. the rivers weare frozen, which made us crosse with a great deale of ease. wee arrived the th day in a village called nojottga [footnote: _nojottga_, or oneioutga, oneida.], where we stayed days. from thence came a young man with us. we arrived into another village, nontageya [footnote: _nontageya_, onontaguega, or onondaga.], where we stayed foure days. wee had allways great preparations, and weare invited or tenne times a day. our bellyes had not tyme to emptie themselves, because we feeded so much, and that what was prepared for us weare severall sortes, stagg, indian corne, thick flower, bears, and especially eels. we have not yett searched our baggs wheare our provision was. in this place wee mended them. for my part i found in myne pounds of powder and more then pounds of shott, shirts, a capp, pairs of shoes, and wherewith to make a paire of breeches, and about graines of black and white porcelaine, and my brother as many. wee had new covers, one to our body, another hung downe from our shoulders like a mantle. every one [had] a small necklace of porcelaine and a collar made with a thread of nettles to tye the prisoners. i had a gunne, a hattchett, and a dagger. that was all we had. our slaves brought the packs after us. after we marched dayes, we came to a village, sonon-teeonon,[footnote: _sononteeonon_, tionnontonan, or seneca.] there we layd a night. the next day, after a small journey, we came to the last village of their confederates. heere they doe differ in their speech though of [our] nation. it's called oiongoiconon. [footnote: _oiongoiconon_ is cayuga.] here we stay dayes, and sent away our slaves and carryed our bundles ourselves, going allwayes through the woods. we found great plaines of leagues and a halfe journey without a tree. we saw there stagges, but would not goe out of our way to kill them. we went through villages of this nation neare one another. they admired to see a frenchman accompanying wild men, which i understood by their exclamations. i thought i grewed leane to take litle voyage, but the way seemed tedious to all. the raquett alwayes with the feet and sometimes with the hands, which seemed to me hard to indure, yett have i not complained. att the parting of the slaves, i made my bundle light as the rest. we found snowes in few places, saving where the trees made a shaddow, which hindred the snow to thaw, which made us carry the raquetts with our feete, and sometimes with the hands. after days' march [we completed our journey] through a country covered with water, and where also are mountaines and great plaines. in those plaines wee kill'd stagges, and a great many tourquies. thence we came to a great river of a mile wide which was not frozen, which made us stay there or dayes making skiffs of the rind of walnut trees. we made good cheere and wished to stay there longer. we made skiffs to hould men, and one to hould two. we imbarked though there weare ice in many places, and yett no hinderance to us going small journeys, fearing least what should befall us. in dayes we came to a lake much frozen; covered in some places with ice by reason of the tossing of the wind, and the ground all covered with snow. heere we did our best to save us from the rigour of the aire, and must stay dayes. the wild men admired that the season of the yeare was so backward. att the end the wind changes southerly, which made the lake free from ice and cleare over all the skirts of it, without either snow or ice. there was such a thawing that made the litle brookes flow like rivers, which made us imbarque to wander [over] that sweet sea. the weather lovely, the wind fayre, and nature satisfied. tending forwards, singing and playing, not considering the contrary weather past, continued so days upon the lake and rested the nights ashore. the more we proceeded in our journey, the more the pleasant country and warmer. ending the lake, we entered into a beautifull sweet river, a stoan-cast wide. after halfe a day we rid on it, weare forced to bring both barks and equipage uppon our backs to the next streame of that river. this done above times, hawling our boats after us all laden. we went up that river att least or leagues. att last [it] brought us to a lake of some miles in length. being comed to the highest place of the lake, we landed and hid our boats farr enough in the woods, [and] tooke our bundles. we weare dayes going through a great wildernesse where was no wood, not so much as could make us fire. then the thickned flower did serve us instead of meate, mingling it with watter. we foorded many litle rivers, in swiming & sayling. our armes, which we putt uppon some sticks tyed together of such wood as that desolat place could afford, to keepe them from the weatt. the evening we came on the side of a violent river, uppon which we made bridges of trees that we [made] to meet, to go over. we left this place after being there dayes. we went up that river in dayes; there we killed stagges. after we came to a mouth of another river. we made a litle fort, where it was commanded by our captayne to make no noise. they desired me to be very quiet, which i observed strictly. after refreshment we imbarked, though unseasonably, in the night, for to make som discovery. some went one way, some another. we went a great way, but not farr off our fort. the next day we meet altogether & made some councell, where it was decreed that should go to the furthermost part of a small river in a boat, to make a discovery, and see if there weare tracks of people there, whilst the other should take notice of a villag, that they knew'd to be nigh, and because it was lesse danger to make there a discovery. the youngest of the company and me are pitched [upon] to goe into the river. we tooke the lightest boat. it was well, [for] that in some places of the river there was not watter enough to carry us. we weare fained to draw the boat after us. i believe not that ever a wild man went that way because of the great number of trees that stops the passage of the river. after we have gon the best part of the day, we found ourselves att the end of a small lake some mile in length, and seeing the woods weare not so thick there as wheare wee passed, we hid our boat in some bushes, taking onely our armes along, intending on still to pretend some discovery. we scarce weare in the midle of the lake when we perceave persons goeing on the watter side, att the other side of the lake; so my comrade getts him up a tree to discerne better if there weare any more. after he stayed there a while [he] comes [down] & tells me that he thought they weare women, and that we might goe kill them. doubtlesse, said i, if they are women the men are not afarre from them, and we shall be forced to shoote. wee are alone, and should runne the hazzard of women for to be discovered. our breethren also would be in danger that knowes nothing. moreover it's night; what dost thou intend to doe? you say well, replyes he; lett us hide ourselves in the wood, for we cannot goe downe in the river in the night time. att breake of day we will [goe] back to our companions where we will finde them in the fort. here we came without any provisions, where we must lie under a rotten tree. that night it rayned sadly. we weare wett; but a naturall exercise is good fire. we weare in our boat early in the morning, and with great diligence we came back better then we went up, for the river grewed mighty high by reason of so much that fell of raine. i will not omitt a strange accident that befell us as we came. you must know that as we past under the trees, as before mentioned, there layd on one of the trees a snake with foure feete, her head very bigg, like a turtle, the nose very small att the end, the necke of thumbs wide, the body about feet, and the tayle of a foot & a halfe, of a blackish collour, onto a shell small and round, with great eyes, her teeth very white but not long. that beast was a sleepe upon one of the trees under which wee weare to goe; neither of us ever seeing such a creature weare astonished. we could not tell what to doe. it was impossible to carry our boat, for the thicknesse of the wood; to shoot att her wee would att least be discovered, besides it would trouble our company. att last we weare resolved to goe through att what cost soever, and as we weare under that hellish beast, shee started as shee awaked, and with that fell'd downe into our boat, there weare herbes that served [to secure] us from that dreadfull animal. we durst not ventur to kill her, for feare of breaking of our boat. there is the question who was most fearfull? as for me, i quaked. now seeing shee went not about to doe us hurt, and that shee was fearfull, we lett her [be] quiet, hoping shortly to land and to tourne upsid downe of our boat to be rid of such a devill. then my comrad began to call it, and before we weare out of the litle river our feare was over; so we resolved to bring her to the fort, and when once arrived att the great river, nothing but crosse over it to be neare our fort. but in the mean while a squirrell made us good spoart for a quarter of an houre. the squirrell would not leap into the water; did but runne, being afraid of us, from one end of the boat to the other; every time he came nearer, the snake opened her wide mouth & made a kind of a noise, & rose up, having her fore feet uppon the side of the boat, which persuaded us that shee would leave us. we leaned on that side of the boat, so with our owers thrusted her out; we seeing her swime so well, hasted to kill her with our owers, which shee had for her paines. [footnote: radisson's description of this reptile has been shown to one of the most eminent herpetologists in america, who writes that "no such reptile has ever been described by scientific writers."] the squirrell tooke the flight, soe we went, longing to be with our comrades to tell them of what we have seene. we found one of our company watching for us att the side of a woode, for they weare in feare least wee should be taken, & expected us all night long. as for their part they neither have seen nor heard anything. wherefore resolved to goe further, but the news we brought them made them alter their resolution. wee layd all night in our fort, where we made good cheare and great fires, fearing nothing, being farr enough in the wood. the next day before the breaking of the day we foorded the river, & leaving our boats in the wood, went a foot straight towards the place where we have seene the persons; & before we came to the lake we tooke notice of some fresh trakes which made us look to ourselves, and followed the trakes, which brought us to a small river, where no sooner came but we saw a woman loaden with wood, which made us believ that some cottage or village was not afar off. the captaine alone takes notice of the place where abouts the discovery was, who soone brought us [to see] that there weare men & women a fishing. we wagged [sic] att this the saffest [way] to come unawarre uppon them, and like starved doggs or wolves devoured those poore creatures who in a moment weare massacred. what we gott by this was not much, onely stagges' skins with some guirdles made of goate's hair, of their owne making. these weare in great estime among our wild men. two of ours goes to the cabban which was made of rushes, where they founde an old woman. they thought it charity to send her into the other world, with two small children whome also they killed; so we left that place, giving them to the fishes their bodyes. every one of us had his head, and my brother two; our share being considerable [we] went on along the river till we came to a small lake. not desiring to be discovered, we found a faire road close by a wood, withtooke ourselves out of it with all haste, and went towards a village. there we came by night, where we visited the wildernesse to find out a secure place for security to hide ourselves; but [finding] no conveniencies we [went] into the wood in a very cleare place. heere we layd downe uppon our bellies. we did eat, among other things, the fish we gott in the cabban of the fishermen. after dispatching one of the company bouldly into the village, being thirsty after eating, for heere we had no water, [which] brings us [so] that we are all very quiett. the great desire we had to catch and take made us to controule the buissinesse. early in the morning we came to the side of the wildernesse, where we layd in an ambush, but could see nobody that morning. att two of the clock in the after non we see , as well men as women, a great way from us. we went to the wood, whence we perceived many att worke in the fields. att evening [they] passed by very nigh us, but they neither see nor perceived us. they went to cutt wood; whilst they weare att worke there comes foure men and three women, that tooke notice of our ambush. this we could not avoid, so weare forced to appeare to their ruine. we tooke the women and killed men. the other thought to escape, but weare stayed with our peeces; the other that weare aworking would runne away, but one was taken, the other escaped. the news was brought over all those parts. thence we runne away with our prisoners and the new heads with all speed. the women could not goe fast enough, and therefore killed them after they went a whole night; their corps we threwed into the river; heere we found a boat which served us to goe over. we marched all that day without any delay; being come to an open field we hid ourselves in bushes till thee next day. we examined our prisoners, who tould us no news; non could understand them, although many huron words weare in their language. in this place we perceived men a hunting afarre off; we thought [it] not convenient to discover ourselves, least we should be discovered and passe our aime. we tooke another day, before and the rest after, thee prisoners in the midle. we speedily went the rest of thee day through a burned country, and the trees blowne downe with some great windes. the fire over came all, over leagues in length and in breadth. we layd in the very midle of that country upon a faire sandy place where we could see or leagues off round about us, and being secure we made the prisoners sing which is their acconroga before death. there we made a litle fire to make our kettle boyle a tourkey, with some meale that was left. seeing no body persued, we resolved to goe thence before daylight to seeke for more booty. we stayed nights before we turned back to the village, during which time we mett with nothing, and having gon on all sides with great paines without victualls. att last we came to kill stagges, but did not suffice of us. we weare forced to gather the dung of the stagges to boyle it with the meat, which made all very bitter. but good stomachs make good favour. hunger forced us to kill our prisoners, who weare chargeable in eating our food, for want of which have eaten the flesh. so by that means we weare freed from the trouble. the next day we came neere a village. att our coming we killed a woman with her child, & seeing no more for us that way we tourned backe againe for feare of pursueing, and resolved to goe backe to the first village that was days' journey; but on the way we mett with and or men and women, who discovered us, which made [us] go to it. they fought & defended themselves lustily; but [there is] no resisting the strongest party, for our guns were a terrour to them, and made them give over. during the fight the women ranne away. five of the men weare wounded with arrowes and foure escaped, but he that was sent with me att first to make a discovery was horribly wounded with arrowes and a blow of a club on the head. if he had stuck to it as we, he might proceed better. we burned him with all speed, that he might not languish long, to putt ourselves in safty. we killed of them, & prisoners wee tooke, and came away to where we left our boats, where we arrived within days without resting, or eating or drinking all the time, saveing a litle stagge's meate. we tooke all their booty, which was of sacks of indian corne, stagges' skins, some pipes, some red and green stoanes, and some tobacco in powder, with some small loaves of bread, and some girdles, garters, necklaces made of goats' haire, and some small coyne of that country, some bowes and arrowes, and clubbs well wrought. the tournes of their heads weare of snakes' skin with bears' pawes. the hayre of some of them very long, & all proper men. we went on the other side of the river the soonest we could, and came to our fort. after we looked about us least we should be surprised, and perceiving nothing, we went about to gett meat for our wants & then to sleepe. att midnight we left that place. six of us tooke a boate, an other, and the litle one. we row the rest of the night with all strength, & the breaking of the day hid ourselves in very long rushes & our boats. the litle boat went att the other side of the river, those hid it in the wood. one of them went up a tree to spie about, in case he could perceive any thing, to give notice to his comrades, & he was to come within sight of us to warne us. we weare in great danger going downe the streame of that river in the night time. we had trouble enough to carry all our baggage without the least noise. being come to the end of the river which empties it selfe into a lake of some or leagues in compasse, we went into a small river to kill salmons, as in deed we tooke great many with staves, and so sturgeons, of which we made provision for a long while. att last finding our selves out of all feare & danger, we went freely a hunting about the lake, where we tarried dayes, and of our company mett with women that runned away from the sanoutin's country, which is of the iroquoit nation. those poore creatures having taken so much paines to sett themselves att liberty to goe to their native country, found themselves besett in a greater slavery then before, they being tyed [and] brought to us. the next day we went from thence with the prisoners & the heads. so much for the litlenesse of our boats as for the weight we had to putt upon them, being in danger, which made us make the more hast to the place where we intended to make new boats. for days we went through dangerous places which weare like so many precipices with horrible falling of watters. we weare forced to carry our boats after the same maner as before, with great paines. we came att last to a lake where we contrived other boats, and there we parted our acquisited booty, and then each had care of his owne. we ordered the biggest boat should hould men and prisoners; the next men and the women that last weare taken; the d should hould and the other prisoner. my brother and i had a man & woman with heads to our share, and so the rest accordingly without dispute or noise. we wandered severall dayes on that lake. it was a most delightfull place, and a great many islands. here we killed great many bears. after we came to a most delightfull place for the number of stagges that weare there. thence into a straight river. from thence weare forced to make many carriages through many stony mountains, where we made severall trappes for castors. we tooke above castors there, and fleaced off the best skins. there weare some skins so well dressed that [they] held the oyle of beares as pure bottles. during that time we mett severall huntsmen of our country; so we heard news of our friends. only our father was not yett retourned from the warrs against the french and algonquins. we left our small boats, that weare purposely confected for our hunting, & tooke our great boats that could carry us and all our luggage. we went up the same river againe, not without great labour. att last with much ado we arrived at the landing place where wee made a stay of days; where many iroquoites women came, and among others my sisters, that received me with great joy, with a thousand kindnesses and guifts, as you may think. i gave them the heads that i had, keeping the woman for my mother, to be her slave. there was nothing but singing & dancing out of meere joy for our safe retourne. i had castors for my share, with skins full of oyle of beare and another full of oriniack and stagge's grease. i gave to each of my sisters stagges' skins to make them coats. i kept the grease for my mother, to whome it is convenient to give what is necessary for the family. we made our slaves carry all our booty, & went on to litle journeys through woods with ease, because the woods weare not thick and the earth very faire and plaine. all the way the people made much of me, till we came to the village, and especially my sisters, that in all they shewed their respects, giveing me meate every time we rested ourselves, or painting my face or greasing my haire or combing my head. att night they tooke the paines to pull off my stokins, & when i supped they made me lay downe by them and cover me with their coats, as if the weather had ben cold. this voyage being ended, albeit i came to this village, & twice with feare & terror, the d time notwithstanding with joy & contentment. as we came neare the village, a multitude of people came to meete us with great exclamations, and for the most part for my sake, biding me to be cheerfull & qualifying me dodcon, that is, devil, being of great veneration in that country to those that shew any vallour. being arrived within halfe a league of the village, i shewed a great modesty, as usually warriors use to doe. the whole village prepares to give the scourge to the captives, as you [have] heard before, under which i myselfe i was once to undergoe. my mother comes to meet mee, leaping & singing. i was accompanied with both [of] my sisters. shee takes the woman, slave that i had, and would not that any should medle with her. but my brother's prisoner, as the rest of the captives, weare soundly beaten. my mother accepted of my brother's heads. my brother's prisoner was burned the same day, and the day following i received the sallery of my booty, which was of porcelaine necklaces, tourns of beads, pendants, and girdles. there was but banqueting for a while. the greatest part of both young men & women came to see me, & the women the choicest of meats, and a most dainty and cordiall bit which i goe to tell you; doe not long for it, is the best that is among them. first when the corne is greene they gather so much as need requireth, of which leaves they preserve the biggest leaves for the subject that followes. a dozen more or lesse old women meet together alike, of whome the greatest part want teeth, and seeth not a jott, and their cheeks hange downe like an old hunting-dogg, their eyes full of watter and bloodshott. each takes an eare of corne and putts in their mouths, which is properly as milke, chawes it, and when their mouths are full, spitts it out in their hands, which possibly they wash not once one yeare; so that their hands are white inside by reason of the grease that they putt to their haire & rubbing of it with the inside of their hands, which keeps them pretty clean, but the outside in the rinknesse of their rinkled hands there is a quarter of an ounze of filth and stinking grease. and so their hands being full of that mince meate minced with their gumms and [enough] to fill a dish. so they chaw chestnutts; then they mingle this with bear's grease or oyle of flower (in french we call it tourne sol) with their hands. so made a mixture, they tye the leaves att one end & make a hodgepot & cover it with the same leaves and tye the upper end so that what is within these leaves becomes a round ball, which they boile in a kettle full of watter or brouth made of meate or fish. so there is the description of the most delicious bitt of the world. i leave you taste of their salmi gondy, which i hope to tell you in my following discourses of my other voyages in that country, and others that i frequented the space of tenne years. to make a period of this my litle voyage. after i stayed awhile in this village with all joy & mirth, for feasts, dances, and playes out of meere gladnesse for our small victorious company's hapy retourne, so after that their heads had sufficiently danced, they begin to talke [of going] to warre against the hollanders. most of us are traited againe for the castors we bestowed on them. they resolve unanimously to goe on their designe. every thing ready, we march along. the next day we arrived in a small brough [footnote: _brough_ probably means borough, used, as the french applied it to "bourgade," for a town of indians or whites.] of the hollanders, where we masters them, without that those beere-bellies had the courage to frowne att us. whether it was out of hope of lucre or otherwise, we with violence tooke the meate out of their potts, and opening their coubards [cupboards] we take and eat what we [can] gett. for drinking of their wine we weare good fellowes. so much that they fought with swords among themselves without the least offer of any misdeed to me. i drunk more then they, but more soberly, letting them make their quarrells without any notice. the th day we come to the fort, of orange, wher we weare very well received, or rather our castors, every one courting us; and was nothing but pruins and reasins and tobbacco plentifully, and all for ho, ho, which is thanks, adding _nianonnha_, thanke you. we went from house to house. i went into the fort with my brother, and have not yett ben knowne a french. but a french souldier of the fort speaks to me in iroquois language, & demanded if i was not a stranger, and did veryly believe i was french, for all that i was all dabbled over with painting and greased. i answered him in the same language, that no; and then he speaks in swearing, desiring me [to tell him] how i fell in the hands of those people. and hearing him speake french, amazed, i answered him, for which he rejoyced very much. as he embraces me, he cryes out with such a stirre that i thought him senselesse. he made a shame for all that i was wild but to blush red. i could be no redder then what they painted me before i came there. all came about me, ffrench as well as duch, every one makeing [me] drink out of the bottles, offering me their service; but my time yett was not out, so that i wanted not their service, for the onely rumour of my being a frenchman was enough. the flemish women drawed me by force into their houses, striving who should give, one bread, other meate, to drinke and to eate, and tobacco. i wanted not for those of my nation, iroquois, who followed me in a great squadroon through the streets, as if i had bin a monster in nature or a rare thing to be seen. i went to see the governor, & talked with me a long time, and tould him the life that i lead, of which he admired. he offred me to buy me from them att what prise so ever, or else should save me, which i accepted not, for severall reasons. the one was for not to be behoulding to them, and the other being loathsome to leave such kind of good people. for then i began to love my new parents that weare so good & so favourable to me. the d reason was to watch a better opportunity for to retyre to the french rather then make that long circuit which after i was forced to doe for to retyre to my country more then , leagues; and being that it was my destiny to discover many wild nations, i would not to strive against destinie. i remitted myselfe to fortune and adventure of time, as a thing ordained by god for his greatest glorie, as i hope it will prove. our treatis being done, overladend with bootyes abundantly, we putt ourselves in the way that we came to see againe our village, and to passe that winter with our wives, and to eat with them our cagaimtie in peece, hoping that nobody should trouble us during our wintering, and also to expect or finde our fathers retourning home. leaving that place, many cryed to see me among a company of wolves, as that souldier tould me who knowed me the first houre; and the poore man made the tears come to my eyes. the truth is, i found many occasions to retire for to save me, but have not yett souffred enough to have merited my deliverence. in dayes' journey we weare retourned to our cabbans, where every one of us rendered himself to his dearest kindred or master. my sisters weare charged of porcelaine, of which i was shure not to faile, for they weare too liberall to mee and i towards them. i was not dayes retourned, but that nature itselfe reproached me to leade such a life, remembering the sweet behaviour and mildnesse of the french, & considered with meselfe what end should i expect of such a barbarous nation, enemy to god and to man. the great effect that the flemings shewed me, and the litle space was from us there; can i make that journey one day? the great belief that that people had in me should make them not to mistrust me, & by that i should have greater occasion to save me without feare of being pursued. all these reasons made one deliberat to take a full resolution, without further delay, of saving meselfe to the flemings; ffor i could be att no safty among such a nation full of reveng. if in case the ffrench & algonquins defeats that troupe of theirs, then what spite they will have will reveng it on my boanes; ffor where is no law, no faith to undertake to goe to the ffrench. i was once interrupted, nor have i had a desire to venture againe for the second time. i should delight to be broyled as before in pitifull torments. i repented of a good occasion i lett slippe, finding meselfe in the place with offers of many to assist me. but he that is of a good resolution must be of strong hopes of what he undertakes; & if the dangers weare considered which may be found in things of importancy, you ingenious men would become cooks. finally, without expecting my father's retourne, putting away all feare & apprehension, i constituted to deliver meselfe from their hands at what ever rate it would come too. for this effect i purposed to faine to goe a hunting about the brough; & for to dissemble the better, i cutt long sticks to make handles for a kind of a sword they use, that thereby they might not have the least suspition. one day i tooke but a simple hattchett & a knife, if occasion presented to cutt some tree, & for to have more defence, if unhappily i should be rencountred, to make them believe that i was lost in the woods. moreover, as the whole nation tooke me for proud, having allways great care to be guarnished with porcelaine, & that i would fly away like a beggar, a thing very unworthy, in this deliberation i ventured. i inquired [of] my brother if he would keepe me company. i knewed that he never thought, seeing that he was courting of a young woman, who by the report of many was a bastard to a flemish. i had no difficulty to believe, seeing that the colour of her hayre was much more whiter then that of the iroquoits. neverthelesse, shee was of a great familie. i left them to their love. in shorte, that without any provision i tooke journey through the forests guided by fortune. no difficulty if i could keepe the highway, which is greatly beatten with the great concours of that people that comes & goes to trade with the flemings; but to avoid all encounters i must prolong a farre off. soe being assisted by the best hope of the world, i made all diligence in the meene while that my mother nor kindred should mistrust me in the least. i made my departure att of the clock in the morning the th bre, [ ]. i marched all that journey without eating, but being as accustomed to that, without staying i continued my cours att night. before the breaking of the day i found myselfe uncapable because of my feeblenesse and faintnesse for want of food and repose after such constraint. but the feare of death makes vertu of necessity. the morning commanded me to goe, for it's faire and could ayre, which [was] somewhat advantageous to keepe [me] more cheerfull. finally the resolution reterning my courage, att of the clocke att evening, the next daye i arrived in a place full of trees cutt, which made mee looke to myselfe, fearing to approach the habitation, though my designe was such. it is a strange thing that to save this life they abhorre what they wish, & desire which they apprehend. approaching nigher and nigher untill i perceived an opening that was made by cutting of wood where was one man cutting still wood, i went nearer and called him. [he] incontinently leaves his work & comes to me, thinking i was iroquoise. i said nothing to him to the contrary. i kept him in that thought, promissing him to treat with him all my castors att his house, if he should promise me there should be non of my brother iroquoise there, by reson we must be liberall to one another. he assured me there was non then there. i tould him that my castors were hidden and that i should goe for them to-morrow. so satisfied [he] leads me to his cabban & setts before me what good cheare he had, not desiring to loose time because the affaire concerned me much. i tould him i was savage, but that i lived awhile among the ffrench, & that i had something valuable to communicate to the governor. that he would give me a peece of paper and ink and pen. he wondered very much to see that, what he never saw before don by a wildman. he charges himself with my letter, with promise that he should tell it to nobody of my being there, and to retourne the soonest he could possible, having but litle miles to the fort of orange. in the meane while of his absence shee shews me good countenance as much as shee could, hoping of a better imaginary profit by me. shee asked me if we had so much libertie with the ffrench women to lye with them as they; but i had no desire to doe anything, seeing myselfe so insnared att death's door amongst the terrible torments, but must shew a better countenance to a worse game. in the night we heard some wild men singing, which redoubled my torments and apprehension, which inticed me to declare to that woman that my nation would kill [me] because i loved the ffrench and the flemings more than they, and that i resolved hereafter to live with the flemings. shee perceiving my reason hid me in a corner behind a sack or two of wheat. nothing was to me but feare. i was scarcely there an houre in the corner, but the flemings came, in number, whereof that french man [who] had knowne me the first, who presently getts me out & gives me a suite that they brought purposely to disguise me if i chanced to light upon any of the iroquoits. i tooke leave of my landlady & landlord, yett [it] grieved me much that i had nothing to bestow upon them but thanks, being that they weare very poore, but not so much [so] as i. i was conducted to the fort of orange, where we had no incounter in the way, where i have had the honnour to salute the governor, who spoake french, and by his speech thought him a french man. the next day he caused an other habit to be given me, with shoos & stokins & also linnen. a minister that was a jesuit [footnote: "a minister that was a jesuit." this was the jesuit father, joseph noncet. see introduction, page .] gave me great offer, also a marchand, to whom i shall ever have infinit obligations, although they weare satisfied when i came to france att rochel. i stayed dayes inclosed in the fort & hidden. many came there to search me, & doubt not but my parents weare of the party. if my father had ben there he would venture hard, & no doubt but was troubled att it, & so was my mother, & my parents who loved me as if i weare their owne naturall son. my poore sisters cryed out & lamented through the town of the flemings, as i was tould they called me by my name, ffor they came there the rd day after my flight. many flemings wondered, & could not perceive how those could love me so well; but the pleasure caused it, as it agrees well with the roman proverbe, "doe as they doe." i was imbarked by the governor's order; after taking leave, and thanks for all his favours, i was conducted to menada, a towne faire enough for a new country, where after some weekes i embarked in one of their shipps for holland, where we arrived after many boisterous winds and ill weather, and, after some six weeks' sayle and some days, we landed att amsterdam the th of january, [ ]. some days after i imbarked myselfe for france and came to rochelle well & safe, not without blowing my fingers many times as well as i [had] done before [when] i arrived in holland. i stayed till spring, expecting the transporte of a shippe for new france. _the second voyage made in the upper country of the iroquoits._ the th day of may i embarked in a fisherboat to go for peerce island, which is score leagues off quebecq, being there arrived the th of may. i search diligently the means possible for to end my voyage & render meselfe neere my naturall parents & country people. att last i found an occasion to goe by some shallops & small boats of the wildernesse, which went up as farre as the ffrench habitation, there to joyne with the algonquins & mountaignaies to warre against the iroquoits from all times, as their histories mentions. their memory is their chronicle, for it [passes] from father to son, & assuredly very excellent for as much as i know & many others has remarked. i embarked into one of their shallops & had the wind favorable for us n. e. in dayes came to quebecq, the first dwelling place of the ffrench. i mean not to tell you the great joy i perceivd in me to see those persons that i never thought to see more, & they in like maner with me thought i was dead long since. in my absence peace was made betweene the french & the iroquoits, which was the reason i stayed not long in a place. the yeare before, the french began a new plantation [footnote: "began a new plantation," at onondaga.] in the upper country of the iroquoits, which is distant from the low iroquois country som fourscore leagues, where i was prisoner, & been in the warrs of that country. i tooke great notice of it, as i mentioned in my formest voyage, which made me have mind to goe thither againe, by the reason peace was concluded among them. friends, i must confesse i loved those poore people entirely well; moreover, nothing was to be feared by reason of the great distance which causes a difference in their speech, yett they understand one another. at that very time the reverend fathers jesuits embarked themselves for a second time to dwell there and teach christian doctrin. i offered myselfe to them, and was, as their custome is, kindly accepted. i prepare meselfe for the journey, which was to be in june. you must know that the hurrons weare contained in the article of peace, but not the algonquins, which caused more difficulty; for those iroquoits who imbarqued us durst not come downe the rivers where the french should embarque, because it is the dwelling place of the algonquin. to remedy this the ffrench and the barbarrs that weare to march, must come to mont royall, the last french inhabitation, in shalopps. it will not be amisse to leave the following of the voyage for to repeat the reasons why those poor hurrons ventured themselves into their hands, who have bin ennemy one to another all their life time, and that naturally. you must know that the hurrons, so called by the ffrench, have a bush of a hair rised up artificially uppon the heads like to a cock's comb. those people, i say, weare or , by report of many not years ago. their dwelling is neere the uper lake, so called by name of the ffrench. that people tell us of their pedegree from the beginning, that their habitation above the lake, many years agoe, and as they increased, many, great many, began to search out another country. for to tend towards the south they durst not, for the multitude of people that was there, and besides some of their owne nations had against them. then [they] resolved to goe to the north parts, for westward there was much watter, which was without end. moreover many inhabitants, monstruous for the greatnesse of body. we will speake about this in another place more att large, where will give an exact account of what came to our knowledge dureing our travells, and the land we have discovered since. if eastward, they had found the iroquoits who possessed some parts of the river of canada, and their dwelling was where quebecq is situated, and about that place, & att the upper end of montmerency leagues from quebecq, where was a great village where now is seene a desolat country, that is, for woods and forests, nor more nor lesse then what small bushes nigh the river's side in the place called the cape de magdelaine. it's such a country that the ffrench calls it the burned country miles about, and in many places the same is to be seene where there weare forests. so seeing that the north regions weare not so peopled, they pursued [their] route of that way, and for the purpose provided themselves provision for a twelvemonth to live, with all their equipage imbarqued in the begining of the spring. after that they passed great wayes, coming to a lake which conducts them into a great river, [footnote: "coming to a lake which conducts them into a great river." moose river, which leads into hudson's bay.] which river leads them to a great extent of salt watter; so as they being good fishers want no fish. they coasted this great watter for a long time, finding allways some litle nation whose language they knew not, haveing great feare of one another. finally, finding but a fearfull country full of mountains and rocks, they made great boats that might hould some men to traverse with more assurance the great bay for to decline from the tediousnesse of the highway, which they must doe, having but small boats; whence they came to a country full of mountains of ice, which made us believe that they descended to the goulden arme. so, fearing the winter should come on, they made sayles wherein they made greate way when the wind was behind; otherwyse they could not make use of their sayles, and many of their boats weare lost, but still went on, hoping of a better country. they wandered so many moons with great danger and famine, ffor they began to misse such plenty as they [were] used [to]. att last [they] gott out, and coasting the skirts of the sea, and enters as it weare into a country where the sumer begins againe, they weare incouraged to greater hopes, insomuch that the poore people became from their first origine to lead another life. being only conducted by their imaginary idea or instinct of nature ffor steering, they knewed nothing but towards the roote of the sun, and likewise by some starrs. finally the coast brings them to the great river st. lawrence, river of canada; knowing not that it was a river till they came just opposit against the mounts of our blessed lady, where they then perceaved to [be] betwixt lands, albeit that litle summer was past, and that the season of the yeare growing on somewhat sharpe, which made them think to search for winter. [they] mounted allways up the river, and finding one side most beautifull for the eye, they passed it over, and planted their cabbans in many parts by reason of the many streams there flowing with quantity of fish, whereof they made a good store for their wintering. after a while that upon this undertaking they made cognicence and commerced with the highlanders, inhabitants of that country, who gave them notice that there weare a nation higher who should understand them, being that they weare great travellers, that they should goe on the other side and there should find another river named tatousac. they seeing the winter drawing on they made a fort and sent to discover the said place a band of their men to tatousac. they finde a nation that understands them not more then the first, but by chance some that escaped the hands of their ennemy iroquoits, and doubts that there is great difference of language between the iroquoits and the hurrons. they weare heard; & further you must note that neere the lake of the hurrons some leagues eastward there is another lake belonging to the nation of the castors, which is miles about. this nation have no other trafick nor industry then huntsmen. they use to goe once a yeare to the furthest place of the lake of the hurrons to sell their castors for indian corne, for some collors made of nettles, for sacks, & such things, for which they weare curious enough. so coming backe to their small lake againe, those marchandises weare transported to a nation beyond that lake towards n. n. e., and that nation had commerce with a people called the white fish, which is norwest to the rivers some leagues in the land. that nation had intelligence with the saguenes, who are those that liveth about tadousac, so that the nations have great correspondency with one another because of their mutual language, saving that each one have a particular letter and accent. finding that nation of the castors, who for the most part understands the hurron idiom, they conversed together & weare supplied with meat by that wandring nation that lives onely by what they may or can gett. contrary wise the hurrons are seditious. we shall speak of them more amply in its place. so those miserable adventurers had ayd during that winter, who doubtlesse should souffer without this favor. they consulted together often, seeing themselves renforced with such a succour of people for to make warrs against the iroqois. the next spring their warre was conducted with success, ffor they chassed the iroquois out of their country which they lost some winters before. they march up to the furthest part of the lake champlaine, to know if that was their formest dwelling, but they speak no further of it. those iroquoits to wander up and downe and spread themselves as you have heard to the lake d'ontario, of which i will after make mention. i heard all this from frenchmen that knewed the huron speech better then i myselfe, and after i heard it from the wildmen, & it's strang (being if it be so as the french as [well] as wildmen do already) that those people should have made a circuit of that litle world. the iroquoits after being putt out of that country of quebecq, the hurrons and algonquins made themselves masters in it; that is to say, they went up above monmorency after that they left the place of their wintring, which was over against tadousac, att the height of the chaudiere (so called in french), and after many years they retourned to live att the gape of their lake, which is leagues long & or leagues large. those hurrons lived in a vast country that they found unhabited, & they in a great number builded villages & they multiplied very many. the iroquoits also gott a great country, as much by sweetnesse as by force. they became warriors uppon their owne dispences and cost. they multiplied so much, but they became better souldiers, as it's seene by the following of this discourse. the hurrons then inhabited most advantageously in that place, for as much as for the abundance of dears and staggs, from whence they have the name since of staggy. it's certaine that they have had severall other callings, according as they have builded villages. fishing they have in abundance in his season of every kind; i may say, more then wee have in europe. in some places in this lake where is an innumerable quantity of fish, that in houres they load their boat with as many as they can carry. at last [they] became so eminent strong that they weare of a minde to fight against the neighbouring nation. hearing that their sworne ennemys the iroquoits retired towards the nation called andasstoueronom, which is beyond the lake d'ontario, between virginia & that lake, they resolved to goe & search them for to warre against them; but they shall find it to their ruine, which i can affirme & assure, because the iroquoits in the most part of their speeches, which comes from father to son, says, we bears (for it's their name) whilst we scraped the earth with our pawes, for to make the wheat grow for to maintaine our wives, not thinking that the deare shall leape over the lake to kill the beare that slept; but they found that the beare could scratch the stagge, for his head and leggs are small to oppose. such speeches have they commonly together, in such that they have had warrs many years. the holanders being com'd to inhabit menada, furnished that nation with weopens, by which means they became conquerors. the ffrench planters in newfrance came up to live among this nation. in effect they doe live now many years; but the ambition of the fathers jesuits not willing to permitt ffrench families to goe there, for to conserve the best to their profitt, houlding this pretext that yong men should frequent the wild women, so that the christian religion by evil example could not be established. but the time came that they have forsook it themselves. for a while after the iroquoits came there, the number of seaven hundred, on the snow in the beginning of spring, where they make a cruell slaughter as the precedent years, where some ghostly fathers or brothers or their servants weare consumed, taken or burnt, as their relation maks mention. this selfesame yeare they tooke prisoners of or , of those poore people in a village att [in] sight of the jesuits' fort, which had the name saint, but [from] that houre it might have the name of feare. heere follows sicknesse, and famine also was gott among these people, flying from all parts to escape the sword. they found a more rude and cruell enemy; for some after being taken gott their lives, but the hunger and their treachery made them kill one another, be it for booty or whatsoever other. none escaped, saving some hundred came to quebecq to recover their first liberty, but contrary they found their end. so the ffathers left walls, wildernesse, and all open wide to the ennemy and came to quebecq with the rest of the poore fugitives. they were placed in the wildernesse neere the habitation of quebecq; but being not a convenient place, they weare putt to the isle of orleans, leagues below quebecq, in a fort that they made with the succour of the ffrench, where they lived some years planting & sowing indian corne for their nourishment, and greased robes of castors, of which grease the profit came to the ffathers, the summe of , livres tournois yearly. in this place they weare catched when they least thought of it, not without subject of conivance. god knoweth there weare escaped that time about women and some men. the rest are all killed, taken and brought away, of which for the most part weare sett at liberty in the country of their ennemy, where they found a great number of their kindred and relations who lived with all sorte of liberty, and went along with the iroquois to warre as if they weare natives, in them was no trust to be given, ffor they weare more cruell then the iroquois even to their proper country, in soe much that the rest resolved to surrender themselves then undergoe the hazard to be taken by force. the peace was made by the instancy of the ffather jesuits. as before, some weare going there to live, as they have already begun. they seeing our departure & transporting of our goods to mount royall for to runne yea the hazard, they also must come. to lett you know [if] our fortune or theirs be better or worse, it should be a hard thing for me to declare; you may judge yourselfe. lett us come to our purpose and follow our voyage. being arrived att the last french habitation, where we must stay above dayes, ffor to pass that place without guide was a thing impossible, but after the time expired, our guides arrived. it was a band of iroquois that was appointed to fetch us, and conduct us into their country. one day att of the clock in the morning, when we least thought of any, saw severall boats coming from the point of st louis, directly att the foot of a hill so called some miles from mont royall. then rejoycing all to see coming those that they never thought to have seene againe, ffor they promissed to come att the beginning of spring and should arrive dayes before us, but seeing them, every one speakes but of his imbarcation. the hurrons that weare present began to make speeches to encourage their wives to make ready with all their stuffe and to feare nothing, being that the heavans would have it so disposed, & that it was better to die in iroquois country and peace with their brethren, then stay in the knott of their nativity, that is their country, to be murthered, & better in the iroquois country in warre for to be burned. all things so disposed, they prepare themselves to receave the iroquois, who weare no more then , in number, [footnote: "no more than , in number," meaning, no doubt, that number at onondaga and its vicinity.] and made a halt for to hold councell to know what they must say that they thought of every one and of the hurrons. but those barbars had an other designe, ffor their destiny was to doe, and not to speake; but for to doe this, this must be a treachery in which they are experted. you must know that that bande [of] irokois [in] descending the last streame or falling watter one of their skiffs made shipwrake in which weare seaven, all drowned without none could souccour them. a thing remarkable, that every one strive to help himselfe without that they will give ayde or assistance to an other; uppon this, that untoward army, those wild barbarous with vengence, held councell, as is before said, for to be revenged of the losse of their compagnions, where they determined, being that they come to fetch the french and the hurrons, to revenge this uppon them and kill them as soone as they should be in their jurisdiction; but considering after that wee french had a fort in their country with a good strong guard, and that that should cause affairs, it was concluded that there furor should not be discharged but uppon the poore hurrons. upon this deliberation they broke councell and arrived att the fort. their speech was cleare contrary to their designe, and promises inviolably ffriendshipp. there was presents and guifts given of both party, but when they pertooke the death of their compagnions they must make other presents perhaps that prevailed somewhat in their thoughts, and tourne them from their perfidious undertakings. for often the liberalitie of those savage was seene executed, but the desire brings great booty, and observance causes that covetousnesse will prove deare to the ffrench as to the hurrons in few days. presently they procure some boats, ffor the iroquoits had but eleven and the hurrons none, for they came in the ffrench shallope. so that it must be contrivance for the one and other, which was soone done. in lesse then dayes parted the dwelling we found more then boats, and all very great, we being also so many in company, iroquoits, some hundred huron women and some or men, ffrench with two ffathers jesuits. in this manner we departed mont royall, every one loaded with his burden. wee passed the same journie. wee passed the gulfe of st louis, and made cabbans in the furthermost part of the streame. that day was laborious to us, so much that the iroquoits resolved to be backe againe, and make a company to fight against the algonquins of quebecq. upon this, left us. the next day we embarqued though not without confusion, because many weare not content nor satisfied. what a pleasure the two ffathers to see them trott up and downe the rocks to gett their menage into the boat, which with much adoe they gott in. the boats weare so loaden that many could not proceed if bad weather should happen. the journey but small came only to the lake of st louis, leagues beyond the streame. there the savage threwed the ffathers' bundle on the watter side, and would take no care for them; seeing many of their men gone, the french as well as hurrons, who would have disputed their lives with them for their lives, and had prevented them if their designe had bin discovered. so that after a great debat we must yeeld to the strongest party for the next embarking. the ffathers' merchandises weare left behind to oblige the ffrench to stay with it, and seaven of us onely embarqued, one of the ffathers with more, and the rest stayed to bring what was left behind, so that ours weare diminished above men. wee embarqued indifferently one with another, ffrench, iroquoits, and hurrons. after we came to the highest of the isle of montroyall; we saw the separation, or rather the great two rivers that of canada are composed; the one hath its origine from the west and the other from south southeast. it was the last that wee sayled, coming to the end of that lake, which is or leagues long and in breadth. we must make carriages which are high withall, and the boats by lande because no other way to passe. the trainage is where the watter is not so trepid. we draw the boats loaden after us, and when there is not water enough, every one his bundle by land. having proceeded dayes' journey on the river, we entered another lake somewhat bigger; it's called st. francis. this is delightfull to the eye as the formost. i speak not of the goodnesse, for there are many things to be spoaken off. i am satisfied to assure you that it is a delightfull & beautifull country. we wanted nothing to the view passing those skirts, killing staggs, auriniacks & fowles. as for the fish, what a thing it is to see them in the bottom of the watter, & take it biting the hooke or lancing it with lance or cramp iron. in this lake the hurrons began to suspect the treachery conspirated against them, ffor they observed that the iroquoits allways consulted privately together, not giving them the least notice, which made a hurron with men & women goe away & run away to the ffrench of quebecq; & for this intent one very morning, after being imbarqued as the rest, went in to the midle of the river, where they began to sing & take their leave, to the great astonishment of the rest & to the great discontent of the iroquoits, that saw themselves so frustrated of so much booty that they exspected. but yett they made no signe att the present, but lett them goe without trouble for feare the rest would doe the same, & so be deprived of the conspiracy layde for the death of their compagnions. to that purpose knowing the place where they weare to land, which was in an island in the midle of the river, a league long & a quarter broade, they resolved to murder them in the said place, which was promptly executed in this maner following:-- they embarqued both hurron men and women in their boats, and among them made up som that embarked themselves in of their boats, in a posture as if they should goe to the warrs, & went before the breake of day. we weare but frenchmen, & they put us [in] several boats. i find meselfe with iroquoits & one hurron man. coming within sight of the isle where they weare to play their game, one of the iroquoits in the same boate as i landed, takes his gunne & charges it. the hurron and i saw this, but neither dreamed of the tragedy that was att hand. after goes into the woode, & the iroquois that governed the boat takes up a hattchett & knocks downe the poore hurron, that never thought to be so ended, and the other that charged his musket in the wood shoots him and fell downe uppon my heels. my feet soone swims in the miserable hurron's bloode. he did quiver as if he had an ague, and was wounded with great many wounds, that still they doubled. both iroquoits came to me and bid [me have] courage, ffor they would not hurt me; but [as] for him that was killed, he was a dogg, good for nothing. the small knowledge that i have had of their speech made of a better hope; but one that could not have understood them would have ben certainly in a great terror. this murder could not be committed so but that the rest of the boats should heare it, and therefore in that very time we heard sad moans and cryes horidly by hurron women. they threwed the corps immediately into the water and went the other side of the river into the abovesaid isle. being landed together, the poore women went in a flock like sheep that sees the wolves ready to devour them. there were hurron men that tooke theire armes. the iroquoits not hindering them in the least, but contrarily the captayne of the iroquoits appeared to defend their cause, giving sharp apprehensions to those that held up armes, and so farr that he did beat those that offered to hurt them. in this example you may perceive the dissimulation & vengence of this cursed people. so that the company, reassured in some respects, the affrighted company, made them goe up to the toppe of the hill and there errect cottages some paces from them; during the while i walked on the side where they weare hard at work and firmly believed that the poore hurron was killed by the iroquoit out of malice, so much trust i putt in the traiterous words. as i was directly coming where the hurrons weare, what should i see? a band of iroquoits all daubed, rushing out of a wood all painted, which is the signe of warre. i thought they weare those that i have seene in [the] morning before, as effectually they weare. i came to the place where weare all those poore victims. there was the good ffather comforting the poore innocent women. the chief of them satt by a valliant huron who all his life time killed many iroquoits, and by his vallour acquired the name of great captayne att home and abroad. the iroquoit spake to him, as the ffather told us, and as i myself have heard. "brother, cheare up," says he, "and assure yourselfe you shall not be killed by doggs; thou art both man and captayne, as i myselfe am, and will die in thy defence." and as the afforesaid crew shewed such a horrid noise, of a sudaine the captayne tooke hold of the chaine that was about him, thou shalt not be killed by another hand then by mine. att that instant the cruell iroquoits fell upon those hurrons, as many wolves, with hattchetts, swords, and daggers, & killed as many [as] there weare, save onely one man. that hurron captayne seeing himselfe so basly betrayed, he tooke hold of his hattchett that hunged downe his side, and strook downe a iroquoit; but the infinit deale tooke his courage and life away. this that was saved was an old man, who in his time had ben att the defeat and taking of severall iroquoits. he in authority by his means saved some. this news brought to them and his name as benefactor, which deed then saved his life. heere you see a good example, that it is decent to be good to his ennemy. after this was done & their corps throwne into the watter, the women weare brought together. i admired att them, seeing them in such a deepe silence, looking on the ground with their coverletts uppon their heads, not a sigh heard, where a litle before they made such a lamentable noise for the losse of their companyion that was killed in my boate. some howers all was pacified & the kettle almost ready for [to] goe to worke. in this very moment there calls a councell. the ffather was called as a statsman to that councell, where he hears their wild reasons; that what they had done was in reveng of their deare comrades that weare drowned in coming for them, and also to certifie the ffrench of their good will. so done, the meate was dressed, we weare invited. the ffather comes to take his dish, and finds us all in armes, resolving to die valiently, thinking the councell was called to conclud our death as the hurron's. the th was not able to menage armes, being a litle boy. the ffather gave us a brother of his company who had invincible good looke and a stout heart. we waited onely for his shooting. the ffather could not persuade him to draw. we told him if he would not fight, to leave our company; which perceived by the iroquoits, made them looke to themselves. they came & assured us of their good will. the frenchmen that understood not longed for the schermish & die for it. att last the ffather prevailed with us, & tould us what was done in councell. two iroquoits came to us with weapons, who signifies there is nothing layd against you, & commanded their compagnions to put by their armes, that they weare our brethren. the agreement was made. some went to the feast, some stayed. having eaten, the ffather calls them againe to councell, & for that purpose borrows some porcelaine from the captayne to make guifts. all being together the ffather begins his speech, throwing the first guift into the midle of the place, desiring that it might be accepted for the conservation of the ffriendshipe that had ben long between them and us, and so was accepted with a ho, ho, which is an assurance & a promise, as thanks. the nd was for the lives of the women which weare in their hands, & to conduct them with saftie into their country, which was accepted in like manner. the rd was to encourage them to bring us to their owne country & carry our marchandises in such [manner] that they may not be wett, nor leave them behind, which was, as abovesaid, punctually observed. the councell being ended, the captaynes made speeches to encourage the masters of the boats to take a bundle to his care & charge, & give an account of it in the country. i wish the lotts weare so distributed before we came from mont royall, but that it is the miserable comfort, better late then never. att night every one to his cabben, and the women dispersed into every cabban with their children, which was a sight of compassion. the day following being the th day of our departure, some went a hunting, some stayed att home. the next day to that we embarqued all a sunder, a boat for each. i was more chearfull then the rest, because i knewed a litle of their language, and many saw me in the low country. wherefore [they] made me embarque with a yong man, taller & properer then myselfe. we had paines and toyles enough; especially my sperit was grieved, and have souffred much troubles weeks together. i thought we should come to our journey's end & so help one another by things past; ffor a man is glad to drive away the time by honest, ingenuous discours, and i would rejoyce very much to be allwayes in company uppon my journey. it was contrary to me all the voyage, ffor my boat and an other, wherein weare men & a woman iroquoit, stayed behind without seeing or hearing from one another. i leave with you to think if they weare troubled for me or i for them. there was a great alteration a litle before; a whole fleete of boats, now to be reduced [to] onely. but patience perforce. we wandered on that gay river by the means of high and low gulfs that are in it; ffor since i made reflection of the quantity of water that comes in that river that comes from off the top of the high mountains with such a torrent that it causes a mighty noise which would make the bouldest men afraid. we went on some journeys with a deale of paines and labour becaus for our weeknesse, and moreover a man of the other boat fell sick of the ague, soe that one of us must helpe him either in the carriag or drawing the boat; and, which was wors, my compagnion was childish and yong as i. the long familiarity we had with one another breeded contempt, so that we would take nothing from one another, which made us goe together by the ears, and fought very often till we weare covered in blood. the rest tooke delight to see us fight; but when they saw us take either gun or sword, then came they to putt us a sunder. when we weare in the boat we could not fight but with our tongues, flying water att one another. i believe if the fathers' packet had ben there, the guift could not keepe it from wetting. as for meat we wanted none, and we had store of large staggs along the watter side. we killed some almost every day, more for sport then for neede. we finding them sometimes in islands, made them goe into the watter and after we killed about a score, we clipped the ears of the rest and hung a bell to it, and then let them loose. what a sporte to see the rest flye from that that had the bell! as i satt with my compagnion i saw once of an evening a very remarquable thing. there comes out of a vast forest a multitud of bears, att least together, making a horrid noise, breaking small trees, throwing the rocks downe by the watter side. we shot att them but [they] stirred not a step, which frightned us that they slighted our shooting. we knewed not whether we killed any or no, because of the darke, neither dare we venter to see. the wild men tould me that they never heard their father speake of so many together. we went to the other side to make cabbans, where being arrived, where we made fire & put the kettle on. when it was ready we eat our belly full. after supper the sick wild man tould me a story and confirmed it to be true, which happened to him, being in warre in the upper country of the iroquoits neere the great river that divides it self in two. "brother," sayes he, "it's a thing to be admired to goe afar to travell. you must know, although i am sick i am [a] man, and fought stoutly and invaded many. i loved alwayes the ffrench for their goodnesse, but they should [have] given us [to] kill the algonkins. we should not warre against the ffrench, but traited with them for our castors. you shall know i am above years (yett the fellow did not looke as if he had ). i was once a captayne," says he, "of men, against the nation of the fire & against the stairing hairs, our ennemys. we stayed whole winters from our country, and most of that time among our ennemy, but durst not appeare because of the small number we had against a multitude, which made us march in the night and hide ourselves in the daytime in forests. att last we are weary to be so long absent from our wives & countrey. we resolved some more execution, & take the first nation that we should incountre. we have allready killed many. we went some dayes on that river, which is bordered of fine sands; no rocks there to be seene. being landed one morning to goe out of the way least we should be discovered, and for [to] know the place that we weare, sent two of our men to make a discovery, who coming back brought us [word] that they have seen devils, and could not believe that they weare men. we presently putt ourselves on our gards, and looke to our armes, thought to have ben lost, but tooke a strong resolution to die like men, and went to meet those monsters. we weare close to one an other, saveing they that made a discovery, that went just before us, tould us, being neere the waterside, that they have seene afar off (as they thought) a great heape of stoanes. we needing them mightily we went to gett some. within paces nigh we found them converted into men, who weare of an extraordinary height, lying all along the strand asleepe. brother, you must know that we weare all in feare to see such a man and woman of a vast length. they weare by two feete taller then i, and big accordingly. they had by them two basquetts, a bow and arrows. i came nigh the place. their arrows weare not so long as ours, but bigger, and their bows the same; each had a small stagg's skin to cover their nakednesse. they have noe winter in their country. after being gone we held a councell to consider what was to be done. we weare two boats; the one did carry men, the other . that of would goe back againe, but that of would goe forward into another river. so we departed. the night being come, as precedent nights, we saw fires in severall places on the other side of the river, which made us goe there att the breake of day, to know what it was, which was men as tall as the other man and woman, and great many of them together a fishing. we stealed away without any noise and resolved not to stay longer in them parts, where every thing was so bigg. the fruits of trees are as bigg as the heart of an horiniac, which is bigger then that of an oxe. "the day after our retourne, being in cottages covered with bushes, we heard a noise in the wood, which made us speedily take our weopens, every one hiding himselfe behind a tree the better to defend himselfe, but perceaved it was a beast like a dutch horse, that had a long & straight horne in the forehead, & came towards us. we shott twice at him; [he] falls downe on the ground, but on a sudaine starts up againe and runs full boot att us; and as we weare behind the trees, thrusts her home very farr into the tree, & so broak it, and died. we would eat non of her flesh, because the flemings eat not their horses' flesh, but tooke off the skin, which proved heavy, so we left it there. her horne feet long, and bigger then the biggest part of an arme." [footnote: in o'callaghan's _documentary history of new york_, vol. iv. p. , , is given an engraving of this animal, with the title, "wild animals of new netherlands," taken from a dutch work published in amsterdam in . in this work it is thus described: "on the borders of canada animals are now and again seen somewhat resembling a horse; they have cloven hoofs, shaggy manes, a horn right out of the forehead, a tail like that of the wild hog, black eyes, a stag's neck, and love the gloomiest wildernesses, are shy of each other. so that the male never feeds with the female except when they associate for the purpose of increase. then they lay aside their ferocity. as soon as the rutting season is past, they again not only become wild but even attack their own."] we still proceeded in our journey. in dayes we overtook the boat that left us. now whether it was an unicorne, or a fibbe made by that wild man, yet i cannot tell, but severall others tould me the same, who have seene severall times the same beast, so that i firmly believe it. so his story ended, which lasted a great while; ffor having an excellent memory, tould me all the circumstances of his rencounters. we [went] from thence the next morning. we came to a beatifull river, wide one league and a halfe, which was not violent nor deepe, soe that we made no carriages for or leagues, where we had the view of eagles and other birds taking fishes, which we ourselves have done, & killed salmons with staves. one of my compagnions landed a sturgeon six fadoms deepe and brought it. going along the woodside we came where a greate many trees weare cutt, as it weare intended for a fort. at the end of it there was a tree left standing, but the rind taken away from it. upon it there was painted with a coale men hanged, with their heads at their feete, cutt off. they weare so well drawen, that the one of them was father by the shortnesse of his haire, which lett us know that the french that was before us weare executed. a litle further an other was painted of boats, one of men, an other of , whereof one was standing with a hattchett in his hands striking on the head. att an other weare represented boats, pursueing bears, a man drawn as if he weare on land with his gune shooting a stagge. i considering these things, troubled me very much, yea, caused my heart to tremble within me; and moreover when those that weare with me certified me of what i was too sure, telling me the ffrenchmen weare dead, but tould me to be cheerfull, that i should not die. after i found so much treachery in them i could but trust litle in their words or promisses, yett must shew good countenance to a wors game then i had a minde, telling me the contrary of what they told me of the death of the frenchmen, to shew them that i was in no feare. being embarqued, the wild men tould me we should goe on the other side of that broad river. it was extreamly hott, no wind stiring. i was ready that both should be together for the better assurance of my life. i perceived well that he alone was not able to performe the voyage; there was the other sick of the other boat, that did row but very slowly. i thought to meselfe they must needs bring me into their countrey if they meet non by the way, and so i comforted meselfe with better hope. we soone came to the other side of the river. the other boat followed not, being nigh the land. my comrade perceaved an eagle on a tree, the feathers of which are in esteeme among them. he lands and takes his gunne, charges it, and goes into the wood. i was in feare, without blame, for i knewed not what he meant. i remembered how the poore hurron was served so a litle before in his boat, and in like manner. as he went about, i could not imagine what was best, but resolved to kill [rather] then be killed. upon this i take my gunne, which the other saw, desires me not to make any noise, shewing me the eagle, that as yett i have not seene. to obey him i stoope downe like a monkey, visiting my weopon that he should not suspect. my eyes neverthelesse followed for feare. i see at last the truth of his designe; he shoots and kills the eagle. [we] after imbarqued ourselves, the night drawing on, and must think to goe to the other boat or he to us, which he did. i admired the weather, cleare and calme that we could scarce see him, yet that we should heare them speake, and understand, as if they weare but or paces from us. he being come, we sought for conveniency to make cottages, which soone was done. the others sooner landed then we. they came to receive us att our landing. one tooke my gunne, the other a litle bondle of mine. i was surprised att this. then they asked me [for] my powder and shott, and opened my bagge, began to partage my combs & other things that i had. i thought it the consultest way to submitt to the strongest party, therefore i tooke [no] notice of what they did. the woman kindled the fire. seeing myselfe out of care of my fright, satt me selfe downe by the woman. shee looked now and then uppon me, which made me more and more mistrust. in the meane while he that was sick calls me. i came and asked him what he pleased. "i will," sayd he, "that you imbarque your selfe by me," and throws his cappot away, bidding me also to leave my capot. he takes his hattchett, and hangs it to his wrest, goes into the boat, & i with him. i would have carryed my gunne. i tooke it from the place where they layd it. they, seeing, laughed & gave a shout, as many beasts, yett it was not in their power to make me goe to the boat without my weapon; so lett me have it, and went straight as if we weare to goe on the other side of the river. about the midle the wild man bids mee goe out, to which i would not consent. i bid him goe. after we disputed awhile, i not obeying, began to consider if he had a minde to drowne me, that he himselfe would not go in the water. being come a litle to myselfe i perceaved that the water was not foote deepe. it was so darke, yett one might perceive the bottom covered with muskles. having so much experience, i desired him to have patience; so gott of my shirt & lep't into the watter & gathered about half a bushell of those shells or mussells. i made sure that the boat should not leave me, for i fastened my girdle to it, and held the end. mistrust is the mother of safety. we came back againe. we found the kettle ready; they gave me meat and a dish of broth, which exercised me a while. having done, the man comes and makes me pull of my shirt, having then nothing but my drawers to cover my nackednesse. he putts on my shirt on his back, takes a knif and cutts a medail that hung to my necke. he was a great while searching me and feeling if i was fatt. i wished him farr enough. i looked [for] an opportunity to be from him, thinking to be better sheltered by the woman. i thought every foot he was to cutt my troat. i could [not] beare [it]. i had rather dye [at] once then being so often tormented. i rose and satt me downe by the woman, in whome was all my trust. shee perceived i was in great feare, whether by collour of my face or other, i know not. shee putts her hands uppon my head & combs it downe with her fingers. "my son," says shee, "be chearfull. it is my husband; he will not hurt thee; he loves me and knoweth that i love thee, and have a mind to have thee to our dwelling." then shee rose and takes my shirt from her husband and brings it me. shee gave me one of her covers. "sleepe," said shee. i wanted not many persuasions. so chuse rather the fatall blow sleeping then awake, for i thought never to escape. the next morning i finding meselfe freed, which made me hope for the future. i have reason to remember that day for two contrary things; first, for my spirits being very much perplexed, and the other for that the weather was contrary though very lovely. that morning they rendered all my things againe, & filled my bagge with victualls. we left this place, which feared me most then hurt was done. some laughed att me afterwards for my feares wherein i was, which i more & more hoped for better intertainment. the weather was fair all that day, but the next wee must make a waynage, which [was] not very hard; but my comrade drew carelessly, and the boat slipps from his hands, which turned with such force that it had me along if i had not lett my hould goe, chusing [rather] that then venter my selfe in danger. soe that it [no] sooner gott downe then we gott it up againe; but by fortune was not hurted, yett it runn'd aground among rocks. we must goe downe the river. i was driven to swime to it, where i found it full of watter, and a hole that fists might goe through it, so that i could not drive it to land without mending it. my compagnion must also in the water like a watter dogg, comes and takes hould of the foure oares. all the wild men swims like watter doggs, not as we swime. we mende the boat there neatly, not without miscalling one another. they spoake to me a word that i understood not because of the difference betweene the low iroquoits and their speech, and in the anger and heat we layde the blame uppon one another to have lett the boat flippe purposely. i tooke no heed of what he alleadged. he comes sudainly uppon me & there cuffed one another untill we weare all in bloode. being weary, att last, out of breath, we gave over like cocks over tyred with fighting. we could not fight longer, but must find strength to draw up the boat against the streame and overtake the other, which was a good way from us. it was impossible to overtake the day, nor the next. so that we must lay nights by our selves. the third day we arrived to a vast place full of isls, which are called the isles of toniata, where we overtooke our compagnions, who stayd for us. there they killed a great bigg and fatt beare. we tooke some of it into our boats & went on our journey together. we came thence to a place like a bazon, made out of an isle like a halfe moone. here we caught eeles five fadoms or more deepe in the waiter, seeing cleerly the bottome in abundance of fishes. we finde there low country iroquoits in their cabbans that came back from the warre that was against the nation of the catts. they had with them women with a young man of years & a girle of years, all prisoners. they had a head with short haire of one of that nation, that uses to have their hair turned up like the prickles of an headg hogge. we cottaged ourselves by them. some of them knewed me & made much of mee. they gave me a guirland of porcelaine & a girdle of goat's haire. they asked when should i visit my ffriends. i promissed to come there as soone as i could arrive att the upper village. i gave them my hattchett to give to my ffather, and dozen of brass rings & shooting-knives for my sisters, promissing to bring a cover for my mother. they inquired what was it that made me goe away, and how. i tould them through woods & arrived att the rivers in dayes, and that i souffred much hunger by the way. i would not tell them that i escaped by reason of the duch. they called me often devill to have undertaken such a task. i resolved to goe along with them. heere i found certainty, and not till then, of the ffrenchmen, whom they have seene seaven dayes before att the coming in of the great lake d'ontario; and that undoubtedly the markes we have seene on the trees weare done by seaven other boats of their owne nation that came backe from the warres in the north, that mett hurron boats of men, who fought & killed iroquoits and wounded others. of the hurrons weare slained, one taken alive, and the other escaped. those boats weare going to the ffrench to live there. that news satisfied much my wild men, and much more i rejoiced at this. we stayed with them the next day, feasting one another. they cutt and burned the fingers of those miserable wretches, making them sing while they plucked out some of their nailes, which done, wee parted well satisfied for our meeting. from that place we came to lye att the mouth of a lake in an island where we have had some tokens of our frenchmen by the impression of their shooes on the sand that was in the island. in that island our wild men hid caskes of indian corne, which did us a kindnesse, ffor there was no more veneson pye to be gotten. the next day we make up our bundles in readinesse to wander uppon that sweet sea, as is the saying of the iroquoits, who rekens by their daye's journey. this was above leagues in length & in breadth. seeing the water so calme and faire, we ventured some leagues, to gaine a point of the firme land, that by that means we should shorten or leagues in our way. we went on along the lake in that maner with great delight, sometimes with paine and labour. as we went along the water side, the weather very faire, it comes to my mind to put out a cover instead of a saile. my companion liked it very well, for generally wild men are given to leasinesse. we seeing that our sayle made us goe faster then the other boat, not perceiving that the wind came from the land, which carried us far into the lake, our compagnions made a signe, having more experience then wee, and judged of the weather that was to come. we would not heare them, thinking to have an advantage. soone after the wind began to blow harder, made us soone strike sayle, and putt our armes to worke. we feeled not the wind because it was in our backs, but turning aside we finde that we had enough to doe. we must gett ourselves to a better element then that [where] we weare. instantly comes a shower of raine with a storme of winde that was able to perish us by reason of the great quantity of watter that came into our boat. the lake began to vapour and make a show of his neptune's sheep. seeing we went backwards rather then forwards, we thought ourselves uterly lost. that rogue that was with me sayd, "see thy god that thou sayest he is above. will you make me believe now that he is good, as the black-coats [the ffather jesuits] say? they doe lie, and you see the contrary; ffor first you see that the sun burns us often, the raine wetts us, the wind makes us have shipwrake, the thundering, the lightnings burns and kills, and all come from above, and you say that it's good to be there. for my part i will not goe there. contrary they say that the reprobats and guilty goeth downe & burne. they are mistaken; all is goode heare. doe not you see the earth that nourishes all living creatures, the water the fishes, and the yus, and that corne and all other seasonable fruits for our foode, which things are not soe contrary to us as that from above?" as he said so he coursed vehemently after his owne maner. he tooke his instruments & shewed them to the heavens, saying, "i will not be above; here will [i] stay on earth, where all my friends are, and not with the french, that are to be burned above with torments." how should one think to escape this torments and storms, but god who through his tender mercy ceas'd the tempest and gave us strength to row till we came to the side of the water? i may call it a mighty storme by reason of the litlenesse of the boat, that are all in watter to the breadth of fingers or lesse. i thought uppon it, and out of distress made a vertue to seeke the means to save ourselves. we tyed a sack full of corne in the fore end of our boat, & threw it into the watter, which hung downe some foure fathoms, and wee putt our selves in the other end, so that the end that was towards the wind was higher then the other, and by that means escaped the waves that without doubt, if we had not used that means, we had sunk'd. the other boat landed to lett that storme [pass] over. we found them in the even att their cottages, and thought impossible for us to escape. after severall dayes' travell we came to an isle where we made cottages. we went so farre that evening that we might be so much the neerer to take a broader passage which should shorten our voyage above leagues. att night wee saw severall fires uppon the land. we all judged that it was our company that went before us. before brake of day we did what we could to overtake them, not without hazard, by reason the winds that blewed hard, which we could not perceive before. being come to the bay of the isle we could not turne back without greater danger, so resolved to proceede. we came to the very place where we saw the fires, & found that we weare not mistaken in our opinions. by good looke they weare there, else we had perished for all being so neere the land, for the lake swelled by reason of the great wind that blew, which stayed them there above nights. neither for this reason was there any landing, because of a great banck or heape of rocks, untill those that weare ashore came to us into the watter to their oxtars [footnote: _oxtars_, up to their armpits.] and stoped our boats. we then cast our selves and all that we had overboord, leaving our boats there, which weare immediately in thousands [of] peaces. being arrived, we placed our cottages by a most pleasant delicat river, where for delightfullnesse was what man's heart could wish. there weare woods, forests, meddows. there we stayed dayes by reason of the weather. one night i layd neare a faire comely lasse that was with us. there they take no notice, for they live in so great liberty that they are never jealous one of another. i admired of a sudaine to heare new musick. shee was in travell and immediately delivered. i awaked all astonished to see her drying her child by the fire side. having done, [she] lapt the child in her bosome and went to bed as if that had ben nothing, without moan or cry, as doe our europian women. before we left the place that babe died. i had great mind to baptize him, but feared least they should accuse me to be the cause of his death. being come to the above named place, where weare the ghostly ffathers with other french, came to meet us from the fort, which weare but leagues off, where i have receaved a censure for being so timidous, [in] not dareing to ffling watter on the head of that poore innocent to make him happy. we frenchmen began to tell our adventures, having ben out of hopes of ever to see one another, being exceeding glad that we weare deceaved in our opinions. some leaves us & went by land to their cabbans. the rest stayes for faire weather to come to our journey's ende. we wanted not slaves from that place to carry our packs. we came into a river towards the fort which was dangerous for its swiftnesse. from that river that brought us within leagues of the lake we came into a narrower river from a small lake where a french fort was built. this river was leagues long & the lake in compasse. about it a most pleasant country, very fruitfull. goeing up that same river we meet french that weare fishing a kind of fish called dab, which is excellent, & have done us great kindnesse, having left no more provision then what we needed much. having come to the landing place att the foot of the fort, we found there a most faire castle very neatly built, great & small ones. the bottom was built with great trees & well tyed in the topp with twiggs of ashure, strengthened with two strong walles & bastions, which made the fort imppregnable of the wild men. there was also a fine fall of woods about it. the french corne grewed there exceeding well, where was as much as covered half a league of land. the country smooth like a boord, a matter of some or leagues about. severall fields of all sides of indian corne, severall of french tournaps, full of chestnutts and oakes of accorns, with thousand such like fruit in abundance. a great company of hoggs so fatt that they weare not able to goe. a plenty of all sortes of fowles. the ringdoves in such a number that in a nett or att once might be taken. so this was not a wild country to our imagination, but plentyfull in every thing. we weare humanly receaved by the reverend ffathers jesuits and some other frenchmen, as well domestiques as volontiers. we prepared ourselves to take the country's recreation, some to hunt, some to fish, but prevented by a feaver that seised on us all. some continued a month, some more and some lesse, which is the tribut that one must pay for the changment of climat. some dayes after we had news that another company of iroquoits weare arrived att mont royall. as soone [as] we went from thence the father & the rest of the ffrench that did stay behind did imbark themselves with them and followed us so close that ere long would be at us. as they went up to make cottages in the island of the massacre, which was dayes before our departure, one of the company goes to shute for his pleasure, finds a woman half starved for hunger, lying on a rock by a water. he brings her to the cottages & made so much by giving her some luckwarme water, which he boyled with flower & grease, that she came to herselfe entirely againe. shee was examined. shee told them what is above said, and when it happened. shee hid her selfe in a rotten tree during the slaughter, where shee remained dayes; after we weare gone shee came foorth for to gett some food, and found nothing, but founde onely some small grapes, of roots the first dayes, & nothing else. shee finding her selfe feeble and weake, not able to sustaine such, resolved for death. the father, knowing her to be a christian, had a singular care for her, & brought her where i overtooke the said father with the french. being brought [she] was frightened againe for seeing a man charging his gunne to kill her, as shee said, so went away that night, & non knowes what became of her. being weake, not thoroughly healed, shee fancied that such a thing might be done. by this, we poore, many have recovered. the father arrives, that affirmes this newes to us, being very sorry for the losse of this poore creature that god has so long preserved without any subsistance, which shews us apparently that wee ought not to despaire, & that keeps those that lives in his feare. we went to meete the father, i meane those that weare able, to bid the father welcome & his company. being come safe & in a good disposition together, we rendered god thanks. there weare many that waited for us, desiring to tourne back againe to quebecq, obtaining their desier from the fathers & the governour of the fort. they weare in number & one father. after weeks end we recovered our health. so we went to bring them a part of the way, some to the water side, some to the laksende, where we tooke of one another farewell, with such ceremonys as are used when friends depart. some dayes after we heare that the poore woman was in the woods; not that shee knew'd which way to tourne, but did follow her owne fancy whersoever it lead her, & so wandered dayes, getting some times for her subsistance wild garlick, yong buds of trees, & roots. shee was seene in an evening by a river, whereby shee was for dayes, by hurrons renegades. they tooke her, but in a sad condition. they not considering that shee was of their owne nation, stript her. it is the custom to strip whomsoever is lost in the woods. they brought her to the village, where the father was that brought her from the place of murdering to that place whence shee runned away the second time. this father, knowing her, brings her to our fort, that we might see her as a thing incredible but by the mercy of god. i was in the village with the father and with another frenchman, where we see the crudest thing in nature acted. those iroquoits that came along the river with us, some weare about fishing, some a hunting, they seeing this woman makes her [their] slave. one day a man or theirs was forwearned for his insolency, for not referring to the governor, doing all out of his owne head. [he him] selfe was to come that day, leading women with their children, he not intending to give an account of anything but by his owne authority. the elders, heering this, goes and meets him some paces out of the village for to maintaine their rights. they stayed this man. what weare those beasts? he answered they weare his; he no sooner had spoaken, but one old man spoak to him thus: "nephew, you must know that all slaves, as well men as women, are first brought before the councell, and we alone can dispose [of] them." so said, & turned to the other side, and gave a signe to some soldiers that they brought for that purpose, to knock those beasts in the head, who executed their office & murdered the women. one tooke the child, sett foot on his head, taking his leggs in his hands, wrought the head, by often turning, from off the body. an other souldier tooke the other child from his mother's brest, that was not yett quite dead, by the feete and knocks his head against the trunck of a tree. this [is] a daily exercise with them, nor can i tell the one half of their cruelties in like sortes. those with many others weare executed, some for not being able to serve, and the children for hindering their mothers to worke. so they reckne a trouble to lett them live. o wicked and barbarious inhumanity! i forgott to tell that the day the woman layed in, some houres before, shee and i roasted some indian corn in the fire: being ready, shee pulled out the grains one by one with a stick, and as shee was so doing, shee made a horrid outcry, shewing me a toad, which was in the breadth of a dish, which was in the midle of the redd ashes striving to gett out. we wondered, for the like was never seene before. after he gott out of the fire we threwed stoanes & staves att him till it was killed. that toad lived dayes in or under the fire. having remained in that village dayes, we have seene horrible cruelties committed. three of us resolved to turne back to our fort, which was miles off. we brought above women, hurron slaves & others, all loadened with corne. we weare allwayes in scarcity for pollicy, though we had enough, ffor certainty is farre better then the incertainry. before we departed this base place we received [news] that the hurron who was saved by the consent of the rest in the isle of massacre, as is above said, dayes after his deliverance run'd away by night towards the lower country of the iroquoits, where he arrived safe, not without sufferings in the way, ffor such long voyages cannot be performed otherwise, having gon through vast forests, finding no inn in the way, neither having the least provision. att his coming there he spoake whatever the reveng, wrath, and indignation could provoke or utter against the ffrench, especially against the ffathers, saying that it was they that have sold and betrayed them; and that he would bestow the same uppon them if ever he should meet with them. as for him, he gave heaven thanks that he was yett living; that he had his life saved by them to whome he would render like service, warning them not to lett the french build a fort, as the upper iroquoits had done; that he could tell them of it by experience; that they should remember the nation of the stagges so bigg. as soone as the french came there, nothing but death and slaughter was expected, having caused their death by sorcery, which brought a strange sicknesse amongst them. such things can prevaile much uppon such a wild, credulous nation; their minds alltogether for the warrs in which they delight most of any thing in the world. we came our way; this news troubled us very much, knowing the litle fidelity that is [in] that wild nation, that have neither faith nor religion, neither law nor absolut government, as we shall heare the effects of it. the autumn scarce began but we heare that the lower iroquoits contrived a treason against the ffrench. so having contrived & discovered that they weare resolved to leavy an armie of men of their owne nation, who are esteemed the best souldiers, having the anojot to assist them; a bold, rash nation, and so thought to surprise the inhabitants of that place. as they weare contriving and consequently seased upon the fort and towne, thinking to execute their plot with ease, because of their assurance, trusting (if contrary to their contrivance) to the peace, saying that the ffrench weare as many hoggs layed up to be fatted in their country. but, o liberality, what strength hast thou! thou art the onely means wherby men know all and pierce the hearts of the most wild & barbarous people of the world. hearing such news, we make friends by store of guifts, yea such guifts that weare able to betray their country. what is that, that interrest will not do? we discover dayly new contryvances of treason by a councellor. there is nothing done or said but we have advice of it. their dayly exercise is feasting, of warrs, songs, throwing of hattchetts, breaking kettles. what can we do? we are in their hands. it's hard to gett away from them. yea, as much as a ship in full sea without pilot, as passengers without skill. we must resolve to be uppon our guard, being in the midle of our ennemy. for this purpose we begin to make provisions for the future end. we are tould that a company of the aniot nation volontiers was allready in their march to breake heads & so declare open warres. this company finds enough to doe att mount royall; ffor the ffrench being carelesse of themselves, working incomparably afarre from their fortifications without the least apprehension. they killed french and brought them away in triumph, their heads sett up for a signe of warrs. we seeing no other remedy but must be gon and leave a delightful country. the onely thing that we wanted most was that wee had no boats to carry our bagage. it's sad to tend from such a place that is compassed with those great lakes that compose that empire that can be named the greatest part of the knowne world. att last they contrived some deale boords to make shipps with large bottoms, which was the cause of our destruction sooner then was expected. you have heard above said how the ffathers inhabited the hurron country to instruct them in christian doctrine. they preach the mighty power of the almighty, who had drowned the world for to punish the wicked, saving onely our father noe with his familie was saved in an arke. one came bringing indian corne, named jaluck, who escaped the shipwrake that his countrymen had gone, being slave among us. he received such instructions of those deale boords, & reflected soundly upon the structure that he thought verily they weare to make an other arke to escape their hands, and by our inventions cause all the rest to be drowned by a second deluge. they imputing so much power to us, as noe had that grace from god, thought that god at least commanded us so to doe. all frightened [he] runns to his village. this comes back makes them all afraid. each talkes of it. the elders gathered together to consult what was to be done. in their councell [it] was concluded that our fort should be visited, that our fathers should be examined, & according to their answers deliberation should be taken to preserve both their life and countrey. we had allwayes spyes of our side, which weare out of zele and obedience. the ffathers jesuits and others voluntarily ventured their lives for the preservation of the common liberty. they remaine in the village of those barbars to spie what their intent should be, houlding correspondence with some of those of the councell by giving them guifts, to the end that we might know what was concluded in the councell & give us advise with all speede. we by these means had intelligence that they weare to come & visit our forts. to take away all suspicion of our innocency from thinking to build any shipp, which if it had come to their knowledge had don a great prejudice to our former designe, a shippe then uppon the docke almost finished. heere we made a double floore in the hall where the shippe was abuilding, so that the wild men, being ignorant of our way of building, could not take any notice of our cuningnesse, which proved to our desire. so done, finding nothing that was reported, all began to be quiet and out of feare. by this we weare warned from thencefoorth, mistrusting all that came there, so preserved ourselves, puting nothing in fight that should give the least suspition. both shipps weare accomplished; we kept them secretly & covered them with boats of rind that we kept for fishing and hunting. the wildmen knewed of these small things, but suspected nothing, believing that the french would never suspect to venture such a voyage for the difficultie of the way and violence of the swiftnesse of the rivers and length of the way. we stayed for opportunity in some quietnesse, devising to contrive our game as soone as the spring should begin. the winter we past not without apprehensions, having had severall allarmes, false as [well] as true; for often weare we putt to our armes, in so much that one of our sentryes was once by force drawen from the doore of the fort. he, to avoid the danger, drawes his sword & wounds one of them & comes to the fort, crying, "to your armes." this was soone appeased; some guifts healed the wound. the season drawing nigh we must think of some stratageme to escape their hands and the rest of ours that weare among them; which was a difficulty, because they would have some of us by them allwaye for the better assurance. but all their contrivances & wit weare too weake to strive against our plotts which weare already invented to their deceipt that would deceave us. we lett them understand that the time drew neere that the french uses to trait their friends in feasting and meriment, and all should be welcome, having no greater ffriends then they weare. they, to see our fashions as well as to fill their gutts, gave consent. by that means the considerablest persons are invited, the ffather & ffrench. there they weare made much of dayes with great joy, with sounds of trompetts, drumms, and flageoletts, with songs in french as wild. so done, they are sent away, the ffather with them. he was not a mile off but fains to gett a falle and sighed that his arme was broken. the wild men being much troubled att this accident brings the father back and makes guifts that he may be cured. a plaster was sett to his arme, which done [he is] putt into a bed. then all the wildmen came to see him; he incouraged them that he should soone recover and see them. the french that knewed not the plott cryed for the ffather, which confirmed the belief of the wildmen. they all retyred to their village and we [sought] the meanes to embarke ourselves. we resolved once more to make another feast when we should have everything ready for our purpose; that is, when the father should be well of his fayned sicknesse, ffor they allso doe delight in feasting, which was to be done for the safe recovery of the ffather's health. we dayly had messengers from the elders of the country to know how he did, who (after the lake was opened from the ice that was covered with ice) should be in good disposition. many wished to have the suneshine ardently, their desire was so great to be gone. att last our patient begins to walke with a scharfe about his armes. when the shippes and boats weare ready, we sent them word that the father was well, & for joy would make a feast. the elders are invited. they weare sure not to faile, but to be first. being come, there are speeches made to incourage them to sing and eat. it's folly to induce them to that, for they goe about it more bould then welcome. they are told that the morow should be the day of mirth. heare is but play and dances, the ffrench by turns, to keepe them still in exercise, shewing them tricks to keepe them awake, as the bird-catcher doth to teach the bird to sing and not to fly away, as we then intended. not one wildman was admitted to come into the fort that day, saying it was not our coustomes to shew the splendour of our banquetts before they should be presented att table. the wildmen have no other then ground for their table. in the meantime we weare not idle, the impatient father exercising himselfe as the rest. the evening being come, the wildmen are brought to the place destinated, not far from our fort. every one makes his bundle of provisions & marchandises & household stuff, gunns, &c., some hid in the ground, and the rest scattered because we could not save them. we made excellent bisquetts of the last year's corne, & forgott not the hoggs that weare a fatning. att last the trumpetts blowes, putt yourselves in order; there is nothing but outcryes, clapping of hands, & capering, that they may have better stomach to their meat. there comes a dozen of great kettles full of beaten indian corne dressed with mince meate. the wisest begins his speech, giving heaven thanks to have brought such generous ffrench to honnour them so. they eate as many wolves, having eyes bigger then bellies; they are rare att it without noise. the time was not yett com'd to acknowledge the happinesse we received from such incompareable hosts. heare comes great kettles full of bussards broyled & salted before the winter, with as many kettles full of ducks. as many turtles was taken in the season by the nett. heere att this nothing but hooping to man's admiration whilst one was a eating, and other sort comes, as divers of fish, eels, salmon, and carps, which gives them a new stomach. weare they to burst, heere they will shew their courage. the time comes on. the best is that we are sure none will forsake his place, nor man nor woman. a number of french entertaines them, keeping them from sleepe in dancing & singing, for that is the custome. their lutrill, an instrumentall musick, is much heere in use. yett nothing is done as yett, ffor there comes the thickened flower, the oyle of bears, venison. to this the knif is not enough; the spunes also are used. wee see allready severall postures: the one beats his belly, the other shakes his head, others stopp their mouthes to keepe in what they have eaten. they weare in such an admiration, making strange kinds of faces, that turned their eyes up and downe. we bid them cheare up, & tould them it was an usuall custome with the ffrench to make much of themselves & of their friends. "they affect you, and yee must shew such like to them by shewing your respects to them that they so splendidly trait you. cheere up like brave men. if your sleepe overcomes you, you must awake; come, sound [the] drumme, it is not now to beat the gien; [footnote: "to beat the gien," probably meaning the guitar, as charlevoix mentions that at the feast to the indians one of the french young men played upon that instrument for their amusement.] come, make a noise. trumpett blow and make thy cheeks swell, to make the belly swell alsoe." in the end nothing [is] spared that can be invented to the greater confusion. there is a strife between the french who will make the greatest noise. but there is an end to all things; the houre is come, ffor all is embarked. the wildman can hold out no longer; they must sleepe. they cry out, _skenon_, enough, we can beare no more. "lett them cry _skenon_; we will cry _hunnay_, we are a going," sayes we. they are told that the ffrench are weary & will sleepe alsoe awhile. they say, "be it so." we come away; all is quiet. nobody makes a noise after such a hurly-burly. the fort is shutt up as if we had ben in it. we leave a hogg att the doore for sentery, with a rope tyed to his foot. he wanted no meat for the time. here we make a proposition, being three and fifty ffrench in number, to make a slaughter without any difficulty, they being but beasts not able to budge, & as many women. that done, we could goe to their village att the breake of the day, where we weare sure there weare not men left, nor yong nor old. it was no great matter to deale with or women, & may be children; besides, the huntsmen should not be ready this moneths to come home. having done so, we might have a great hole in the skirts of that untoward & pervers nation, that it was in way of revenge, because of their disloyalty, breaking the peace & watching an opportunity to doe the like to us, that we should by that means have a better opportunity to escape; shewing by this whosoever intends to betray, betrays himselfe. the ffathers' answer was to this, that they weare sent to instruct the people in the faith of jesus christ and not to destroy; that the crosse must be their sword; moreover that they are told that we weare able to keepe the place, having victualls for the space of yeares, with other provisions. [footnote: the new governor, viscount d'argenson, who arrived in canada a few months after, disapproved of the evacuation of onondaga. "the location of this fortification was probably about three quarters of a mile below green point, on the farm now occupied [in ] by mr. myrick bradley, in the town of salina, where the embankment and outlines were plain to be seen fifty years ago." _history of onondaga_, by j. v. h. clarke, vol. i. p. , n., .] so done, in the meanewhile some french should goe downe to the french & tell the news; ffor the rest they weare able to oppose all the iroquoits, having such a strong fort, and before the time could be expired some succour was to be expected out of ffrance, as well as with the helpe of some of the wildmen, their allies, make an assault, and so free ourselves of such a slavery & the many miseries wherin we weare dayly to undergoe, that by that means we might save the lives of many french and cleare a way from such inhumans. it was in vaine to think to convert them, but the destroying of them was to convert them. so discover nations and countryes, and that the ffrench finding some fourty resolut brothers that would have ventured themselves full liberty & assurance of their lives to preserve them from the cruelest enemy that ever was found uppon the earth. all these sayings could prevaile nothing uppon people that will avoid all slaughter. so to be obedient to our superiours, without noise of trompet or drum, but zeal with griefe, we left that place. we are all embarked, and now must looke for the mouth of the river; and weare put to it, ffor it frized every night and the ice of good thicknesse, and consequently dangerous to venture our boats against it. we must all the way breake the ice with great staves to make a passage. this gave us paines enough. att the breake of day we weare in sight att the mouth of the river, where we weare free from ice. if those had but the least suspicion or had looked out, they had seene us. we soone by all diligence putt ourselves out of that apprehension, and came att the first rising of the river, where freed from ice tenne leagues from the fort, where we kept a good watch. the day following we came to the lake d'ontario. the wind being boisterous, could goe no further. there we sought for a place to make cottages, which was in an island very advantageous, where we stayed dayes for the weather. we weare not without feare, thinking that the wildmen should follow us. they contrary wise stayed (as we heard) seaven nights, thinking that we weare asleepe, onely that some rose now and then, and rung the litle bell which stooke to the hogg's foot. so mystifying the businesse affaire, [they] went & brought news to the village, which made them come and looke over the pallisados, and saw in good earnest the anomiacks weare gone. in our journey [we had] bad weather, high winds, snow, and every day raine on our backs. we came to the river att last, where was difficulty enough by reason of the goeing out of the lake, which is hard to find, by the many isles that are about the opening of the river. we weare in a maner of sheepe scattered. after many crossings to and fro we find ourselves att the first streame; the watters high, went on without danger, but the navigation proved worse & worse because we came into a coulder country and into the most dangerousest precipices. now the river [was] covered over with ice and snow which made the river give a terrible noise. the land also covered all over with snow, which rendered us incapable of knowledge where we weare, & consequently found ourselves in great perils. it was well that the river swelled, for not a mother's son of us could else escape; ffor where we might have made carriages we [would] innocently have gone uppon those currents. one of our greatest vessells runned on sand and soone full by reason of the running of the stream, but by tournings, with much adoe we gott it out againe, and by all dexterity brought to a harbour, which is hard to find in that place, ffor the ice and the streame continually cutts the coasts steepe downe, & so no landing thereabouts. heere a boat of men made shipwrake. heere every one for himselfe & god for all. heere is no reliefe. there the that could swime weare drowned, because they held not [to] the boat, but would swime to land. the other that had held it was saved with much adoe. afterwards we came where the streame was not so swifte at all, but as dangerous for its ice. we cutt the ice with hattchetts & we found places where [it] was rotten, so we hazarded ourselves often to sinke downe to our necks. we knewed the isle of murder againe because of the woman that runn'd away was with us. shee had reason to know it, though all covered with snow. the ffathers some dayes before our departur caused her to come to the fort to deliver her out of the hands of her ennemy, because she was a christian. in short time after her arrivall att quebecq [she] was marry'd, and died in childbed. six weeks being expired we came to the hight of st louis, leagues from mont royal, the first habitation of the ffrench. we went all that hight without making carriages, trusting to the depth of the watter, & passed it by god's providence, that have made us that passage free; ffor if we had come there the day before we could not possibly passe (by the report of the ffrench), by reason that underneath the water was mighty swift, the river was frozen and covered with ice, and could not have turned back, for the streame could bring us against our will under the ice. it was our lott to come after the ice was melted. the french inquire who is there with astonishment, thinking that it should be the charge of the iroquoits. we thanked god for our deliverance. heere we had time to rest ourselves awhile att ease, which was not permitted by the way. about the last of march we ended our great paines and incredible dangers. about nights after we went downe the rivers, where most of us stayed. a month after my brother and i resolves to travell and see countreys. we find a good opportunity. in our voyage wee proceeded three yeares. during that time we had the happinesse to see very faire countryes. _the ende of the second voyage made in the upper country of the iroquoits_. _now followeth the auxoticiat voyage into the great and filthy lake of the hurrons, upper sea of the east, and bay of the north_. being come to the rivers, where i found my brother who the yeare before came back from the lake of the hurrons with other french, both weare upon the point of resolution to make a journey a purpose for to discover the great lakes that they heard the wild men speak off; yea, have seene before, ffor my brother made severall journeys when the ffathers lived about the lake of the hurrons, which was upon the border of the sea. so my brother seeing me back from those dangerous voyages, so much by the cruelties of the barbars as for the difficulties of the wayes, for this reason he thought i was fitter & more faithfull for the discovery that he was to make. he plainly told me his minde. i knowing it, longed to see myselfe in a boat. there weare severall companies of wild men expected from severall places, because they promissed the yeare before, & [to] take the advantage of the spring (this for to deceive the iroquoits, who are allwayes in wait for to destroy them), and of the rivers which is by reason of the melting of the great snows, which is onely that time, ffor otherwise no possibility to come that way because for the swift streams that runs in summer, and in other places the want of watter, so that no boat can come through. we soone see the performance of those people, ffor a company came to the rivers where we weare. they tould us that another company was arrived att mont royal, and that more weare to come shortly, the one to the three rivers, the other to saegne, [footnote: _saegne, sacgnes, sacquenes,_ or the river saguenay.] a river of tudousack, who arrived within dayes after. they divided themselves because of the scant of provision; ffor if they weare together they could not have victualls enough. many goes and comes to quebecq for to know the resolution of mr. governor, who together with the ffathers thought fitt to send a company of ffrench to bring backe, if possible, those wildmen the next yeare, or others, being that it is the best manna of the countrey by which the inhabitants doe subsist, and makes the ffrench vessells to come there and goe back loaden with merchandises for the traffique of furriers who comes from the remotest parts of the north of america. as soone as the resolution was made, many undertakes the voyage; for where that there is lucre there are people enough to be had. the best and ablest men for that businesse weare chosen. they make them goe up the rivers with the band that came with the sacques. there take those that weare most capable for the purpose. two ffathers weare chosen to conduct that company, and endeavoured to convert some of those foraigners of the remotest country to the christian faith. we no sooner heard their designe, but saw the effects of the buisnesse, which effected in us much gladnesse for the pleasure we could doe to one another, & so abler to oppose an ennemy if by fortune we should meet with any that would doe us hurt or hinder us in our way. about the midle of june we began to take leave of our company and venter our lives for the common good. we find and men, some inhabitants, some gailliards that desired but doe well. what fairer bastion then a good tongue, especially when one sees his owne chimney smoak, or when we can kiss our owne wives or kisse our neighbour's wife with ease and delight? it is a strange thing when victualls are wanting, worke whole nights & dayes, lye downe on the bare ground, & not allwayes that hap, the breech in the watter, the feare in the buttocks, to have the belly empty, the wearinesse in the bones, and drowsinesse of the body by the bad weather that you are to suffer, having nothing to keepe you from such calamity. att last we take our journey to see the issue of a prosperous adventure in such a dangerous enterprise. we resolved not to be the first that should complaine. the ffrench weare together in order, the wildmen also, saving my brother & i that weare accustomed to such like voyages, have foreseene what happened afterwards. before our setting forth we made some guifts, & by that means we weare sure of their good will, so that he & i went into the boats of the wild men. we weare nine and twenty french in number and wildmen. we embarked our traine in the night, because our number should not be knowne to some spyes that might bee in some ambush to know our departure; ffor the iroquoits are allwayes abroad. we weare nights to gett to mont royall, where octanac stayed for us & ffrench. if not for that company, we had passed the river of the meddowes, which makes an isle of mont royall and joines itselfe to the lake of st louis, leagues further then the hight of that name. we stayed no longer there then as the french gott themselves ready. we tooke leave without noise of gun. we cannot avoid the ambush of that eagle, which is like the owle that sees better in the night then in the day. we weare not sooner come to the first river, but our wildmen sees sorts of people of divers countrys laden with marchandise and gunns, which served them for a shew then for defence if by chance they should be sett on. so that the glorie begins to shew itsselfe, no order being observed among them. the one sings, the other before goes in that posture without bad encounter. we advanced dayes. there was no need of such a silence among us. our men composed onely of seaven score men, we had done well if we had kept together, not to goe before in the river, nor stay behind some or leagues. some or boats now & then to land to kill a wild beast, & so putt themselves into a danger of their lives, & if there weare any precipice the rest should be impotent to helpe. we warned them to looke to themselves. they laughed att us, saying we weare women; that the iroquoits durst not sett on them. that pride had such power that they thought themselves masters of the earth; but they will see themselves soone mistaken. how that great god that takes great care of the most wild creatures, and will that every man confesses his faults, & gives them grace to come to obedience for the preservation of their lives, sends them a remarquable power & ordnance, which should give terrour and retinue to those poore misled people from the way of assurance. as we wandered in the afforesaid maner all a sunder, there comes a man alone out of the wood with a hattchett in his hand, with his brayer, & a cover over his shoulders, making signes aloud that we should come to him. the greatest part of that flock shewed a palish face for feare att the sight of this man, knowing him an ennemy. they approached not without feare & apprehension of some plot. by this you may see the boldnesse of those buzards, that think themselves hectors when they see but their shadowes, & tremble when they see a iroquoit. that wild man seeing us neerer, setts him downe on the ground & throwes his hattchett away & raises againe all naked, to shew that he hath no armes, desires them to approach neerer for he is their friend, & would lose his life to save theirs. hee shewed in deed a right captayne for saveing of men that runned to their ruine by their indiscretion & want of conduct; and what he did was out of meere piety, seeing well that they wanted wit, to goe so like a company of bucks, every one to his fancy, where his litle experience leads him, nor thinking that danger wherin they weare, shewing by their march they weare no men, for not fearing. as for him, he was ready to die to render them service & prisoner into their hands freely. "for," saith he, "i might have escaped your sight, but that i would have saved you. i feare," sayth he, "not death"; so with that comes downe into the watter to his midle. there comes many boats about him, takes him into one of the boats, tying a coard fast about his body. there is he fastned. he begins to sing his fatal song that they call a nouroyall. that horrid tone being finished, makes a long, a very long speech, saying, "brethren, the day the sunne is favourable to mee, appointed mee to tell you that yee are witlesse before i die, neither can they escape their ennemys, that are spred up and downe everywhere, that watches all moments their coming to destroy them. take great courage, brethren, sleepe not; the ennemy is att hand. they wait for you; they are soe neare that they see you, and heare you, & are sure that you are their prey. therefore i was willing to die to give you notice. for my part that what i have ben i am a man & commander in the warrs, and tooke severall prisoners; yet i would put meselfe in death's hands to save your lives. believe me; keepe you altogether; spend not your powder in vaine, thinking to frighten your enemys by the noise of your guns. see if the stoanes of your arrowes be not bent or loose; bend your bowes; open your ears; keepe your hattchetts sharpe to cutt trees to make you a fort; doe not spend soe much greas to greas yourselves, but keep it for your bellies. stay not too long in the way. it's robbery to die with conduct." that poore wretch spake the truth & gave good instructions, but the greatest part did not understand what he said, saving the hurrons that weare with him, and i, that tould them as much as i could perceive. every one laughs, saying he himself is afraid & tells us that story. we call him a dogg, a woman, and a henne. we will make you know that we weare men, & for his paines we should burne him when we come to our country. here you shall see the brutishnesse of those people that think themselves valliant to the last point. no comparison is to be made with them for vallour, but quite contrary. they passe away the rest of that day with great exclamations of joy, but it will not last long. that night wee layd in our boats and made not the ketle boyle, because we had meat ready dressed. every boat is tyed up in the rushes, whether out of feare for what the prisoner told them, or that the prisoner should escape, i know not. they went to sleepe without any watch. the ffrench began to wish & moane for that place from whence they came from. what will it be if wee heare yeatt cryes & sorrows after all? past the breake of day every one takes his oare to row; the formost oares have great advantage. we heard the torrent rumble, but could not come to the land that day, although not farr from us. some twelve boats gott afore us. these weare saluted with guns & outcrys. in the meane while one boat runs one way, one another; some men lands and runs away. we are all put to it; non knowes where he is, they are put to such a confusion. all those beasts gathers together againe frighted. seeing no way to escape, gott themselves all in a heape like unto ducks that sees the eagle come to them. that first feare being over a litle, they resolved to land & to make a fort with all speed, which was done in lesse then two houres. the most stupidest drowsy are the nimblest for the hattchett & cutting of trees. the fort being finished, every one maketh himselfe in a readiness to sustaine the assult if any had tempted. the prisoner was brought, who soone was despatched, burned & roasted & eaten. the iroquoits had so served them, as many as they have taken. we mist of our company, but some came safe to us, & lost that weare killed & taken in that defeat. the iroquoite finding himselfe weake would not venture, & was obliged to leave us least he should be discovered & served as the other. neverthelesse they shewed good countenances, went & builded a fort as we have done, where they fortified themselves & feed on human flesh which they gott in the warres. they weare afraid as much as we, but far from that; ffor the night being come, every one imbarks himselfe, to the sound of a low trumpet, by the help of the darknesse. we went to the other side, leaving our marchandises for our ransome to the ennemy that used us so unkindly. we made some cariages that night with a world of paines. we mist of our boats, so that we must alter our equipages. the wildmen complained much that the ffrench could not swime, for that they might be together. the ffrench seeing that they weare not able to undergo such a voyage, they consult together & for conclusion resolved to give an end to such labours & dangers; moreover, found themselves incapable to follow the wildmen who went with all the speed possible night & day for the feare that they weare in. the ffathers, seeing our weaknesse, desired the wildmen that they might have one or two to direct them, which by no means was granted, but bid us doe as the rest. we kept still our resolution, & knowing more tricks then they, would not goe back, which should be but disdainful & prejudiciall. we told them so plainly that we would finish that voyage or die by the way. besides that the wildmen did not complaine of us att all, but incouraged us. after a long arguing, every one had the liberty to goe backwards or forwards, if any had courage to venter himselfe with us. seeing the great difficulties, all with one consent went back againe, and we went on. the wildmen weare not sorry for their departure, because of their ignorance in the affaire of such navigation. it's a great alteration to see one and reduced to . we encouraged one another, both willing to live & die with one another; & that [is] the least we could doe, being brothers. before we [went] to the lake of the hurrons we had crosses enough, but no encounter. we travelled onely in the night in these dangerous places, which could not be done without many vexations & labours. the vanity was somewhat cooler for the example we have seene the day before. the hungar was that tormented us most; for him we could not goe seeke for some wild beasts. our chiefest food was onely some few fishes which the wildmen caught by a line, may be two dozens a whole day, no bigger then my hand. being come to the place of repose, some did goe along the water side on the rocks & there exposed ourselves to the rigour of the weather. upon these rocks we find some shells, blackish without and the inner part whitish by reason of the heat of the sun & of the humidity. they are in a maner glued to the rock; so we must gett another stone to gett them off by scraping them hard. when we thought to have enough [we] went back again to the cottages, where the rest weare getting the litle fishes ready with trips, [footnote: _trips_,--meaning "tripe des boiled resolves itself into a black glue, roche, a species of lichen, which being nauseous but not without nourishment." _discovery of the great west_, by parkman.] gutts and all. the kittle was full with the scraping of the rocks, which soone after it boyled became like starch, black and clammie & easily to be swallowed. i think if any bird had lighted upon the excrements of the said stuff, they had stuckt to it as if it weare glue. in the fields we have gathered severall fruits, as goosberyes, blackberrys, that in an houre we gathered above a bushell of such sorte, although not as yett full ripe. we boyled it, and then every one had his share. heere was daintinesse slighted. the belly did not permitt us to gett on neither shoos nor stockins, that the better we might goe over the rocks, which did [make] our feet smart [so] that we came backe. our feet & thighs & leggs weare scraped with thorns, in a heape of blood. the good god looked uppon those infidels by sending them now & then a beare into the river, or if we perceived any in an isle forced them to swime, that by that means we might the sooner kill them. but the most parts there abouts is so sterill that there is nothing to be seene but rocks & sand, & on the high wayes but deale trees that grow most miraculously, for that earth is not to be seene than can nourish the root, & most of them trees are very bigg & high. we tooke a litle refreshment in a place called the lake of castors, which is some leagues from the first great lake. some of those wildmen hid a rest [footnote: "hid a rest," or cache.] as they went down to the ffrench; but the lake was so full of fishes we tooke so much that served us a long while. we came to a place where weare abundance of otters, in so much that i believe all gathered to hinder our passage. we killed some with our arrows, not daring to shoote because we discovered there abouts some tracks, judging to be our ennemy by the impression of their feet in the sand. all knowes there one another by their march, for each hath his proper steps, some upon their toes, some on their heele, which is natural to them, for when they are infants the mother wrapeth them to their mode. heer i speake not of the horrid streams we passed, nor of the falls of the water, which weare of an incredible height. in some parts most faire & delicious, where people formerly lived onely by what they could gett by the bow & arrows. we weare come above leagues allwayes against the streame, & made carriages, besides drawing, besides the swift streams we overcame by the oares & poles to come to that litle lake of castors which may be or leagues in compasse. the upper end of it is full of islands, where there is not time lost to wander about, finding wherewithall to make the kettle boyle with venison, great bears, castors & fishes, which are plenty in that place. the river that we goe to the great lake is somewhat favorable. we goe downe with ease & runing of the watter, which empties itsselfe in that lake in which we are now coming in. this river hath but high & violent streams, which is some leagues in length. the place where we weare is a bay all full of rocks, small isles, & most between wind and water which an infinite [number] of fishes, which are seene in the water so cleare as christiall. that is the reason of so many otters, that lives onely uppon fish. each of us begins to looke to his bundle & merchandizes and prepare himselfe for the bad weather that uses to be on that great extent of water. the wildmen finds what they hid among the rocks months before they came up to the french. heere we are stiring about in our boats as nimble as bees and divided ourselves into companys. seaven boats went towards west norwest and the rest to the south. after we mourned enough for the death of our deare countrymen that weare slained coming up, we take leave of each other with promise of amitie & good correspondence one with another, as for the continuance of peace, as for the assistance of strength, if the enemy should make an assault. that they should not goe to the french without giving notice one to another & soe goe together. we that weare for the south went on severall dayes merily, & saw by the way the place where the ffathers jesuits had heretofore lived; a delicious place, albeit we could but see it afarre off. the coast of this lake is most delightfull to the minde. the lands smooth, and woods of all sorts. in many places there are many large open fields where in, i believe, wildmen formerly lived before the destruction of the many nations which did inhabit, and tooke more place then leagues about; for i can well say that from the river of canada to the great lake of the hurrons, which is neere leagues in length & in breadth, as i guesse, for i have [been] round about it, plenty of fish. there are banks of sand or leagues from the waterside, where such an infinite deale of fish that scarcely we are able to draw out our nett. there are fishes as bigg as children of years old. there is sturgeon enough & other sorte that is not knowne to us. the south part is without isles, onely in some bayes where there are some. it is delightfull to goe along the side of the watter in summer where you may pluck the ducks. we must stay often in a place or dayes for the contrary winds; ffor [if] the winds weare anything high, we durst not venter the boats against the impetuosity of the waves, which is the reason that our voyages are so long and tedious. a great many large deep rivers empties themselves in that lake, and an infinit number of other small rivers, that cann beare boats, and all from lakes & pools which are in abundance in that country. after we travelled many dayes we arrived att a large island where we found their village, their wives & children. you must know that we passed a strait some leagues beyond that place. the wildmen give it a name; it is another lake, but not so bigg as that we passed before. we calle it the lake of the staring hairs, because those that live about it have their hair like a brush turned up. they all have a hole in their nose, which is done by a straw which is above a foot long. it barrs their faces. their ears have ordinarily holes, where one may putt the end of his finger. they use those holes in this sort: to make themselves gallant they passe through it a skrew of coper with much dexterity, and goe on the lake in that posture. when the winter comes they weare no capes because of their haire tourned up. they fill those skrews with swan's downe, & with it their ears covered; but i dare say that the people doe not for to hold out the cold, but rather for pride, ffor their country is not so cold as the north, and other lakes that we have seene since. it should be difficult to describe what variety of faces our arrivement did cause, some out of joy, others out of sadnesse. neverthelesse the numbers of joyfull exceeded that of the sorrowfull. the season began to invite the lustiest to hunting. we neither desire to be idle in any place, having learned by experience that idlenesse is the mother of all evil, for it breeds most part of all sicknesse in those parts where the aire is most delightfull. so that they who had most knowledge in these quarters had familiarity with the people that live there about the last lake. the nation that we weare with had warrs with the iroquoits, and must trade. our wildmen out of feare must consent to their ennemy to live in their land. it's true that those who lived about the first lake had not for the most part the conveniency of our french merchandise, as since, which obliged most of the remotest people to make peace, considering the enemy of theirs that came as a thunder bolt upon them, so that they joyned with them & forgett what was past for their owne preservation. att our coming there we made large guifts, to dry up the tears of the friends of the deceased. as we came there the circumjacent neighbours came to visit us, that bid us welcome, as we are so. there comes newes that there weare ennemy in the fields, that they weare seene att the great field. there is a councell called, & resolved that they should be searched & sett uppon them as [soon as] possible may be, which [was] executed speedily. i offered my service, soe went and looked for them dayes; finding them the rd day, gave them the assault when they least thought off it. we played the game so furiously that none escaped. the day following we returned to our village with of our enemys dead and alive. the dead weare eaten & the living weare burned with a small fire to the rigour of cruelties, which comforted the desolat to see them revenged of the death of their relations that was so served. we weare then possessed by the hurrons and octanac; but our minde was not to stay in an island, but to be knowne with the remotest people. the victory that we have gotten made them consent to what we could desire, & because that we shewed willing [ness] to die for their defence. so we desired to goe with a company of theirs that was going to the nation of the stairing haires. we weare wellcomed & much made of, saying that we weare the gods & devils of the earth; that we should fournish them, & that they would bring us to their ennemy to destroy them. we tould them [we] were very well content. we persuaded them first to come peaceably, not to destroy them presently, and if they would not condescend, then would wee throw away the hattchett and make use of our thunders. we sent ambassadors to them with guifts. that nation called pontonatemick without more adoe comes & meets us with the rest, & peace was concluded. feasts were made & dames with guifts came of each side, with a great deale of mirth. we visited them during that winter, & by that means we made acquaintance with an other nation called escotecke, which signified fire, a faire proper nation; they are tall & bigg & very strong. we came there in the spring. when we arrived there weare extraordinary banquetts. there they never have seen men with beards, because they pull their haires as soone as it comes out; but much more astonished when they saw our armes, especially our guns, which they worshipped by blowing smoake of tobacco instead of sacrifice. i will not insist much upon their way of living, ffor of their ceremonys heere you will see a pattern. in the last voyage that wee made i will lett you onely know what cours we runned in years' time. we desired them to lett us know their neighboring nations. they gave us the names, which i hope to describe their names in the end of this most imperfect discours, at least those that i can remember. among others they told us of a nation called nadoneceronon, which is very strong, with whome they weare in warres with, & another wandering nation, living onely uppon what they could come by. their dwelling was on the side of the salt watter in summer time, & in the land in the winter time, for it's cold in their country. they calle themselves christinos, & their confederats from all times, by reason of their speech, which is the same, & often have joyned together & have had companys of souldiers to warre against that great nation. we desired not to goe to the north till we had made a discovery in the south, being desirous to know what they did. they told us if we would goe with them to the great lake of the stinkings, the time was come of their trafick, which was of as many knives as they could gett from the french nation, because of their dwellings, which was att the coming in of a lake called superior, but since the destructions of many neighboring nations they retired themselves to the height of the lake. we knewed those people well. we went to them almost yearly, and the company that came up with us weare of the said nation, but never could tell punctually where they lived because they make the barre of the christinos from whence they have the castors that they bring to the french. this place is leagues off, by reason of the circuit that we must doe. the hurrons & the octanacks, from whence we came last, furnishes them also, & comes to the furthest part of the lake of the stinkings, there to have light earthen pots, and girdles made of goat's hairs, & small shells that grow art the sea side, with which they trim their cloath made of skin. we finding this opportunity would not lett it slippe, but made guifts, telling that the other nation would stand in feare of them because of us. we flattered them, saying none would dare to give them the least wrong, in so much that many of the octanacks that weare present to make the same voyage. i can assure you i liked noe country as i have that wherein we wintered; ffor whatever a man could desire was to be had in great plenty; viz. staggs, fishes in abundance, & all sort of meat, corne enough. those of the nations would not come with us, but turned back to their nation. we neverthelesse put ourselves in hazard, for our curiosity, of stay or years among that nation. we ventured, for that we understand some of their idiome & trusted to that. we embarked ourselves on the delightfullest lake of the world. i tooke notice of their cottages & of the journeys of our navigation, for because that the country was so pleasant, so beautifull & fruitfull that it grieved me to see that the world could not discover such inticing countrys to live in. this i say because that the europeans fight for a rock in the sea against one another, or for a sterill land and horrid country, that the people sent heere or there by the changement of the aire ingenders sicknesse and dies thereof. contrarywise those kingdoms are so delicious & under so temperat a climat, plentifull of all things, the earth bringing foorth its fruit twice a yeare, the people live long & lusty & wise in their way. what conquest would that bee att litle or no cost; what laborinth of pleasure should millions of people have, instead that millions complaine of misery & poverty! what should not men reape out of the love of god in converting the souls heere, is more to be gained to heaven then what is by differences of nothing there, should not be so many dangers committed under the pretence of religion! why so many thoesoever are hid from us by our owne faults, by our negligence, covetousnesse, & unbeliefe. it's true, i confesse, that the accesse is difficult, but must say that we are like the cockscombs of paris, when first they begin to have wings, imagining that the larks will fall in their mouths roasted; but we ought [to remember] that vertue is not acquired without labour & taking great paines. we meet with severall nations, all sedentary, amazed to see us, & weare very civil. the further we sejourned the delightfuller the land was to us. i can say that [in] my lifetime i never saw a more incomparable country, for all i have ben in italy; yett italy comes short of it, as i think, when it was inhabited, & now forsaken of the wildmen. being about the great sea, we conversed with people that dwelleth about the salt water, [footnote: "that dwelleth about the salt water;" namely, hudson's bay.] who tould us that they saw some great white thing sometimes uppon the water, & came towards the shore, & men in the top of it, and made a noise like a company of swans; which made me believe that they weare mistaken, for i could not imagine what it could be, except the spaniard; & the reason is that we found a barill broken as they use in spaine. those people have their haires long. they reape twice a yeare; they are called tatarga, that is to say, buff. they warre against nadoneceronons, and warre also against the christinos. these doe no great harme to one another, because the lake is betweene both. they are generally stout men, that they are able to defend themselves. they come but once a year to fight. if the season of the yeare had permitted us to stay, for we intended to goe backe the yeare following, we had indeavoured to make peace betweene them. we had not as yett seene the nation nadoneceronons. we had hurrons with us. wee persuaded them to come along to see their owne nation that fled there, but they would not by any means. we thought to gett some castors there to bring downe to the ffrench, seeing [it] att last impossible to us to make such a circuit in a twelve month's time. we weare every where much made of; neither wanted victualls, for all the different nations that we mett conducted us & furnished us with all necessaries. tending to those people, went towards the south & came back by the north. the summer passed away with admiration by the diversity of the nations that we saw, as for the beauty of the shore of that sweet sea. heere we saw fishes of divers, some like the sturgeons & have a kind of slice att the end of their nose some fingers broad in the end and onely neere the nose, and some thumbs long, all marbled of a blakish collor. there are birds whose bills are two and thumbs long. that bird swallows a whole salmon, keeps it a long time in his bill. we saw alsoe shee-goats very bigg. there is an animal somewhat lesse then a cow whose meat is exceeding good. there is no want of staggs nor buffes. there are so many tourkeys that the boys throws stoanes att them for their recreation. we found no sea-serpents as we in other laks have seene, especially in that of d'ontario and that of the stairing haires. there are some in that of the hurrons, but scarce, for the great cold in winter. they come not neere the upper lake. in that of the stairing haires i saw yong boy [who] was bitten. he tooke immediately his stony knife & with a pointed stick & cutts off the whole wound, being no other remedy for it. they are great sorcerors & turns the wheele. i shall speake of this at large in my last voyage. most of the shores of the lake is nothing but sand. there are mountains to be seene farre in the land. there comes not so many rivers from that lake as from others; these that flow from it are deeper and broader, the trees are very bigg, but not so thick. there is a great distance from one another, & a quantitie of all sorts of fruits, but small. the vines grows all by the river side; the lemons are not so bigg as ours, and sowrer. the grape is very bigg, greene, is seene there att all times. it never snows nor freezes there, but mighty hot; yett for all that the country is not so unwholsom, ffor we seldome have seene infirmed people. i will speake of their manners in my last voyage, which i made in october. we came to the strait of the lakes of the stinkings and the upper lake, where there are litle isles towards norwest, ffew towards the southest, very small. the lake towards the north att the side of it is full of rocks & sand, yett great shipps can ride on it without danger. we being of nations arrived there with booty, disputed awhile, ffor some would returne to their country. that was the nation of the fire, & would have us backe to their dwelling. we by all means would know the christinos. to goe backe was out of our way. we contented the hurrons to our advantage with promises & others with hope, and persuaded the octonack to keepe his resolution, because we weare but small fine dayes from those of late that lived in the sault of the coming in of the said upper lake, from whence that name of salt, which is _panoestigonce_ in the wild language, which heerafter we will call the nation of the salt. not many years since that they had a cruell warre against the nadoneseronons. although much inferiour in numbers, neverthelesse that small number of the salt was a terror unto them, since they had trade with the ffrench. they never have seene such instruments as the ffrench furnished them withall. it is a proude nation, therfore would not submitt, although they had to doe with a bigger nation times then they weare, because that they weare called ennemy by all those that have the accent of the algonquin language, that the wild men call nadone, which is the beginning of their name. the iroquoits have the title of bad ennemy, maesocchy nadone. now seeing that the christinos had hattchetts & knives, for that they resolved to make peace with those of the sault, that durst not have gon hundred of leagues uppon that upper lake with assurance. they would not hearken to anything because their general resolved to make peace with those of the christinos & an other nation that gott gunns, the noise of which had frighted them more then the bulletts that weare in them. the time approached, there came about of the nation of the sault to those that lived towards the north. the christinos gott a bigger company & fought a batail. some weare slaine of both sids. the captayne of these of the sault lost his eye by an arrow. the batail being over he made a speech, & said that he lost his fight of one side, & of the other he foresee what he would doe; his courage being abject by that losse, that he himselfe should be ambassador & conclud the peace. he seeing that the iroquoits came too often, a visit i must confesse very displeasing, being that some [of] ours looses their lives or liberty, so that we retired ourselves to the higher lake neerer the nation of the nadoneceronons, where we weare well receaved, but weare mistrusted when many weare seene together. we arrived then where the nation of the sault was, where we found some french men that came up with us, who thanked us kindly for to come & visit them. the wild octanaks that came with us found some of their nations slaves, who weare also glad to see them. for all they weare slaves they had meat enough, which they have not in their owne country so plentifull, being no huntsmen, but altogether ffishers. as for those towards the north, they are most expert in hunting, & live uppon nothing else the most part of the yeare. we weare long there before we gott acquaintance with those that we desired so much, and they in lik maner had a fervent desire to know us, as we them. heer comes a company of christinos from the bay of the north sea, to live more at ease in the midle of woods & forests, by reason they might trade with those of the sault & have the conveniency to kill more beasts. there we passed the winter & learned the particularitie that since wee saw by experience. heere i will not make a long discours during that time, onely made good cheere & killed staggs, buffes, elends, and castors. the christinos had skill in that game above the rest. the snow proved favourable that yeare, which caused much plenty of every thing. most of the woods & forests are very thick, so that it was in some places as darke as in a cellar, by reason of the boughs of trees. the snow that falls, being very light, hath not the strenght to stopp the eland, [footnote: _elend_, plainly the moose. "they appear to derive their dutch appellation (_eelanden_) from _elende_, misery, they die of the smallest wound." _documentary history of new york_, by o'callaghan, vol. iv. p. .] which is a mighty strong beast, much like a mule, having a tayle cutt off or or thumbes long, the foot cloven like a stagge. he has a muzzle mighty bigge. i have seene some that have the nostrills so bigg that i putt into it my fists att once with ease. those that uses to be where the buffes be are not so bigg, but about the bignesse of a coach horse. the wildmen call them the litle sort. as for the buff, it is a furious animal. one must have a care of him, for every yeare he kills some nadoneseronons. he comes for the most part in the plaines & meddows; he feeds like an ox, and the oriniack so but seldom he galopps. i have seene of their hornes that a man could not lift them from of the ground. they are branchy & flatt in the midle, of which the wildman makes dishes that can well hold quarts. these hornes fall off every yeare, & it's a thing impossible that they will grow againe. the horns of buffs are as those of an ox, but not so long, but bigger, & of a blackish collour; he hath a very long hairy taile; he is reddish, his haire frized & very fine. all the parts of his body much [like] unto an ox. the biggest are bigger then any ox whatsoever. those are to be found about the lake of the stinkings & towards the north of the same. they come not to the upper lake but by chance. it's a pleasur to find the place of their abode, for they tourne round about compassing or acres of land, beating the snow with their feete, & coming to the center they lye downe & rise againe to eate the bows of trees that they can reach. they go not out of their circle that they have made untill hunger compells them. we did what we could to have correspondence with that warlick nation & reconcile them with the christinos. we went not there that winter. many weare slained of both sides the summer last. the wound was yett fresh, wherfore it was hard to conclude peace between them. we could doe nothing, ffor we intended to turne back to the ffrench the summer following. two years weare expired. we hoped to be att the years end with those that gave us over for dead, having before to come back at a year's end. as we are once in those remote countreys we cannot doe as we would. att last we declared our mind first to those of the sault, encouraging those of the north that we are their brethren, & that we would come back & force their enemy to peace or that we would help against them. we made guifts one to another, and thwarted a land of allmost leagues before the snow was melted. in the morning it was a pleasur to walke, for we could goe without racketts. the snow was hard enough, because it freezed every night. when the sun began to shine we payed for the time past. the snow sticks so to our racketts that i believe our shoes weighed pounds, which was a paine, having a burden uppon our backs besides. we arrived, some of us, men & women, to a river side, where we stayed weeks making boats. here we wanted not fish. during that time we made feasts att a high rate. so we refreshed ourselves from our labours. in that time we tooke notice that the budds of trees began to spring, which made us to make more hast & be gone. we went up that river dayes till we came to a nation called pontonatenick & matonenock; that is, the scrattchers. there we gott some indian meale & corne from those nations, which lasted us till we came to the first landing isle. there we weare well received againe. we made guifts to the elders to encourage the yong people to bring us downe to the ffrench. but mightily mistaken; ffor they would reply, "should you bring us to be killed? the iroquoits are every where about the river & undoubtedly will destroy us if we goe downe, & afterwards our wives & those that stayed behinde. be wise, brethren, & offer not to goe downe this yeare to the ffrench. lett us keepe our lives." we made many private suits, but all in vaine. that vexed us most that we had given away most of our merchandises & swapped a great deale for castors. moreover they made no great harvest, being but newly there. beside, they weare no great huntsmen. our journey was broaken till the next yeare, & must per force. that summer i went a hunting, & my brother stayed where he was welcome & putt up a great deale of indian corne that was given him. he intended to furnish the wildmen that weare to goe downe to the ffrench if they had not enough. the wild men did not perceive this; ffor if they wanted any, we could hardly kept it for our use. the winter passes away in good correspondence one with another, & sent ambassadors to the nations that uses to goe downe to the french, which rejoyced them the more & made us passe that yeare with a greater pleasur, saving that my brother sell into the falling sicknesse, & many weare sorry for it. that proceeded onely of a long stay in a new discovered country, & the idlenesse contributs much to it. there is nothing comparable to exercise. it is the onely remedy of such diseases. after he languished awhile god gave him his health againe. the desire that every one had to goe downe to the ffrench made them earnestly looke out for castors. they have not so many there as in the north part, so in the beginning of spring many came to our isle. there weare no lesse, i believe, then men that weare willing to venter themselves. the corne that my brother kept did us a world of service. the wildmen brought a quantity of flesh salted in a vesell. when we weare ready to depart, heere comes strang news of the defeat of the hurrons, which news, i thought, would putt off the voyage. there was a councell held, & most of them weare against the goeing downe to the ffrench, saying that the iroquoits weare to barre this yeare, & the best way was to stay till the following yeare. and now the ennemy, seeing himselfe frustrated of his expectation, would not stay longer, thinking thereby that we weare resolved never more to go downe, and that next yeare there should be a bigger company, & better able to oppose an ennemy. my brother & i, feeing ourselves all out of hopes of our voyage, without our corne, which was allready bestowed, & without any merchandise, or scarce having one knife betwixt us both, so we weare in a great apprehension least that the hurrons should, as they have done often, when the ffathers weare in their country, kill a frenchman. seeing the equipage ready & many more that thought long to depart thence for marchandise, we uppon this resolved to call a publique councell in the place; which the elders hearing, came and advised us not to undertake it, giving many faire words, saying, "brethren, why are you such ennemys to yourselves to putt yourselves in the hands of those that wait for you? they will destroy you and carry you away captives. will you have your brethren destroyed that loves you, being slained? who then will come up and baptize our children? stay till the next yeare, & then you are like to have the number of men in company with you. then you may freely goe without intermission. yee shall take the church along with you, & the ffathers & mothers will send their children to be taught in the way of truth of the lord." our answer was that we would speake in publique, which granted, the day appointed is come. there gathered above men to see who should have the glorie in a round. they satt downe on the ground. we desired silence. the elders being in the midle & we in their midle, my brother began to speake. "who am i? am i a foe or a friend? if i am a foe, why did you suffer me to live so long among you? if i am friend, & if you take so to be, hearken to what i shall say. you know, my uncles & brethren, that i hazarded my life goeing up with you; if i have no courage, why did you not tell me att my first coming here? & if you have more witt then we, why did not you use it by preserving your knives, your hattchetts, & your gunns, that you had from the ffrench? you will see if the ennemy will sett upon you that you will be attraped like castors in a trape; how will you defend yourselves like men that is not courageous to lett yourselves be catched like beasts? how will you defend villages? with castors' skins? how will you defend your wives & children from the ennemy's hands?" then my brother made me stand up, saying, "shew them the way to make warrs if they are able to uphold it." i tooke a gowne of castors' skins that one of them had uppon his shoulder & did beat him with it. i asked the others if i was a souldier. "those are the armes that kill, & not your robes. what will your ennemy say when you perish without defending yourselves? doe not you know the ffrench way? we are used to fight with armes & not with robes. you say that the iroquoits waits for you because some of your men weare killed. it is onely to make you stay untill you are quite out of stocke, that they dispatch you with ease. doe you think that the ffrench will come up here when the greatest part of you is slained by your owne fault? you know that they cannot come up without you. shall they come to baptize your dead? shall your children learne to be slaves among the iroquoits for their ffathers' cowardnesse? you call me iroquoit. have not you seene me disposing my life with you? who has given you your life if not the ffrench? now you will not venter because many of your confederates are come to visit you & venter their lives with you. if you will deceave them you must not think that they will come an other time for shy words nor desire. you have spoaken of it first, doe what you will. for myne owne part, i will venter choosing to die like a man then live like a beggar. having not wherewithal to defend myselfe, farewell; i have my sack of corne ready. take all my castors. i shall live without you." & then departed that company. they weare amazed of our proceeding; they stayed long before they spoake one to another. att last sent us some considerable persons who bid us cheare up. "we see that you are in the right; the voyage is not broaken. the yong people tooke very ill that you have beaten them with the skin. all avowed to die like men & undertake the journey. you shall heare what the councell will ordaine the morrow. they are to meet privatly & you shall be called to it. cheare up & speake as you have done; that is my councell to you. for this you will remember me when you will see me in your country; ffor i will venter meselfe with you." now we are more satisfied then the day before. we weare to use all rhetorique to persuade them to goe downe, ffor we saw the country languish very much, ffor they could not subsist, & moreover they weare afraid of us. the councell is called, but we had no need to make a speech, finding them disposed to make the voyage & to submitt. "yee women gett your husbands' bundles ready. they goe to gett wherwithall to defend themselves & you alive." our equipage was ready in dayes. we embarked ourselves. we weare in number about , all stout men. we had with us a great store of castors' skins. we came to the south. we now goe back to the north, because to overtake a band of men that went before to give notice to others. we passed the lake without dangers. we wanted nothing, having good store of corne & netts to catch fish, which is plentyfull in the rivers. we came to a place where iroquoits wintered. that was the company that made a slaughter before our departure from home. our men repented now they did not goe sooner, ffor it might be they should have surprised them. att last we are out of those lakes. one hides a caske of meale, the other his campiron, & all that could be cumbersome. after many paines & labours wee arrived to the sault of columest, so called because of the stones that are there very convenient to make tobacco pipes. we are now within leagues of the french habitation, & hitherto no bad encounter. we still found tracks of men which made us still to have the more care and guard of ourselves. some leagues from this place we killed wild cowes & then gott ourselves into cottages, where we heard some guns goe off, which made us putt out our fires & imbark ourselves with all speed. we navigated all that night. about the breake of day we made a stay, that not to goe through the violent streames for feare the ennemy should be there to dispute the passage. we landed & instantly sent men to know whether the passage was free. they weare not halfe a mile off when we see a boat of the ennemy thwarting the river, which they had not done without discovering our boats, having nothing to cover our boats nor hide them. our lightest boats shewed themselves by pursueing the ennemy. they did shoot, but to no effect, which made our two men come back in all hast. we seeing ourselves but merchandmen, so we would not long follow a man of warre, because he runned swifter then ours. we proceeded in our way with great diligence till we came to the carriage place, where the one halfe of our men weare in readinesse, whilst the other halfe carried the baggage & the boats. we had a great alarum, but no hurt done. we saw but one boat, but have seene foure more going up the river. methinks they thought themselves some what weake for us, which persuaded us [of] things: st, that they weare afraid; andly, that they went to warne their company, which thing warned us the more to make hast. the nd day att evening after we landed & boyled an horiniack which we killed. we then see boats of our ennemy coming. they no sooner perceived us but they went on the other side of the river. it was a good looke for us to have seene them. our wildmen did not say what they thought, ffor they esteemed themselves already lost. we encouraged them & desired them to have courage & not [be] afraid, & so farr as i think we weare strong enough for them, that we must stoutly goe & meet them, and they should stand still. we should be alltogether, & put our castors' skins upon pearches, which could keepe us from the shott, which we did. we had foure & gunns ready, and gave them to the hurrons, who knewed how to handle them better then the others. the iroquoits seeing us come, & that we weare to , could not imagine what to doe. neverthelesse they would shew their courage; being that they must passe, they putt themselves in array to fight. if we had not ben with some hurrons that knewed the iroquoits' tricks, i believe that our wild men had runned away, leaving their fusiques behind. we being neere one another, we commanded that they should row with all their strength towards them. we kept close one to another to persecut what was our intent. we begin to make outcryes & sing. the hurrons in one side, the algonquins att the other side, the ottanak, the panoestigons, the amickkoick, the nadonicenago, the ticacon, and we both encouraged them all, crying out with a loud noise. the iroquoits begin to shoot, but we made ours to goe one forwards without any shooting, and that it was the onely way of fighting. they indeed turned their backs & we followed them awhile. then was it that we weare called devils, with great thanks & incouragements that they gave us, attributing to us the masters of warre and the only captaynes. we desired them to keepe good watch and sentry, and if we weare not surprized we should come safe and sound without hurt to the ffrench. the iroquoite seeing us goe on our way, made as if they would leave us. we made carriages that day, where the ennemy could doe us mischief if they had ben there. the cunning knaves followed us neverthelesse pritty close. we left boats behind that weare not loaden. we did so to see what invention our enemy could invent, knowing very well that his mind was to surprize us. it is enough that we are warned that they follow us. att last we perceived that he was before us, which putt us in some feare; but seeing us resolut, did what he could to augment his number. but we weare mighty vigilent & sent some to make a discovery att every carriage through the woods. we weare told that they weare in an ambush, & there builded a fort below the long sault, where we weare to passe. our wildmen said doubtlesse they have gott an other company of their nation, so that some minded to throw their castors away & returne home. we told them that we weare almost att the gates of the ffrench habitation, & bid [them] therefore have courage, & that our lives weare in as great danger as theirs, & if we weare taken we should never escape because they knewed us, & i because i runned away from their country having slained some of their brethren, & my brother that long since was the man that furnished their enemy with arms. they att last weare persuaded, & landed within a mile of the landing place, & sent men before armed. we made them great bucklers that the shot could not pearce in some places. they weare to be carryed if there had ben occasion for it. being come neere the torrent, we finding the iroquoits lying in ambush, who began to shoot. the rest of our company went about cutting of trees & making a fort, whilst some brought the boats; which being come, we left as few means possible might bee. the rest helped to carry wood. we had about men that weare gallant souldiers. the most weare hurrons, pasnoestigons, & amickkoick frequented the ffrench for a time. the rest weare skillfull in their bows & arrows. the iroquoits perceiving our device, resolved to fight by forceing them to lett us passe with our arms. they did not know best what to doe, being not so munished nor so many men above a hundred and fifty. they forsooke the place & retired into the fort, which was underneath the rapide. we in the meane while have slained of theirs, & not one of ours hurted, which encouraged our wildmen. we bid them still to have good courage, that we should have the victory. wee went & made another fort neere theirs, where of our men weare wounded but lightly. it is a horrid thing to heare [of] the enormity of outcryes of those different nations. the iroquoits sung like devils, & often made salleys to make us decline. they gott nothing by that but some arrows that did incommodat them to some purpose. we foresee that such a batail could not hold out long for want of powder, of shott & arrows; so by the consent of my brother & the rest, made a speech in the iroquoit language, inducing meselfe with armours that i might not be wounded with every bullett or arrow that the ennemy sent perpetually. then i spoake. "brethren, we came from your country & bring you to ours, not to see you perish unlesse we perish with you. you know that the ffrench are men, & maks forts that cannot be taken so soone therefore cheare upp, ffor we love you & will die with you." this being ended, nothing but howling & crying. we brought our castors & tyed them by , and rowled them before us. the iroquoits finding that they must come out of their fort to the watterside, where they left their boats, to make use of them in case of neede, where indeed made an escape, leaving all their baggage behind, which was not much, neither had we enough to fill our bellyes with the meat that was left; there weare kettles, broaken gunns, & rusty hattchetts. they being gone, our passage was free, so we made hast & endeavoured to come to our journey's end; and to make the more hast, some boats went downe that swift streame without making any carriage, hopeing to follow the ennemy; but the bad lacke was that where my brother was the boat turned in the torrent, being seaven of them together, weare in great danger, ffor god was mercifull to give them strength to save themselves, to the great admiration, for few can speed so well in such precipices. when they came to lande they cutt rocks. my brother lost his booke of annotations of the last yeare of our being in these foraigne nations. we lost never a castor, but may be some better thing. it's better [that one] loose all then lose his life. we weare moneths in our voyage without doeing any thing but goe from river to river. we mett severall sorts of people. we conversed with them, being long time in alliance with them. by the persuasion of som of them we went into the great river that divides itselfe in , where the hurrons with some ottanake & the wild men that had warrs with them had retired. there is not great difference in their language, as we weare told. this nation have warrs against those of [the] forked river. it is so called because it has branches, the one towards the west, the other towards the south, which we believe runns towards mexico, by the tokens they gave us. being among these people, they told us the prisoners they take tells them that they have warrs against a nation, against men that build great cabbans & have great beards & had such knives as we have had. moreover they shewed a decad of beads & guilded pearls that they have had from that people, which made us believe they weare europeans. they shewed one of that nation that was taken the yeare before. we understood him not; he was much more tawny then they with whome we weare. his armes & leggs weare turned outside; that was the punishment inflicted uppon him. so they doe with them that they take, & kill them with clubbs & doe often eat them. they doe not burne their prisoners as those of the northern parts. we weare informed of that nation that live in the other river. these weare men of extraordinary height & biggnesse, that made us believe they had no communication with them. they live onely uppon corne & citrulles, [footnote: _citrulles_, pumpkins.] which are mighty bigg. they have fish in plenty throughout the yeare. they have fruit as big as the heart of an oriniak, which grows on vast trees which in compasse are three armefull in compasse. when they see litle men they are affraid & cry out, which makes many come help them. their arrows are not of stones as ours are, but of fish boans & other boans that they worke greatly, as all other things. their dishes are made of wood. i having seene them, could not but admire the curiosity of their worke. they have great calumetts of great stones, red & greene. they make a store of tobacco. they have a kind of drink that makes them mad for a whole day. this i have not seene, therefore you may believe as you please. when i came backe i found my brother sick, as i said before. god gave him his health, more by his courage then by any good medicine, ffor our bodyes are not like those of the wildmen. to our purpose; we came backe to our carriage, whilst wee endeavoured to ayde our compagnions in their extremity. the iroquoits gott a great way before, not well satisfied to have stayed for us, having lost of their men; of them weare not nimble enough, ffor our bulletts & arrows made them stay for good & all. seaven of our men weare sick, they have ben like to be drowned, & the other two weare wounded by the iroquoits. the next day we went on without any delay or encounter. i give you leave if those of mont royall weare not overjoyed to see us arrived where they affirme us the pitifull conditions that the country was by the cruelty of these cruell barbars, that perpetually killed & slaughtered to the very gate of the ffrench fort. all this hindered not our goeing to the ffrench att the rivers after we refreshed ourselves dayes, but like to pay dearly for our bold attempt. inhabitants came downe with us in a shawlopp. as we doubled the point of the river of the meddows we weare sett uppon by severall of the iroquoits, but durst not come neare us, because of two small brasse pieces that the shalop carryed. we tyed our boats together & made a fort about us of castors' skins, which kept us from all danger. we went downe the streame in that posture. the ennemy left us, & did well; for our wildmen weare disposed to fight, & our shaloupp could not come neare them because for want of watter. we came to quebecq, where we are saluted with the thundring of the guns & batteryes of the fort, and of the shipps that weare then att anchor, which had gon back to france without castors if we had not come. we weare well traited for dayes. the governor made guifts & sent brigantins to bring us to the rivers, where we arrived the nd day of, & the th day they went away. that is the end of our years' voyage & few months. after so much paine & danger god was so mercifull [as] to bring us back saf to our dwelling, where the one was made much off by his wife, the other by his friends & kindred. the ennemy that had discovered us in our goeing downe gott more company, with as many as they could to come to the passages, & there to waite for the retourne of those people, knowinge well that they could not stay there long because the season of the yeare was almost spent; but we made them by our persuasions goe downe to quebecq, which proved well, ffor the iroquoits thought they weare gone another way. so came the next day after our arrivall to make a discovery to the rivers, where being perceived, there is care taken to receive them. the ffrench cannot goe as the wildmen through the woods, but imbarks themselves in small boats & went along the river side, knowing that if the ennemy was repulsed, he would make his retreat to the river side. some algonquins weare then att the habitation, who for to shew their vallour disposed themselves to be the first in the poursuit of the enemy. some of the strongest and nimblest ffrench kept them company, with an other great number of men called ottanacks, so that we weare soone together by the ears. there weare some men of the enemy that came in the space of a fourteen night together; but when they saw us they made use of their heels. we weare about ; but the better to play their game, after they runned half a mile in the wood they turned againe, where then the batail began most furiously by shooting att one another. that uppermost nation, being not used to shooting nor heare such noise, began to shake off their armours, and tooke their bows and arrows, which indeed made [more] execution then all the guns that they had brought. so seeing algonquins & ffrench keep to it, they resolved to stick to it also, which had not long lasted; ffor seeing that their arrows weare almost spent & they must close together, and that the enemy had an advantage by keeping themselves behind the trees, and we to fall uppon we must be without bucklers, which diminished much our company that was foremost, we gave them in spight us place to retire themselves, which they did with all speed. having come to the watter side, where their boats weare, saw the ffrench all in a row, who layd in an ambush to receive them, which they had done if god had not ben for us; ffor they, thinking that the enemy was att hand, mistrusted nothing to the contrary. the ffrench that weare in the wood, seeing the evident danger where their countrymen layd, encouraged the ottanaks, who tooke their armes againe and followed the enemy, who not feared that way arrived before the ffrench weare apprehended, by good looke. one of the iroquoits, thinking his boat would be seene, goes quickly and putts it out of sight, & discovers himselfe, which warned the ffrench to hinder them to goe further uppon that score. our wildmen made a stand and fell uppon them stoutly. the combat begins a new; they see the ffrench that weare uppon the watter come neere, which renforced them to take their boats with all hast, and leave their booty behind. the few boats that the french had brought made that could enter but the ffrench, who weare enough. the wildmen neverthelesse did not goe without their prey, which was of three men's heads that they killed att the first fight; but they left eleven of theirs in the place, besides many more that weare wounded. they went straight to their countrey, which did a great service to the retourne of our wildmen, and mett with non all their journey, as we heard afterwards. they went away the next day, and we stayed att home att rest that yeare. my brother and i considered whether we should discover what we have seene or no; and because we had not a full and whole discovery, which was that we have not ben in the bay of the north, not knowing anything but by report of the wild christinos, we would make no mention of it for feare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. we would have made a discovery of it ourselves and have an assurance, before we should discover anything of it. _the ende of the auxotacicac voyage, which is the third voyage_. _[fourth voyage of peter esprit radisson]_ the spring following we weare in hopes to meet with some company, having ben so fortunat the yeare before. now during the winter, whether it was that my brother revealed to his wife what we had seene in our voyage and what we further intended, or how it came to passe, it was knowne; so much that the ffather jesuits weare desirous to find out a way how they might gett downe the castors from the bay of the north by the sacgnes, and so make themselves masters of that trade. they resolved to make a tryall as soone as the ice would permitt them. so to discover our intentions they weare very earnest with me to ingage myselfe in that voyage, to the end that my brother would give over his, which i uterly denied them, knowing that they could never bring it about, because i heard the wild men say that although the way be easy, the wildmen that are feed att their doors would have hindred them, because they make a livelyhood of that trade. in my last voyage i tooke notice of that that goes to three lands, which is first from the people of the north to another nation, that the ffrench call squerells, and another nation that they call porquepicque, and from them to the montignes & algonquins that live in or about quebucque; but the greatest hinderance is the scant of watter and the horrid torrents and want of victuals, being no way to carry more then can serve dayes' or weeks' navigation on that river. neverthelesse the ffathers are gone with the governor's son of the three rivers and other ffrench and wildmen. during that time we made our proposition to the governor of quebuc that we weare willing to venture our lives for the good of the countrey, and goe to travell to the remotest countreys with hurrons that made their escape from the iroquoits. they wished nothing more then to bee in those parts where their wives and families weare, about the lake of the stairing haire; to that intent would stay untill august to see if any body would come from thence. my brother and i weare of one minde; and for more assurance my brother went to mont royall to bring those two men along. he came backe, being in danger. the governor gives him leave, conditionaly that he must carry two of his servants along with him and give them the moitie of the profit. my brother was vexed att such an unreasonable a demand, to take inexperted men to their ruine. all our knowledge and desir depended onely of this last voyage, besides that the governor should compare of his servants to us, that have ventured our lives so many years and maintained the countrey with our generosity in the presence of all; neither was there one that had the courage to undertake what wee have done. we made the governor a slight answer, and tould him for our part we knewed what we weare, discoverers before governors. if the wild men came downe, the way for them as for us, and that we should be glad to have the honnour of his company, but not of that of his servants, and that we weare both masters and servants. the governor was much displeased att this, & commanded us not to go without his leave. we desired the ffathers to speake to him about it. our addresses were slight because of the shame was putt uppon them the yeare before of their retourne, besids, they stayed for an opportunity to goe there themselves; ffor their designe is to further the christian faith to the greatest glory of god, and indeed are charitable to all those that are in distresse and needy, especially to those that are worthy or industrious in their way of honesty. this is the truth, lett who he will speak otherwise, ffor this realy i know meselfe by experience. i hope i offend non to tell the truth. we are forced to goe back without doeing any thing. the month of august that brings a company of the sault, who weare come by the river of the three rivers with incredible paines, as they said. it was a company of seaven boats. we wrote the news of their arrivement to quebuc. they send us word that they will stay untill the fathers be turned from sacquenes, that we should goe with them. an answer without reason. necessity obliged us to goe. those people are not to be inticed, ffor as soone as they have done their affaire they goe. the governor of that place defends us to goe. we tould him that the offense was pardonable because it was every one's interest; neverthelesse we knewed what we weare to doe, and that he should not be blamed for us. we made guifts to the wildmen, that wished with all their hearts that we might goe along with them. we told them that the governor minded to send servants with them, and forbids us to goe along with them. the wild men would not accept of their company, but tould us that they would stay for us two dayes in the lake of st peter in the grasse some leagues from the rivers; but we did not lett them stay so long, for that very night, my brother having the keys of the brough as being captayne of the place, we embarqued ourselves. we made ready in the morning, so that we went, of us, about midnight. being come opposit to the fort, they aske who is there. my brother tells his name. every one knows what good services we had done to the countrey, and loved us, the inhabitants as well as the souldiers. the sentrey answers him, "god give you a good voyage." we went on the rest of that night. att in the morning we are arrived to the appointed place, but found no body. we weare well armed, & had a good boat. we resolved to goe day and night to the river of the meddows to overtake them. the wildmen did feare that it was somewhat else, but leagues beyond that of the fort of richlieu we saw them coming to us. we putt ourselves uppon our guards, thinking they weare ennemy; but weare friends, and received us with joy, and said that if we had not come in dayes' time, they would have sent their boats to know the reason of our delay. there we are in that river waiting for the night. being come to the river of the medows, we did separat ourselves, into boats. the man that we have taken with us was putt into a boat of men and a woman, but not of the same nation as the rest, but of one that we call sorcerors. they weare going downe to see some friends that lived with the nation of the fire, that now liveth with the ponoestigonce or the sault. it is to be understood that this river is divided much into streams very swift & small before you goe to the river of canada; [on account] of the great game that there is in it, the ennemy is to be feared, which made us go through these torrents. this could make any one afraid who is inexperted in such voyages. we suffered much for dayes and nights without rest. as we went we heard the noise of guns, which made us believe firmly they weare ennemyes. we saw boats goe by, and heard others, which daunted our hearts for feare, although wee had boats in number; but weare a great distance one from another, as is said in my former voyage, before we could gaine the height of the river. the boat of the sorcerors where was one of us, albeit made a voyage into the hurrons' country before with the ffathers, it was not usefull, soe we made him embark another, but stayed not there long. the night following, he that was in the boat dreamed that the iroquoits had taken him with the rest. in his dreame he cryes out aloud; those that weare att rest awakes of the noise. we are in alarum, and ready to be gone. those that weare with the man resolved to goe back againe, explicating that an evill presage. the wildmen councelled to send back the ffrenchman, saying he should die before he could come to their countrey. it's usually spoken among the wildmen when a man is sick or not able to doe anything to discourage him in such sayings. here i will give a relation of that ffrenchman before i goe farther, and what a thing it is to have an intrigue. the next day they see a boat of their ennemys, as we heard since. they presently landed. the wild men runned away; the ffrenchman alsoe, as he went along the watter side for fear of loosing himselfe. he finds there an harbour very thick, layes himselfe downe and falls asleepe. the night being come, the wildmen being come to know whether the ennemy had perceived them, but non pursued them, and found their boat in the same place, and imbarques themselves and comes in good time to mount royall. they left the poore ffrenchman there, thinking he had wit enough to come along the watter side, being not above tenne leagues from thence. those wild men, after their arrivement, for feare spoak not one word of him, but went downe to the rivers, where their habitation was. fourteen days after some boats ventured to goe looke for some oriniaks, came to the same place, where they made cottages, and that within a quarter of mille where this wrech was. one of the ffrench finds him on his back and almost quite spent; had his gunne by him. he was very weake, and desirous that he should be discovered by some or other. he fed as long as he could on grappes, and at last became so weake that he was not able any further, untill those ffrench found him. after awhile, being come to himselfe, he tends downe the three rivers, where being arrived the governor emprisons him. he stayed not there long. the inhabitants seeing that the ennemy, the hunger, and all other miseries tormented this poore man, and that it was by a divine providence he was alive, they would not have souffred such inhumanity, but gott him out. three dayes after wee found the tracks of seaven boats, and fire yett burning. we found out by their characters they weare no ennemys, but imagined that they weare octanaks that went up into their countrey, which made us make hast to overtake them. we tooke no rest till we overtooke them. they came from mount royall and weare gone to the great river and gone by the great river. so that we weare now boats together, which weare to goe the same way to the height of the upper lake. the day following wee weare sett uppon by a company of iroquoits that fortified themselves in the passage, where they waited of octanack, for they knewed of their going downe. our wildmen, seeing that there was no way to avoid them, resolved to be together, being the best way for them to make a quick expedition, ffor the season of the yeare pressed us to make expedition. we resolved to give a combat. we prepared ourselves with targetts. now the businesse was to make a discovery. i doubt not but the ennemy was much surprised to see us so in number. the councell was held and resolution taken. i and a wildman weare appointed to goe and see their fort. i offered myselfe with a free will, to lett them see how willing i was to defend them; that is the onely way to gaine the hearts of those wildmen. we saw that their fort was environed with great rocks that there was no way to mine it, because there weare no trees neere it. the mine was nothing else but to cutt the nearest tree, and so by his fall make a bracke, and so goe and give an assault. their fort was nothing but trees one against another in a round or square without sides. the ennemy seeing us come neere, shott att us, but in vaine, ffor we have fforewarned ourselves before we came there. it was a pleasur to see our wildmen with their guns and arrows, which agreed not together. neverthelesse we told them when they received a breake their guns would be to no purpose; therefore to putt them by and make use of their bows and arrows. the iroquoits saw themselves putt to it, and the evident danger that they weare in, but to late except they would runne away. yett our wildmen weare better wild footemen then they. these weare ffrenchmen that should give them good directions to overthrow them, resolved to speake for peace, and throw necklaces of porcelaine over the stakes of their fort. our wildmen weare dazelled att such guifts, because that the porcelaine is very rare and costly in their countrey, and then seeing themselves flattered with faire words, to which they gave eare. we trust them by force to putt their first designe in execution, but feared their lives and loved the porcelaine, seeing they had it without danger of any life. they weare persuaded to stay till the next day, because now it was almost night. the iroquoits make their escape. this occasion lost, our consolation was that we had that passage free, but vexed for having lost that opportunity, & contrarywise weare contented of our side, for doubtlesse some of us had ben killed in the bataill. the day following we embarqued ourselves quietly, being uppon our guard for feare of any surprize, ffor that ennemy's danger scarcely begane, who with his furour made himselfe so redoubted, having ben there up and downe to make a new slaughter. this morning, in assurance enough; in the afternoone the two boats that had orders to land some paces from the landing place, one tooke onely a small bundle very light, tends to the other side of the carriage, imagining there to make the kettle boyle, having killed staggs two houres agoe, and was scarce halfe way when he meets the iroquoits, without doubt for that same businesse. i think both weare much surprized. the iroquoits had a bundle of castor that he left behind without much adoe. our wild men did the same; they both runne away to their partners to give them notice. by chance my brother meets them in the way. the wild men seeing that they all weare frightned and out of breath, they asked the matter, and was told, _nadonnee_, and so soone said, he letts fall his bundle that he had uppon his back into a bush, and comes backe where he finds all the wildmen dispaired. he desired me to encourage them, which i performed with all earnestnesse. we runned to the height of the carriage. as we weare agoing they tooke their armes with all speed. in the way we found the bundle of castors that the ennemy had left. by this means we found out that they weare in a fright as wee, and that they came from the warrs of the upper country, which we told the wildmen, so encouraged them to gaine the watter side to discover their forces, where wee no sooner came but boats weare landed & charged their guns, either to defend themselves or to sett uppon us. we prevented this affair by our diligence, and shott att them with our bows & arrows, as with our gunns. they finding such an assault immediately forsooke the place. they would have gone into their boats, but we gave them not so much time. they threwed themselves into the river to gaine the other side. this river was very narrow, so that it was very violent. we had killed and taken them all, if boats of theirs had not come to their succour, which made us gave over to follow them, & looke to ourselves, ffor we knewed not the number of their men. three of their men neverthelesse weare killed; the rest is on the other side of the river, where there was a fort which was made long before. there they retired themselves with all speed. we passe our boats to augment our victory, seeing that they weare many in number. they did what they could to hinder our passage, butt all in vaine, ffor we made use of the bundle of castors that they left, which weare to us instead of gabbions, for we putt them att the heads of our boats, and by that means gott ground in spight of their noses. they killed one of our men as we landed. their number was not to resist ours. they retired themselves into the fort and brought the rest of their [men] in hopes to save it. in this they were far mistaken, for we furiously gave an assault, not sparing time to make us bucklers, and made use of nothing else but of castors tyed together. so without any more adoe we gathered together. the iroquoits spared not their powder, but made more noise then hurt. the darknesse covered the earth, which was somewhat favorable for us; but to overcome them the sooner, we filled a barill full of gun powder, and having stoped the whole of it well and tyed it to the end of a long pole, being att the foote of the fort. heere we lost of our men; our machine did play with an execution. i may well say that the ennemy never had seen the like. moreover i tooke or pounds of powder; this i put into a rind of a tree, then a fusy to have the time to throw the rind, warning the wildmen as soone as the rind made his execution that they should enter in and breake the fort upside down, with the hattchett and the sword in their hands. in the meane time the iroquoits did sing, expecting death, or to their heels, att the noise of such a smoake & noise that our machines made, with the slaughter of many of them. seeing themselves soe betrayed, they lett us goe free into their fort, that thereby they might save themselves; but having environed the fort, we are mingled pell mell, so that we could not know one another in that skirmish of blowes. there was such an noise that should terrifie the stoutest men. now there falls a showre of raine and a terrible storme, that to my thinking there was somthing extraordinary, that the devill himselfe made that storme to give those men leave to escape from our hands, to destroy another time more of these innocents. in that darknesse every one looked about for shelter, not thinking of those braves, that layd downe halfe dead, to pursue them. it was a thing impossible, yett doe believe that the ennemy was not far. as the storme was over, we came together, making a noise, and i am persuaded that many thought themselves prisoners that weare att liberty. some sang their fatall song, albeit without any wounds. so that those that had the confidence to come neare the others weare comforted by assuring them the victory, and that the ennemy was routed. we presently make a great fire, and with all hast make upp the fort againe for feare of any surprize. we searched for those that weare missing. those that weare dead and wounded weare visited. we found of our ennemy slain'd and onely of ours, besides seaven weare wounded, who in a short time passed all danger of life. while some weare busie in tying of the ennemy that could not escape, the others visited the wounds of their compagnions, who for to shew their courage sung'd lowder then those that weare well. the sleepe that we tooke that night did not make our heads guidy, although we had need of reposeing. many liked the occupation, for they filled their bellyes with the flesh of their ennemyes. we broiled some of it and kettles full of the rest. we bourned our comrades, being their custome to reduce such into ashes being stained in bataill. it is an honnour to give them such a buriall. att the brake of day we cooked what could accommodate us, and flung the rest away. the greatest marke of our victory was that we had heads & foure prisoners, whom we embarqued in hopes to bring them into our countrey, and there to burne them att our owne leasures for the more satisfaction of our wives. we left that place of masacre with horrid cryes. forgetting the death of our parents, we plagued those infortunate. we plucked out their nailes one after another. the next morning, after we slept a litle in our boats, we made a signe to begone. they prayed to lett off my peece, which made greate noise. to fullfill their desire, i lett it of. i noe sooner shott, butt perceived seaven boats of the iroquoits going from a point towards the land. we were surprised of such an incounter, seeing death before us, being not strong enough to resist such a company, ffor there weare or in every boat. they perceiving us thought that we weare more in number, began in all hast to make a fort, as we received from two discoverers that wee sent to know their postures. it was with much adoe that those two went. dureing we perswaded our wildmen to send seaven of our boats to an isle neare hand, and turne often againe to frighten our adversaryes by our shew of our forces. they had a minde to fortifie themselves in that island, but we would not suffer it, because there was time enough in case of necessity, which we represent unto them, making them to gather together all the broaken trees to make them a kind of barricado, prohibiting them to cutt trees, that thereby the ennemy might not suspect our feare & our small number, which they had knowne by the stroaks of their hattchetts. those wildmen, thinking to be lost, obeyed us in every thing, telling us every foot, "be chearfull, and dispose of us as you will, for we are men lost." we killed our foure prisoners because they embarassed us. they sent, as soone as we weare together, some fourty, that perpetually went to and againe to find out our pollicy and weaknesse. in the meane time we told the people that they weare men, & if they must, die altogether, and for us to make a fort in the lande was to destroy ourselves, because we should put ourselves in prison; to take courage, if in case we should be forced to take a retreat the isle was a fort for us, from whence we might well escape in the night. that we weare strangers and they, if i must say so, in their countrey, & shooting ourselves in a fort all passages would be open uppon us for to save ourselves through the woods, was a miserable comfort. in the mean time the iroquoits worked lustily, think att every step we weare to give them an assault, but farr deceived, ffor if ever blind wished the light, we wished them the obscurity of the night, which no sooner approached but we embarqued ourselves without any noise, and went along. it's strang to me that the ennemy did not encounter us. without question he had store of prisoners and booty. we left the iroquoits in his fort and the feare in our breeches, for without apprehension we rowed from friday to tuesday without intermission. we had scarce to eat a bitt of sault meat. it was pitty to see our feete & leggs in blood by drawing our boats through the swift streames, where the rocks have such sharp points that there is nothing but death could make men doe what we did. on the third day the paines & labour we tooke forced us to an intermission, ffor we weare quite spent. after this we went on without any encounter whatsoever, having escaped very narrowly. we passed a sault that falls from a vast height. some of our wildmen went underneath it, which i have seene, & i myselfe had the curiosity, but that quiver makes a man the surer. the watter runs over the heads with such impetuosity & violence that it's incredible. wee went under this torrent a quarter of a mille, that falls from the toppe above fourty foot downwards. having come to the lake of the castors, we went about the lake of the castors for some victuals, being in great want, and suffered much hunger. so every one constituts himselfe; some went a hunting, some a fishing. this done, we went downe the river of the sorcerers, which brought us to the first great lake. what joy had we to see ourselves out of that river so dangerous, after we wrought two and twenty dayes and as many nights, having not slept one houre on land all that while. now being out of danger, as safe from our enemy, perhaps we must enter into another, which perhaps may give practice & trouble consequently. our equipage and we weare ready to wander uppon that sweet sea; but most of that coast is void of wild beasts, so there was great famine amongst us for want. yett the coast afforded us some small fruits. there i found the kindnesse & charity of the wildmen, ffor when they found any place of any quantity of it they called me and my brother to eat & replenish our bellys, shewing themselves far gratfuller then many christians even to their owne relations. i cannot forgett here the subtilty of one of these wildmen that was in the same boat with me. we see a castor along the watter side, that puts his head out of the watter. that wildman no sooner saw him but throwes himself out into the watter and downe to the bottom, without so much time as to give notice to any, and before many knewed of anything, he brings up the castor in his armes as a child, without fearing to be bitten. by this we see that hunger can doe much. afterwardes we entered into a straight which had leagues in length, full of islands, where we wanted not fish. we came after to a rapid that makes the separation of the lake of the hurrons, that we calle superior, or upper, for that the wildmen hold it to be longer & broader, besids a great many islands, which maks appeare in a bigger extent. this rapid was formerly the dwelling of those with whome wee weare, and consequently we must not aske them if they knew where they have layed. wee made cottages att our advantages, and found the truth of what those men had often [said], that if once we could come to that place we should make good cheare of a fish that they call _assickmack_, which signifieth a white fish. the beare, the castors, and the oriniack shewed themselves often, but to their cost; indeed it was to us like a terrestriall paradise. after so long fastning, after so great paines that we had taken, finde ourselves so well by chossing our dyet, and resting when we had a minde to it, 'tis here that we must tast with pleasur a sweet bitt. we doe not aske for a good sauce; it's better to have it naturally; it is the way to distinguish the sweet from the bitter. but the season was far spent, and use diligence and leave that place so wished, which wee shall bewaile, to the coursed iroquoits. what hath that poore nation done to thee, and being so far from thy country? yett if they had the same liberty that in former dayes they have had, we poore ffrench should not goe further with our heads except we had a strong army. those great lakes had not so soone comed to our knowledge if it had not ben for those brutish people; two men had not found out the truth of these seas so cheape; the interest and the glorie could not doe what terror doth att the end. we are a litle better come to ourselves and furnished. we left that inn without reckoning with our host. it is cheape when wee are not to put the hand to the purse; neverthelesse we must pay out of civility: the one gives thanks to the woods, the other to the river, the third to the earth, the other to the rocks that stayes the ffish; in a word, there is nothing but _kinekoiur_ of all sorts; the encens of our encens (?) is not spared. the weather was agreable when we began to navigat upon that great extent of watter, finding it so calme and the aire so cleare. we thwarted in a pretty broad place, came to an isle most delightfull for the diversity of its fruits. we called it the isle of the foure beggars. we arrived about of the clocke in the afternone that we came there. we sudainly put the kettle to the fire. we reside there a while, and seeing all this while the faire weather and calme. we went from thence att tenne of the clocke the same night to gaine the firme lande, which was leagues from us, where we arrived before day. here we found a small river. i was so curious that i inquired my dearest friends the name of this streame. they named me it _pauabickkomesibs_, which signifieth a small river of copper. i asked him the reason. he told me, "come, and i shall shew thee the reason why." i was in a place which was not paces in the wood, where many peeces of copper weare uncovered. further he told me that the mountaine i saw was of nothing else. seeing it so faire & pure, i had a minde to take a peece of it, but they hindred me, telling my brother there was more where we weare to goe. in this great lake of myne owne eyes have seene which are admirable, and cane maintaine of a hundred pounds teem will not be decayed. [footnote: "of a hundred pounds teem." this sentence seems somewhat obscure. the writer perhaps meant to say that he had seen masses of copper not less than a hundred pounds weight.] from this place we went along the coasts, which are most delightfull and wounderous, for it's nature that made it so pleasant to the eye, the sperit, and the belly. as we went along we saw banckes of sand so high that one of our wildmen went upp for curiositie; being there, did shew no more then a crow. that place is most dangerous when that there is any storme, being no landing place so long as the sandy bancks are under watter; and when the wind blowes, that sand doth rise by a strang kind of whirling that are able to choake the passengers. one day you will see small mountaines att one side, and the next day, if the wind changes, on the other side. this putts me in mind of the great and vast wildernesses of turkey land, as the turques makes their pylgrimages. some dayes after we observed that there weare some boats before us, but knewed not certainely what they weare. we made all the hast to overtake them, fearing the ennemy no more. indeed the faster we could goe the better for us, because of the season of the yeare, that began to be cold & freeze. they weare a nation that lived in a land towards the south. this nation is very small, being not in all, men & women together. as we came neerer them they weare surprized of our safe retourne, and astonied to see us, admiring the rich marchandises that their confederates brought from the ffrench, that weare hattchetts and knives and other utensils very commodious, rare, precious, and necessary in those countreys. they told the news one to another whilst we made good cheere and great fires. they mourned for the death of [one] of their comrades; the heads of their ennemy weare danced. some dayes [after] we separated ourselves, and presented guiftes to those that weare going an other way, for which we received great store of meate, which was putt up in barrills, and grease of bears & oriniacke. after this we came to a remarquable place. it's a banke of rocks that the wild men made a sacrifice to; they calls it _nanitoucksinagoit_, which signifies the likenesse of the devill. they fling much tobacco and other things in its veneration. it is a thing most incredible that that lake should be so boisterous, that the waves of it should have the strength to doe what i have to say by this my discours: first, that it's so high and soe deepe that it's impossible to claime up to the point. there comes many sorte of birds that makes there nest here, the goilants, which is a white sea-bird of the bignesse of pigeon, which makes me believe what the wildmen told me concerning the sea to be neare directly to the point. it's like a great portail, by reason of the beating of the waves. the lower part of that oppening is as bigg as a tower, and grows bigger in the going up. there is, i believe, acres of land. above it a shipp of tuns could passe by, soe bigg is the arch. i gave it the name of the portail of st peter, because my name is so called, and that i was the first christian [footnote: "the first christian that ever saw it." french jesuits and fur-traders pushed deeper and deeper into the wilderness of the northern lakes. in jacques and raynbault preached the faith to a concourse of indians at the outlet of lake superior. then came the havoc and desolation of the iroquois war, and for years further exploration was arrested. at length, in , two daring traders penetrated to lake superior, wintered there, and brought back the tales they had heard of the ferocious sioux, and of a great western river on which they dwelt. two years later the aged jesuit mesnard attempted to plant a mission on the southern shore of the lake, but perished in the forest by famine or the tomahawk. allouez succeeded him, explored a part of lake superior, and heard in his turn of the sioux and their great river, the "messipi."--introduction to parkman's _discovery of the great west_. there can be no doubt but that the "two daring traders who in penetrated to lake superior," and dwelt on the great river, were radisson and des groseilliers, who repeated their journey a few years after, described in this narrative. the "pictured rocks" and the "doric rock" were so named in governor cass's and schoolcraft's _travels_ in .] that ever saw it. there is in that place caves very deepe, caused by the same violence. we must looke to ourselves, and take time with our small boats. the coast of rocks is or leagues, and there scarce a place to putt a boat in assurance from the waves. when the lake is agitated the waves goeth in these concavities with force and make a most horrible noise, most like the shooting of great guns. some dayes afterwards we arrived to a very beautifull point of sand where there are beautifull islands, [footnote: "three beautiful islands." in cass's and schoolcraft's _travels_ ( ) through the chain of american lakes these islands are called huron islands, and the bay beyond is marked on their map "keweena bay."] that we called of the trinity; there be in triangle. from this place we discovered a bay very deepe, where a river empties its selfe with a noise for the quantitie & dept of the water. we must stay there dayes to wait for faire weather to make the trainage, which was about leagues wide. soe done, we came to the mouth of a small river, where we killed some oriniacks. we found meddows that weare squared, and leagues as smooth as a boord. we went up some leagues further, where we found some pools made by the castors. we must breake them that we might passe. the sluce being broaken, what a wounderfull thing to see the industrie of that animal, which had drowned more then leagues in the grounds, and cutt all the trees, having left non to make a fire if the countrey should be dried up. being come to the height, we must drague our boats over a trembling ground for the space of an houre. the ground became trembling by this means: the castor drowning great soyles with dead water, herein growes mosse which is foot thick or there abouts, and when you think to goe safe and dry, if you take not great care you sink downe to your head or to the midle of your body. when you are out of one hole you find yourselfe in another. this i speake by experience, for i meselfe have bin catched often. but the wildmen warned me, which saved me; that is, that when the mosse should breake under i should cast my whole body into the watter on sudaine. i must with my hands hold the mosse, and goe soe like a frogg, then to draw my boat after me. there was no danger. having passed that place, we made a carriage through the land for leagues. the way was well beaten because of the commers and goers, who by making that passage shortens their passage by dayes by tourning about the point that goes very farr in that great lake; that is to say, to come to the point, and for to come to the landing of that place of cariage. in the end of that point, that goeth very farre, there is an isle, as i was told, all of copper. this i have not seene. they say that from the isle of copper, which is a league in the lake when they are minded to thwart it in a faire and calme wether, beginning from sun rising to sun sett, they come to a great island, from whence they come the next morning to firme lande att the other side; so by reason of leagues a day that lake should be broad of score and leagues. the wildmen doe not much lesse when the weather is faire. five dayes after we came to a place where there was a company of christinos that weare in their cottages. they weare transported for joy to see us come backe. they made much of us, and called us men indeed, to performe our promisse to come and see them againe. we gave them great guifts, which caused some suspicion, for it is a very jealous nation. but the short stay that we made tooke away that jealousy. we went on and came to a hollow river which was a quarter of a mile in bredth. many of our wildmen went to win the shortest way to their nation, and weare then and boats, for we mett with some in that lake that joyned with us, and came to keepe us company, in hopes to gett knives from us, which they love better then we serve god, which should make us blush for shame. seaven boats stayed of the nation of the sault. we went on half a day before we could come to the landing place, and wear forced to make another carriage a point of leagues long and some paces broad. as we came to the other sid we weare in a bay of leagues about, if we had gone in. by goeing about that same point we passed a straight, for that point was very nigh the other side, which is a cape very much elevated like piramides. that point should be very fitt to build & advantgeous for the building of a fort, as we did the spring following. in that bay there is a chanell where we take great store of fishes, sturgeons of a vast biggnesse, and pycks of seaven foot long. att the end of this bay we landed. the wildmen gave thanks to that which they worship, we to god of gods, to see ourselves in a place where we must leave our navigation and forsake our boats to undertake a harder peece of worke in hand, to which we are forced. the men told us that wee had great dayes' journeys before we should arrive where their wives weare. we foresee the hard task that we weare to undergoe by carrying our bundles uppon our backs. they weare used to it. here every one for himselfe & god for all. we finding ourselves not able to performe such a taske, & they could not well tell where to finde their wives, fearing least the nadoneceronons had warrs against their nation and forced them from their appointed place, my brother and i we consulted what was best to doe, and declared our will to them, which was thus: "brethren, we resolve to stay here, being not accustomed to make any cariage on our backs as yee are wont. goe yee and looke for your wives. we will build us a fort here. and seeing that you are not able to carry all your marchandizes att once, we will keepe them for you, and will stay for you dayes. before the time expired you will send to us if your wives be alive, and if you find them they will fetch what you leave here & what we have; ffor their paines they shall receive guifts of us. soe you will see us in your countrey. if they be dead, we will spend all to be revenged, and will gather up the whole countrey for the next spring, for that purpose to destroy those that weare the causers of their death, and you shall see our strenght and vallour. although there are seaven thousand fighting men in one village, you'll see we will make them runne away, & you shall kill them to your best liking by the very noise of our armes and our presence, who are the gods of the earth among those people." they woundered very much att our resolution. the next day they went their way and we stay for our assurance in the midst of many nations, being but two almost starved for want of food. we went about to make a fort of stakes, which was in this manner. suppose that the watter side had ben in one end; att the same end there should be murtherers, and att need we made a bastion in a triangle to defend us from an assault. the doore was neare the watter side, our fire was in the midle, and our bed on the right hand, covered. there weare boughs of trees all about our fort layed a crosse, one uppon an other. besides these boughs we had a long cord tyed with some small bells, which weare senteryes. finally, we made an ende of that fort in dayes' time. we made an end of some fish that we putt by for neede. but as soone as we are lodged we went to fish for more whilst the other kept the house. i was the fittest to goe out, being yongest. i tooke my gunne and goes where i never was before, so i choosed not one way before another. i went to the wood some or miles. i find a small brooke, where i walked by the sid awhile, which brought me into meddowes. there was a poole where weare a good store of bustards. i began to creepe though i might come neare. thought to be in canada, where the fowle is scared away; but the poore creatures, seeing me flatt uppon the ground, thought i was a beast as well as they, so they come neare me, whisling like gosslings, thinking to frighten me. the whistling that i made them heare was another musick then theirs. there i killed and the rest scared, which neverthelesse came to that place againe to see what sudaine sicknesse befeled their comrads. i shott againe; two payed for their curiosity. i think the spaniards had no more to fullfill then as kill those birds, that thought not of such a thunder bolt. there are yett more countreys as fruitfull and as beautifull as the spaniards to conquer, which may be done with as much ease & facility, and prove as rich, if not richer, for bread & wine; and all other things are as plentifull as in any part of europ. this i have seene, which am sure the spaniards have not in such plenty. now i come backe with my victory, which was to us more then tenne thousand pistoles. we lived by it dayes. i tooke good notice of the place, in hopes to come there more frequent, but this place is not onely so. there we stayed still full dayes without any news, but we had the company of other wild men of other countreys that came to us admiring our fort and the workmanshipp. we suffered non to goe in but one person, and liked it so much the better, & often durst not goe in, so much they stood in feare of our armes, that weare in good order, which weare guns, two musquetons, fowling-peeces, paire of great pistoletts, and paire of pockett ons, and every one his sword and daggar. so that we might say that a coward was not well enough armed. mistrust neverthelesse is the mother of safety, and the occasion makes the thief. during that time we had severall alarums in the night. the squerels and other small beasts, as well as foxes, came in and assaulted us. one night i forgott my bracer, which was wett; being up and downe in those pooles to fetch my fowles, one of these beasts carried it away, which did us a great deal of wrong, and caused the life to great many of those against whom i declared myselfe an ennemy. we imagined that some wildmen might have surprized us; but i may say they weare far more afrayd then we. some dayes after we found it one half a mile from the fort in a hole of a tree, the most part torne. then i killed an oriniack. i could have killed more, but we liked the fowles better. if we had both libertie to goe from our fort, we should have procured in a month that should serve us a whole winter. the wildmen brought us more meate then we would, and as much fish as we might eate. the th day we perceived afarr off some yong men coming towards us, with some of our formest compagnions. we gave them leave to come into our fort, but they are astonied, calling us every foot devills to have made such a machine. they brought us victualls, thinking we weare halfe starved, but weare mightily mistaken, for we had more for them then they weare able to eate, having score bussards and many sticks where was meate hanged plentifully. they offred to carry our baggage, being come a purpose; but we had not so much marchandize as when they went from us, because we hid some of them, that they might not have suspicion of us. we told them that for feare of the dayly multitud of people that came to see us, for to have our goods would kill us. we therefore tooke a boat and putt into it our marchandises; this we brought farre into the bay, where we sunke them, biding our devill not to lett them to be wett nor rusted, nor suffer them to be taken away, which he promised faithlesse that we should retourne and take them out of his hands; att which they weare astonished, believing it to be true as the christians the gospell. we hid them in the ground on the other sid of the river in a peece of ground. we told them that lye that they should not have suspicion of us. we made good cheere. they stayed there three dayes, during which time many of their wives came thither, and we traited them well, for they eat not fowle att all, scarce, because they know not how to catch them except with their arrowes. we putt a great many rind about our fort, and broake all the boats that we could have, for the frost would have broaken them or wild men had stolen them away. that rind was tyed all in length to putt the fire in it, to frighten the more these people, for they could not approach it without being discovered. if they ventured att the going out we putt the fire to all the torches, shewing them how we would have defended ourselves. we weare cesars, being nobody to contradict us. we went away free from any burden, whilst those poore miserable thought themselves happy to carry our equipage, for the hope that they had that we should give them a brasse ring, or an awle, or an needle. there came above foure hundred persons to see us goe away from that place, which admired more our actions [than] the fools of paris to see enter their king and the infanta of spaine, his spouse; for they cry out, "god save the king and queene!" those made horrid noise, and called gods and devills of the earth and heavens. we marched foure dayes through the woods. the countrey is beautifull, with very few mountaines, the woods cleare. att last we came within a league of the cabbans, where we layed that the next day might be for our entrey. we poore adventurers for the honneur of our countrey, or of those that shall deserve it from that day; the nimblest and stoutest went before to warne before the people that we should make our entry to-morow. every one prepares to see what they never before have seene. we weare in cottages which weare neare a litle lake some leagues in circuit. att the watterside there weare abundance of litle boats made of trees that they have hollowed, and of rind. the next day we weare to embarque in them, and arrived att the village by watter, which was composed of a hundred cabans without pallasados. there is nothing but cryes. the women throw themselves backwards uppon the ground, thinking to give us tokens of friendship and of wellcome. we destinated presents, one for the men, one for the women, and the other for the children, to the end that they should remember that journey; that we should be spoaken of a hundred years after, if other europeans should not come in those quarters and be liberal to them, which will hardly come to passe. the first was a kettle, two hattchetts, and knives, and a blade for a sword. the kettle was to call all nations that weare their friends to the feast which is made for the remembrance of the death; that is, they make it once in seaven years; it's a renewing of ffriendshippe. i will talke further of it in the following discours. the hattchetts weare to encourage the yong people to strengthen themselves in all places, to preserve their wives, and shew themselves men by knocking the heads of their ennemyes with the said hattchetts. the knives weare to shew that the ffrench weare great and mighty, and their confederats and ffriends. the sword was to signifie that we would be masters both of peace and warrs, being willing to healpe and relieve them, & to destroy our ennemyes with our armes. the second guift was of and awles, needles, gratters of castors, ivory combs and wooden ones, with red painte, looking-glasses of tin. the awles signifieth to take good courage, that we should keepe their lives, and that they with their hushands should come downe to the ffrench when time and season should permitt. the needles for to make them robes of castor, because the ffrench loved them. the gratters weare to dresse the skins; the combes, the paint, to make themselves beautifull; the looking-glasses to admire themselves. the rd guift was of brasse rings, of small bells, and rasades of divers couleurs, and given in this maner. we sent a man to make all the children come together. when they weare there we throw these things over their heads. you would admire what a beat was among them, every one striving to have the best. this was done uppon this consideration, that they should be allwayes under our protection, giving them wherewithall to make them merry & remember us when they should be men. this done, we are called to the councell of welcome and to the feast of ffriendshipp, afterwards to the dancing of the heads; but before the dancing we must mourne for the deceased, and then, for to forgett all sorrow, to the dance. we gave them foure small guifts that they should continue such ceremonyes, which they tooke willingly and did us good, that gave us authority among the whole nation. we knewed their councels, and made them doe whatsoever we thought best. this was a great advantage for us, you must think. amongst such a rowish kind of people a guift is much, and well bestowed, and liberality much esteemed; but not prodigalitie is not in esteeme, for they abuse it, being brutish. wee have ben useing such ceremonyes whole dayes, & weare lodged in the cabban of the chiefest captayne, who came with us from the ffrench. we liked not the company of that blind, therefore left him. he wondred at this, but durst not speake, because we weare demi-gods. we came to a cottage of an ancient witty man, that had had a great familie and many children, his wife old, neverthelesse handsome. they weare of a nation called malhonmines; that is, the nation of oats, graine that is much in that countrey. of this afterwards more att large. i tooke this man for my ffather and the woman for my mother, soe the children consequently brothers and sisters. they adopted me. i gave every one a guift, and they to mee. having so disposed of our buissinesse, the winter comes on, that warns us; the snow begins to fall, soe we must retire from the place to seeke our living in the woods. every one getts his equipage ready. so away we goe, but not all to the same place; two, three att the most, went one way, and so of an other. they have so done because victuals weare scant for all in a place. but lett us where we will, we cannot escape the myghty hand of god, that disposes as he pleases, and who chastes us as a good & a common loving ffather, and not as our sins doe deserve. finaly wee depart one from an other. as many as we weare in number, we are reduced to a small company. we appointed a rendezvous after two months and a half, to take a new road & an advice what we should doe. during the said terme we sent messengers everywhere, to give speciall notice to all manner of persons and nation that within moons the feast of death was to be celebrated, and that we should apeare together and explaine what the devill should command us to say, and then present them presents of peace and union. now we must live on what god sends, and warre against the bears in the meane time, for we could aime att nothing else, which was the cause that we had no great cheare. i can say that we with our comrades, who weare about , killed in the space of moons and a halfe, a thousand moons [footnote: the writer no doubt meant that they killed so many that they had bear's grease enough to last for a thousand moons.] we wanted not bear's grease to annoint ourselves, to runne the better. we beated downe the woods dayly for to discover novellties. we killed severall other beasts, as oriniacks, staggs, wild cows, carriboucks, fallow does and bucks, catts of mountains, child of the devill; in a word, we lead a good life. the snow increases dayly. there we make raketts, not to play att ball, but to exercise ourselves in a game harder and more necessary. they are broad, made like racketts, that they may goe in the snow and not sinke when they runne after the eland or other beast. we are come to the small lake, the place of rendezvous, where we found some company that weare there before us. we cottage ourselves, staying for the rest, that came every day. we stayed dayes in this place most miserable, like to a churchyard; ffor there did fall such a quantity of snow and frost, and with such a thick mist, that all the snow stoocke to those trees that are there so ruffe, being deal trees, prusse cedars, and thorns, that caused the darknesse uppon the earth that it is to be believed that the sun was eclipsed them months; ffor after the trees weare so laden with snow that fel'd afterwards, was as if it had been sifted, so by that means very light and not able to beare us, albeit we made racketts of foot long and a foot and a halfe broad; so often thinking to tourne ourselves we felld over and over againe in the snow, and if we weare alone we should have difficultie enough to rise againe. by the noyse we made, the beasts heard us a great way off; so the famine was among great many that had not provided before hand, and live upon what they gett that day, never thinking for the next. it grows wors and wors dayly. to augment our misery we receive news of the octanaks, who weare about a hundred and fifty, with their families. they had a quarell with the hurrons in the isle where we had come from some years before in the lake of the stairing hairs, and came purposely to make warres against them the next summer. but lett us see if they brought us anything to subsist withall. but are worst provided then we; having no huntsmen, they are reduced to famine. but, o cursed covetousnesse, what art thou going to doe? it should be farr better to see a company of rogues perish, then see ourselves in danger to perish by that scourg so cruell. hearing that they have had knives and hattchetts, the victualls of their poore children is taken away from them; yea, what ever they have, those doggs must have their share. they are the coursedest, unablest, the unfamous & cowarliest people that i have seene amongst fower score nations that i have frequented. o yee poore people, you shall have their booty, but you shall pay dearly for it! every one cryes out for hungar; the women become baren, and drie like wood. you men must eate the cord, being you have no more strength to make use of the bow. children, you must die. ffrench, you called yourselves gods of the earth, that you should be feared, for your interest; notwithstanding you shall tast of the bitternesse, and too happy if you escape. where is the time past? where is the plentynesse that yee had in all places and countreys? here comes a new family of these poore people dayly to us, halfe dead, for they have but the skin & boans. how shall we have strength to make a hole in the snow to lay us downe, seeing we have it not to hale our racketts after us, nor to cutt a litle woad to make a fire to keepe us from the rigour of the cold, which is extreame in those countreyes in its season. oh! if the musick that we heare could give us recreation, we wanted not any lamentable musick nor sad spectacle. in the morning the husband looks uppon his wife, the brother his sister, the cozen the cozen, the oncle the nevew, that weare for the most part found deade. they languish with cryes & hideous noise that it was able to make the haire starre on the heads that have any apprehension. good god, have mercy on so many poore innocent people, and of us that acknowledge thee, that having offended thee punishes us. but wee are not free of that cruell executioner. those that have any life seeketh out for roots, which could not be done without great difficultie, the earth being frozen or foote deepe, and the snow or above it. the greatest susibstance that we can have is of rind tree which growes like ivie about the trees; but to swallow it, we cutt the stick some foot long, tying it in faggott, and boyle it, and when it boyles one houre or two the rind or skinne comes off with ease, which we take and drie it in the smoake and then reduce it into powder betwixt two graine-stoans, and putting the kettle with the same watter uppon the fire, we make it a kind of broath, which nourished us, but becam thirstier and drier then the woode we eate. the first weeke we did eate our doggs. as we went backe uppon our stepps for to gett any thing to fill our bellyes, we weare glad to gett the boans and carcasses of the beasts that we killed. and happy was he that could gett what the other did throw away after it had ben boyled or foure times to gett the substance out of it. we contrived an other plott, to reduce to powder those boanes, the rest of crows and doggs. so putt all that together halfe foot within grounde, and so makes a fire uppon it, we covered all that very well with earth, soe seeling the heat, and boyled them againe and gave more froth then before; in the next place, the skins that weare reserved to make us shoose, cloath, and stokins, yea, most of the skins of our cottages, the castors' skins, where the children beshit them above a hundred times. we burned the haire on the coals; the rest goes downe throats, eating heartily these things most abhorred. we went so eagerly to it that our gumms did bleede like one newly wounded. the wood was our food the rest of sorrowfull time. finaly we became the very image of death. we mistook ourselves very often, taking the living for the dead and the dead for the living. we wanted strength to draw the living out of the cabans, or if we did when we could, it was to putt them four paces in the snow. att the end the wrath of god begins to appease itselfe, and pityes his poore creatures. if i should expresse all that befell us in that strange accidents, a great volume would not centaine it. here are above dead, men, women, and children. it's time to come out of such miseryes. our bodyes are not able to hold out any further. after the storme, calme comes. but stormes favoured us, being that calme kills us. here comes a wind and raine that putts a new life in us. the snow sails, the forest cleers itselfe, att which sight those that had strings left in their bowes takes courage to use it. the weather continued so dayes that we needed no racketts more, for the snow hardned much. the small staggs are [as] if they weare stakes in it after they made or capers. it's an easy matter for us to take them and cutt their throats with our knives. now we see ourselves a litle fournished, but yett have not payed, ffor it cost many their lives. our gutts became very straight by our long fasting, that they could not centaine the quantity that some putt in them. i cannot omitt the pleasant thoughts of some of them wildmen. seeing my brother allwayes in the same condition, they said that some devill brought him wherewithall to eate; but if they had seene his body they should be of another oppinion. the beard that covered his face made as if he had not altered his face. for me that had no beard, they said i loved them, because i lived as well as they. from the second day we began to walke. there came men from a strange countrey who had a dogg; the buissinesse was how to catch him cunningly, knowing well those people love their beasts. neverthelesse wee offred guifts, but they would not, which made me stubborne. that dogge was very leane, and as hungry as we weare, but the masters have not suffered so much. i went one night neere that same cottage to doe what discretion permitts me not to speake. those men weare nadoneseronons. they weare much respected that no body durst not offend them, being that we weare uppon their land with their leave. the dogg comes out, not by any smell, but by good like. i take him and bring him a litle way. i stabbed him with my dagger. i brought him to the cottage, where [he] was broyled like a pigge and cutt in peeces, gutts and all, soe every one of the family had his share. the snow where he was killed was not lost, ffor one of our company went and gott it to season the kettles. we began to looke better dayly. we gave the rendezvous to the convenientest place to celebrat that great feast. some moons after there came ambassadors from the nation of nadoneseronons, that we will call now the nation of the beefe. those men each had wives, loadened of oats, corne that growes in that countrey, of a small quantity of indian corne, with other grains, & it was to present to us, which we received as a great favour & token of friendshippe; but it had been welcome if they had brought it a month or two before. they made great ceremonys in greasing our feete and leggs, and we painted them with red. they stript us naked and putt uppon us cloath of buffe and of white castors. after this they weeped uppon our heads untill we weare wetted by their tears, and made us smoake in their pipes after they kindled them. it was not in common pipes, but in pipes of peace and of the warrs, that they pull out but very seldom, when there is occasion for heaven and earth. this done, they perfumed our cloaths and armour one after an other, and to conclude did throw a great quantity of tobbacco into the fire. we told them that they prevented us, for letting us know that all persons of their nation came to visite us, that we might dispose of them. the next morning they weare called by our interpretor. we understood not a word of their language, being quit contrary to those that we weare with. they are arrived, they satt downe. we made a place for us more elevated, to be more att our ease & to appeare in more state. we borrowed their calumet, saying that we are in their countrey, and that it was not lawfull for us to carry anything out of our countrey. that pipe is of a red stone, as bigge as a fist and as long as a hand. the small reede as long as five foot, in breadth, and of the thicknesse of a thumb. there is tyed to it the tayle of an eagle all painted over with severall couleurs and open like a fan, or like that makes a kind of a wheele when he shuts; below the toppe of the steeke is covered with feathers of ducks and other birds that are of a fine collour. we tooke the tayle of the eagle, and instead of it we hung iron bows in the same manner as the feathers weare, and a blade about it along the staffe, a hattchett planted in the ground, and that calumet over it, and all our armours about it uppon forks. every one smoaked his pipe of tobacco, nor they never goe without it. during that while there was a great silence. we prepared some powder that was litle wetted, and the good powder was precious to us. our interpreter told them in our name, "brethren, we have accepted of your guifts. yee are called here to know our will and pleasur that is such: first, we take you for our brethren by taking you into our protection, and for to shew you, we, instead of the eagles' tayle, have putt some of our armours, to the end that no ennemy shall approach it to breake the affinitie that we make now with you." then we tooke the iron off the bowes and lift them up, telling them those points shall passe over the whole world to defend and destroy your ennemyes, that are ours. then we putt the irons in the same place againe. then we tooke the sword and bad them have good courage, that by our means they should vanquish their ennemy. after we tooke the hattchett that was planted in the ground, we tourned round about, telling them that we should kill those that would warre against them, and that we would make forts that they should come with more assurance to the feast of the dead. that done, we throw powder in the fire, that had more strenght then we thought; it made the brands fly from one side to the other. we intended to make them believe that it was some of our tobacco, and make them smoake as they made us smoake. but hearing such a noise, and they seeing that fire fled of every side, without any further delay or looke for so much time as looke for the dore of the cottage, one runne one way, another an other way, ffor they never saw a sacrifice of tobacco so violent. they went all away, and we onely stayed in the place. we followed them to reassure them of their faintings. we visited them in their appartments, where they received [us] all trembling for feare, believing realy by that same meanes that we weare the devils of the earth. there was nothing but feasting for dayes. the time now was nigh that we must goe to the rendezvous; this was betwixt a small lake and a medow. being arrived, most of ours weare allready in their cottages. in dayes' time there arrived eighten severall nations, and came privatly, to have done the sooner. as we became to the number of , we held a councell. then the shouts and cryes and the encouragments weare proclaimed, that a fort should be builded. they went about the worke and made a large fort. it was about score paces in lenght and in breadth, so that it was a square. there we had a brooke that came from the lake and emptied itselfe in those medows, which had more then foure leagues in lenght. our fort might be seene afar off, and on that side most delightfull, for the great many stagges that took the boldnesse to be carried by quarters where att other times they made good cheare. in two dayes this was finished. soone yong men of the nation of the beefe arrived there, having nothing but bows and arrows, with very short garments, to be the nimbler in chasing the stagges. the iron of their arrows weare made of staggs' pointed horens very neatly. they weare all proper men, and dressed with paint. they weare the discoverers and the foreguard. we kept a round place in the midle of our cabban and covered it with long poles with skins over them, that we might have a shelter to keepe us from the snow. the cottages weare all in good order; in each , twelve companies or families. that company was brought to that place where there was wood layd for the fires. the snow was taken away, and the earth covered with deale tree bows. severall kettles weare brought there full of meate. they rested and eat above houres without speaking one to another. the considerablest of our companyes went and made speeches to them. after one takes his bow and shoots an arrow, and then cryes aloud, there speaks some few words, saying that they weare to lett them know the elders of their village weare to come the morrow to renew the friendship and to make it with the ffrench, and that a great many of their yong people came and brought them some part of their wayes to take their advice, ffor they had a minde to goe against the christinos, who weare ready for them, and they in like manner to save their wives & children. they weare scattered in many cabbans that night, expecting those that weare to come. to that purpose there was a vast large place prepared some hundred paces from the fort, where everything was ready for the receiving of those persons. they weare to sett their tents, that they bring uppon their backs. the pearches weare putt out and planted as we received the news; the snow putt aside, and the boughs of trees covered the ground. the day following they arrived with an incredible pomp. this made me thinke of the intrance that the polanders did in paris, saving that they had not so many jewells, but instead of them they had so many feathers. the ffirst weare yong people with their bows and arrows and buckler on their shoulders, uppon which weare represented all manner of figures, according to their knowledge, as of the sun and moone, of terrestriall beasts, about its feathers very artificialy painted. most of the men their faces weare all over dabbed with severall collours. their hair turned up like a crowne, and weare cutt very even, but rather so burned, for the fire is their cicers. they leave a tuff of haire upon their crowne of their heads, tye it, and putt att the end of it some small pearles or some turkey stones, to bind their heads. they have a role commonly made of a snake's skin, where they tye severall bears' paws, or give a forme to some bitts of buff's horns, and put it about the said role. they grease themselves with very thick grease, & mingle it in reddish earth, which they bourne, as we our breeks. with this stuffe they gett their haire to stand up. they cutt some downe of swan or other fowle that hath a white feather, and cover with it the crowne of their heads. their ears are pierced in places; the holes are so bigg that your little finger might passe through. they have yallow waire that they make with copper, made like a starr or a half moone, & there hang it. many have turkeys. they are cloathed with oriniack & staggs' skins, but very light. every one had the skin of a crow hanging att their guirdles. their stokens all inbrodered with pearles and with their own porke-pick worke. they have very handsome shoose laced very thick all over with a peece sowen att the side of the heele, which was of a haire of buff, which trailed above halfe a foot upon the earth, or rather on the snow. they had swords and knives of a foot and a halfe long, and hattchetts very ingeniously done, and clubbs of wood made like backswords; some made of a round head that i admired it. when they kille their ennemy they cutt off the tuffe of haire and tye it about their armes. after all, they have a white robe made of castors' skins painted. those having passed through the midle of ours, that weare ranged att every side of the way. the elders came with great gravitie and modestie, covered with buff coats which hung downe to the grounde. every one had in his hand a pipe of councell sett with precious jewells. they had a sack on their shoulders, and that that holds it grows in the midle of their stomacks and on their shoulders. in this sacke all the world is inclosed. their face is not painted, but their heads dressed as the foremost. then the women laden like unto so many mules, their burdens made a greater sheu then they themselves; but i supose the weight was not equivolent to its bignesse. they weare conducted to the appointed place, where the women unfolded their bundles, and slang their skins whereof their tents are made, so that they had houses [in] less then half an hour. after they rested they came to the biggest cabbane constituted for that purpose. there were fires kindled. our captayne made a speech of thanksgiving, which should be long to writ it. we are called to the councell of new come chiefe, where we came in great pompe, as you shall heare. first they come to make a sacrifice to the french, being gods and masters of all things, as of peace, as warrs; making the knives, the hattchetts, and the kettles rattle, etc. that they came purposely to putt themselves under their protection. moreover, that they came to bring them back againe to their countrey, having by their means destroyed their ennemyes abroad & neere. so said, they present us with guifts of castors' skins, assuring us that the mountains weare elevated, the valleys risen, the ways very smooth, the bows of trees cutt downe to goe with more ease, and bridges erected over rivers, for not to wett our feete; that the dores of their villages, cottages of their wives and daughters, weare open at any time to receive us, being wee kept them alive by our marchandises. the second guift was, yet they would die in their alliance, and that to certifie to all nations by continuing the peace, & weare willing to receive and assist them in their countrey, being well satisfied they weare come to celebrat the feast of the dead. the rd guift was for to have one of the doors of the fort opened, if neede required, to receive and keepe them from the christinos that come to destroy them; being allwayes men, and the heavens made them so, that they weare obliged to goe before to defend their country and their wives, which is the dearest thing they had in the world, & in all times they weare esteemed stout & true soldiers, & that yett they would make it appeare by going to meet them; and that they would not degenerat, but shew by their actions that they weare as valiant as their fore ffathers. the th guift was presented to us, which [was] of buff skins, to desire our assistance ffor being the masters of their lives, and could dispose of them as we would, as well of the peace as of the warrs, and that we might very well see that they did well to goe defend their owne countrey; that the true means to gett the victory was to have a thunder. they meant a gune, calling it _miniskoick_. the speech being finished, they intreated us to be att the feast. we goe presently back againe to fournish us with woaden bowls. we made foure men to carry our guns afore us, that we charged of powder alone, because of their unskillfullnesse that they might have killed their ffathers. we each of us had a paire of pistoletts and sword, a dagger. we had a role of porkepick about our heads, which was as a crowne, and two litle boyes that carryed the vessells that we had most need of; this was our dishes and our spoons. they made a place higher & most elevate, knowing our customs, in the midle for us to sitt, where we had the men lay our armes. presently comes foure elders, with the calumet kindled in their hands. they present the candles to us to smoake, and foure beautifull maids that went before us carrying bears' skins to putt under us. when we weare together, an old man rifes & throws our calumet att our feet, and bids them take the kettles from of the sire, and spoake that he thanked the sun that never was a day to him so happy as when he saw those terrible men whose words makes the earth quacke, and sang a while. having ended, came and covers us with his vestment, and all naked except his feet and leggs, he saith, "yee are masters over us; dead or alive you have the power over us, and may dispose of us as your pleasur." so done, takes the callumet of the feast, and brings it, so a maiden brings us a coale of fire to kindle it. so done, we rose, and one of us begins to sing. we bad the interpreter to tell them we should save & keepe their lives, taking them for our brethren, and to testify that we short of all our artillery, which was of twelve gunns. we draw our swords and long knives to our defence, if need should require, which putt the men in such a terror that they knewed not what was best to run or stay. we throw a handfull of powder in the fire to make a greater noise and smoake. our songs being finished, we began our teeth to worke. we had there a kinde of rice, much like oats. it growes in the watter in or foote deepe. there is a god that shews himselfe in every countrey, almighty, full of goodnesse, and the preservation of those poore people who knoweth him not they have a particular way to gather up that graine. two takes a boat and two sticks, by which they gett the eare downe and gett the corne out of it. their boat being full, they bring it to a fitt place to dry it, and that is their food for the most part of the winter, and doe dresse it thus: ffor each man a handfull of that they putt in the pott, that swells so much that it can suffice a man. after the feast was over there comes two maidens bringing wherewithall to smoake, the one the pipes, the other the fire. they offered ffirst to one of the elders, that satt downe by us. when he had smoaked, he bids them give it us. this being done, we went backe to our fort as we came. the day following we made the principall persons come together to answer to their guifts. being come with great solemnity, there we made our interpreter tell them that we weare come from the other side of the great salted lake, not to kill them but to make them live; acknowledging you for our brethren and children, whom we will love henceforth as our owne; then we gave them a kettle. the second guift was to encourage them in all their undertakings, telling them that we liked men that generously defended themselves against all their ennemyes; and as we weare masters of peace and warrs, we are to dispose the affairs that we would see an universall peace all over the earth; and that this time we could not goe and force the nations that weare yett further to condescend & submitt to our will, but that we would see the neighbouring countreys in peace and union; that the christinos weare our brethren, and have frequented them many winters; that we adopted them for our children, and tooke them under our protection; that we should send them ambassadors; that i myself should make them come, and conclude a generall peace; that we weare sure of their obedience to us; that the ffirst that should breake the peace we would be their ennemy, and would reduce them to powder with our heavenly fire; that we had the word of the christinos as well as theirs, and our thunders should serve us to make warrs against those that would not submitt to our will and desire, which was to see them good ffriends, to goe and make warrs against the upper nations, that doth not know us as yett. the guift was of hattchetts. the rd was to oblige them to receive our propositions, likewise the christinos, to lead them to the dance of union, which was to be celebrated at the death's feast and banquett of kindred. if they would continue the warrs, that was not the meanes to see us againe in their countrey. the th was that we thanked them ffor making us a free passage through their countreys. the guift was of dozen of knives. the last was of smaller trifles,-- gratters, dozen of awles, dozen of needles, dozens of looking-glasses made of tine, a dozen of litle bells, ivory combs, with a litle vermillion. butt ffor to make a recompence to the good old man that spake so favorably, we gave him a hattchett, and to the elders each a blade for a sword, and to the maidens that served us necklaces, which putt about their necks, and braceletts for their armes. the last guift was in generall for all the women to love us and give us to eat when we should come to their cottages. the company gave us great ho! ho! ho! that is, thanks. our wildmen made others for their interest. a company of about weare dispatched to warne the christinos of what we had done. i went myself, where we arrived the rd day, early in the morning. i was received with great demonstration of ffriendshippe. all that day we feasted, danced, and sing. i compared that place before to the buttery of paris, ffor the great quantity of meat that they use to have there; but now will compare it to that of london. there i received guifts of all sorts of meate, of grease more then men could carry. the custome is not to deface anything that they present. there weare above men in a fort, with a great deale of baggage on their shoulders, and did draw it upon light slids made very neatly. i have not seen them att their entrance, ffor the snow blinded mee. coming back, we passed a lake hardly frozen, and the sun [shone upon it] for the most part, ffor i looked a while steadfastly on it, so i was troubled with this seaven or eight dayes. the meane while that we are there, arrived above a thousand that had not ben there but for those two redoubted nations that weare to see them doe what they never before had, a difference which was executed with a great deale of mirth. i ffor feare of being inuied i will obmitt onely that there weare playes, mirths, and bataills for sport, goeing and coming with cryes; each plaid his part. in the publick place the women danced with melody. the yong men that indeavoured to gett a pryse, indeavoured to clime up a great post, very smooth, and greased with oyle of beare & oriniack grease. the stake was att least of foot high. the price was a knife or other thing. we layd the stake there, but whoso could catch it should have it. the feast was made to eate all up. to honnour the feast many men and women did burst. those of that place coming backe, came in sight of those of the village or fort, made postures in similitud of warrs. this was to discover the ennemy by signs; any that should doe soe we gave orders to take him, or kill him and take his head off. the prisoner to be tyed [and] to fight in retreating. to pull an arrow out of the body; to exercise and strike with a clubbe, a buckler to theire feete, and take it if neede requireth, and defende himselfe, if neede requirs, from the ennemy; being in sentery to heark the ennemy that comes neere, and to heare the better lay him downe on the side. these postures are playd while the drums beate. this was a serious thing, without speaking except by nodding or gesture. their drums weare earthen potts full of watter, covered with staggs-skin. the sticks like hammers for the purpose. the elders have bomkins to the end of their staves full of small stones, which makes a ratle, to which yong men and women goe in a cadance. the elders are about these potts, beating them and singing. the women also by, having a nosegay in their hands, and dance very modestly, not lifting much their feete from the ground, keeping their heads downewards, makeing a sweet harmony. we made guifts for that while days' time. every one brings the most exquisite things, to shew what his country affoards. the renewing of their alliances, the mariages according to their countrey coustoms, are made; also the visit of the boans of their deceased ffriends, ffor they keepe them and bestow them uppon one another. we sang in our language as they in theirs, to which they gave greate attention. we gave them severall guifts, and received many. they bestowed upon us above robs of castors, out of which we brought not five to the ffrench, being far in the countrey. this feast ended, every one retourns to his countrey well satisfied. to be as good as our words, we came to the nation of the beefe, which was seaven small journeys from that place. we promised in like maner to the christinos the next spring we should come to their side of the upper lake, and there they should meete us, to come into their countrey. we being arrived among the nation of the beefe, we wondred to finde ourselves in a towne where weare great cabbans most covered with skins and other close matts. they tould us that there weare , men. this we believed. those have as many wives as they can keepe. if any one did trespasse upon the other, his nose was cutt off, and often the crowne of his head. the maidens have all maner of freedome, but are forced to mary when they come to the age. the more they beare children the more they are respected. i have seene a man having wives. there they have no wood, and make provision of mosse for their firing. this their place is environed with pearches which are a good distance one from an other, that they gett in the valleys where the buffe use to repaire, uppon which they do live. they sow corne, but their harvest is small. the soyle is good, but the cold hinders it, and the graine very small. in their countrey are mines of copper, of pewter, and of ledd. there are mountains covered with a kind of stone that is transparent and tender, and like to that of venice. the people stay not there all the yeare; they retire in winter towards the woods of the north, where they kill a quantity of castors, and i say that there are not so good in the whole world, but not in such a store as the christinos, but far better. wee stayed there weeks, and came back with a company of people of the nation of the sault, that came along with us loaden with booty. we weare dayes before we could overtake our company that went to the lake. the spring approaches, which [is] the fitest time to kill the oriniack. a wildman and i with my brother killed that time above , besides other beasts. we came to the lake side with much paines, ffor we sent our wildmen before, and we two weare forced to make cariages dayes through the woods. after we mett with a company that did us a great deale of service, ffor they carryed what we had, and arrived att the appointed place before dayes ended. here we made a fort. att our arrivall we found att least cottages full. one very faire evening we went to finde what we hide before, which we finde in a good condition. we went about to execut our resolution, fforseeing that we must stay that yeare there, ffor which wee weare not very sorry, being resolved to know what we heard before. we waited untill the ice should vanish, but received [news] that the octanaks built a fort on the point that formes that bay, which resembles a small lake. we went towards it with all speede. we had a great store of booty which we would not trust to the wildmen, ffor the occasion makes the thiefe. we overloaded our slide on that rotten ice, and the further we went the sun was stronger, which made our trainage have more difficultie. i seeing my brother so strained, i tooke the slide, which was heavier then mine, and he mine. being in that extent above foure leagues from the ground, we sunke downe above the one halfe of the legge in the ice, and must advance in spight of our teeth. to leave our booty was to undoe us. we strived so that i hurted myselfe in so much that i could not stand up right, nor any further. this putt us in great trouble. uppon this i advised my brother to leave me with his slide. we putt the two sleds one by another. i tooke some cloathes to cover mee. after i stripped myselfe from my wett cloathes, i layed myselfe downe on the slide; my brother leaves me to the keeping of that good god. we had not above two leagues more to goe. he makes hast and came there in time and sends wildmen for me and the slids. there we found the perfidiousnesse of the octanaks. seeing us in extremitie, would prescribe us laws. we promised them whatever they asked. they came to fetch me. for eight dayes i was so tormented i thought never to recover. i rested neither day nor night; at last by means that god and my brother did use, which was by rubbing my leggs with hott oyle of bears and keeping my thigh and leggs well tyed, it came to its former strenght. after a while i came to me selfe. there comes a great company of new wildmen to seeke a nation in that land for a weighty buissinesse. they desired me to goe a long, so i prepare myselfe to goe with them. i marched well dayes; the rd day the sore begins to breake out againe, in so much that i could goe no further. those left me, albeit i came for their sake. you will see the cruelties of those beasts, and i may think that those that liveth on fish uses more inhumanities then those that feed upon flesh; neverthelesse i proceeded forwards the best i could, but knewed [not] where for the most part, the sun being my onely guide. there was some snow as yett on the ground, which was so hard in the mornings that i could not percave any tracks. the worst was that i had not a hattchett nor other arme, and not above the weight of ten pounds of victualls, without any drink. i was obliged to proceed five dayes for my good fortune. i indured much in the morning, but a litle warmed, i went with more ease. i looked betimes for som old cabbans where i found wood to make fire wherwith. i melted the snow in my cappe that was so greasy. one night i finding a cottage covered it with boughs of trees that i found ready cutt. the fire came to it as i began to slumber, which soone awaked me in hast, lame as i was, to save meselfe from the fire. my racketts, shoos, and stokens kept me my life; i must needs save them. i tooke them and flung them as farr as i could in the snow. the fire being out, i was forced to looke for them, as dark as it was, in the said snow, all naked & very lame, and almost starved both for hungar and cold. but what is it that a man cannot doe when he seeth that it concerns his life, that one day he must loose? yett we are to prolong it as much as we cane, & the very feare maketh us to invent new wayes. the fifth day i heard a noyse and thought it of a wolfe. i stood still, and soone perceived that it was of a man. many wild men weare up and downe looking for me, fearing least the bears should have devoured me. that man came neere and saluts me, and demands whether it was i. we both satt downe; he looks in my sacke to see if i had victualls, where he finds a peece as bigg as my fist. he eats this without participation, being their usuall way. he inquireth if i was a hungary. i tould him no, to shew meselfe stout and resolute. he takes a pipe of tobacco, and then above pounds of victualls he takes out of his sack, and greased, and gives it me to eate. i eat what i could, and gave him the rest. he bids me have courage, that the village was not far off. he demands if i knewed the way, but i was not such as should say no. the village was att hand. the other wildmen arrived but the day before, and after a while came by boats to the lake. the boats weare made of oriniacks' skins. i find my brother with a company of christinos that weare arrived in my absence. we resolved to cover our buissinesse better, and close our designe as if we weare going a hunting, and send them before; that we would follow them the next night, which we did, & succeeded, but not without much labor and danger; for not knowing the right way to thwart the other side of the lake, we weare in danger to perish a thousand times because of the crums of ice. we thwarted a place of leagues. we arrived on the other side att night. when we came there, we knewed not where to goe, on the right or left hand, ffor we saw no body. att last, as we with full sayle came from a deepe bay, we perceived smoake and tents. then many boats from thence came to meete us. we are received with much joy by those poore christinos. they suffered not that we trod on ground; they leade us into the midle of their cottages in our own boats, like a couple of cocks in a basquett. there weare some wildmen that followed us but late. we went away with all hast possible to arrive the sooner att the great river. we came to the seaside, where we finde an old howse all demollished and battered with boulletts. we weare told that those that came there weare of two nations, one of the wolf, the other of the long-horned beast. all those nations are distinguished by the representation of the beasts or animals. they tell us particularities of the europians. we know ourselves, and what europ is, therefore in vaine they tell us as for that. we went from isle to isle all that summer. we pluckt abundance of ducks, as of all other sort of fowles; we wanted nor fish nor fresh meate. we weare well beloved, and weare overjoyed that we promised them to come with such shipps as we invented. this place hath a great store of cows. the wildmen kill them not except for necessary use. we went further in the bay to see the place that they weare to passe that summer. that river comes from the lake and empties itselfe in the river of sagnes, called tadousack, which is a hundred leagues in the great river of canada, as where we weare in the bay of the north. we left in this place our marks and rendezvous. the wildmen that brought us defended us above all things, if we would come directly to them, that we should by no means land, and so goe to the river to the other sid, that is, to the north, towards the sea, telling us that those people weare very treacherous. now, whether they tould us this out of pollicy, least we should not come to them ffirst, & so be deprived of what they thought to gett from us [i know not]. in that you may see that the envy and envy raigns every where amongst poore barbarous wild people as att courts. they made us a mapp of what we could not see, because the time was nigh to reape among the bustards and ducks. as we came to the place where these oats growes (they grow in many places), you would think it strang to see the great number of ffowles, that are so fatt by eating of this graine that heardly they will move from it. i have seene a wildman killing ducks at once with one arrow. it is an ordinary thing to see five [or] six hundred swans together. i must professe i wondred that the winter there was so cold, when the sand boyles att the watter side for the extreame heate of the sun. i putt some eggs in that sand, and leave them halfe an houre; the eggs weare as hard as stones. we passed that summer quietly, coasting the seaside, and as the cold began, we prevented the ice. we have the commoditie of the river to carry our things in our boats to the best place, where weare most bests. this is a wandring nation, and containeth a vaste countrey. in winter they live in the land for the hunting sake, and in summer by the watter for fishing. they never are many together, ffor feare of wronging one another. they are of a good nature, & not great whore masters, having but one wife, and are [more] satisfied then any others that i knewed. they cloath themselves all over with castors' skins in winter, in summer of staggs' skins. they are the best huntsmen of all america, and scorns to catch a castor in a trappe. the circumjacent nations goe all naked when the season permitts it. but this have more modestie, ffor they putt a piece of copper made like a finger of a glove, which they use before their nature. they have the same tenents as the nation of the beefe, and their apparell from topp to toe. the women are tender and delicat, and takes as much paines as slaves. they are of more acute wits then the men, ffor the men are fools, but diligent about their worke. they kill not the yong castors, but leave them in the watter, being that they are sure that they will take him againe, which no other nation doth. they burne not their prisoners, but knock them in the head, or slain them with arrows, saying it's not decent for men to be so cruell. they have a stone of turquois from the nation of the buff and beefe, with whome they had warrs. they pollish them, and give them the forme of pearle, long, flatt, round, and [hang] them att their nose. they [find] greene stones, very fine, att the side of the same bay of the sea to the norwest. there is a nation called among themselves neuter. they speake the beefe and christinos' speech, being friends to both. those poore people could not tell us what to give us. they weare overjoyed when we sayd we should bring them commodities. we went up on another river, to the upper lake. the nation of the beefe sent us guifts, and we to them, by [the] ambassadors. in the midle of winter we joyned with a company of the fort, who gladly received us. they weare resolved to goe to the ffrench the next spring, because they weare quite out of stocke. the feast of the dead consumed a great deale of it. they blamed us, saying we should not trust any that we did not know. they upon this asked if we are where the trumpetts are blowne. we sayd yea, and tould that they weare a nation not to be trusted, and if we came to that sea we should warre against them, becaus they weare bad nation, and did their indeavour to tak us to make us their slaves. in the beginning of spring there came a company of men that came to see us from the elders, and brought us furrs to intice us to see them againe. i cannot omitt [a] pleasant encounter that happened to my brother as we weare both in a cottag. two of the nation of the beefe came to see us; in that time my brother had some trade in his hands. the wildmen satt neere us. my brother shews unto them the image which [re]presented the flight of joseph and holy mary with the child jesus, to avoid the anger of herod, and the virgin and child weare riding the asse, and joseph carrying a long cloake. my brother shewing that animal, naming it _tatanga_, which is a buffe, the wildmen, seeing the representation of a woman, weare astonished and weeps, pulls their haire, and tumbles up and downe to the fire, so continued half an houre, till he was in a sweat, and wetted with his tears the rest of the wildmen that weare there. one of them went out of the cottage. my brother and i weare surprized; thought they might have seene a vision, ffor instantly the man putt his hands on his face, as if he should make the signe of the crosse. now as he came to himselfe, he made us understand, ffor i began to know much of their speech, that first we weare devills, knowing all what is and what was done; moreover, that he had his desire, that was his wif and child, whome weare taken by the nation of the beefe foure years agoe. so he tooke the asse for the nation of the beefe, the virgin mary for the picture of his wife, and jesus for his son, and joseph for himselfe, saying, "there am i with my long robe, seeking for my wife and child." by our ambassadors i came to know an other lake which is northerly of their countrey. they say that it's bigger then all the rest. the upper end is allways frozen. their ffish comes from those parts. there are people that lives there and dare not trade in it towards the south. there is a river so deepe and blacke that there is no bottome. they say that fish goes neither out nor in to that river. it is very warme, and if they durst navigate in it, they should not come to the end in dayes. that river comes from the lake, and the inhabitants makes warrs against the birds, that defends & offends with theire bills that are as sharpe as sword. this i cannot tell for truth, but told me. all the circumjacent neighbours do incourage us, saying that they would venter their lives with us, for which we weare much overjoyed to see them so freely disposed to goe along with us. here nothing but courage. "brother, doe not lye, ffor the ffrench will not believe thee." all men of courage and vallour, lett them fetch commodities, and not stand lazing and be a beggar in the cabbane. it is the way to be beloved of women, to goe and bring them wherewithall to be joyfull. we present guifts to one and to another for to warne them to that end that we should make the earth quake, and give terror to the iroquoits if they weare so bold as to shew themselves. the christinos made guifts that they might come with us. this was graunted unto them, to send boats, to testifie that they weare retained slaves among the other nations, although they furnish them with castors. the boats ready, we embarque ourselves. we weare . there was not seene such a company to goe downe to the ffrench. there weare above christinos' boats that brought us their castors, in hopes that the people should give some marchandises for them. att their retourne the biggest boats could carry onely the man and his wife, and could scarce carry with them castors, so little weare their boats. in summer time i have seene men goe to warrs, and each man his boat, ffor they are that makes the least boats. the company that we had filled above boats. there weare boats that caryed seaven men, and the least two. it was a pleasur to see that imbarquing, ffor all the yong women went in stark naked, their hairs hanging down, yett it is not their coustoms to doe soe. i thought it their shame, but contrary they thinke it excellent & old custome good. they sing a loud and sweetly. they stood in their boats, and remained in that posture halfe a day, to encourage us to come and lodge with them againe. therefore they are not alltogether ashamed to shew us all, to intice us, and inanimate the men to defend themselves valliantly and come and injoy them. in two dayes we arrived att the river of the sturgeon, so called because of the great quantity of sturgeons that we tooke there. here we weare to make our provissions to passe the lake some dayes. in the said tearme wee dryed up above a million of sturgeons. [footnote: he no doubt meant to say, above "un mille," or "above a thousand."] the women followed us close; after our abode there two dayes they overtooke us. we had severall fals allarums, which putt us in severall troubles. they woundred to have found an oryanck dead uppon the place, with a boullet in his body. there thousand lyes weare forged. therefore we goe from thence, but before we come to the longpoint whereof we spoak before, the wildmen called it _okinotoname_, we perceive smoake. we goe to discover what it was, and by ill looke we found it was a iroquoits boat of seaven men, who doubtlesse stayed that winter in the lake of the hurrons, and came there to discover somewhat. i cannot say that they weare the first that came there. god graunt that they may be the last. as they saw us, away they, as swift as their heels could drive. they left their boat and all. they to the woods, and weare pursued, but in vaine, ffor they weare gone before three houres. the pursuers came backe; the one brings a gun, the one a hattchett, the other a kettle, and so forth. the councell was called, where it was decreed to go backe and shooke off to goe downe to the ffrench till the next yeare. this vexed us sore to see such a fleete and such an opportunity come to nothing, foreseeing that such an other may be not in tenne years. we weare to persuade them to the contrary, but checked soundly, saying we weare worse then ennemyes by perswading them to goe and be slained. in this we must lett theire feare passe over, and we back to the river of the sturgeons, where we found our wives, very buissie in killing those creatures that comes there to multiplie. we dayly heare some newe reporte. all every where ennemy by fancy. we in the meane time buissie ourselves in the good of our country, which will recompence us badly ffor such toyle and labour. twelve dayes are passed, in which time we gained some hopes of faire words. we called a councell before the company was disbanded, where we represented, if they weare discouvers, they had not vallued the losse of their kettle, knowing well they weare to gett another where their army layed, and if there should be an army it should appeare and we in such an number, they could be well afraid and turne backe. our reasons weare hard and put in execution. the next day we embarqued, saving the christinos, that weare afraid of a sight of a boat made of another stuff then theirs, that they went back as we came where the iroquoits' boat was. our words proved true and so proceeded in our way. being come nigh the sault, we found a place where of these men sweated, & for want of covers buried themselves in the sand by the watter side to keepe their bodyes from the flyes called maringoines, which otherwise had killed them with their stings. we thwarted those great lakes with great pleasur, having the wind faire with us. it was a great satisfaction to see so many boats, and so many that never had before commerce with the ffrench. so my brother and i thought wee should be wellcomed. but, o covetousnesse, thou art the cause of many evils! we made a small sayle to every boate; every one strived to be not the last. the wind was double wayes favourable to us. the one gave us rest, the other advanced us very much, which wee wanted much because of the above said delay. we now are comed to the cariages and swift streames to gett the lake of the castors. we made them with a courage, promptitud, and hungar which made goe with hast as well as the wind. we goe downe all the great river without any encounter, till we came to the long sault, where my brother some years before made a shipwrake. being in that place we had worke enough. the first thing wee saw was severall boats that the ennemy had left att the riverside. this putt great feare in the hearts of our people. nor they nor we could tell what to doe; and seeing no body appeared we sent to discover what they weare. the discovers calls us, and bids us come, that those who weare there could doe us no harme. you must know that ffrench made a plott with foure algonquins to make a league with three score hurrons for to goe and wait for the iroquoits in the passage att their retourne with their castors on their ground, hoping to beat and destroy them with ease, being destitut of necessary things. if one hath his gun he wants his powder, and so the rest. att the other side without doubt had notice that the travelers weare abroad, and would not faile to come downe with a company, and to make a valiant deede and heroick action was to destroy them all, and consequently make the ffrench tremble as well as the wildmen, ffor the one could not live without the other; the one for his commodities, the other ffor his castors; so that the iroqoits pretending to wait for us at the passage came thither fflocking. the ffrench and wild company, to putt the iroquoit in some feare, and hinder his coming there so often with such confidence, weare resolved to lay a snare against him. that company of souldiers being come to the farthest place of that long sault without being discovered, thought allready to be conquerors making cariage, having abroad men to make discoveries, but mett as many ennemyes. they assaulted each other, and the iroquoits found themselves weake, left there their lives and bodyes, saving that made their escape, went to give notice to of theirs that made ready as they heard the gunns, to help their foreguard. the ffrench seeing such great odds made a retreat, and warned by foure algonquins that a fort was built not afar off, built by his nation the last yeare, they fled into it in an ill houre. in the meane while the iroquoits consulted what they should doe; they sent to iroquoits of the lower nation and orijonot that weare not afar off. now they would asault the ffrench in their ffort, the ffort not holding but men. the hurrons could not come in and could not avoid the shott of the ennemy. then the ffrench pulled downe the fort, and closed together they stoutly began to worke. those that the ffrench had killed, cutt their heads off & put them uppon long poles of their fort. this skermish dured two dayes & two nights. the iroquoits finds themselves plagued, ffor the ffrench had a kind of bucklers and shelters. now arrives men that they did not think of in the least. here is nothing but cryes, fire, and flame day & night. here is not to be doubted, the one to take the other, the one to defend himselfe till death. the hurrons seeing such a company submitted to the ennemyes, but are like to pay for their cowardise, being in their hands weare tyed, abused, smitten, and burned as if they weare taken by force, ffor those barbarous weare revenged on their boanes as any was wounded or killed in the battaille. in this great extremity our small company of one and twenty did resist days against men, and the two foremost dayes against which weare seaven dayes together without intermission, & the worst was that they had no watter, as we saw, ffor they made a hole in the ground out of which they gott but litle because they weare on a hill. it was to be pitied. there was not a tree but was shot with buletts. the iroquoits come with bucklers to make a breach. the ffrench putt fire to a barill of powder, thinking to shoake the iroquoits or make him goe back; but did to their great prejudice, for it fell againe in their fort, which made an end of their combat. uppon this the ennemy enters, kills and slains all that he finds, so one did not make an escape, saveing one that was found alive; but he stayed not long, for in a short time after his fortune was as the rest; for as he was brought to one of the forts of the irokoits, as he was bid to sit down he finds a pistolet by him, and takes it at adventure, not knowing whether it was charged or no. he puts the end to the breast of him that tyed him, and killd him in the presence of all his camerades; but without any more adoe he was burnt very cruelly. all the french though dead were tyed to posts along the river side, and the algonquins. as for the hurons they were burnt at their discretion. some neverthelesse escaped to bring the certain newes how all passed. [footnote: frenchmen massacred at long sault. see introduction.] it was a terrible spectacle to us, for wee came there dayes after that defeat, which saved us without doubt. i beleeve for certain that the iroqoits lost many men, having to doe with such brave and valiant souldiers as that company was. wee visited that place and there was a fine fort; three were about the other two. wee went down the river without making any carriage, and wee adventured very much. as soon as wee were at the lower end many of our wildmen had a mind to goe back and not to goe any further, thinking really that all the french were killed. as for my brother and i, wee did fear very much that after such a thing the pride of the enemy would make them attempt anything upon the habitations of mount royall, which is but leagues from thence. wee did advise them to make a ffort, or to put us in one of the enemies', and to send immediately two very light boats, that could not be overtaken if the enemy should discover them; and that being arrived at the habitation, they should make them shoot the peeces of ordnance, and that as soon as the night should come wee would embarque our selves and should hear the noise, or else wee should take councell of what wee should doe, and stay for them at the height of the isle of mount royall; which was done accordingly without any hazard, for all the enemies were gone dispairing of our comeing down, and for what they had done and for what they had lost, which by the report of some hurons was more then four score men; and if the french had had a fort flanke & some water they had resisted the enemy miraculously and forced them to leave them for want of powder and shott and also of other provisions. they were furnished for the whole summer. our two boats did goe, but the rest were soe impatient that they resolved to follow them, being willing to run the same hazard; and wee arrived the next morning and were in sight when the peeces were shott off, with a great deale of joy to see so great a number of boats that did almost cover the whole river. wee stayd dayes at mont-royall, and then wee went down to the three rivers. the wildmen did aske our advice whether it was best for them to goe down further. we told them no, because of the dangers that they may meet with at their returne, for the irokoits could have notice of their comeing down, and so come and lay in ambush for them, and it was in the latter season, being about the end of august. well, as soon as their businesse was done, they went back again very well satisfyed and wee very ill satisfied for our reception, which was very bad considering the service wee had done to the countrey, which will at another time discourage those that by our example would be willing to venture their lives for the benefit of the countrey, seeing a governor that would grow rich by the labours and hazards of others. before i goe further i have a mind to let you know the fabulous beleafe of those poore people, that you may see their ignorance concerning the soul's immortality, being separated from the body. the kindred and the friends of the deceased give notice to the others, who gather together and cry for the dead, which gives warning to the young men to take the armes to give some assistance and consolation to the deceased. presently the corps is covered with white skins very well tyed. afterwards all the kindred come to the cottage of the deceased and begin to mourn and lament. after they are weary of making such musick the husbands or friends of the deceased send their wives for gifts to pacifie a little the widdow and to dry her tears. those guifts are of skins and of what they can get, for at such a ceremony they are very liberall. as soon as that is done and the night comes, all the young men are desired to come and doe what they will to have done to them. so that when darknesse has covered the whole face of the earth they come all singing with staves in their hands for their armes, and after they are set round the cabbin, begin to knock and make such a noise that one would thinke they have a mind to tear all in peeces, and that they are possessed of some devills. all this is done to expell and frighten the soule out of that poor and miserable body that she might not trouble his carcase nor his bones, and to make it depart the sooner to goe and see their ancestors, and to take possession of their immortall glory, which cannot be obtained but a fortnight towards the setting of the sun. the first step that she makes is of seven dayes, to begin her course, but there are many difficulties, ffor it is through a very thick wood full of thorns, of stones and flints, which [brings] great trouble to that poor soule. at last having overcome all those dangers and toyles she comes to a river of about a quarter of a mile broad where there is a bridge made onely of one planke, being supported by a beame pointed at one end, which is the reason that planke rises and falls perpetually, having not any rest nor stay, and when the soule comes near the side of that river, she meets with a man of extraordinary stature, who is very leane and holds a dagger of very hard wood and very keen in his hands, and speakes these words when he sees the petitioning soule come near: _pale_, _pale_, which signifies, goe, goe; and at every word the bridge ballances, and rises his knife, and the traveller offering himselfe, receives a blow by which he is cut in two, and each halfe is found upon that moving, and according as he had lived they stay upon it; that is, if his body was valiant the passage was soon made free to him, for the two halfes come together and joyn themselves again. so passe to the other side where she finds a bladder of bear's grease to grease herselfe and refresh herselfe for that which she is to do, which being done she finds a wood somewhat cleerer and a straight road that she must goe, and for dayes neither goe to the right nor to the left hand, where at last being arrived she finds a very great and cleer fire, through which she must resolve to passe. that fire is kindled by the young men that dyed since the beginning of the world to know whether those that come have loved the women or have been good huntsmen; and if that soule has not had any of those rare vertues she burnes and broiles the sole of her feet by going through the fire; but quite contrary if she has had them qualityes, she passes through without burning her selfe in the least, and from that so hot place she finds grease and paint of all sorts of colour with which she daubs and makes herselfe beautifull, to come to that place so wished for. but she has not yet all done, nor made an end of her voyage; being so dress'd she continues her course still towards the same pole for the space of two dayes in a very cleer wood, and where there is very high and tall trees of which most be oakes, which is the reason that there is great store of bears. all along that way they do nothing else but see their enemies layd all along upon the ground, that sing their fatall song for having been vanquished in this world and also in the other, not daring to be so bold as to kill one of those animalls, and feed onely upon the down of these beasts. being arrived, if i may say, at the doore of that imaginarie paradise, they find a company of their ancestors long since deceased, by whom they are received with a great deale of ceremony, and are brought by so venerable a company within halfe a daye's journey of the place of the meeting, and all along the rest of the way they discourse of things of this world that are passd; for you must know they travell halfe a day without speaking one word, but keepe a very deep silence, for, said they, it is like the goslings to confound one another with words. as soon as they are arrived they must have a time to come to themselves, to think well upon what they are to speak without any precipitation, but with judgement, so that they are come where all manner of company with drumms & dryd bumpkins, full of stones and other such instruments. the elders that have brought her there cover her with a very large white skin, and colour her leggs with vermillion and her feet likewise, and so she is received amongst the predestinates. there is a deep silence made as soon as she is come in, and then one of the elders makes a long speech to encourage the young people to go a hunting to kill some meat to make a feast for entertainment of the soul of their countryman, which is put in execution with a great deal of diligence and hast; and while the meat is boyling or roasting, and that there is great preparations made for the feast, the young maidens set out themselves with the richest jewells and present the beesome to the new-comer. a little while after the kettles are filled, there is feasting every where, comedies acted, and whatsoever is rare is there to be seene; there is dancing every where. now remaines nothing but to provide that poor soule of a companion, which she does presently, for she has the choice of very beautifull women, and may take as many as she pleases, which makes her felicity immortall. by this you may see the silly beleefe of these poor people. i have seen right-minded jesuites weep bitterly hearing me speake of so many nations that perish for want of instruction; but most of them are like the wildmen, that thinke they offend if they reserve any thing for the next day. i have seen also some of the same company say, "alas, what pity 'tis to loose so many castors. is there no way to goe there? the fish and the sauce invite us to it; is there no meanes to catch it? oh, how happy should i be to go in those countreys as an envoye, being it is so good a countrey." that is the relation that was made me severall times by those wildmen, for i thought they would never have done. but let us come to our arrivall againe. the governour, seeing us come back with a considerable summe for our own particular, and seeing that his time was expired and that he was to goe away, made use of that excuse to doe us wrong & to enrich himselfe with the goods that wee had so dearly bought, and by our meanes wee made the country to subsist, that without us had beene, i beleeve, oftentimes quite undone and ruined, and the better to say at his last beeding, no castors, no ship, & what to doe without necessary commodities. he made also my brother prisoner for not having observed his orders, and to be gone without his leave, although one of his letters made him blush for shame, not knowing what to say, but that he would have some of them at what price soever, that he might the better maintain his coach & horses at paris. he fines us four thousand pounds to make a fort at the three rivers, telling us for all manner of satisfaction that he would give us leave to put our coat of armes upon it, and moreover , pounds for the country, saying that wee should not take it so strangely and so bad, being wee were inhabitants and did intend to finish our days in the same country with our relations and friends. but the bougre did grease his chopps with it, and more, made us pay a custome which was the th part, which came to , pounds, so that wee had left but , pounds, and took away l. , . was not he a tyrant to deal so with us, after wee had so hazarded our lives, & having brought in lesse then years by that voyage, as the factors of the said country said, between and , pistolls? for they spoke to me in this manner: "in which country have you been? from whence doe you come? for wee never saw the like. from whence did come such excellent castors? since your arrivall is come into our magazin very near , pounds tournois of that filthy merchandise, which will be prized like gold in france." and them were the very words that they said to me. seeing ourselves so wronged, my brother did resolve to goe and demand justice in france. it had been better for him to have been contented with his losses without going and spend the rest in halfe a year's time in france, having l. , that he left with his wife, that was as good a houswife as he. there he is in france; he is paid with fair words and with promise to make him goe back from whence he came; but he feeing no assurance of it, did engage himselfe with a merchant of rochell, who was to send him a ship the next spring. in that hope he comes away in a fisher boat to the pierced island, some leagues off from the isle d'eluticosty, [footnote: _eluticosty_, anticosti, an island at the mouth of the river st. lawrence.] the place where the ship was to come; that was to come whilst he was going in a shallop to quebucq, where i was to goe away with him to the rendezvous, being he could not do anything without me; but with a great deel of difficulty it proved, so that i thought it possible to goe tast of the pleasures of france, and by a small vessell that i might not be idle during his absence. he presently told me what he had done, and what wee should doe. wee embarked, being nine of us. in a few dayes wee came to the pierced island, where wee found severall shipps newly arrived; & in one of them wee found a father jesuit that told us that wee should not find what wee thought to find, and that he had put a good order, and that it was not well done to distroy in that manner a country, and to wrong so many inhabitants. he advised me to leave my brother, telling me that his designs were pernicious. wee see ourselves frustrated of our hopes. my brother told me that wee had store of merchandize that would bring much profit to the french habitations that are in the cadis. i, who was desirous of nothing but new things, made no scruple. wee arrived at st. peter, in the isle of cape breton, at the habitation of monsr. denier, where wee delivered some merchandizes for some originack skins; from thence to camseau where every day wee were threatned to be burned by the french; but god be thanked, wee escaped from their hands by avoiding a surprize. and in that place my brother told me of his designe to come and see new england, which our servants heard, and grumbled and laboured underhand against us, for which our lives were in very great danger. wee sent some of them away, and at last with much labour & danger wee came to port royall, which is inhabited by the french under the english government, where some few dayes after came some english shipps that brought about our designes, where being come wee did declare our designes. wee were entertained, and wee had a ship promissed us, and the articles drawn, and wee did put to sea the next spring for our discovery, and wee went to the entry of hudson's streight by the degree. wee had knowledge and conversation with the people of those parts, but wee did see and know that there was nothing to be done unlesse wee went further, and the season of the yeare was far spent by the indiscretion of our master, that onely were accustomed to see some barbadoes sugers, and not mountaines of suger candy, which did frighten him, that he would goe no further, complaining that he was furnished but for months, & that he had neither sailes, nor cord, nor pitch, nor towe, to stay out a winter. seeing well that it was too late, he would goe no further, so brought us back to the place from whence wee came, where wee were welcome, although with great losse of goods & hope, but the last was not quite lost. wee were promissed shipps for a second voyage. they were made fit and ready, and being the season of the yeare was not yet come to be gone, one of them shipps was sent to the isle of sand, there to fish for the basse [footnote: this fishing expedition was to the well-known sable island. in "the king granted medard chouart, sieur des grozelliers, and pierre esprit, sieur des radision, the privilege of establishing fisheries for white porpoises and seal in the river st. lawrence in new france."] to make oyle of it, where wee came in very bad weather, and the ship was lost in that island, but the men were saved. the expectation of that ship made us loose our nd voyage, which did very much discourage the merchants with whom wee had to doe. they went to law with us to make us recant the bargaine that wee had made with them. after wee had disputed a long time it was found that the right was on our side, and wee innocent of what they did accuse us. so they endeavoured to come to an agreement, but wee were betrayed by our own party. in the meantime the commissioners of the king of great brittain arrived in that place, and one of them would have us goe with him to new yorke, and the other advised us to come to england and offer our selves to the king, which wee did. those of new england in generall made profers unto us of what ship wee would if wee would goe on in our designes; but wee answered them that a scalded cat fears the water though it be cold. wee are now in the passage, and he that brought us, which was one of the commissioners called collonell george carteret, was taken by the hollanders, and wee arrived in england in a very bad time for the plague and the warrs. being at oxford, wee went to sir george carteret, who spoke to his majestie, who gave us good hopes that wee should have a ship ready for the next spring, and that the king did allow us shillings a week for our maintenance, and wee had chambers in the town by his order, where wee stayed months. afterwards the king came to london and sent us to windsor, where wee stayed the rest of the winter. wee are sent for from that place, the season growing neare, and put into the hands of sir peter colleton. the ship was got ready something too late, and our master was not fit for such a designe. but the hollanders being come to the river of thames had stopp'd the passage, soe wee lost that opportunity. so wee were put off till the next yeare, & a little while after that same ship was sent to virginia and other places to know some news of the barbadoes, and to be informed if that island was not in danger; which if it had been lost, had taken from the english ladyes the meanes or the pleasure of drinking french wine. those of burdeaux & of rochell were great loosers in the expectation of the ship, that was not gone to the isle of sand, but to holland. wee lost our second voyage, for the order was given to late for the fitting another ship, which cost a great deale of money to noe purpose. the third yeare wee went out with a new company in small vessells, my brother in one & i in another, & wee went together leagues from the north of ireland, where a sudden great storme did rise & put us asunder. the sea was soe furious or houres after that it did almost overturne our ship, so that wee were forced to cut our masts rather then cutt our lives; but wee came back safe, god be thanked, and the other, i hope, is gone on his voyage, god be with him. i hope to embarke myselfe by the helpe of god this fourth yeare, & i beseech him to grant me better successe then i have had hitherto, & beseech him to give me grace & to make me partaker of that everlasting happinesse which is the onely thing a man ought to look after. i have here put the names of severall nations amongst which i have been for the most part, which i think may extend to some leagues by the reckoning of my travells. the names of the nations that live in the south:-- avieronons. khionontateronons. oscovarahronoms. aviottronons. ohcrokonanechronons. huattochronoms. anontackeronons. ahondironons. skinchiohronoms. sonontueronons. ougmarahronoms. attitachronons. oyongoironons. akrahkuaeronoms. ontorahronons. audastoueronons. oneronoms. aoveatsiovaenhronons. konkhaderichonons. eressaronoms. attochingochronons. andonanchronons. attionendarouks. maingonis. kionontateronons. ehriehronoms. socoquis. ouendack. tontataratonhronoms. pacoiquis. ariotachronoms. all these nations are sedentaries, and live upon corn and other grains, by hunting and fishing, which is plentifull, and by the ragouts of roots. there were many destroyed by the iroquoits, and i have seen most of those that are left. the names of the nations that live in the north:-- chisedeck. nipifiriniens. piffings. bersiamites. tivifeimi. malhonniners. sagfeggons. outimaganii. afinipour. attikamegues. ouachegami. trinivoick. ovaouchkairing or mitchitamon. nafaonakouetons. algonquins. orturbi. pontonatemick. kischeripirini. ovasovarin. escouteck. minifigons. atcheligonens. panoestigons. kotakoaveteny. annikouay. nadoucenako. kinoncheripirini. otanack. titascons. matouchkarini. ouncisagay. christinos. ountchatarounongha. abaouicktigonions. nadouceronons. sagahigavirini. roquay. quinipigousek. sagnitaovigama. mantonech. tatanga. the two last are sedentary and doe reap, and all the rest are wandering people, that live by their hunting and fishing, and some few of rice that they doe labour for, and a great many of them have been destroyed by the iroquoites. besides all the above-named nations i have seen eight or nine more since my voyages. voyages of peter esprit radisson. _the relation of a voyage made by peter raddisson, esquire, to the north parts of america, in the years and ._ in the first place, i think myself oblidg'd to vindicat myself from the imputation of inconstancy for acting in this voyage against the english intrest, and in the yeare against the french intrest, for which, if i could not give a very good account, i might justly lye under the sentenc of capritiousness & inconstancy. but severall persons of probity and good repute, being sensible what my brother-in-law, mr chouard des groisiliers, and myself performed in severall voyadges for the gentlemen conserned in the hudson's bay trade, relating to the comers of bever skins, and the just cause of dissattisfaction which both of us had, to make us retire into france. i have no cause to believe that i in the least deserve to bee taxed with lightness or inconstancy for the imployments wherein i since ingaged, although they were against the interests of the said company, for it is suffitiently known that my brother nor myself omitted nothing that lay in our power, having both of us severall times adventur'd our lives, and did all that was possible for persons of courage and honour to perform for the advantage and profit of the said company, ever since the yeare unto the yeare . but finding that all our advise was slighted and rejected, and the councill of other persons imbrac'd and made use of, which manifestly tended to the ruin of the setlement of the beaver trade, & that on all occasions wee were look'd upon as useless persons, that deserved neither reward nor incouragement, this unkinde usage made us at last take a resolution, though with very great reluctancy, to return back into france; for in the maine it is well knowne that i have a greater inclination for the interest of england than for that of ffrance, being marry'd at london unto an honorable familly, [footnote: he married, between and , for his second wife, the daughter of sir john kirke. he was one of the original founders of the hudson's bay company, having subscribed l. to the common stock in . he was one of the seven members on the committee of management for the company, and was no doubt instrumental in securing to radisson a permanent pension of , livres a year, after he left the service of france. in all probability, radisson emigrated to canada with his family in , for in that year his son's name thus appears as holding a land patent: " . another patent of confirmation to 'sieur etienne volant radisson' of the concession made to him the th of october, , of the isles, islets, and 'baitures' not granted, that are to be found across lake st peter, above the islands granted to the 'sieur sorel,' from the edge of the north channel, as far as the great middle channel, called the channel of platte island," etc., etc. as peter radisson's will can nowhere be found at somerset house, london, he probably died in canada.] whos alliance had also the deeper ingadged me in the intrest of the nation. morover, all my friends know the tender love i had for my wife, and that i declared unto them how much i was troubled in being reduced to the necessity of leaving her. i hope thes considerations will vindicate my proceedings touching the severall interests which i espous'd, and what i shall relate in this ensuing narrative touching my proceedings in regard of the english in this voyadge in the river, and also in nelson's harbour in the year , and will justify me against what has ben reported to my prejudice to render me odious unto the nation. for it will appeare that having had the good fortune to defend my setlment against those which at that time i look'd upon as my ennemy's, & defeated them by frustrating their designes, i improv'd the advantage i had over them the best i could; yet would they do me right, they must own that they had more just cause to give me thanks than to complaine of me, having ever used them kindly as long as they pleas'd to live with me. i freely confess i used all the skill i could to compass my designes, & knowing very well what these gentlemen intended against me, i thought it better to surprise them than that they should me; knowing that if they had ben afore hand with me, i should have passed my time wors with them than they did with me. i come now to discours of my voyadge, not thinking it materiall heere to mention the campaign i made in the french fleet, since i left england, in the expeditions for guinea, tobaga, [footnote: this expedition was commanded by jean, count d'estrees. he reduced the island of tobaga. he was made a marshal of france, and sent out, august, , as viceroy over america.] and other occasions wherein i was concern'd before i ingadged in this voyadge. at the time my brother-in-law and i were dissattisfy'd with the hudson's bay company, wee were severall times invited by the late monsieur colbert to return back for france, with large promises that wee should bee very kindly entertain'd. wee refused a great while all the offers that were made us; but seeing our businesse went wors and wors with the company, without any likelyhood of finding any better usage, at last wee accepted the offer that was made unto us, of paying us lewi-dors redy money, of discharging all our debts, and to give us good employments. these conditions being agreed upon, wee passed over into france in xber, . as soon as wee got to paris wee waited upon monsieur colbert. hee reproached us for preferring the english interest before that of ffrance; but having heard our defence, and observ'd by what wee said unto him of our discoverys in the northern parts of america, and of the acquaintance wee had with the natives, how fit wee might bee for his purpos, hee soon assur'd us of his favor & protection, & also of the king's pardon for what was past, with an intire restoration unto the same state wee were in before wee left france, upon condition that wee should employ our care & industry for the advancement & increas of the comers of the beaver trade in the french collonies in canada. hee also confirmed the promis had ben made us at london, of the gratuity of french pistolls, that all our debts should bee discharg'd, & that wee should bee put into employments. our letters pattents of pardon & restoration were forthwith dispatch't, & monsieur colbert would have it expressly mention'd in them, for what caus the king granted them, viz., to employ the greatest of our skill & industry with the natives, for the utillity & advancement of the beaver trade in the french collonies. the peeces of gould was pay'd us, & all things else promised was perform'd, excepting only the employment, for the which wee were made to attend a great while, and all to no purpos. but at last i perceaved the cause of this delay, & that my marrying in england made me bee suspected, because my wife remained there. monsr. colbert having delayed us a long time with sundry excuses, one day hee explained himself, saying i should bring my wife over into france if i expected that a full confidence should bee put in mee. i represented unto him that it was nott a thing fully in my power to doe, my wife's father refusing to give me the liberty of bringing her over into france; but i promiss'd him to use my best endeavors to that effect. in the meantime monsr. colbert intimated that hee would have my brother-in-law & myself make a voyadge unto canada, to advise with the governour what was best ther to bee done, assuring us that hee would write unto him in our behalf. wee undertook the voyadge, but being arriv'd at quebeck, wee found that jelosy & interest which some persons had over those that had the absolute command, at that time, of the trade in canada, & whos creatures were imploy'd for new discoverys, ordered things so that the count de frontinac, the governor, took no care to perform what wee had ben promis'd hee should have don for us; so that finding myself slighted, i left my brother-in-law with his familly in canada, & returned back again for france, intending to serve at sea in the fleet. accordingly i there passed the campaigns above mention'd untill wee suffer'd shippwreck at the isle d'ane, from which being escaped, i returned with the rest of the army unto brest, in the moneth of july, having lost all my equipage in this disaster. the vice admirall & the intendant wrote to court in my favour, & upon the good character they were pleas'd to give of me, i receav'd a gratuity of louis d'ors upon the king's account, to renew my equipage; & these gentlemen also were pleased to tell me i should ere long have the command of a man of warr; but thinking that could not so easily bee, i desired leave to make a turn over into england under pretext of visitting my wife & to make a farther tryall of bringing her over into france, whereupon i had my pass granted, with a farther gratuity of louis d'ors towards the charges of my voyage. i was comanded to make what dispatch possible might bee, & espetially to mind the business of bringing my wife along with me, & then i shold not doubt of having good imployments. i set forwards, & arrived in london the th of july, & amongst other discours told my father-in-law, sir john kirk, of what great importance it was unto me of making my fortune in france to take my wife along with me thither; notwithstanding, hee would by no means give his consent thereunto, but desired me to write to my friends in france concerning some pretention hee had against the inhabitants of canada, [footnote: john kirke and his elder brothers, sir david, sir lewis, and others, held a large claim against canada, or rather france, dating back to , which amounted in , including principal and interest, to over--l. . .] which i did. i endeavor'd also, during my stay at london, both by myself & by friends, to try if the gentlemen of the company might conceave any better thoughts of me, & whether i might not by some means or other be restor'd unto their good liking; but all my endevors proved in vaine. i found no likelyhood of effecting what i so much desir'd, therefore i return'd into france & arrived at brest the th of ber, .... having inform'd the vice admirall & the intendant of the litle successe i had in my voyadge, & that it was not through any neglect of myne, they order'd me to goe give an account of it unto the marquis de signelay, which i did; & telling him i could not prevaile to bring my wife over along with me, hee revil'd me, & told me hee knew very well what an inclination i had still for the english intrest, saying with all that i must not expect any confidence should bee put in me, nor that i shold not have the least imployment, whilst my wife stay'd in england. neverthelesse, hee promis'd to speak to his father, monsieur colbert, touching my affaires, which hee also performed; & afterwards waiting upon him, hee spake unto me much after the same rate his sonn, the marquis de signelay had don before, as to what concerned my wife, & order'd me to goe unto monsieur bellinzany, his chief agent for the businesse of trade, who would farther inform me of his intentions. meeting with monsieur belinzany, hee told me that monsieur colbert thought it necessary that i should conferr with monsieur de la chesnay, [footnote: m. du chesneau was appointed may, , intendant of justice, police, and finance of canada, acadia, and isles of newfoundland.] a canada merchant who mannadg'd all the trade of thos parts, & who was then at paris, that with him some mesures should bee taken to make the best advantage of our discoveries & intreagues in the northern parts of canada, to advance the beaver trade, & as much as possible might bee to hinder all strangers from driving that trade to the prejudice of the french collonies. the said monsr. belinzany also told me i could not more oblige monsr. colbert, nor take any better cours to obtaine his friendship by any servis whatsoever, than by using all my skill & industry in drawing all the natives of thos northern parts of america to traffick with & to favor the french, & to hinder & disswade them from trading with strangers, assuring me of a great reward for the servis i should render the state upon this account, & that mr. de la chesiiay would furnish me in cannada with all things necessary for executing what dessignes wee should conclude upon together to this intent. according to these instructions i went unto mr. de la chesnay. wee discours'd a long time together, & after severall inquiry's of the state of the countrys that i had most frequented, having communicated unto him my observations, hee propos'd unto me to undertake to establish a treaty for the beaver trade in the great bay where i had ben some years before upon the account of the english. wee spent two dayes in adjusting the means of selling this business; at last it was agreed that i should make a voyadge into england to endevor to perswade my wife to come away, & also at the same time to inform myself what shipps the hudson bay company intended to fit out for those parts. i performed this second voyage for england with some remainder of hopes to find the gentlemen of the company something better inclin'd towards me than they had ben formerly; but whether they then looked upon me as wholy unneccessary for their purpos, or as one that was altogether unable to doe them any harm, i was sufferr'd to come away without receaving the least token of kindnesse. all the satisfaction i had in the voyadge was that prince rupert was pleas'd to tell me that hee was very sorry my offers of servis was so much slighted. i resolv'd with myself not to bee dejected at this coldnesse, & returned into france, thinking there to have found monsieur de la chesnay; but being come to paris, i heard hee was gon, & i presently resolved to follow him to canada, to execute what wee had concluded upon at paris. i went to take my leave of monsieur colbert, acquainting him of my dessigne, whereof hee approved very well. hee wished me a good voyadge, advising me to be carefull. i went to visit the society of the jesuits at paris, as being also concern'd with la chesnay in the beaver trade. they gave mee some money for my voyadge. i went & took shipp at rochell, & arrived at quebeck the th of ber, . as soon as i went ashore i spake with monsieur la chesnay, who seem'd to bee very glad to see me, and after some discours of what wee had concluded upon at paris, hee said the businesse must bee presently set about; & being privy unto the court intrigues, & fully acquainted with the mesures wee were to use in this enterprize, hee took me along with him unto the governor's house, & ingadg'd me to demand his assistance & such orders as wee should stand in need of from him for the carrying on our dessigne. but the governor spake unto us in a way as if hee approved not of the businesse; whereupon la chesnay demanded a pass for me to return back unto europ by the way of new england, in a vessel belonging to the governor of accadia, which was at that instant at quebeck, & redy to saile in som short time. these formalitys being over, monsieur la chesnay & i spake home to the businesse. wee agreed upon the voyage, & of all things that were to bee setled relative unto our concerns & intrest. hee undertook to buy the goods, & to furnish all things that concern'd the treaty; to furnish me with a vessell well fitted & stored with good provisions. it was agreed that i should have one fourth part of the beaver for my care and paines, & the danger i expos'd myself unto in making the setlment. my brother-in-law, desgroisilliers, who was then at quebeck, made a contract with de la chesnay for the same voyage allmost on the same terms as i had don. all things being thus concluded, the governor was desired that i might have leave to take three men along with me. hee knew very well to what intent, but hee pretended to bee ignorant of it, for 'tis unlikely that hee could think i would return back to france without doing something about what la chesnay & i had mention'd unto him, seeing i demanded these three men to goe along with me. one was my kinsman, john baptista des grosiliers, of whom i made great account, having frequented the country all his life, & had contracted great familliarity & acquaintance with the natives about trade. hee laid out l. tournais of his own money in the voyadge & charge, disbursed by monsieur de la chesnay in the enterprize. the second was peter allmand, whom i took for my pilot, & the d was john baptista godfry, who understood perfectly well the languadge of the natives, & one that i knew was capable of treating. i set saile from quebeck the th of ber, , with my men, in the governor of accady's vessell, having my orders to bee redy the spring following, at the l'isle perse, hallow isle, at the entrance of the river saint lawrence, unto which place la chesnay was to send me a vessell well equipp'd & fitted according to agreement for executing the dessigne. hee also promisd to send mee fuller instructions in writing, for my directions when i should bee on the place. wee arrived at accadia the th of november, , and there winter'd. in the spring i repair'd unto hallow island. the vessell i expected arrived, but proved not so good as was promised, for it was only an old barque of about tunns with an equippage but of men, thos with me being comprised in the number. there was goods enough on board to have carry'd on the treaty, but provisions were scant, so that had i not ben so deeply ingadg'd as i was in the businesse, such a kind of a vessell would have quite discouradg'd me. but the arrivall of my brother-in-law, desgrosiliers, in a vessell of about tunns, with a crew of men, incouradg'd me, so that wee joyntly resolved not to quit our enterprize; but wee had much adoe to perswade our men to it, being unwilling to expose themselves to the danger of a voyadge of leagues in such small, ordinary vessells, & in such boisterous seas, where ther was also danger of ice. however, they seeing us willing to run the same fortune as they did, they at length consented, & it was agree'd upon betwixt my brother-in-law & myself to steere the same cours, & to keep as neere each other as wee could, the better to assist one another as occasion required. wee sailed from the island the th july, [ .] after the space of dayes' sailing, being past the straights of new found land, the seamen on board my brother-in-law's vessell mutin'd against him, refusing to proceed any farther, pretending they feared being split with the ice, also of ingadging in unknown countreys where they might be reduced to want provisions in the winter. wee pacify'd the mutineers by threatnings & by promises, & the sight of a saile in deg. minutes, north lat., upon the coast of brador, somwhat contributed thereunto, every one desiring to shun this sail. wee were twixt him & the shoar, & they bore directly towards us, desirous to speak with us; but wee not being in a condition of making any resistance, i thought it the best not to stand towards him, but steering the same cours as hee did, wee recover'd under the shoar, & so out of danger; they tackt about & stood off hours before night, & wee lost sight of them. there was much ice in those seas, which drive to the southwards. wee put into harbour to avoide the danger of it, as also to take in fresh water & some other provisions at the coast of the indians called esquimos, the most cruell of all the salvages when they meet an advantage to surprize persons. neverthelesse, they came to our shipp side, & traded with us for some hundred of woolf skins. wee stay'd there dayes, during which time there happned a nother mutiny, our men refusing to proceed any farther; but i pacify'd the seditious, & having put to sea i order'd our men to preserve the wood & water wee had taken on board the best they could, for my brother-in-law & i had resolved not to goe a shoare untill wee had gain'd our port, unless wee were chased. the winds proving favorable, wee entred hudson's straight and sailed along on the northern shoare; there was much ice. some of my seamen kill'd a white beare of extraordinary biggness. they eat of it to such excess that they all fell extremely sick with head akes & loosnesse, that i thought they would have dyed out. i was forc'd to give my brother notice of this accident, & to desire his assistance, so that by takeing orvietan & sweating they escaped that danger, but all their skin pell'd off. wee were inform'd by the indians that those white bears have a poison in the liver, that diffuses itself through the whole mass of the body, which occasions these distempers unto thos that eat of them. i observ'd during this disorder, neer mile island, at the western point, wee drove n. w. by the compass about leagues in hours, towards cape henry. wee had much adoe to recover out of the ice, & had like divers times to have perrish'd, but god was pleas'd to preserve us. my brother-in-law, fearing to bear too much saile, stay'd behind. i arrived before him, the th of august, on the western coast of hudson's bay, & we met the nd of ber, at the entrance of the river called _kakivvakiona_ by the indians, which significies "let him that comes, goe." being enter'd into this river, our first care was to finde a convenient place where to secure our vessells, & to build us a house. wee sailed up the river about miles, & wee stop't at a litle canall, whrein wee lay our vessells, finding the place convenient to reside at. i left my brother-in-law busy about building a house, & the next day after our arrivall i went up into the country, to seek for indians. to this purpos i went in a canoo, with my nephew & another of my crew, being all armed with firelocks & pistolls, & in dayes wee went about leagues up the river, & through woods, without meeting one indian or seeing any signe where any had lately ben; & finding severall trees gnawed by beavors, wee judged there was but few inhabitants in those parts. in our travelling wee kill'd some deere. but the th day after our departure, our canoo being drawn ashore & overturn'd neer the water side, reposing ourselves in a small island, about evening an indian pursuing a deere espyed our canoo. thinking there were some of his own nation, hee whistled to give notice of the beast, that pass'd by to the litle island not farr off from us. my nephew having first spyed the indian, told me of it, not mynding the deere. i presently went to the water side & called the indian, who was a good while before hee spake, & then said hee understood me not, & presently run away into the woods. i was glad of meeting this indian, & it gave me some hopes of seeing more ere long. wee stood upon our gard all night. next morning i caus'd our canoo to bee carry'd the other side of the island, to have it in readyness to use in case of danger. i caused a fier to bee made a paces off. in the morning wee discovered nyne canoos at the point of the island coming towards us, & being within hearing, i demanded who they were; they return'd a friendly answer. i told them the cause of my coming into their country, & who i was. one of the eldest of them, armed with his lance, bow & arrows, etc., etc., rose up & took an arrow from his quiver, making a signe from east to west & from north to south, broke it in peeces, & flung it into the river, addressing himself to his companions, saying to this purpos: "young men, bee not afraid; the sun is favorable unto us. our ennemys shall feare us, for this is the man that we have wished for ever since the dayes of our fathers." after which they all swimed a shore unto me, & coming out of their canoos i invited them unto my fier. my nephew & the other man that was with him came also within paces of us without any feare, although they see the indian well armed. i asked them who was their chief commander, speaking unto him unknownst to me. hee bowed the head, & another told me it was hee that i talked unto. then i took him by the hand, and making him sit downe, i spoke unto him according to the genius of the indians, unto whom, if one will bee esteemed, it is necessary to bragg of one's vallour, of one's strength and ablnesse to succour & protect them from their ennemyes. they must also bee made believe that one is wholy for their intrest & have a great complesance for them, espetially in making them presents. this amongst them is the greatest band of friendshipp. i would at this first enterview make myself known. the chief of these salvages sitting by me, i said to him in his languadge, "i know all the earth; your friends shall bee my friends; & i am come hether to bring you arms to destroy your ennemys. you nor your wife nor children shall not dye of hunger, for i have brought merchandize. bee of good cheere; i will bee thy sonn, & i have brought thee a father; hee is yonder below building a fort, where i have great shipps. you must give me or of your canoos that your people may go visit your father." hee made a long speech to thank me & to assure me that both himself & all his nation would venture their lifes in my servis. i gave them some tobacco & pipes, & seeing one of them used a peece of flat iron to cut his tobacco, i desired to see that peece of iron & flung it into the fier, wherat they all wonder'd, for at the same time i seemed to weep; & drying up my tears, i told them i was very much grieved to see my brethren so ill provided of all things, & told them they should want for nothing whilst i was with them; & i tooke my sword i had by my side & gave it unto him from whom i took the peece of iron; also i caus'd some bundles of litle knives to bee brought from my canoo, which i distributed amongst them. i made them smoke, & gave them to eate, & whilst they were eating, i set forth the presents i brought them, amongst the rest a fowling-peece, with some powder & shot for their chief commander. i told him, in presenting him with it, i took him for my father; hee in like mannor took me to bee his sonn in covering me with his gowne. i gave him my blanket, which i desired him to carry unto his wife as a token from me, intending shee should bee my mother. hee thanked me, as also did the rest, to the number of , who in testimony of their gratitude cast their garments at my feete & went to their canoos & brought all the furr skins they had; after which ceremonys wee parted. they promised before noone they would send me of their canoos, wherein they failed not. they put my beavors in them, & wee went towards the place where i left my brother-in-law. i arrived the th of ber, to the great satisfaction of all our people, having inform'd them the happy success of my journey by meeting with the natives. the very day i return'd from this litle journey wee were alarm'd by the noise of some great gunns. the indians that came along with us heard them, & i told them that these gunns were from some of our shipps that were in the great river called kawirinagaw, or leagues' distance from that wher wee were setled; but being desirous to bee sattisfyed what it should meane, i went in a canoo unto the mouth of our river, & seeing nothing, i suppos'd wee were all mistaken, & i sent my nephew with another french man of my crew back with the salvages unto the indians; but the same evening they heard the gunns so plaine that ther was no farther cause of doubt but that ther was a shipp; upon which they return'd back to tell me of it, wherupon i presently went myself with men to make the discovery. having crossed over this great river kawirinagaw, which signifies the dangerous, on the th, in the morning, wee discovered a tent upon an island. i sent one of my men privatly to see what it was. he came back soon after & told me they were building a house & that there was a shipp; wherupon i approached as neere as i could without being discover'd, & set myself with my men as it were in ambush, to surprize some of thos that were there & to make them prisoners to know what or who they might bee. i was as wary as might bee, & spent the whole night very neere the place where the hous stood, without seeing anybody stirr or speak untill about noon next day, & then i see they were english, & drawing neerer them the better to observe them, i return'd to my canoo with my men. wee shewed ourselves a cannon-shott off & stayed as if wee had ben salvages that wonder'd to see anybody there building a house. it was not long before wee were discover'd, & they hollowed unto us, inviting us to goe unto them, pronouncing some words in the indian tongue, which they read in a book. but seeing wee did not come unto them, they came unto us along the shoare, & standing right opposit unto us, i spoke unto them in the indian tongue & in french, but they understood me not; but at last asking them in english who they were & what they intended to do there, they answer'd they were english men come hether to trade for beaver. afterwards i asked them who gave them permission, & what commission they had for it. they told me they had no commission, & that they were of new england. i told them i was setled in the country before them for the french company, & that i had strength sufficient to hinder them from trading to my prejudice; that i had a fort leagues off, but that the noise of their gunns made me come to see them, thinking that it might bee a french shipp that i expected, which was to come to a river farther north then this where they were, that had put in there by some accident contrary to my directions; that i had other shipps lately arriv'd from canada, commanded by myself & my brother, & therefore i advised them not to make any longer stay there, & that they were best bee gon & take along with them on board what they had landed. in speaking i caus'd my canoo to draw as neer the shoare as could bee, that i might the better discern thos i talked with; & finding it was young guillem that comanded the shipp, i was very glad of it, for i was intimately acquainted with him. as soon as hee knew mee hee invited me ashore. i came accordingly, & wee imbraced each other. hee invited me on board his shipp to treat me. i would not seem to have any distrust, but having precaution'd myself went along with him. i caus'd my men to come out of my canoo & to stay ashore with englishmen whilest i went on board with the captain. i see on board a new england man that i knew very well. before i enter'd the shipp the captain caused english coullers to bee set up, & as soon as i came on board some great gunns to bee fir'd. i told him it was not needfull to shoot any more, fearing least our men might bee allarm'd & might doe him some mischief. hee proposed that wee might traffick together. i told him i would acquaint our other officers of it, & that i would use my endeavor to get their consent that hee should pass the winter wher hee was without receaving any prejudice, the season being too far past to bee gon away. i told him hee might continue to build his house without any need of fortifications, telling him i would secure him from any danger on the part of the indians, over whom i had an absolute sway, & to secure him from any surprize on my part. i would before our parting let him know with what number of men i would bee attended when i came to visit him, giving him to understand that if i came with more then what was agreed betwixt us, it would bee a sure signe our officers would not consent unto the proposal of our trading together. i also advised him hee should not fier any gunns, & that hee should not suffer his men to goe out of the island, fearing they might bee met by the french men that i had in the woods, that hee might not blame me for any accident that might ensue if hee did not follow my advice. i told him also the salvages advised mee my shipp was arrived to the northwards, & promiss'd that i would come visit him againe in days & would tell him farther. wherof hee was very thankfull, & desired me to bee mindfull of him; after which wee seperated very well sattisfy'd with each other, hee verily beleeving i had the strenght i spake of, & i resolving always to hold him in this opinion, desiring to have him bee gone, or if hee persisted to interrupt me in my trade, to wait some opportunity of seizing his shipp, which was a lawfull prize, having no commission from england nor france to trade. but i would not attempt anything rashly, for fear of missing my ayme; especially i would avoide spilling blood. being returned with my men on board my canoo, wee fell down the river with what hast wee could; but wee were scarce gon three leagues from the island where the new england shipp lay, but that wee discovered another shipp under saile coming into the river. wee got ashore to the southwards, & being gon out of the canoo to stay for the shipp that was sailing towards us, i caused a fier to bee made; & the shipp being over against us, shee came to anchor & sent not her boat ashore that night untill next morning. wee watched all night to observe what was don, & in the morning, seeing the long boat rowing towards us, i caused my men, well armed, to stand at the entrance into the wood paces from me, & i came alone to the water side. mr bridgar, whom the company sent governor into that country, was in the boate, with of the crew belonging unto the shipp wherof capt guillam was commander, who was father, as i understood afterwards, unto him that comanded the new england shipp that i had discover'd the day before. seeing the shallopp come towards me, i spake a kinde of jargon like that of the salvages, which signify'd nothing, only to amuse those in the boat or to make them speake, the better to observe them, & to see if there might bee any that had frequented the indians & that spak their languadge. all were silent; & the boat coming a ground or paces from me, seeing one of the seamen leap in the water to come a shore, i showed him my wepons, forbidding him to stirr, telling him that none in the boate should come a shore untill i knew who they were; & observing by the make of the shipp & the habit of the saylors that they were english, i spake in their languadge, & i understood that the seamen that leapt in the water which i hinder'd to proceed any farther said aloud, "governor, it is english they spake unto you;" & upon my continuing to ask who they were who comanded the shipp, & what they sought there, some body answer'd, "what has any body to doe to inquire? wee are english." unto which i reply'd, "and i am french, and require you to bee gon;" & at the same instant making signe unto my men to appeare, they shewed themselves at the entrance of the wood. those of the shallop thinking in all likelyhood wee were more in number, were about to have answer'd me in mild terms & to tell me they were of london, that the shipp belong'd unto the hudson bay company, & was comanded by capt guillem. i inform'd them also who i was; that they came too late, & that i had taken possession of those parts in the name & behalf of the king of ffrance. there was severall other things said, which is not needfull heere to relate, the english asserting they had right to come into thos parts, & i saying the contrary; but at last mr bridgar saying hee desired to come ashore with of his crew to embrace me, i told him that i should bee very well sattisfy'd. hee came a shore, & after mutuall salutations, hee asked of me if this was not the river kakiwakionay. i answer'd it was not, & that it was farther to the southward; that this was called _kawirinagau_, or the dangerous. hee asked of me if it was not the river where sir thomas button, that comanded an english shipp, had formerly winter'd. i told him it was, & shew'd him the place, to the northwards. then hee invited me to goe aboard. my crew being come up, disswaded me, especially my nephew; yet, taking hostages which i left ashore with my men, for i suspected capt guillem, having declared himself my ennemy at london, being of the faction of those which were the cause that i deserted the english intrest, i went aboard, & i did well to use this precaution, otherwise capt guillem would have stop't me, as i was since inform'd; but all things past very well. wee din'd together. i discoursed of my establishment in the country; that i had good numbers of ffrench men in the woods with the indians; that i had shipps & expected another; that i was building a fort; to conclude, all that i said unto young guillem, master of the new england shipp, i said the same unto mr bridgar, & more too. he took all for currant, & it was well for me hee was so credulous, for would hee have ben at the troble i was of travelling leagues through woods & brakes, & lye on the could ground to make my discoverys, hee wold soon have perceaved my weakness. i had reason to hide it & to doe what i did. morover, not having men suffitient to resist with open force, it was necessary to use pollicy. it's true i had a great advantage in having the natives on my side, which was a great strength, & that indeed wherupon i most of all depended. having stay'd a good while on board i desir'd to go ashore, which being don, i made a signe to my men to bring the hostages, which they had carry'd into the woods. they brought them to the water side, & i sent them aboard their shipp. i confess i repented more then once of my going aboard. it was too rashly don, & it was happy for me that i got off as i did. before i came ashore i promissed mr. bridgar & the captain that in dayes i would visit them againe. in the mean time, the better to bee assured of their proceedings, i stay'd dayes in the woods to observe their actions; and having upon the matter seen their dessigne, that they intended to build a fort, i passed the river to the southwards to return to my brother-in-law, who might well bee in some feare for me. but coming unto him, hee was very glad of what had past, & of the good condition i had sett matters. wee consulted together what mesures to take not to be surpriz'd & to maintaine ourselves the best wee could in our setlement for carrying on our treaty. wee endeavor'd to secure the indians, who promis'd to loose their lives for us; & the more to oblidge them to our side i granted them my nephew & another frenchman to goe along with them into the country to make the severall sorts of indians to come traffick with us, & the more, to incourage them i sent presents unto the chiefest of them. during my voyage of discovering english shipps, there happned an ill accident for us. our company had kill'd deere, which had ben a great help towards our winter provisions; but by an inundation of waters caused by great rains they were all carry'd away. such great floods are common in those parts. the loss was very great unto us, for wee had but barrells of pork & of beef; but our men repair'd this losse, having kill'd some more deere and , white partridges, somewhat bigger than thos of europ. the indians also brought us provisions they had kill'd from severall parts at a great distance off. ten dayes after my return from discovering the english, i took other men to observe what they did. i had forseen that wee should bee forced to stay for faire weather to crosse the mouth of the dangerous river of kauvirinagaw, which also proved accordingly, for the season began to be boisterous; but having stay'd some time, at last wee got safe over, although it was in the night, & dayes after our departure wee gained neere the place where mr bridgar lay. wee presently see the shipp lay aground on the ooze, a mile from the place where they built their house. being come neere the shipp, wee hailed severall times & no body answered, which oblig'd us to goe towards land, wondring at their silence. at length a man called us & beckn'd to us to come back. going towards him & asking how all did, hee said something better, but that all were asleep. i would not disturb them & went alone unto the governor's house, whom i found just getting up. after the common ceremonys were past, i consider'd the posture of things, & finding there was no great danger, & that i need not feare calling my people, wee went in all together. i made one of my men pass for captain of the shipp that i said was lately arrived. mr bridgar beleev'd it was so, & all that i thought good to say unto him, endeavoring all along that hee should know nothing of the new england interloper. wee shot off severall musquets in drinking healths, those of the vessell never being concern'd, wherby i judg'd they were careless & stood not well on their gard, & might bee easily surpriz'd. i resolved to vew them. therefore, takeing leave of mr. bridgar, i went with my people towards the vessell. wee went on board to rights without opposition. the captain was somthing startled at first to see us, but i bid him not feare; i was not there with any dessigne to harme him; on the contrary, was ready to assist & help him wherin hee should comand me, advising him to use more diligence than hee did to preserve himselfe & shipps from the danger i see hee was in of being lost, which afterwards happned. but hee was displeas'd at my counsill, saying hee knew better what to doe than i could tell him. that might bee, said i, but not in the indians' country, where i had ben more frequent than he. however, hee desired me to send him som refreshments from time to time during the winter season, espetially some oyle & candles, of which hee stood in great want, which i promis'd to doe, & perform'd accordingly. hee made me present of a peece of beeff & a few bisketts. being fully inform'd of what i desired to know, & that i need not feare any harm these gentlemen could doe me in regard of my trade, i took leave of the captain, to goe see what passed on behalf of the new england interloper. i arrived there next day in the afternoon, & found they had employ'd the time better than the others had don, having built a fort, well fortifyed with great gunns mounted. i fired a musket to give notice unto those in the fort of my coming, & i landed on a litle beach under the gunns. the lieutenant came out with another man well arm'd to see what wee were. when hee see me hee congratulated my safe return, & asked what news. i told him i had found, though with great difficulty, what i sought after, & that i came to visit them, having taken other men than those i had before; that one of those with me was captain of the shipp lately arrived, & the other were of cannada. the lieutenant answer'd me very briskly: "were they devills wee will not feare. wee have built a fort, & doe fear nothing." yet hee invited mee into his fort to treat me, provided i would go in alone, which i refused, intimating hee might have spoke with more modesty, coming to visit him in friendship & good will, & not in a hostile manner. i told him also i desired to discours with his captain, who doubtless would have more moderation. wherupon he sent to inform the captain, who came unto me well armed, & told me that i need not bee jealous of the fort hee had caused to bee built, that 'twas no prejudice to me, & that i should at any time comand it, adding withall that hee feared me not so much as hee did the english of london, & that hee built this fort to defend himself against the salvages, & all thos that would attack him. i thank'd him for his civillitys unto me, & assur'd him i came not thither to shew any displesure for his building a fort, but to offer him of my men to assist him, & to tell him that thos hee so much feared were arrived, offering my servis to defend him, telling him if hee would follow my consill i would defend him from all danger, knowing very well the orders these new comers had, & also what condition they were in. i also told him that as to the difference which was betwixt us about the trade, it was referr'd unto the arbitrement of both our kings; that for good luck to him, his father comanded the shipp newly arrived; that he brought a governor for the english company, whom i intended to hinder from assuming that title in the countrys wherin i was established for the french company, & as for his part, i would make him pass for a french man, therby to keep him from receaving any dammadge. having said thes things to the captain of the fort, i made him call his men together, unto whom i gave a charge in his presence that they should not goe out of their fort, nor fire any gunns, nor shew their cullers; that they should cover the head & stern of their shipp; & that they should suffer neither ffrench nor english to come near their fort, neither by land nor by water, & that they should fier on any of my people as would offer to approach without my orders. the captain promis'd all should bee observ'd that i had said, & comanded his men in my presence so to doe, desiring me to spare him of my men as soon as i could, to guard them. i told him that his father, captain of the company's shipp, was sick, wherat hee seem'd to bee much trobled, & desired me to put him in a way to see him without any damadge. i told him the danger & difficulty of it; nevertheless, having privat reasons that this enterview of father & sonn might be procur'd by my means, i told him i would use my best endeavor to give him this satisfaction, & that i hop'd to effect it, provided hee would follow my directions. hee agreed to doe what i advised, & after some litle studdy wee agreed that hee should come along with me disguis'd like one that lived in the woods, & that i wold make him passe for a french man. this being concluded, i sent my men next morning early to kill some fowle. they returned by o'clocke with or partridge, which i took into my canoo, with a barrill of oyle & some candles that i had promis'd the old captain guillem. i left one of my men hostage in the fort, and imbarked with young guillem to goe shew him his father. the tyde being low, wee were forced to stop a mile short of the shipp, & goe ashore & walk up towards the shipp with our provisions. i left one of my men to keepe the canoo, with orders to keep off, & coming neere the shipp i placed of my best men betwixt the house mr. bridgar caus'd to bee built & the water side, comanding them not to shew themselves, & to suffer the governor to goe to the vessell, but to seize him if they see him come back before i was got out of the shipp. having ordered things in this manner, i went with one of my men & young guillem aboard the shipp, where wee againe entered without any opposition. i presented unto captain guillem the provisions i had brought him, for which hee gave me thanks. afterwards, i made my men go into his cabbin, one of which was his son, though unknown to him. i desired captain guillem to bid of his servants to withdraw, having a thing of consequence to inform him of, which being don, i told him the secret was that i had brought his sonn to give him a visit, having earnestly desired it of me; & having told him how necessary it was to keep it privat, to prevent the damadge might befall them both if it shold bee known, i presented the son unto his father, who imbraced each other very tenderly & with great joy; yet hee told him hee exposed him unto a great deale of danger. they had some priviat discours togather, after which hee desired me to save my new french man. i told him i would discharge myself of that trust, & againe advised him to bee carefull of preserving his shipp, & that nothing should bee capable of making any difference betwixt us, but the treaty hee might make with the indians. hee told me the shipp belonged to the company; that as to the trade, i had no cause to bee afraid on his account, & that though hee got not one skin, it would nothing troble him; hee was assured of his wages. i warned him that he should not suffer his men to scatter abroad, espetially that they should not goe towards his sonn's fort, which hee promis'd should bee observ'd. whilst wee were in this discours, the governor, hearing i was come, came unto the shipp & told me that my fort must needs bee neerer unto him than hee expected, seeing i return'd so speedily. i told him, smiling, that i did fly when there was need to serve my friends, & that knowing his people were sick & wanted refreshments, i would not loose time in supplying them, assuring him of giving him part what our men did kill at all times. some prying a litle too narrowly, young guillem thought hee had ben discovered, wherat the father & son were not a litle concern'd. i took upon me, & said it was not civill so narrowly to examine my people; they excus'd it, & the tyde being com in, i took leave to be gon. the governor & captain divided my provisions, & having made a signe unto my men to rise out of their ambush, i came out of the shipp, & wee march'd all of us unto the place where wee left our canoo. wee got into it, & the young captain admired to see a litle thing made of the rhind of a tree resist so many knocks of ice as wee met withall in returning. next day wee arrived at the fort, & very seasonably for us; for had wee stayed a litle longer on the water, wee had ben surprized with a terrible storm at n. w., with snow & haile, which doubtless would have sunk us. the storm held days, & hinder'd us from going to our pretended fort up the river; but the weather being setled, i took leave of the captain. the lieut. would faine have accompanyed us unto our habitation, but i sav'd him that labour for good reasons, & to conceall the way. parting from the fort, wee went to the upper part of the island; but towards evening wee returned back, & next day were in sight of the sea, wherin wee were to goe to double the point to enter the river where our habitation was; but all was so frozen that it was almost impossible to pass any farther. wee were also so hem'd in on all sides with ice, that wee could neither go forward nor get to land, yet wee must get over the ice or perrish. wee continued hours in this condition, without being able to get backwards or forwards, being in great danger of our lifes. our cloaths were frozen on our backs, & wee could not stirr but with great paine; but at length with much adoe wee got ashore, our canoo being broke to peeces. each of us trussed up our cloaths & arms, & marched along the shoare towards our habitation, not having eat anything in days, but some crows & birds of prey that last of all retire from these parts. there was no other fowle all along that coast, which was all covered with ice & snow. at length wee arrived opposite unto our habitation, which was the other side of the river, not knowing how to get over, being cover'd with ice; but of our men ventur'd in a boat to come unto us. they had like to have ben staved by the ice. wee also were in very great danger, but wee surmounted all these difficultys & got unto our habitation, for which wee had very great cause to give god thanks of seeing one another after having run through so great dangers. during my travelling abroad, my brother-in-law had put our house into pretty good order. wee were secure, fearing nothing from the indians, being our allies; & as for our neighbours, their disorder, & the litle care they took of informing themselves of us, set us safe from fearing them. but as it might well happen that the governor bridgar might have notice that the new england interloper was in the same river hee was, & that in long running hee might discover the truth of all that i had discoursed & concealed from him, & also that hee might come to understand that wee had not the strength that i boasted of, i thought it fit to prevent danger; & the best way was to assure my self of the new england shipp in making myself master of her; for had mr. bridgar ben beforehand with mee, hee would have ben too strong for me, & i had ben utterly unable to resist him; but the question was how to effect this businesse, wherin i see manifest difficultys; but they must bee surmounted, or wee must perrish. therefore i made it my business wholy to follow this enterprise, referring the care of our house & of the traffick unto my brother-in-law. seeing the river quite froze over, every other day for a fortnight i sent my men through the woods to see in what state the company's shipp lay. at length they told me shee lay a ground neer the shoare, the creek wherin shee was to have layn the winter being frozen up, which made me conjecture shee would infallibly bee lost. i also sent of my men unto young captain guillem into the island, which hee had desired of me for his safegard; but i was told by my people that hee intended to deceave me, having, contrary unto his promise of not receaving any into his fort but such as should come by my orders, had sent his boat to receave men from the company's shipp, which mr. bridgar had sent to discover what they could the way that i tould him our fort was, & also to see if they could find any wreck of their shipp; but these men, seeing thos of the fort begin to stir & to lanch out their boat, they thought they would fier on them, as i had comanded. they were affrighted & run away. being come to mr. bridgar, they told him there was a fort & a french shipp neerer unto them than i had said. upon this information, mr. bridgar sent men to pass from north to south, to know if it were true that wee had shipps besides that which was at the island. wherof being advised by my people, i sent out severall ways to endeavor to take the men mr. bridgar had sent to make this discovery, having ordered my people not to doe them any violence. my people succeded, for they found the poore men within leagues of our house, allmost dead with cold & hunger, so that it was no hard matter to take them. they yeelded, & were brought unto my habitation, where having refreshed them with such provision as wee had, they seemed nothing displeas'd at falling into our hands. i understood by them the orders mr. bridgar had given them for making the discovery, which made me stand the more close on my gard, & to use fresh means to hinder that the governor bridgar should not have knowledge of the new-england interlopers. about this time i sent some provisions unto mr. bridgar, who was in great want, although hee strove to keep it from my knowledge. hee thanked mee by his letters, & assur'd me hee would not interrupt my trade, & that hee would not any more suffer his men to come neere the forts, which hee thought had ben ours. i also sent to visit young guillem to observe his proceedings, & to see in what condition hee was, to make my best advantage of it. the englishmen which my people brought, told me the company's shipp was stay'd to peeces, & the captain, leftenant, & seamen drown'd; but of the company being ashore escaped that danger. upon this advice i went to visit mr. bridgar, to observe his actions. i brought him partridges, & gave him some powder to kill fowle, & offer'd him my servis. i asked where his shipp was, but hee would not owne shee was lost, but said shee was leagues lower in the river. i would not press him any farther in the businesse, but civilly took our leave of each other. from thence i went unto the fort in the island also, to see what past there, & to endeavor to compasse the dessigne i had laid of taking the shipp & fort, having since discovered by letters intercepted, that young guillim intended to shew me a trick & destroy me. being come to the fort in the island, i made no shew of knowing the losse of his father, nor of the company's shipp, only i told young guillim his father continued ill, & did not think safe to write him, fearing to discover him. afterwards i desired hee would come unto our habitation; & so i returned without effecting any more that day. eight days after, i returned to see mr. bridgar, unto whom i said that hee did not take sufficient care to preserve his men; that i had of them at my fort, who told me of the losse of his shipp, which hee owned. i told him i would assist him, & would send him his men & what else hee desired. i also offer'd him one of our barques, with provisions requisit to convey him in the spring unto the bottom of the bay, which hee refused. i assured him of all the servis that lay in my power, treating him with all civillity could bee for the esteeme that i ever bore unto the english nation. as for mr. bridgar, i had no great caus to bee over well pleased with him, being advised that hee spake ill of mee in my absence, & had said publickly unto his people that hee would destroy my trade, should hee give axes & proportionably of other goods unto the indians for a bevor skin. [footnote: the company's early standard for trading was: "for gun, one with another, good skins, that is, winter beavor; skins for the biggest sort, for the mean, and for the smallest. powder, a beaver for / a lb. a beaver for lb. of shot. a beaver for a great and little hatchet. a beaver for great knives or jack-knives. beads, a beaver for / a lb. six beavers for one good laced coat. five beavers for one red plain coat. coats for women, laced, two yards, six beavers. coats for women, plain, five beavers. tobacco, a beaver for lb. powder-horns, a beaver for a large one and two small ones. kettles, a beaver for one lb. of kettle. looking-glasses and combs, skins."] i have an attestation heerof to shew. i stayed dayes on this voyadge with mr. bridgar, having then a reall intent to serve him, seeing hee was not in a condition to hurt me; & returning unto my habitation, i called at young gwillim's fort in the island, where i intended to execute my dessigne, it being now time. when i arrived at the fort, i told young gwillim his father continued ill, & that hee referr'd all unto me, upon which i said unto him touching his father & of his resolution, hee earnestly desired i would goe back with him & take him along with me, disguised as before, that hee might see him; but i disswaded him from this, & put in his head rather to come see our habitation, & how wee lived. i knew hee had a desire to doe soe, therefore i would sattisfy his curiosity. having, therefore, perswaded him to this, wee parted next morning betimes. hee took his carpenter along with him, & wee arrived at our habitation, young gwillim & his man being sufficiently tired. i thought it not convenient that young gwillim should see the englishmen that was at our house. i kept them privat, & fitted them to bee gon next morning, with of my men, to goe athwart the woods unto their habitation, having promis'd mr. bridgar to send them unto him. i gave them tobacco, cloaths, & severall other things mr. bridgar desired; but when they were to depart, one of the englishmen fell at my feet & earnestly desired that i would not send him away. i would not have granted his request but that my brother-in-law desired me to do it, & that it would also ease mr. bridgar's charge, who wanted provisions; so i sufferred the other to depart along with my men, having given them directions. i caused young gwillem to see them going, telling him i sent them unto our fort up the river. i continued a whole moneth at quiet, treating young guillem, my new guest, with all civillity, which hee abused in severall particulars; for having probably discovered that wee had not the strength that i made him beleeve wee had, hee unadvisedly speak threatning words of me behind my back, calling me pyrate, & saying hee would trade with the indians in the spring in spight of me. hee had also the confidence to strike one of my men, but i connived at it. but one day discoursing of the privilledges of new england, he had the confidence to speak slightly of the best of kings, wherupon i called him pittyfull dogg for talking after that manner, & told him that for my part, having had the honour to have ben in his majesty's servis, i would pray for his majesty as long as i lived. hee answered mee with harsh words that hee would return back to his fort, & when hee was there, that would not dare talk to him as i did. i could not have a fairer opportunity to begin what i dessigned. upon which i told the young foole that i brought him from his fort & would carry him thither againe when i pleas'd, not when hee liked. hee spake severall other impertinencys, that made me tell him that i would lay him up safe enough if hee behaved not himself wiser. hee asked me if hee was a prisoner. i told him i would consider of it, & that i would secure my trade, seeing hee threatened to hinder it. after which i retired & gave him leave to bee inform'd by the englishman how that his father & the company's shipp were lost, & the bad condition mr. bridgar was in. i left a french man with them that understood english, but they knew it not. when i went out, young gwillim bid the englishman make his escape & goe tell his master that hee would give him barrills of powder & other provisions if hee would attempt to deliver him out of my hands. the englishman made no reply, neither did hee tell me of what had ben proposed unto him. i understood it by my frenchman, that heard the whole matter, & i found it was high time to act for my owne safety. that evning i made no shew of any thing, but going to bed i asked our men if the fier locks that wee placed at night round our fort to defend us from thos that would attack us were in order. at this word of fire locks young gwillim, who knew not the meaning of it, was suddenly startled & would have run away, thinking wee intended to kill him. i caused him to bee stay'd, & freed him of his feare. but next morning i made him an unwelcom compliment; i told him that i was going to take his shipp & fort. hee answered very angrily that if i had men i could not effect it, & that his men would kill before they could come neere the pallissade. i was nothing discouradged at his bravado, knowing very well that i should compasse my dessigne. i made account that of my men would have stay'd in the fort for hostages, but having what libberty they would, one of them returned to our habitation without my order. i was angry at it, but i made no shew of it, having laid my dessigne so as to make more use of skill & pollicy than of open force; seeing therefore the haughty answer young gwillem made me, that i could not take his fort with men, i asked of him how many men hee had in it. hee said nyne. i desired him to choose the like number of myne, i being one of the number, telling him i would desire no more, & that in dayes i would give him a good account of his fort & of his shipp, & that i would not have him to have the shame of being present to see what i should doe. hee chose & named such of my men as hee pleas'd, & i would not choose any others. i sufferr'd him to come with me to the water side, & i made the ninth man that went upon this expedition, with an englishman of mr. bridgar's to bee a wittness of the busenesse. being arriv'd within half a league of the fort, i left the englishman with one frenchman, ordering they should not stirr without farther order; at the same time i sent of my men directly to the fort to the southward of the island, & i planted myself with my other men at the north point of the same island to observe what they did that i sent to the fort. they were stop't by englishmen armed, that asked if they had any letters from their master. my people answer'd, according to my instructions, that hee was coming along with mee; that being weary, wee stay'd behind; that they came a litle before for some brandy which they offerr'd to carry. the englishmen would needs doe the office, & my men stay'd in the fort. hee that was hostage had orders to seize on the court of gard dore, one of them newly come to seize the dore of the house, & the was to goe in & out, that in case the dessigne was discover'd hee might stopp the passage of the dore with blocks of wood, to hinder it from being shutt & to give me freedom to enter unto their assistance; but there needed not so much adoe, for i enter'd into the fort before thos that were appointed to defend it were aware. the lieutenant was startled at seeing me, & asked "wher his master was; it was high time to appear & act." i answered the lieutenant "it matter'd not where his master was, but to tell me what men hee had & to call them out;" & my men being enter'd the fort & all together, i told thos that were present the cause of my coming, that i intended to bee master of the place, & that 'twas too late to dispute. i commanded them to bring me the keys of the fort & all their arms, & to tell mee if they had any powder in their chests, & how much, referring myself unto what they should say. they made no resistance, but brought me their arms, & as for powder, they said they had none. i took possession of the fort in the name of the king of ffrance, & from thence was conducted by the lieutenant to take possession of the shipp also in the same name, which i did without any resistance; & whilst i was doing all this, young guillem's men seemed to rejoyce at it rather then to bee troubled, complaining of him for their ill usage, & that hee had kill'd his supercargo. but a scotchman, one of the crew, to shew his zeale, made his escape & run through the woods towards mr. bridgar's house to give him notice of what pas't. i sent of my nimblest men to run after him, but they could not overtake him, being gon hours before them. hee arrived at mr. bridgar's house, who upon the relation of the scotchman resolved to come surprise me. in the meane while i gave my brother notice of all that past, & that i feared a scotchman might occasion me some troble that had got away unto mr. bridgar, & that i feared i might bee too deeply ingadg'd unless hee presently gave me the assistance of men, having more english prisoners to keep than i had french men with me. i was not deceiv'd in my conjecture. at midnight one of our doggs alarm'd our sentinell, who told me hee heard a noise on board the shipp. i caus'd my people to handle their armes, & shut up the english in the cabins under the gard of of my men. i with others went out to goe to the shipp. i found men armed on board, & required them to lay downe their arms & to yeeld. there was that submitted & some others got away in the dark. my men would have fired, but i hinder'd them, for which they murmur'd against me. i led the prisoners away to the fort & examin'd them one after another. i found they were of mr. bridgar's people, & that hee was to have ben of the number, but hee stay'd half a league behind to see the success of the businesse. the last of the prisoners i examin'd was the scotch man that had made his escape when i took the fort; & knowing hee was the only cause that mr. bridgar ingadg'd in the businesse, i would revenge me in making him afraid. i caus'd him to bee ty'd to a stake & told that hee should bee hang'd next day. i caus'd the other prisoners, his comrades, to bee very kindly treated; & having no farther dessigne but to make the scotch man afraide, i made one advise him to desire the lewtenant of the fort to begg me to spare his life, which hee did, & easily obtain'd his request, although hee was something startled, not knowing what i meant to doe with him. the men i desired of my brother-in-law arrived during these transactions, & by this supply finding myself strong enough to resist whatever mr. bridgar could doe against me, i wrote unto him & desired to know if hee did avow what his men had don, whom i detain'd prisoners, who had broke the dores & the deck of the shipp to take away the powder. hee made me a very dubious answer, complaining against me that i had not ben true unto him, having concealed this matter from him. hee writ me also that having suffitient orders for taking all vessells that came into those parts to trade, hee would have joyned with me in seizing of this; but seeing the purchas was fal'n into my hands, hee hoped hee should share with mee in it. i sent back his men with some tobacco & other provisions, but kept their arms, bidding them tell mr. bridgar on my behalf that had i known hee would have come himself on this expedition, i would have taken my mesures to have receav'd him ere he could have had the time to get back; but i heard of it a litle too late, & that in some short time i would goe visit him to know what hee would bee at, & that seeing hee pretended to bee so ignorant in what quallity i liv'd in that country, i would goe and inform him. before these men's departure to mr. bridgar's i was inform'd that some english men had hidden powder without the fort. i examin'd them all. not one would owne it; but at last i made them confess it, & or pound was found that had ben hid. then i took care to secure the fort. i sent of the english men of the fort unto my brother-in-law, & i prepar'd to goe discover what mr. bridgar was doing. i came to his house & went in before hee had notice of my coming. hee appeared much surpris'd; but i spoke to him in such a manner as shewed that i had no intent to hurt him, & i told him that by his late acting hee had so disoblidged all the ffrench that i could not well tell how to assist him. i told him hee had much better gon a milder way to work, in the condition hee was in, and that seeing hee was not as good as his word to me, i knew very well how to deall with him; but i had no intention at that time to act any thing against mr. bridgar. i only did it to frighten him, that hee should live kindly by me; & in supplying him from time to time with what he wanted, my chief ayme was to disable him from trading, & to reduce him to a necessity of going away in the spring. seeing mr. bridgar astonish'd at my being there with men, & in a condition of ruining him if i had desire to it, i thought fit to setle his mynd by sending away of my men unto my brother-in-law, & kept but with me, of which i sent out into the woods to kill some provisions for mr. bridgar. about this time i receaved a letter from my brother wherin hee blam'd me for acting after this manner with persons that but days agoe endeavor'd to surprise me; that if i did so, hee would forsake all; that i had better disarm them for our greater security, & that i should not charge myself with any of them. it was also the judgment of the other french men, who were all exasperated against mr. bridgar. not to displease my owne people, instead of english men that i promis'd mr. bridgar to take along with me that hee might the better preserve the rest, i took but , one of which i put in the fort at the island, & the other i brought unto our habitation. i promiss'd mr. bridgar before i left him to supply him with powder & anything else that was in my power, & demanding what store of musquets hee had remaining, hee told me hee had ten, & of them were broken. i tooke the that were spoyl'd, & left him myne that was well fixt, promising to get his mended. hee also offer'd me a pocket pistoll, saying hee knew well enough that i intended to disarm him. i told him it was not to disarm him, to take away his bad arms & to give him good in stead of them. i offerr'd him my pistolls, but hee would not accept of them. in this state i left him, & went to our habitation to give my brother-in-law an account of what i had don. some dayes after, i went to the fort in the island to see if all was well there, & having given all necessary directions i return'd unto our place, taking the lieutenant of the fort along with me, unto whom i gave my owne chamber & all manner of libberty; taking him to bee wiser than his captain, whom they were forc'd to confine in my absence. hee thanked mee for my civillityes, & desiring hee might goe to his captain, i consented. about this time i had advise, by one of the men that i left to guard the fort in the island, that mr. bridgar, contrary to his promis, went thether with of his men, & that our men having suffer'd them to enter into the fort, they retain'd mr. bridgar & sent the other away, having given them some bread & brandy. this man also told me that mr. bridgar seemed very much trobl'd at his being stopt, & acted like a mad man. this made me presently goe to the fort to hinder any attempts might be made against me. being arrived, i found mr. bridgar in a sad condition, having drank to excess. him that comanded in the fort had much adoe to hinder him from killing the englishman that desired to stay with us. hee spoke a thousand things against me in my hearing, threatning to kill me if i did not doe him right. but having a long time born it, i was at length constraint to bid him bee quiet; & desirous to know his dessignes, i asked him if any of his people were to come, because i see smoake & fiers in crossing the river. hee said yes, & that hee would shortly shew me what hee could doe, looking for men which hee expected, besides the my people return'd back. i told him i knew very well hee had not soe many men, having let many of his men perish for want of meate, for whom hee was to bee accountable; & morover i was not afraid of his threats. nevertheless, no body appear'd, & next dayly i order'd matters so as mr. bridgar should come along with me unto our habitation, wherunto hee see it was in vaine to resist. i assured him that neither i nor any of my people shold goe to his house in his absence, & that when hee had recreated himself or days with mee at our habitation, hee might return with all freedom againe unto his house. mr. bridgar was a fortnight at our house without being overtired, & it appeared by his looks that hee had not ben ill treated; but i not having leasure allways to keep him company, my affairs calling me abroad, i left him with my brother-in-law whilst i went unto the fort in the island to see how matters went there; & at my going away i told mr. bridgar that if hee pleas'd hee might dispose himself for his departure home next morning, to rectify some disorders committed by his people in his absence, to get victualls, & i told him i would meet him by the way to goe along with him. having dispatcht my business at the fort of the island, i went away betimes to bee at mr. bridgar's house before him, to hinder him from abusing his men. the badness of the weather made me goe into the house before hee came. as soon as i was enter'd, the men beseech'd me to have compassion on them. i blam'd them for what they had don, & for the future advised them to bee more obedient unto their master, telling them i would desire him to pardon them, & that in the spring i would give passage unto those that would goe home by the way of ffrance. mr. bridgar arrived soon after me. i beg'd his pardon for going into his house before hee came, assuring him that i had still the dessigne of serving him & assisting him, as hee should find when hee pleas'd to make use of me, for powder & anything else hee needed; which also i performed when it was desir'd of me, or that i knew mr. bridgar stood in need of any thing i had. i parted from mr. bridgar's habitation to return unto our own. i passed by the fort in the island, & put another frenchman to comand in the place of him was there before, whom i intended to take with me to work uppon our shipps. the spring now drawing on, the english of the fort of the island murmur'd because of one of mr. bridgar's men that i had brought thether to live with them. i was forst to send him back to give them content, not daring to send him to our habitation, our french men opposing it, wee having too many allready. arriving at our habitation, i was inform'd that the english captain very grossly abused one of his men that i kept with him. hee was his carpenter. i was an eye witness myself of his outrageous usage of this poore man, though hee did not see me. i blamed the captain for it, & sent the man to the fort of the island, to look after the vessell to keep her in good condition. my nephew arrived about this time, with the french men that went with him to invite downe the indians, & days after there came severall that brought provisions. they admired to see the english that wee had in our house, & they offer'd us bevor skins to suffer them to goe kill the rest of them; but i declar'd unto them i was far from consenting therunto, & charged them on the contrary not to doe them any harm; & mr. bridgar coming at instant with one of his men unto our habitation, i advised him not to hazard himself any more without having some of my men with him, & desir'd him, whilst hee was at my house, not to speak to the indians. yet hee did, & i could not forbeare telling him my mynde, which made him goe away of a suddain. i attended him with or of my men, fearing least the indians who went away but the day before might doe him a mischief. i came back next day, being inform'd that a good company of indians, our old allies, were to come; & i found they were come with a dessigne to warr against the english, by the perswasion of some indians that i see about ber last, & with whom i had renew'd an alliance. i thanked the indians for their good will in being ready to make warr against our ennemys; but i also told them that i had no intent to doe them any harm, & that having hindred them from hurting me i was sattisfy'd, & that therefore they would oblidge me to say nothing of it, having promis'd me they would bee gon in the spring, but if they came againe i would suffer them to destroy them. the indians made great complaints unto me of the english in the bottom of the bay, which i will heere omitt, desiring to speak only of what concerns myself; but i ought not omit this. amongst other things, they alleadg'd to have my consent that they might warr against the english. they said thus: "thou hast made us make presents to make thine ennemys become ours, & ours to bee thyne. wee will not bee found lyers." by this may bee seen what dependance is to bee laid on the friendship of this people when once they have promis'd. i told them also that i lov'd them as my own brethren the french, & that i would deal better by them than the english of the bay did, & that if any of my men did them the least injury i would kill him with my own hands; adding withall that i was very sorry i was not better stor'd with goods, to give them greater tokens of my friendship; that i came this voyage unprovided, not knowing if i should meet them, but i promis'd to come another time better stor'd of all things they wanted, & in a condition to help them to destroy their ennemys & to send them away very well sattisfy'd. the english admir'd to see with what freedom i lived with these salvages. this pas't in the beginning of aprill, . being faire wether, i caused my nephew to prepare himself, with men, to carry provisions & brandy unto our french men & to the english men at the fort of the island. the ice began to bee dangerous, & i see that it was not safe hazarding to goe over it after this time; therefore i said to my nephew that hee would doe well to proceed farther unto the indians, unto whom hee promis'd to give an account how wee did, & to inform them also that wee had conquer'd our ennemys. after my nephew's departure on this voyadge, there hapned an unlookt-for accident the or rd of aprill, at night. having haled our vessells as far as wee could into a litle slip in a wood, wee thought them very secure, lying under a litle hill about fathom high, our houses being about the same distance off from the river side; yet about o'clock at night a hideous great noise rous'd us all out of our sleep, & our sentinill came & told us it was the clattering of much ice, & that the floods came downe with much violence. wee hasted unto the river side & see what the sentinell told us, & great flakes of ice were born by the waters upon the topp of our litle hill; but the worst was that the ice having stop't the river's mouth, they gather'd in heaps & were carry'd back with great violence & enter'd with such force into all our brooks that discharg'd into the river that 'twas impossible our vessells could resist, & they were stay'd all to peeces. there remained only the bottom, which stuck fast in the ice or in the mudd, & had it held hours longer wee must have ben forst to climbe the trees to save our lives; but by good fortune the flood abated. the river was cleer'd by the going away of the ice, & days after, wee see the disorder our vessells were in, & the good luck wee had in making so great a voyadge in such bad vessells, for myne was quite rotten & my brother's was not trunnel'd. this accident put us into a great feare the like mischief might bee hapned unto the new england shipp; the indians telling us that the river was more dangerous than ours, & that they beleev'd the vessell could not escape in the place wher shee lay. but mr bridgar having heertofore related unto me alike accident hapned in the river kechechewan in the bottom of the bay, that a vessell was preserv'd by cutting the ice round about her, i took the same cours, & order'd the ice should bee cut round this vessell quite to the keele, & i have reason to thank mr bridgar for this advice; it sav'd the vessell. shee was only driven ashore by the violence of the ice, & there lay without much dammadge. whilst the waters decreas'd wee consulted upon which of the bottoms wee should build us a shipp, & it was at last resolv'd it shold bee on myne. upon which wee wrought day & night without intermission, intending this vessell should carry the english into the bay, as i had promis'd mr bridgar. i went down or times to the river's mouth to see what the floods & ice had don there, & if i could pass the point into the other river, wher mr bridgar & the english vessell was at the fort of the island, for was impossible to pass through the woods, all being cover'd with water. i adventur'd to pass, & i doubled the point in a canoo of bark, though the ice was so thick that wee drew our canoo over it. being enter'd the river, i march'd along the south shore & got safe to the fort of the island with great difficulty. i found the shipp lying dry, as i mention'd before, in a bad condition, but easily remedy'd, the stern being only a litle broke. i gave directions to have her fitted, & i incouradged the english to work, which they did perform better than the french. having given these directions, i took the shipp's boat & went down to mr. bridgar's habitation, & looking in what condition it was, i found that of his men were dead for lack of food, & two that had ben poyson'd a litle before by drinking some liquer they found in the doctor's chest, not knowing what it was. another of mr. bridgar's men had his arm broke by an accident abroad a hunting. seeing all these disorders, i passed as soon as i could to the south side of the river to recover unto our houses, from whence i promis'd mr. bridgar i would send his english curiorgion that was with us some brandy, vinegar, lynnen, & what provisions i could spare out of the small store wee had left. being got a shore, i sent back the boat to the fort of the isle, with orders unto my men i left there to bring my canoo & to use it for fowling. in returning i went a shore with one of mr. bridgar's men that i took along with me to carry back the provisions i had promis'd, although hee did not seeme to be very thankfull for it, continueing his threatnings, & boasted that hee expected shipps would come unto him with which hee would take us all. i was nothing daunted at this, but kept on my cours, knowing very well mr. bridgar was not in a capacity of doing us any harm; but it being impossible but that his being present on the place should hinder me, i order'd my business so as to bee gon with what skins i had, & sent away mr. bridgar after having secured our trade. i made severall journeys to the fort of the island about repairing of the shipp; also i went severall times to mr. bridgar's house to carry him provisions, & to assist him & also his men with all things that i could procure, which they can testify; & had it not ben for me they had suffred much more misery. i had like to bee lost severall times in these journeys by reason of great stores of ice; & the passage of the entrance of the river to double the point to enter into that where mr. bridgar & the new england shipp lay was allways dangerous. i will not here insist upon the perrills i expos'd my self unto in coming & going to prepare things for our departure when the season would permitt; but i cannot omit telling that amongst other kindnesses i did mr. bridgar i gave him stuff suffitient to sheath his shallup, which was quite out of order, as also cordage & all things else necessary; but hee did not well by me, for contrary to his word which he had given me not to goe to the fort in the island, hee attempted to goe thether with his people in his shallup, & being come within musket-shott under a pretence of desiring some powder, the comander would not suffer him to come any neerer, & made him cast anker farther off. hee sent his boats for mr. bridgar, who came alone into the fort, though hee earnestly desired one of his men might bee admitted along with him, but was deny'd. his men were order'd to lodge themselves ashore the north side of the river in hutts, & provisions was sent unto them. mr. bridgar spent that night in the fort, went away the next day. the day before i see the shallup going full salle towards the fort, whether i was also going myself by land with one englishman in whom i put a great deale of confidence, having no body else with me. i did suspect that mr. bridgar had a dessign to make some surprise, but i was not much afraid by reason of the care & good order i had taken to prevent him. nevertheless i feared that things went not well; for when i came neer the fort, seeing the boate coming for me, & that the comander did not make the signall that was agreed upon betwixt us, this startled me very much, & i appeared as a man that had cause to feare the worst; which one of our frenchmen that steered the boat wherin ther was englishmen perceiving, cry'd out all was well, & made the signall. i blamed him & the comander for putting me in feare in not making the usuall signes. when i came to the fort i was told mr. bridgar was there, & that hee was receayed, as has been recited. i was also tould hee had privat discours with the carpenter of the new england shipp that i had formerly ingadged in a friendly manner to attend & serve him. this discours made the comander the more narrowly to inspect mr. bridgar. & to stand better upon his gard, the scotch man telling him hee was not come thither with any good intention; so that the comander of the fort sent him away in the morning, having given him some pork, pease, & powder. having given orders at the fort, i went to mr. bridgar. being come to his house, i taxed him of breach of promise, & i tould him ther should bee no quarter if hee offered to doe soe any more, & that therefore hee should prepare himself to goe for the bay (as soone as ever the ice did permitt) in the vessell that wee had left, it being so agreed on by our french men, assuring him i would furnish him with all things necessary for the voyadge. hee appear'd much amaz'd at the compliment i made him, & hee told me in plaine terms that it must bee one of thes things that must make him quit the place,--his master's orders, force, or hunger. hee desired me afterwards that if the captain of the salvages of the river of new severn came, that hee might see him by my means, which i promis'd to doe. having thus disposed mr. bridgar for his departure, i continued to assist him & his people with all that i could to enable them to work to sit ourselves to bee gon. i left mr. bridgar in his house & i went unto ours, & having consulted my brother-in-law, wee resolved that 'twas best to burn the fort in the island & secure mr. bridgar, thereby to draw back our men & to ease us of the care of defending the fort & of the trouble of so many other precautions of securing ourselves from being surprized by mr. bridgar. the crew of both our vessells made an agreement amongst themselves to oppose our dessigne of giving our shipp unto the english for their transportation. it was necessary at the first to seeme to yeeld, knowing that in time wee should master the factions. it was the master of my bark that began the mutiny. the chief reason that made me seem to yeeld was that i would not have the english come to know of our divisions, who happly might have taken some advantage of it. wee had amongst us unto whom i granted libberty upon their parole; but to make sure of those of new england, wee caus'd a lodge to bee built in a litle island over against our house where they were at a distance off us. wee sent from time to time to visit them to see what they did. wee gave them a fowling-peece to divert them, but one day abusing my nephew, wee took away the gun from them. going afterwards unto the fort of the island, i sent a boate unto mr. bridgar, advising him the captain hee desired to see was come, & that hee might come with one of his men; which hee did, & as soon as hee was come i told him that to assure our trade i was obliged to secure him & would commit him into the custody of my nephew, unto whom i would give orders to treat him kindly & with all manner of respect, telling him withall that when i had put all things on board the vessell that was in the fort, i would go & set it on fier. i told him hee might send his man with me to his house with what orders hee thought fit. i went thither the same day. i told mr. bridgar's people that not being able to supply them any longer but with powder only, & being redy for my departure to cannada, it was necessary that those that intended to stay should speak their minds, & that those that desired to go should have their passage. i demanded their names, which they all told me except . i ordered them to have a great care of all things in the house. i left one frenchman to observe them & to goe fowling, mr. bridgar's men not being us'd to it. these orders being given, i left mr. bridgar's house & cross'd over to the south side, where i met of our french men a hunting. i sent them with what fowle they had kill'd to the fort of the island, where they might bee servisable unto the rest in carrying down the shipp & in bringing her to an anker right against mr. bridgar's house, to take on board his goods, which was accordingly don. i came by land unto the other river, & met at the entrance of it severall indians that waited impatiently for me, how wee might adjust & setle our trade. they would have had my brother-in-law to have rated the goods at the same prizes as the english did in the bottom of the bay, & they expected also i would bee more kind unto them. but this would have ruined our trade; therefore i resolved to stand firm in this occasion, becaus what wee now concluded upon with these salvages touching comers would have ben a rule for the future. the indians being assembled presently after my arrivall, & having laid out their presents before me, being beavors' tailes, caribou tongues dry'd, greas of bears, deere, & of elks, one of the indians spake to my brother-in-law & mee in this wife: "you men that pretend to give us our lifes, will not you let us live? you know what beavor is worth, & the paines wee take to get it. you stile your selves our brethren, & yet you will not give us what those that are not our brethren will give. accept our presents, or wee will come see you no more, but will goe unto others." i was a good while silent without answering the compliment of this salvage, which made one of his companions urge me to give my answer; and it being that wheron our wellfare depended, & that wee must appeare resolute in this occasion, i said to the indian that pressed me to answer, "to whom will thou have me answer? i heard a dogg bark; let a man speak & hee shall see i know to defend myself; that wee love our brothers & deserve to bee loved by them, being come hither a purpose to save your lives." having said these words, i rose & drew my dagger. i took the chief of thes indians by the haire, who had adopted me for his sonn, & i demanded of him who hee was. hee answered, "thy father." "well," said i, "if thou art my father & dost love me, & if thou art the chief, speak for me. thou art master of my goods; this dogg that spoke but now, what doth hee heare? let him begon to his brethren, the english in the bay; but i mistake, hee need not goe so farr, hee may see them in the island," intimating unto them that i had overcom the english. "i know very well," said i, continueing my discours to my indian father, "what woods are, & what 'tis to leave one's wife & run the danger of dying with hunger or to bee kill'd by one's ennemys. you avoide all these dangers in coming unto us. so that i see plainly 'tis better for you to trade with us than with the others; yet i will have pitty on this wretch, & will spare his life, though hee has a desire to goe unto our ennemys." i caused a sword-blade to bee brought me, & i said unto him that spake, "heere, take this, & begon to your brethren, the english; tell them my name, & that i will goe take them." there was a necessity i should speak after this rate in this juncture, or else our trade had ben ruin'd for ever. submit once unto the salvages, & they are never to bee recalled. having said what i had a mind to say unto the indian, i went to withdraw with my brother-in-law; but wee were both stop't by the chief of the indians, who incouraged us, saying, wee are men; wee force nobody; every one was free, & that hee & his nation would hold true unto us; that hee would goe perswade the nations to come unto us, as hee had alredy don, by the presents wee had sent them by him; desiring wee would accept of his, & that wee would trade at our own discretion. therupon the indian that spake, unto whom i had presented the sword, being highly displeas'd, said hee would kill the assempoits if they came downe unto us. i answer'd him i would march into his country & eate sagamite in the head of the head of his grandmother, which is a great threat amongst the salvages, & the greatest distast can bee given them. at the same instant i caus'd the presents to be taken up & distributed, fathom of black tobacco, among the salvages that were content to bee our friends; saying, by way of disgrace to him that appear'd opposit to us, that hee should goe smoak in the country of the tame woolfe women's tobacco. i invited the others to a feast; after which the salvages traded with us for their beavors, & wee dismissed them all very well sattisfy'd. having ended my business with the indians, i imbark'd without delay to goe back, & i found the new england shipp at anchor over against mr. bridgar's house, as i had order'd. i went into the house & caus'd an inventory to be taken of all that was there. then i went to the fort of the island, having sent order to my nephew to burn it. i found him there with mr. bridgar, who would himself bee the first in setting the fort a fire, of which i was glad. there being no more to doe there, i went down to the shipp, & found they had put everything abord. i gave order to my nephew at my coming away that the next day hee should bring mr. bridgar along with him unto our house, where being arriv'd, my brother-in-law, not knowing him as well as i did, made him bee sent into the island with the captain of the new england shipp & his folks; of which mr. bridgar complain'd unto me next day, desiring that i would release him from thence, saying hee could not endure to bee with those people; which i promis'd to doe, & in a few days after brought him unto a place i caus'd to bee fitted on a point on the north side of our river, where hee found his own men in a very good condition. i not being yet able to overcome our men's obstinacy in not yeelding that i should give our vessell unto the english, mr. bridgar propos'd that hee would build a deck upon the shallup if i would but furnish him with materialls necessary for it; saying that if the shallup were but well decked & fitted, he would willingly venture to goe in her unto the bay, rather then to accept of his passage for france in one of our vessells. i offerr'd him all that hee desir'd to that purpos, & stay'd with him till the shipp that i caus'd to bee fitted was arriv'd. when shee was come, i see a smoak on the other side of the river. i crossed over, & found that it was my indian father. i told him how glad i was to see him, & invited him to goe aboard, saying that going at my request, my nephew would use him civilly; that they would fier a great gun at his arrivall, would give him something to eate, would make him a present of bisketts, & of fathom of tobacco. hee said i was a foole to think my people would doe all this without order. i wrote with a coale on the rind of a tree, & gave it to him to carry aboard. hee, seeing that all i said unto him was punctually perform'd, was much surpris'd, saying wee were divells; so they call thos that doe any thing that is strange unto them. i return'd back to our houses, having don with mr. bridgar. i had sounded the captain of the shipp that was in the island right against our house, to know of him that, being an english man, whether hee would give a writing under his hand to consent that mr. bridgar should bee put in posession of his shipp, or if hee had rather i should carry her to quebeck; but hee & his men intreated mee very earnestly not to deliver them unto mr. bridgar, beleeving they should receave better usage of the french than of the english. i told my brother-in-law what the captain said, & that hee refer'd himself wholy unto our discretion. whilst wee were busy in fitting things for our departure, i found myself necessitated to compose a great feude that hapined betwixt my indian father's familly & another great familly of the country. i had notice of it by a child, some of my indian father's, who playing with his comrades, who quarrelling with him, one told him that hee should bee kill'd, & all his familly, in revenge of one of the familly of the martins, that his father had kill'd; for the famillys of the indians are distinguis'd by the names of sundry beasts; & death being very affrighting unto thos people, this child came to my house weeping bitterly, & after much adoe i had to make him speak, hee told me how his comrade had threatned him. i thought at first of somthing else, & that the salvages had quarrel'd amongst themselves. desiring, therefore, to concern my self in keeping peace amongst them, i presently sent for this chief of the indians, my adopted father, who being come according to my order, i told him the cause of my feare, & what his child had told me. i had no sooner don speaking, but hee leaning against a pillar and covering his face with his hands, hee cryed more than his child had don before; & having asked what was the matter, after having a litle dry'd up his teares, hee told me that an indian of another familly, intending to have surpris'd his wife, whom hee loved very tenderly, hee kill'd him, & the salvages that sided to revenge the other's cause having chased him, hee was forc'd to fly, & that was it that made him meet mee about ber last; that hee continued the feare of his ennemys' displeasure, that they would come kill him. i tould him hee should not fear any thing, the frenchmen being his fathers & i his sonn; that our king that had sent mee thither cover'd him with his hand, expecting they should all live in peace; that i was there to setle him, & that i would doe it or dye; that i would require all the indians to come in that day [that they] might know me & that hee should know my intentions. having thus spoke unto him, i caus'd a fowling-peece & ketles, coats, sword-blades, tranches, graters, dozen of knives, axes, fathom of tobacco, coverlets for women, capps, some powder & shott, & said unto the salvage my adopted father, in presence of his allies that were ther present, "heere is that will cure the wound & dry away tears, which will make men live. i will have my brethren love one another; let of you presently goe and invite the familly of the martins to the feast of amity, and make them accept my presents. if they refute it & seek for blood, it is just i should sacrifice my life for my father, whom i love as i doe all the rest of the indians our allies, more than i doe my owne selfe, so that i am redy to lay down my head to bee cutt off in case my presents did not serv turn, but i would stirr up all the frenchmen my brethren to carry gunns to assist me to make warr against that familly." the salvages went to goe unto the familly that was ennemy unto my adopted father to make them offer of my presents, & in my name to invite them unto the feast of unity. i stay'd so litle a while in the country afterwards that i could not quite determine this differrence. in due time i will relate what upon inquiry i farther heard of it in my last voyadge. this businesse being upon a matter ended, i was inform'd that mr. bridgar, contrary to his promise of not speaking with the indians, yet enter'd into discours with them & said that wee were ill people, & told them hee would come & kill us; that hee would traffick with them more to their advantage then wee did; that hee would give them axes for a bever skin & a fowling-peece for skins. i taxed mr. bridgar with it; also i ratted the salvages, who promis'd they would go neere him no more, & that i should feare nothing. being desirous to make all things redy for my departure, i againe crossed over the dangerous river to goe burn mr. bridgar's house, there being nothing left remaining in it, having caused evry thing to bee put on board the new england shipp & taken a full inventary of it before. i had along with me english men & one frenchman, relying more on the english, who loved me because i used them kindly, than i did on the ffrenchmen. what i did at this time doth shew the great confidence i put in the english; for had i in the least distrusted them, i would not have ventur'd to have gon leagues from my habitation with english & but one of my owne french men to have fired mr. bridgar's house. wee were very like to bee lost in returning home. i never was in so great danger in all my life. wee were surpris'd with a suddain storm of wind neere the flats, & there was such a great mist that wee knew not where wee were. being return'd unto our habitation, i found our men had brought the shipp to anker neere our house, & seeing the weather beginning to come favorable, i gave my nephew instructions to carry on the trade in my absence untill our return. i left men with him & the absolute comand & disposall of all things; which being don i caused our ffurrs to bee put on board & the shipp to fall down to the mouth of the river to set saile the first faire wind. it was where i left mr. bridgar. his shallup being well provided & furnish'd with all things, hee was ready to saile; but having made some tripps from one river unto the other, the sight of such vast quantitys of ice as was in those seas made him afraide to venture himselfe in so small a vessell to saile unto the bay. so that wee fitting things to bee gon the july, having sent for mr. bridgar to come receave his provisions, hee told me hee thought it too rash an action for him to venture himself so great a voyadge in so small a vessell, & desired i would give him passage in our shipp, supposing all along that i would compell him to imbark for ffrance. i told him hee should bee very welcom, & that i intended not to force him to anything but only to quitt the place. it was concluded that hee should imbark with my brother-in-law in the small vessell. hee said hee had rather goe in the other shipp; but it was but just that the captain should continue on board, & wee could not with great reason take mr. bridgar on board, having allredy more english to keep then wee were french. the th of july wee weighed ankor & passed the flatts; but next day, having as yet sailed but or leagues, wee were forced to enter into the ice & used all our endevor not to bee farr from each other. the bark, tacking to come, cast her grapers on the same ice as wee fastned unto. shee split to peeces, so that wee were forced to fend presently to their help & to take out all the goods was on board her, & to lay them on the ice, to careen, which wee did with much difficulty. wee continued in this danger till the of august. wee visitted one another with all freedom; yet wee stood on our gard, for the englishman that wee found the beginning of the winter in the snow, remembring how kindly hee was used by me, gave mee notice of a dessigne the englishmen had that were in the bark, of cutting all the frenchmen's throats, & that they only waited a fit opportunity to doe it. this hint made us watch them the more narrowly. at night time wee secured them under lock & key, & in the day time they enjoy'd their full liberty. when wee were got to the southward in the degree, mr. bridgar desired me to let him have the bark to goe to the bay along with his men. i tould him i would speak to my brother-in-law about it, who was not much against it. ther was only the master & some other obstinat fellows that opposed; but at length i got all to consent, and having taken the things out, wee delivered the bark unto mr. bridgar, taking his receipt. it was in good will that i mannadg'd all this for him, and i thought hee would have gon in the bark, for hee knows that i offerrd it unto him; but having made the englishman that belong'd unto him, and since chosen to stay with us, and in whom wee put much confidence, to desire leave of me to goe along with mr. bridgar, wee presently supposed, and wee were not deceived, that 'twas by his perswasion this seaman desired to bee gon, & wee had some apprehension that mr. bridgar might have some dessigne to trepan us by returning unto port nelson before us to surprise our people, wherunto the english seaman that understood our business might have ben very servicable unto him. having therefore conferr'd amongst ourselves upon this demand, wee resolv'd to keep mr. bridgar and to take him along with us unto quebeck. wee caus'd him to come out of the bark and told him our resolution; wherat hee flew into great passion, espetially against me, who was not much concerned at it. wee caus'd him to come into our vessell, and wee tould his people that they may proceed on their voyage without him, and hee should come along with us; after which wee took in our graple irons from off the ice, seeing the sea open to the westward and the way free'd to saile. wee were distant about leagues from the bottom of the bay when wee parted from the bark, who might easily have got ther in days, and they had provisions on board for above a month, vizt, a barrill of oatmealle, double peeces of beeff, or salt gees, peeces of pork, a powder barrell full of bisket, or pounds of powder, & pounds of short. i gave over & above, unknown to my brother-in-law, horns full of powder & a bottle of brandy, besides a barrill they drank the evening before wee parted. i made one of the new england seamen to goe on board the bark to strengthen the crew, many of them being sickly. being got out of the ice, having a favorable wind, wee soon got into the straights, where through the negligence or the ignorance of one of our french pilots and seamen, the english being confin'd in the night, a storm of wind & snow drove us into a bay from whence wee could not get out. wee were driven a shoare without any hopes of getting off; but when wee expected evry moment to be lost, god was pleased to deliver us out of this danger, finding amongst the rocks wherin wee were ingadg'd the finest harbour that could bee; shipps could have layn there & ben preserv'd without anchor or cable in the highest storms. wee lay there days, & having refitted our shipp wee set saile & had the wether pretty favorable untill wee arriv'd at quebeck, which was the end of ber. as soon as ever wee arriv'd wee went unto monr la barre, governor of cannada, to give him an account of what wee had don. hee thought fit wee should restore the shipp unto the new england merchants, in warning them they should goe no more unto the place from whence shee came. [footnote: this restoration did not meet with the approval of monsr. de seignelay, for he wrote to govr. de la barre, th april, : "it is impossible to imagine what you meant, when of your own authority, without calling on the intendant, and without carrying the affair before the sovereign council, you caused to be given up to one guillin, a vessel captured by the men named radisson and des grozelliers, and in truth you ought to prevent the appearance before his majesty's eyes of this kind of proceeding, in which there is not a shadow of reason, and whereby you have furnished the english with matter of which they will take advantage; for by your ordinance you have caused a vessel to be restored that according to law ought to be considered a pirate, having no commission, and the english will not fail to say that you had so fully acknowledged the vessel to have been provided with requisite papers, that you had it surrendered to the owners; and will thence pretend to establish their legitimate possession of nelson's river, before the said radisson and des grozeliers had been there." _new york colonial mss._, vol. ix. p. .] mr. bridgar imbark'd himself on her with young guillem for new england against my mynde, for i advis'd him as a friend to imbark himself on the ffrench shipps, which were ready to saile for rocheil. i foretold him what came to pass, that hee would lye a long while in new england for passage. wee parted good ffriends, & hee can beare me witnesse that i intimated unto him at that time my affection for the english intrest, & that i was still of the same mynde of serving the king & the nation as fully & affectionately as i had now serv'd the ffrench. eight or tenn days after my arrivall, monsr. la barre sent for me, to shew me a letter hee had receaved from monsr. colbert by a man-of-warr that had brought over some soldiers, by which hee writ him that those which parted last yeare to make discoverys in the northern parts of america being either returned or would soon return, hee desired one of them to give the court an account of what they had don, & of what setlements might bee made in those parts; & the governour told me that i must forthwith prepare myself to goe sattisfy monsr. colbert in the business. i willingly accepted the motion, & left my business in the hands of monsr. de la chenay, although i had not any very good opinion of him, having dealt very ill by me; but thinking i could not bee a looser by satisfying the prime minister of state, although i neglected my owne privat affaires, i took leave of monsr. la barre, & imbark'd for france with my brother-in-law, the ber, , in the frigat that brought the soldiers, and arrived at rochell the of xber, where i heard of the death of monsr. colbert; yet i continued my jorney to paris, to give the court an account of my proceedings. i arriv'd at paris with my brother-in-law the th january, wher i understood ther was great complaints made against me in the king's councill by my lord preston, his majesty's envoy extrordinary, concerning what had past in the river and port nelson, and that i was accus'd of having cruelly abused the english, robbed, stoln, and burnt their habitation; for all which my lord preston demanded satisfaction, and that exemplary punishment might bee inflicted on the offenders, to content his majesty. this advice did not discourage me from presenting myself before the marquiss de signalay, & to inform him of all that had past betwixt the english and me during my voyadge. hee found nothing amiss in all my proceedings, wherof i made him a true relation; and so farr was it from being blamed in the court of france, that i may say, without flattering my self, it was well approved, & was comended. [footnote: louis xiv. to de la barre, to april, : "the king of england has authorized his ambassador to speak to me respecting what occurred in the river nelson between the english and radisson and des grozelliers, whereupon i am happy to inform you that, as i am unwilling to afford the king of england any cause of complaint, & as i think it important, nevertheless, to prevent the english establishing themselves on that river, it would be well for you to have a proposal made to the commandant at hudson's bay that neither the french nor the english should have power to make any new establishments; to which i am persuaded he will give his consent the more readily, as he is not in a position to prevent those which my subjects wish to form in said nelson's river."] i doe not say that i deserv'd it, only that i endeavor'd, in all my proceedings, to discharge the part of an honnest man, and that i think i did no other. i referr it to bee judged by what is contain'd in this narrative, which i protest is faithfull & sincere; and if i have deserved the accusations made against me in the court of ffrance, i think it needlesse to say aught else in my justification; which is fully to bee seen in the relation of the voyadge i made by his majesty's order last year, , for the royal company of hudson's bay; the successe and profitable returns whereof has destroyed, unto the shame of my ennemys, all the evell impressions they would have given of my actions. voyages of peter esprit radisson. _relation of the voyage of peter esprit radisson, anno_ . _(translated from the french.)_ * * * * * i have treated at length the narrative of my voyage in the years and , in hudson's bay, to the north of canada. up to my arrival in the city of paris, all things were prepared for the fitting out of the ships with which i should make my return to the north of canada, pending the negotiations at court for the return to me of every fourth beaver skin that the very christian king took for the customs duty, which had been promissed to me in consideration of my discoveries, voyages, and services; by which i hoped to profit over & above my share during the first years of that establishment. it was also at the same time that my lord viscount preston, minister extraordinary from the king at the court of france, continued to pursue me concerning the things of which i was accused by the account against me of the gentlemen of the royal hudson's bay company; my enemies having taken due care to publish the enormous crimes of which i was charged, & my friends taking the pains to support me under it, & to give me advice of all that passed. although at last no longer able to suffer any one to tax my conduct, i considered myself obliged to undeceive each one. i resolved at length within myself to speak, to the effect of making it appear as if my dissatisfaction had passed away. for that effect i made choice of persons who did me the honor of loving me, and this was done in the conversations that i had with them upon the subject. that my heart, little given to dissimulation, had avowed to them, on different occasions, the sorrow that i had felt at being obliged to abandon the service of england because of the bad treatment that i had received from them, & that i should not be sorry of returning to it, being more in a condition than i had been for it, of rendering service to the king and the nation, if they were disposed to render me justice and to remember my services. i spoke also several times to the english government. i had left my nephew, son of sieur des groseilliers, my brother-in-law, with other frenchmen, near port nelson, who were there the sole masters of the beaver trade, which ought to be considerable at that port, and that it depended upon me to make it profitable for the english. all these things having been reported by one of my particular friends to the persons who are in the interest of the government, they judged correctly that a man who spoke freely in that manner, & who made no difficulty in letting his sentiments be known, & who shewed by them that it was possible to be easily led back, by rendering justice to him, to a party that he had only abandoned through dissatisfaction, i was requested to have some conferences with these same persons. i took in this matter the first step without repugnance, & upon the report that was made to my lord preston of things that we had treated upon in the interviews, & of that of which i claimed to be capable of doing, i was exhorted from his side of re-entering into my first engagements with the english; assuring me that if i could execute that which i had proposed, i should receive from his majesty in england, & from his royal highness of the hudson's bay company, & from the government, all kinds of good treatment & an entire satisfaction; that, moreover, i need not make myself uneasy of that which regarded my interests, this minister being willing himself to be charged with the care of me, to preserve them, & of procuring me other advantages after that i should be put in a position of rendering service to the king his master. they represented to me again that his royal highness honoring the hudson's bay company with his protection, it would pass even on to me if i would employ upon it my credit, my attentions, & the experience that i had in the country of the north, for the utility & the benefit of the affairs of that company, in which his royal highness took great interest. at the same time i received some letters at paris from the sieur ecuyer young, one of those interested in the hudson's bay company, in which he solicited me on his part, & in the name of the company, to return into england, giving me some assurances of a good reception, & that i should have reason to be satisfied on my part in regard to my particular interests, as well as for some advantages that they would make me. these letters, joined to those in which my lord preston continued his urgencies against me to the very christian king, decided me to determine, by the counsel of one of my friends, to yield myself at last to all their solicitations of passing over to england for good, & of engaging myself so strongly to the service of his majesty, & to the interests of the nation, that any other consideration was never able to detach me from it. there was only my lord preston, some of his household, & the friend who had counselled me to come into england, who knew of my design. i took care to save appearances from suspicion by the danger in which i exposed myself, & up to the evening of my departure i had some conferences with the ministers of the court of france, & the persons who there have the departments of the marine & commerce, upon some propositions of armament, & the equipment of the ships destined for my nd voyage. they wished to bind me to make them upon the same footing as the proceeding, which has made since then the talk of the two nations. the day of my departure was fixed for the th of april, ; but at last, that those with whom i was obliged to confer daily by order of the ministers of france never doubted in the least of my discontinuing to see them, i told them that i was obliged to make a little journey into the country for some family business, & i could be useful to them during that time by going to london, where i arrived the th of may. at the moment of my arrival i had the honor of going to see the gentlemen, ecuyer young and the chevalier hayes, both of whom were interested in the hudson's bay company, who gave me a good reception in showing me the joy that they felt at my return, & in giving me such assurances that i should receive on their part & on that of their company all manner of satisfaction. i then explained fully to them the nature of the service that i expected to render to his majesty, to the company, & to the nation, in establishing the beaver trade in canada & making those to profit by it who were interested, to the extent of or , beaver skins that i hoped to find already in the hands of the french that i had left there, that would cost to them only the interest that i had in the thing, & the just satisfaction that was owing to the french who had made the trade for them. these gentlemen having received in an agreeable manner my proposition, & wishing to give me some marks of their satisfaction, did me the honour of presenting me to his majesty & to his royal highness, to whom i made my submission, the offer of my very humble services, a sincere protestation that i would do my duty, that even to the peril of my life i would employ all my care & attention for the advantage of the affairs of the company, & that i would seek all occasions of giving proof of my zeal & inviolable fidelity for the service of the king, of all which his majesty & his royal highness appeared satisfied, & did me the favour of honouring me with some evidences of their satisfaction upon my return, & of giving me some marks of their protection. after that i had several conferences in the assembled body, & in particular with the gentlemen interested in the hudson's bay company, in which i made them acquainted in what manner it was necessary for them to proceed there for establishing to the best advantage the beaver trade in the northern country, the means of properly sustaining it, & of ruining in a short time the trade with foreigners, & to that end i would commence by becoming master of both the fort & the settlement of the french, as well as of all the furs that they had traded for since my departure, on the condition that my influence would serve to convert them, & that my nephew whom i had left commandant in that fort & the other french would be paid what would be to them their legitimate due. these gentlemen, satisfied with what i had said to them, believed with justice that they would be able to have entire confidence in me. as for that, having resolved to entrust me with their orders for going with their shipps, equipped & furnished with everything to found that establishment in putting into execution my projects, they gave the power of settling in my own mind & conscience the claims of my nephew & the other french, assuring me that they would be satisfied with the account that i would present to them. i accepted that commission with the greatest pleasure in the world, and i hurried with so much diligence the necessary things for my departure, that in less than eight days i was in a condition to embark myself. this was done even without any precaution on my part for my own interests, for i did not wish to make any composition with these gentlemen. i said to them that since they had confidence in me, i wished also on my part to make use of it generously with them and remit everything to the success of my voyage, and on my return, in the hope that i had that they would satisfy my honesty of purpose, and that after having given to them some marks of my sincerity in executing the things to perform which i had engaged myself for their service, they would render me all the justice that i had cause for hoping from gentlemen of honour and probity. the ships destined for hudson's bay and the execution of my design were ready to make sail, & myself being all prepared for embarking, i took leave of the gentlemen of the company in giving them fresh assurances of the good success of my voyage if god did me the favour of preserving me from the dangers to which i went to expose myself; of which they appeared so well satisfied that the chevalier hayes dared not flatter himself of the advantage that i promissed to him, that they should get from to , beavers that i hoped to find in the hands of the french, said, in embracing me, that the company would be satisfied if i had only , of them there. the event has justified that which i predicted, and these gentlemen have not been deceived in the hopes that i have given to them. i departed from the port of gravesend the th of the same month of may, in the ship called "the happy return," in the company of others that these gentlemen sent also to port nelson for the same reason. the winds having been favourable for us, we arrived in a few days upon the western side of buttons bay without anything happening to us worth mentioning, but the winds and the currents. we having been made to drift to the south of port nelson about leagues, and the ice having separated the ship in which i was from the others in hudson's straits, i began to doubt of succeeding in my enterprise by the apprehension that i had that the ships having arrived sooner than ours the men who were inside would not hazard themselves to take any step which could at all do them any damage. under this anxiety, knowing the necessity that there was that i should arrive the first, i resolved to embark myself in a shallop that we had brought to be employed in any service that might be necessary. i ordered the captain to equip it, and although but little more than leagues from port nelson, i put myself on board with men, and after hours of fatigue, without having been able to take any rest because of the danger that there was to us, we found by the breadth of hayes river, which having recognized, at last we touched land at a point north of the river, where we landed with an englishman who spoke good french, whom i wished to make accompany me in order that he might be the witness of all that i did. after having come to land i recognized by certain marks that my nephew, having heard the noise of the cannon of the english ships, had come to the place where we landed to know if his father or myself were arrived, and that he had himself returned after having recognized that they were english shipps. these same marks gave me also to know that he had left me further away from those that i had given him since i had established him for governor in my absence. the which should inform me of his condition and the place where he was with his men; but i did not find it to the purpose of going as far as that place, that i had not learned truly the condition of the english who had arrived in the country since i had departed from it. i resolved then to embark myself afresh in the shallop to go and learn some news. i encouraged for that purpose the men who were with me, who were so diligent that in spite of a contrary wind and tide we arrived in a very little time at the mouth of that great and frightful river of port nelson, where i had wished to see myself with such impatience that i had not dreamed a moment of the danger to which we had exposed ourselves. that pleasure was soon followed by another; for i saw at anchor in this same place ships, of which one had the glorious flag of his majesty hoisted upon his main mast, that i recognized to be the one that was commanded by captain outlaw when the one in which i was passed had been separated from the others. at the same time i made the shallop approach & i perceived the new governor with all his men under arms upon the deck, who demanded of us where our shallop came from, and who we were. upon that i made myself known, & i went on board the ship, where i learned that the one which was alongside was an english frigate that had wintered in the port of nelson with the governor, which port they had abandoned to retire themselves for fear of being insulted by the french & the savages; but that having been met with by capt outlaw going out of the bay, he had returned, having learned that i had thrown myself into the service of england, and that i came into the country to re-establish there everything to the advantage of the nation. my first care after that was of making myself informed of what had passed between the english & the french since my departure & their arrival. by what the english told me i judged that it was proper to risque everything to try to join my nephew as soon as possible, & the men that i had left with him; in fine, of endeavouring to reach them by kindness, or to intercept them by cunning, before they received the shock upon what design i came, for that was of extreme consequence. thus without waiting for the arrival of the ship in which i had come, i resolved to embark myself upon the same shallop, which was named "the little adventure;" which i did not, nevertheless, on the same day, because the governor found it proper to delay the party until the following day, & of giving me other men in the place of those that i had brought, who sound themselves fatigued. i embarked myself on the morrow, early in the morning, with captain gazer; but the wind being found contrary, i had myself landed on the coast, with captain gazer & the englishman who spoke french, & after having sent back the shallop with the other men, i resolved to go by land as far as the place where i should find the marks of my nephew, which should make me recognise the place where he was & his condition. we marched, all three, until the morrow morning; but being arrived at the place where i had told my nephew to leave me some marks, which having taken up, i learned that he & his men had left our old houses & that they had built themselves another of them upon an island above the rapids of the river hayes. after that we continued our route until opposite to the houses which had been abandoned, where i hoped that we should discover something, or at least that we should make ourselves seen or heard by firing some reports of the gun & making of smoke; in which my attempt was not altogether vain, for after having rested some time in that place we perceived canoes of savages, who descended the river. i believed at first that it would be probable they had there some french with them; that my nephew would be able to send to discover who were the people newly arrived, which obliged me to tell captain gazer that i should go down to the bank of the river to speak to them; that i prayed him to await me upon the heights without any apprehension, & that in a little while he would be able to render evidence of my fidelity for the service of the company. i was at the same moment met by the savages, & from the bank of the river i made them the accustomed signal, to the end of obliging them to come towards me; but having perceived that they did not put themselves to the trouble of doing it, i spoke to them in their language, for to make myself known; which done, they approached the bank, & not recognising me, they demanded of me to see the marks that i had; which having shown them, they gave evidence, by their cries & postures of diversion, the pleasure that they had of my arrival. i learned then from them that my nephew & the other frenchmen were above the rapids of the river, distant about leagues from the place where i was, & that they had told them that my brother-in-law, des groisille, should also come with me; which obliged me telling them that he was arrived, & that they would see him in a few days. then i told them that we had always loved them as our brothers, & that i would give them some marks of my amity, for which they thanked me in begging me to not be angry for that which, by counsel, they had been trading with the english, nor of that when i found them going to meet their captain, who had gone across some woods, with men, to the english ships, to procure some powder & guns, which they did; that their laying over for a month, in awaiting for me, had compelled them, but that since i had arrived they would not go on farther, & that their chief, whom they went to inform of my arrival, would speak more of it to me. as i had occasion for some one among them to inform my nephew that i was in the country, i asked of all of them if they loved the son of des groisille, & if he had not some relation among them; upon which there was one of them who said to me, "he is my son; i am ready to do that which thou wishest;" & at that moment, he having landed, i made him throw his beaver skin on the ground, & after having called captain gazer, i spoke in these terms to this savage in the presence of all the others: "i have made peace with the english for love of you. they & i from henceforth shall be but one. embrace this captain & myself in token of peace. he is thy new brother, & this one thy son. go at once to him to carry this news, with the token of peace, & tell him to come to see me in this place here, whilst the savages of the company go to attend me to the mouth of the river." this savage did not fail to go & inform his son, my nephew, of my arrival, & of carrying to him the news of peace between the french & the english, during which we awaited with impatience his descent towards the place where we were; whom, nevertheless, did not arrive until the morrow, about o'clock in the morning. i saw at first appear my nephew, in a canoe with other frenchmen, accompanied by another canoe of the savages that i had sent, & which came in advance to inform me of the arrival of my nephew. i promised to this savage & his comrade each one a watch-coat, & returned to them their beaver skins, with the order of going to join those of their nation, & to wait for me at the mouth of the river. after that, captain gazer, the englishman who spoke french, & myself waded into the water half-leg deep to land upon a little island where my nephew, with his men, would come on shore. he had arrived there before us, & he came to meet us, saluting me, greatly surprised at the union that i had made with the english. we then proceeded all together in his canoe as far as our old houses, where i had the english and french to enter, & whilst they entertained each other with the recital of their mutual hardships, i spoke privately to my nephew in these terms:-- "it is within your recollection, without doubt, of having heard your father relate how many pains & fatigues we have had in serving france during several years. you have also been informed by him that the recompense we had reason to hope for from her was a black ingratitude on the part of the court as well as on the part of the company of canada; & that they having reduced us to the necessity of seeking to serve elsewhere, the english received us with evidences of pleasure & of satisfaction. you know also the motives that have obliged your father & myself, after years of service, to leave the english. the necessity of subsisting, the refusal that showed the bad intention of the hudson's bay company to satisfy us, have given occasion to our separation, & to the establishment that we have made, & for which i left you in possession in parting for france. but you ignore, without doubt, that the prince who reigns in england had disavowed the proceedings of the company in regard to us, & that he had caused us to be recalled to his service, to receive the benefits of his royal protection, & a complete satisfying of our own discontents. i have left your father in england, happier than we in this, that he is assured of his subsistance, and that he commences to taste some repose; whilst i come to inform you that we are now englishmen, & that we have preferred the goodness & kindness of a clement & easy king, in following our inclinations, which are to serve people of heart & honour in preference to the offers that the king of france caused to be made to us by his ministers, to oblige us to work indirectly for his glory. i received an order, before leaving london, of taking care of you, & of obliging you to serve the english nation. you are young, & in a condition to work profitably for your fortune. if you are resolved to follow my sentiments i never will abandon you. you will receive the same treatment as myself. i will participate even at the expense of my interests for your satisfaction. i will have a care also of those who remain under my control in this place with you, & i shall leave nothing undone that will be able to contribute to your advancement. i love you; you are of my blood. i know that you have courage & resolution; decide for yourself promptly, & make me see by your response, that i wait for, that you are worthy of the goodness of the clement prince that i serve; but do not forget, above all things, the injuries that the french have inflicted upon one who has given his life to you, & that you are in my power." when my nephew had heard all that i had to say to him, he protested to me that he had no other sentiments but mine, & that he would do all that i would wish of him, but that he begged me to have care of his mother; to which i answered that i had not forgotten that she was my sister, & that the confidence that he gave me evidence of had on that occasion imposed upon me a double engagement, which obliged me of having care of her & of him; with which, having been satisfied, he remitted to me the power of commandant that i had left to him, & having embraced him, i said to him that he should appear in the assembly of the english & french as satisfied as he should be, & leave the rest to my management. after which we re-entered into the house, & i commanded one of the frenchmen to go out immediately & inform his comrades that all would go well if they should have an entire confidence in me & obey all my orders, which doing, they should want nothing. i ordered also this same frenchman to inform the savages to come to me & work immediately with their comrades to bring back into the house newly built the beaver skins buried in the wood; & to that end, to be able to work with more diligence, i told them i would double their rations. then i told my nephew to cross the river with the frenchman who served him as interpreter, & go by land to the north side at the rendezvous that i had given to the savages the preceding day, whilst i would make my way by water to the same meeting-place with captain gazer & other men who remained with me; the which having embarked in my nephew's canoe, i descended the river as far as the mouth, where i found the savages, who awaited me with impatience, they having been joined the following day by other canoes of savages that i had had warned to descend, by their captain who had come towards me. we were all together in the canoes of the savages & boarded some ships which were stranded upon nelson's river. this was in that strait that the chief of the savages spoke to me of many things, & who after having received from my hands one of the presents designed for the chief of these nations, he told me that he & his people would speak of my name to all the nations, to invite them to come to me to smoke the pipe of peace; but he blamed strongly the english governor for telling him that my brother had been made to die, that i was a prisoner, & that he had come to destroy the rest of the french. the chief of the savages added to the blame his complaint also. he said haughtily that the governor was unworthy of his friendship & of those of their old brothers who commenced to establish it amongst them, in telling them such falsehoods. grumbling & passion had a share in his indignation. he offered several times to inflict injuries upon the governor, who endeavoured to justify himself for these things that he had said to them through imprudence against the truth. but the chief savage would not hear anything in his defense, neither of those of the other englishmen there; all of them were become under suspicion. nevertheless i appeased this difference by the authority that i have upon the spirit of these nations; & after having made the governor & the chief embrace, & having myself embraced both of them, giving the savage to understand that it was a sign of peace, i said to him also that i wished to make a feast for this same peace, & that i had given orders what they should have to eat. on such similar occasions the savages have the custom of making a speech precede the feast, which consists in recognising for their brothers those with whom they make peace, & praise their strength. after having informed the chief of the savages of the experience, strength, valour of the english nation, he acquitted himself with much judgment in that action, for which he was applauded by our and his own people. i said afterwards in presence of his people that the french were not good seamen, that they were afraid of the icebergs which they would have to pass across to bring any merchandise, besides that their ships were weak & incapable of resistance in the northern seas; but as to those of the english, they were strong, hardy, & enterprising, that they had the knowledge of all seas, & an infinite number of large & strong ships which carried for them merchandises in all weathers & without stoppage. of which this chief, having full evidence, was satisfied. he came to dine with us whilst his people were eating together of that which i had ordered to be given them. the repast being finished, it was a question with me whether i should commence to open a trade; & as i had formed the design of abolishing the custom which the english had introduced since i had left their service, which was of giving some presents to the savages to draw them to our side, which was opposed to that that i had practised, for in place of giving some presents i had myself made, i said then to the chief of the savages in the presence of those of his nation, "that he should make me presents that i ordinarily received on similar occasions." upon that they spoke between themselves, & at length they presented me with skins of beaver, in asking me to accept them as a sign of our ancient friendship, & of considering that they were poor & far removed from their country; that they had fasted several days in coming, & that they were obliged to fast also in returning; that the french of canada made them presents to oblige them to open their parcels; & that the english at the bottom of the bay gave to all the nations hatchets for a beaver skin. they added to that, that the beaver was very difficult to kill, & that their misery was worthy of pity. i replied to them that i had compassion for their condition, & that i would do all that was in my power to relieve them; but that it was much more reasonable that they made me some presents rather than i to them, because that i came from a country very far more removed than they to carry to them excellent merchandise; that i spared them the trouble of going to quebec; & as to the difference in the trade of the english at the bottom of the bay with ours, i told them that each was the master of that which belonged to him, & at liberty to dispose of it according to his pleasure; that it mattered very little of trading with them, since i had for my friends all the other nations; that those there were the masters of my merchandises who yielded themselves to my generosity for it; that there were years that i had been their brother, & that i would be in the future their father if they continued to love me, but that if they were of other sentiments, i was very easy about the future; that i would cause all the nations around to be called, to carry to them my merchandises; that the gain that they would receive by the succour rendered them powerful & placed them in a condition to dispute the passage to all the savages who dwelt in the lands; that by this means they would reduce themselves to lead a languishing life, & to see their wives & children die by war or by famine, of which their allies, although powerful, could not guarantee them of it, because i was informed that they had neither knives nor guns. this discourse obliged these savages to submit themselves to all that i wished; so that seeing them disposed to trade, i said to them that as they had an extreme need of knives & guns, i would give them knives for one beaver, although the master of the earth, the king, my sovereign, had given me orders to not give but of them, & that as for the guns, i would give them one of them for beavers; which they went to accept, when the governor, through fear or imprudence, told them that we demanded of them but & up to beavers for each gun, which was the reason that it was made necessary to give them to the savages at that price. the trade was then made with all manner of tranquillity & good friendship. after which these people took their leave of us very well satisfied according to all appearances, as much in general as in particular of our proceeding, & the chief as well as the other savages promissed us to return in token of their satisfaction. but at the moment that they went to leave, my nephew having learned from a chief of a neighbouring nation who was with them that they would not return, he drew aside the savage chief & told him that he had been informed that he did not love us, & that he would return no more. at which this chief seemed very much surprised in demanding who had told him that. my nephew said to him, "it is the savage called bear's grease;" which having heard, he made at the same time all his people range themselves in arms, speaking to one & to the other; in fine, obligeing the one who was accused to declare himself with the firmness of a man of courage, without which they could do nothing with him, but bear's grease could say nothing in reply. jealousy, which prevails as much also among these nations as among christians, had given place to this report, in which my nephew had placed belief because he knew that the conduct of the governor towards them had given to them as much of discontent against us all as he had caused loss to the company; the genius of these people being that one should never demand whatever is just, that is to say, that which one wishes to have for each thing that one trades for, & that when one retracts, he is not a man. that makes it clear that there are, properly, only the people who have knowledge of the manners & customs of these nations who are capable of trading with them, to whom firmness & resolution are also extremely necessary. i myself again attended on this occasion, to the end of appeasing this little difference between the savages, & i effected their reconciliation, which was the reason that their chief protested to me afresh in calling me "porcupine's head,", which is the name that they have given me among them, that he would always come to me to trade, & that whereas i had seen him but with a hundred of his young men, he would bring with him different nations, & that he wanted nothing in his country, neither men nor beaver skins, for my service; after which they left us, & we dispersed ourselves to go and take possession of the house of my nephew in the manner that i had arranged with him for it. with this in view i parted with the governor, captain gazer, & our people to go by land as far as the place where we had left one of our canoes upon the river hayes, whilst the other party went by sea with the shallop, "the adventure," to round the point. we had the pleasure of contemplating at our ease the beauty of the country & of its shores, with which the governor was charmed by the difference that there was in the places that he had seen upon nelson's river. we embarked ourselves then in the canoe just at the place where the french had built their new house, where we found those who were left much advanced in the work that i had ordered them to do, but, however, very inquiet on account of having no news from my nephew, their commandant, nor of me. they had carried all the beaver skins from the wood into the house & punctually executed all my other orders. having then seen myself master of all things without having been obliged to come to any extremity for it, the french being in the disposition of continueing their allegiance to me, i made them take an inventory of all that was in the house, where i found packages of beaver skins, to the number of , skins, and some merchandise for trading yet for or , more, which gave me much satisfaction. then i told my nephew to give a command in my name to these same frenchmen to bring down the beaver skins as far as the place where they should be embarked to transport them to the ships, which was executed with so much diligence that in days eight or ten men did (in spite of difficulties which hindered them that we could go in that place but by canoes because of the rapidity & want of water that they had in the river) what others would have had trouble in doing in months, without any exaggeration. my nephew had in my absence chosen this place where he built the new house that was, so to speak, inaccessible, to the end of guaranteeing himself from the attacks that they would be able to make against him; & it was that same thing which restrained the liberty of going & coming there freely & easily. the savages with whom we had made the trading, not having made so much diligence on their route as we, for returning themselves into their country, having found out that i was in our house, came to me there to demand some tobacco, because that i had not given them any of that which was in the ships, because that it was not good, making as an excuse that it was at the bottom of the cellar. i made them a present of some that my nephew had to spare, of which they were satisfied; but i was surprised on seeing upon the sands, in my walk around the house with the governor, rejected quantities of an other tobacco, which had been, according to appearances, thus thrown away through indignation. i turned over in my mind what could have possibly given occasion for this, when the great chief & captain of the savages came to tell me that some young men of the band, irritated by the recollection of that which the english had said to them, that my brother, des groseilliers, was dead, that i was a prisoner, & that they were come to make all the other frenchmen perish, as well as some reports of cannon that they had fired with ball in the wood the day that i was arrived, had thus thrown away this tobacco which had come from the english by mistake, not wishing to smoke any of it. he assured me also that the young men had wicked designs upon the english; that he had diverted them from it by hindering them from going out of the house. the governor, who had difficulty in believing that this tobacco thrown upon the sands was the omen of some grievous enterprise, was nevertheless convinced of it by the discourse of the savage. i begged him to come with me into the house, & to go out from it no more, with the other english, for some time; assuring them, nevertheless, that they had nothing to fear, & that all the french & myself would perish rather than suffer that one of them should be in the least insulted. after which i ordered my nephew to make all those savages imbark immediately, so as to continue their journey as far as their own country, which was done. thus we were delivered from all kinds of apprehension, & free to work at our business. in the mean while i could not admire enough the constancy of my nephew & of his men in that in which they themselves laboured to dispossess themselves of any but good in favour of the english, their old enemies, for whom they had just pretensions, without having any other assurances of their satisfaction but the confidence that they had in my promises. besides, i could not prevent myself from showing the pleasure that i experienced in having succeeded in my enterprise, & of seeing that in commencing to give some proofs of my zeal for the service of the english company i made it profit them by an advantage very considerable; which gave them for the future assurances of my fidelity, & obliged them to have care of my interests in giving me that which belonged to me legitimately, & acquitting me towards my nephew & the other french of that which i had promissed them, & that a long & laborious work had gained for them. after that, that is to say, during the days that we rested in that house, i wished to inform myself exactly, from my nephew, in the presence of the englishmen, of all that which had passed between them since that i had departed from the country, & know in what manner he had killed two englishmen there; upon which my nephew began to speak in these words:-- "some days after your departure, in the year , the th of july, the number of reports of cannon-shots that we heard fired on the side of the great river made us believe that they came from some english ship that had arrived. in fact, having sent of my men to know, & endeavour to understand their design, i learned from them on their return that it was english ships, & that they had encountered men of that nation a league from these vessels, but that they had not spoken to them, having contented themselves with saluting both. as my principal design was to discover the english ones, & that my men had done nothing in it, i sent back others of them to inform themselves of all that passed. these last, having arrived at the point which is between the rivers of nelson & hayes, they met or savages loaded with merchandise, to whom, having demanded from whence they were & from whence they had come, they had replied that their nation lived along the river called nenosavern, which was at the south of that of hayes, & that they came to trade with their brothers, who were established at the bottom of the bay; after which my men told them who they were and where they lived, in begging them to come smoke with them some tobacco the most esteemed in the country; to which they freely consented, in making it appear to them that they were much chagrined in not having known sooner that we were established near them, giving evidence that they would have been well pleased to have made their trade with us. "in continueing to converse upon several things touching trade, they arrived together in our house, reserving each time that but one of them should enter at once; which under a pretext of having forgotten something, one had returned upon his steps, saying to his comrades that they had leave to wait for him at the house of the french, where he arrived days after, to be the witness of the good reception that i made to his brothers, whom i made also participants in giving to him some tobacco; but i discovered that this savage had had quite another design than of going to seek that which he had lost, having learned that he had been heard telling the other savages that he had been to find the english, & that he was charged by them of making some enterprise against us. in fact, this villain, having seen me alone & without any defence, must set himself to execute his wicked design. he seized me by the hand, & in telling me that i was of no value since i loved not the english, & that i had not paid him by a present for the possession of the country that i lived in to him who was the chief of all the nations, & the friend of the english at the bottom of the bay, he let fall the robe which covered him, & standing all naked he struck me a blow with his poniard, which i luckily parried with the hand, where i received a light wound, which did not hinder me from seizing him by a necklace that he had around his neck, & of throwing him to the ground; which having given me the leisure of taking my sword & looking about, i perceived that the other savages had also poniards in their hands, with the exception of one, who cried out, 'do not kill the french; for their death will be avenged, by all the nations from above, upon all our families.' "the movement that i had made to take my sword did not prevent me from holding my foot upon the throat of my enemy, & knew that that posture on my sword had frightened the other conspirators. there was none of them there who dared approach; on the contrary, they all went out of the house armed with their poniards. but some frenchmen who were near to us, having perceived things thus, they ran in a fury right to the house, where having entered, the savages threw their poniards upon the ground in saying to us that the english had promissed to their chief a barrel of powder & other merchandise to kill all the french; but that their chief being dead, for they believed in fact that he was so, we had nothing more to fear, because that they were men of courage, abhorring wicked actions. my people, having seen that i was wounded, put themselves into a state to lay violent hands on the savages; but i prevented any disturbance, wishing by that generousity, & in sparing his life to the chief, to give some proofs of my courage, & that i did not fear neither the english there nor themselves. after which they left us, & we resolved to put ourselves better upon our guard in the future, & of making come to our relief the savages our allies. "some days after, these savages, by the smoke of our fires, which were our ordinary signals, arrived at our house. according to their custom, they having been apprised of my adventure, without saying anything to us, marched upon the track of the other savages, & having overtaken them, they invited them to a feast, in order to know from them the truth of the things; of which having been informed, the one among them who was my adopted brother-in-law spoke to the chief who had wished to assassinate me thus, as has been reported to me by him: 'thou art not a man, because that, having about thee of thy people thou hast tried to accomplish the end of killing a single man.' to which the other replied haughtily, & with impudence, 'it is true; but if i have missed him this autumn with the fifteen men, he shall not escape in the spring by my own hand alone.' 'it is necessary,' then replied my adopted brother-in-law, 'that thou makest me die first; for without that i shall hinder thy wicked design.' upon which, having come within reach, the chief whose life i had spared received a blow of a bayonet in the stomach, & another of a hatchet upon the head, upon which he fell dead upon the spot. in respect to the others, they did not retaliate with any kind of bad treatment, & they allowed them to retire with all liberty, in saying to them that if they were in the design of revenging the death of their chief, they had only to speak, & they would declare war upon them. "after that expedition these same savages our allies divided into two parties, & without telling us their design descended to the place where the english made their establishment; they attacked them & killed some of them, of which they then came to inform me, in telling me that they had killed a great number of my enemies to avenge me of the conspiracy that they had done me & my brother, and that they were ready to sacrifice their lives for my service; in recognition of which i thanked them & made them a feast, begging them not to kill any more of them, & to await the return of my father & my uncle, who would revenge upon the english the insult which they had made me, without their tarnishing the glory that they had merited in chastising the english & the savages, their friends, of their perfidy. we were nevertheless always upon the defensive, & we apprehended being surprised at the place where we were as much on the part of the english, as of those of the savages, their friends; that is why we resolved of coming to establish ourselves in the place where we are at present, & which is, as you see, difficult enough of access for all those who have not been enslaved as we are amongst the savages. we built there this house in a few days with the assistance of the savages, & for still greater security we obliged several among them to pass the winter with us on the condition of our feeding them, which was the reason that our young men parted in the summer, having almost consumed all our provisions. during the winter nothing worthy of mention passed, except that some savages made several juggles to know from our manitou, who is their familiar spirit among them, if my father and my uncle would return in the spring; who answered them that they would not be missing there, and that they would bring with them all kinds of merchandise and of that which would avenge them on their enemies. "at the beginning of april, , some savages from the south coast arrived at our new house to trade for guns; but as we had none of them they went to the english, who had, as i afterwards learned, made them some presents & promissed them many other things if they would undertake to kill me with the one of my men whom you saw still wounded, who spoke plainly the language of the country. these savages, encouraged by the hope of gain, accepted the proposition and promissed to execute it. for that means they found an opportunity of gaining over one of the savages who was among us, who served them as a spy, and informed them of all that we did. nevertheless they dared not attack us with open force, because they feared us, & that was the reason why they proceeded otherwise in it; and this is how it was to be done. "the frenchman that you saw wounded, having gone by my orders with one of his comrades to the place where these savages, our friends, made some smoked stag meat that they had killed, to tell them to bring me some of it, fell, in chasing a stag, upon the barrel of his gun, and bent it in such a manner that he could not kill anything with it without before having straightened it; which having done, after having arrived at the place where the savages were, he wished to make a test of it, firing blank at some distance from their cabin; but whilst he disposed himself to that, one of the savages who had promissed to the english his death & mine, who was unknown to several of his comrades amongst the others, fired a shot at him with his gun, which pierced his shoulder with a ball. he cried out directly that they had killed him, & that it was for the men who loved the french to avenge his death; which the savages who were our friends having heard, went out of their cabins & followed the culprit without his adherents daring to declare themselves. but the pursuit was useless, for he saved himself in the wood after having thrown away his gun & taken in its place his bow & his quiver. this behaviour surprised our allies, the savages, exceedingly, & obliged them to swear, in their manner, vengeance for it, as much against that savage nation as against the english; but not having enough guns for that enterprise, they resolved to wait until my father and uncle had arrived. in the mean time they sent to entreat all the nations who had sworn friendship to my father & my uncle to come to make war upon the english & the savages on the southern coast, representing to them that they were obliged to take our side because that they had at other times accepted our presents in token of peace & of goodwill; that as to the rest, we were always men of courage, & their brothers. "as soon as these other nations had received intelligence of the condition in which we were, they resolved to assist us with all their forces, & in waiting the return of my father or my uncle to send hostages for it to give a token of their courage, in the persons of two of their young men. one of the most considerable chiefs among these nations was deputed to conduct them. i received them as i ought. this chief was the adopted father of my uncle, & one of the best friends of the french, whom i found adapted to serve me to procure an interview with the english, to the end of knowing what could possibly be their resolution. for that purpose i deputed this chief savage towards the english, to persuade them to allow that i should visit them & take their word that they would not make me any insult, neither whilst with them nor along the route there, for which this chief stood security. the english accepted the proposition. i made them a visit with one of the french who carried the present that i had seat to make them, in the manner of the savages, & who received it on their part for me according to custom. we traded nothing in that interview regarding our business, because i remembered that the english attributed directly that which had been done against them to the savages. all the advantage that i received in that step was of making a trade for the savages, my friends, of guns which i wanted; although they cost me dear by the gratuity which i was obliged to make to those who i employed there; but it was important that i had in fact hindered the savages from it who came down from the country to trade, of passing on as far as the english. the end of that invitation and that visit, was that i promissed to the solicitation of the governor of the english of visiting there once again with my chief; after which we retired to our house, where i was informed by some discontented savages not to go any more to see the english, because that they had resolved either to arrest me prisoner or of killing me. which my chief having also learned, he told me that he wished no more to be security with his word with a nation who had none of it; which obliged us to remain at home, keeping up a very strict guard. at the same time the river hayes having become free, several detachments of the nations who were our allies arrived to assist us. the asenipoetes [footnote: _asenipoetes, assinipoueles, assenipoulacs,_ and, according to dr. o'callaghan, _assiniboins_, or "sioux of the rocks."] alone made more than men. they were the descendants of the great christionaux of the old acquaintance of my uncle, & all ready to make war with the english; but i did not find it desirable to interest them in it directly nor indirectly, because i did not wish to be held on the defensive in awaiting the return of my father or of my uncle, & that besides i knew that several other nations who loved the french, more particularly those who would come to our relief at the least signal. in the mean time the chief of the asenipoetes did not wish us to leave his camp around our house, resolved to await up to the last moment the return of my uncle, of whom he always spoke, making himself break forth with the joy that he would have in seeing him by a thousand postures; & he often repeated that he wished to make it appear that he had been worthy of the presents that the governor of canada had made to him formerly in giving tokens of his zeal to serve the french. "the necessity for stores which should arrive in their camp partly hindered the effects of that praiseworthy resolution, & obliged the chief of the asenipoetes to send back into his country canoes in which he embarked men of the most feeble & of the least resolute. he kept with him a like number of them more robust, & those who were able to endure fatigue & hunger, and determined having them to content themselves with certain small fruits, which commenced to ripen, for their subsistence, in order to await the new moon, in which the spirit of the other savages had predicted the arrival of my uncle, which they believed infallible, because their superstitious custom is of giving faith to all which their manitou predicts. they remained in that state until the end of the first quarter of the moon, during which their oracles had assured them that my uncle would arrive; but the time having expired, they believed their manitou had deceived them, & it was determined between them to join themselves with us & of separating in bodys, so as to go attack the english & the savages at the south; resolved in case that the enterprise had the success that they expected, of passing the winter with us, to burn the english ships in order to remove the means of defending themselves in the spring & of effecting their return. that which contributed much to that deliberation was some information which was given to them that the english had formed a design of coming to seek the french to attack them, which they wished to prevent. "these menaces on the part of the english were capable of producing bad effects, the genius of the savages being of never awaiting their enemies, but on the contrary of going to seek them. in this design the chief of the asenipoetes disposed himself to march against the english with a party of his people; when or persons were seen on the northern side of the hayes river seeking for these same fruits on which the savages had lived for some time, he believed that they were the advance guard of the english & of the savages from the south, whom he supposed united, who came to attack us; which obliged him to make all his men take their bows and arrows, after which he ranged them in order of battle & made this address in our presence: 'my design is to pass the river with of the most courageous among you to go attack the enemy, & of disposing of you in a manner that you may be in a condition of relieving me or of receiving me, whilst the french will form the corps of reserve; that our women will load in our canoes all our effects, which they are to throw over in case necessity requires it but before undertaking this expedition i wish that you make choice of a chief to command you in my absence or in case of my death.' which having been done at the moment, this brave chief addressing us said: 'we camp ourselves upon the edge of the wood with our guns, so as to hinder the approach of the enemy; & then it would be necessary to march the men upon the edge of the water, to the end that they should be in a condition to pass to support or to receive him, according to the necessity.' "after that he passes the river with men of the most hardihood of his troops, who had greased themselves, like himself, from the feet up to the head. having each only poniards for arms, their design was to go right to the chief of the english, present to him a pipe of tobacco as a mark of union, & then, if he refused it, endeavour to kill him & make for themselves a passage through his people with their poniards as far as the place where they would be able to pass the river to be supported by their men. but after having marched as far as the place where the persons were who they had seen, they recognized that it was some women; to whom having spoken, they returned upon their steps, & said to us that there was nothing to fear, & that it was a false alarm. this general proceeding on their part gave us proofs of their courage & of their amity in a manner that the confidence that we had placed in their help had put us in a condition of fearing nothing on the part of the english nor of those there of the savages of the south; and we were in that state when god, who is the author of all things, & who disposes of them according to his good pleasure, gave me the grace of my uncle's arrival in this country to arrest the course of the disorders, who could come & work for our reconciliation. that work so much desired on both sides is accomplished. it depends not upon me that it may not be permanent. live henceforth like brothers in good union & without jealousy. as to myself, i am resolved, if the time should arrive, of sacrificing my life for the glory of the king of great britain, for the interest of the nation & the advantage of the hudson's bay company, & of obeying in all thirds my uncle." i found this with regard to repeating the recital that my nephew made us concerning what had passed between him & the english & the savages, their allies, that although he had apprised me of the true state in which the parties were at the time of my arrival, yet i also saw plainly the need that the english had of being succoured, & the necessity that the french had for provisions, of merchandise, and especially of guns, which could not come to them but by my means. but it is time to resume the care of our affairs, & to continue to render an account of our conduct. our people worked always with great application to transport the beaver skins a half league across the wood, for it was the road that it was necessary to make from the house as far as the place where the shallops were, & they carried them to the little frigate, which discharged them upon the ships. i was always present at the work, for the purpose of animating all our men, who gave themselves in this work no rest until it was done, & that against the experience of the captains of our ships, whom some had made believe that the business would drag at length; but having gone to them i assured them that if they were ready to do so they could raise the anchor to-morrow. there things thus disposed of, it only disturbed me yet more to execute a secret order that the company had given me, leaving it, however, to my prudence and discretion. it was of retaining in its service my nephew and some other frenchmen, & above all the one who spoke the savage dialect, who was the wounded one, to remain in the country in my absence, which i dared not promise myself. in the meantime i resolved to make the proposition to my nephew, believing that after gaining him i should be able easily to add the others also. i caused to assemble for that end or of the savages of the most consideration in the country with the governor, & in their presence i said to him, that for the glory of the king & for the advantage of the company it was necessary that he should remain in the country. to which he was averse at first; but the governor having assured him that he would trust him as his own nephew, & that he would divide the authority that he had with him, & myself on my part having reproached him that he was not loyal to the oath of allegiance that he had sworn to me, these reasons obliged him to determine, & he assured me that he was ready to do all that i wished of him. what contributed much was the discourse that the savages made to him, telling him that i left him amongst them to receive in my absence the marks of amity that they had sworn to me, & that they regarded him as the nephew of the one who had brought peace to the nations & made the union of the english & french in making by the same means the brothers of both. this last success in my affairs was proof to me of the authority that i had over the french & the savages; for my nephew had no sooner declared that he submitted himself to do what i wished, than all the other frenchmen offered themselves to risk the ennui of remaining in the country, although my design was only to leave but two of them; & the savages on their part burst out in cries of joy in such a manner that i no more considered after that but to put an end to all things. all our beaver skins having been embarked, i resolved, after having put everything into tranquil & assured state for my return into england, where my presence was absolutely necessary, to make known to the company in what manner it was necessary to act to profit advantageously the solid establishment that i came to do & the things which were of indispensible necessity in the country to facilitate the trade with the savages & hindering them from making any of it with foreigners, that is to say, with the french of canada. i was then for the last time with my nephew at the house of our frenchmen, to the end of leaving there some englishmen. i found there a number of savages arrived to visit me, who called my nephew & myself into one of their cabins, where a venerable old man spoke to me in these terms: "porcupine's head, thy heart is good & thou hast great courage, having made peace with the english for the love of us. behold, we have come towards thee, old & young, wives & daughters & little children, to thank thee for it, & to recognise thee for our father. we wish to be the children & adopt for our son thy nephew that thou lovest so much, & in fine to give thee an eternal mark of the obligation that we have to thee. we weep no more henceforth except for the memory of those of whom thou bearest the name." after which, having told one of the young people to speak, he fell like as if in a swoon, & the other spoke after that same manner: "men & women, young men & children, even those who are at the breast, remember this one here for your father. he is better than the sun who warms you. you will find always in him a protector who will help you in your needs & console you in your afflictions. men, remember that he gave you guns during the course of the year for you to defend yourselves against your enemies, & to kill the beasts who nourish you & your families. wives, consider that he gave you hatchets & knives with which you banish hunger from your country; daughters & children, fear nothing more, since the one who is your father loves you always, & that he gave you from time to time all that is necessary for you to have your subsistance. we all together weep no more, on the contrary give evidence by cries of our mirth that we have beheld the man of courage;" & at the same time they set themselves to cry with all their might, weeping bitterly for the last time, in saying, "we have lost our father; [footnote: "but here is one that you adopt for your father." _note by radisson,_] we have lost our children." [footnote: "here is the nephew of your father, who will be your son; he remains with you & he will have care of his mothers." _note by radisson,_] after that piteful music they all came to be acknowledged. to be acknowledged by our adoption with some presents, & covering us with robes of white beaver skins, giving us quantities of beavers' tails, some bladders of stag's marrow, several tongues of the same animal smoked, that which is the most exquisite to eat among them. they also presented us two great copper boilers full of smoked & boiled flesh, of which we ate all together, they, the english, & ourselves, & it is what is called a feast among these nations. after that i said adieu to them, & having given charge in the house what should be embarked in the ship, i went down to the mouth of the river, where captain gazer worked to build a fort in the same place where the preceding year sieur bridger had made to be constructed his shallop. it was the most advantageous situation that he had been able to find, & i advised that he should make all the diligence possible; but he had some men who by their delicacy were incapable of responding to his vigilence. i made this observation because i hold it for a maxim that one should only employ men robust, skilful, & capable of serving, & that those who are of a complexion feeble, or who flatter themselves of having protection & favour, ought to be dismissed. then we passed to the place where the ships were, because my design was to oblige by my presence the captains to return to their ships ready to make sail; but i was no sooner arrived there than a savage came to inform me that my adopted father, whom i had not seen because that he was at the wars, waited for me at the place where captain gazer was building the fort of which i came to speak. that is why i resolved to go there, & i expressed the same hope to the savage whom i sent back to give information to my father that the governor would come with me to make some friendship to him & protect him in my absence. it was with the consent of the governor & upon his parole that i had told him that; nevertheless he did not wish to come, & i was for the first time found a liar among the savages, which is of a dangerous consequence, for these nations have in abomination this vice. he came to me, however, in no wise angry in that interview, & i received not even a reproach from him. when i was at the rendezvous they told me that my adopted father was gone away from it because i had annoyed a savage, for he had been informed that i had arrived to see him. this savage having remembered the obligation to return, although very sad on account of some news that he had learned upon the road, which was that the chief of the nation who inhabited the height above the river neosaverne, named "the bearded," & one of his sons, who were his relations, had been killed in going to insult those among the savages who were set to the duty of taking care of the frenchman who had been wounded by a savage gained over by the english, after that he had embraced me, & that he had informed me of the circumstance of that affaire, & the number of people he had as followers, i wrote to the governor to come to me in the place where we were, to make him know in effect that he must after my departure prevent the continuation of these disorders in virtue of the treaty of peace & of union that i had made in presence of the savages between the french & the english. the governor having arrived, i presented to him my adopted father, & said to him that as it was the chief who commanded the nation that inhabited in the place where they built the fort, i had made him some little presents by captain gazer, & that it was also desirable that he make some to him, because i had promissed some the preceeding year that i had not given; which the governor found very bad, & he became irritated even against this chief without any cause for it; except that it might be because he was my adopted father, & i have learned since that he was angry that when i had arrived i had not given any present to a simple savage who served as a spy, who was the son of that chief called "the bearded." that was a horrible extravagence; for this governor was inferior to me, & i was not under any obligation to recognize his favor; besides, i had never made any presents but to the chiefs of the nations. moreover, it was not for our governor to censure my conduct. i had received some independent orders, which had been given me on account of the outrage that he had committed; but acting for the service of my king and for those of the company, i passed it over in silence. i saw that it would be imprudent if i should speak my sentiments openly to a man who after my departure should command all those who remained in the country.[footnote: "that would have perhaps drawn upon him some contempt." _note by radisson._ ] i contented myself then with letting him know the inconveniences which would happen from the indifference that he affected to have for the chief of the savage nations, & i exhorted him also to change at once his policy in regard to my adopted father; not by that consideration, but because that he was, as i said to him, the chief of the nations which inhabited the place where they built the fort, which he promissed me of undoing. after that i went on board our ship. my nephew, who remained in the fort with the governor, having learned that the ships were ready to leave, kept himself near me with the french whom i had resolved to leave in canada, to say adieu to me, & it was in the company of this governor that they made the journey, during which, as i have since learned from my nephew, he showed to them more good will than he had yet done, assuring them that they should never want anything, & in consideration of me they would receive the same treatment as himself. the behaviour that my nephew & the other frenchmen had shown gave no reason for doubting the sincerity of their protestations. they no longer believed that any one could have any mistrust of them. my nephew & his interpreter had been solicited to remain in the country to serve the company, & they had consented to it without a murmur because i had charged myself with the care of their interests in england. all that passed in the presence and by the persuasions of the governor. nevertheless, behold a surprising change which came to pass by the inconstancy, the caprice, & the wicked behaviour of this same governor. i disposed myself to part with the other frenchmen, when the governor, having come aboard of the little frigate, caused a signal to be made to hold a council of war. upon this the captains of the ships & myself rendered ourselves on board, where my nephew followed us, remaining upon the poop, whilst the officers & myself were in the room where this governor demanded of us, at first, if we had any valid reasons why he should not send back in the ships all the frenchmen who were in the country; to all which the others having said nothing, i was obliged to speak in these terms: "at my departure from england i received a verbal order from the company, in particular from sir james hayes, to leave in the country where we are as many of the frenchmen as i should find desirable for the good & advantage of the company. i have upon that resolved to engage my nephew & his interpreter to remain in it, & i have come for that end, by my attendance, for the consent of the governor, who demands to-day that they may be sent back as people who apparently are known to him as suspected. i have always believed, & i believe it still, that their presence is useful in this country and also necessary to the company, and it was difficult to be able to overlook two, because they are known to all the nations. it is also upon them that i have relied for the security of the merchandises which are left behind at the houses of the french, because without their assistance or their presence they would be exposed to pillage. nevertheless i do not pretend to oppose my self to the design that the governor has put in execution & the proposition that he proposes making. he is free to undo what he pleases, but he cannot make me subscribe to his resolutions, because i see that they are directly opposed to those of the company, to my instructions, and to my experience. on the contrary, i will protest before god and before men against all that he does, because, after what he has said to you, he is incapable of doing what is advantageous for his masters. it is in vain that one should give him good councels, for he has not the spirit to understand them, that he may again deal a blow to which he would wish i opposed nothing." this declaration had without doubt made some impression upon a spirit not anticipated in an imaginary capacity of governor; but this one here, on the contrary, fortified himself in his resolution, & begged me to tell the french to embark themselves, without considering that my nephew had not time enough to go seek his clothes, nor several bonds that were due to him in canada, which remained in the house of the french, and that i had abandoned to him, to yield whatever i was in a condition of giving satisfaction to him, & that in the hope that the company would set up for him the way exclusively. the council after that broke up; but the governor, apprehending that the frenchmen would not obey, wished to give an order to the captains to seize upon them and put them on board. he had even the insolence of putting me first on the lists, as if i was suspected or guilty of something, for which captain bond having perceived, said to him that he should not make a charge of that kind, as i must be excepted from it, because he remembered nothing in me but much of attachment for the service of his masters, & that they should take care of the establishment that we had made, & of the advantages that would accrue to the company. they obliged the governor to make another list, and thus finished a council of war held against the interests of those who had given power to assemble them. the persons who had any knowledge of these savages of the north would be able to judge of the prejudice which the conduct of this imprudent governor would without contradiction have caused the company. many would attribute his proceeding to his little experience, or to some particular hatred that he had conceived against the french. be it as it may, i was not of his way of thinking; and i believed that his timidity & want of courage had prompted him to do all that he had done, by the apprehension that he had of the french undertaking something against him; & what confirmed me in that thought was the precaution that he had taken for preventing the french from speaking to any person since the day of council, for he put them away from the moment that we went away from them. i made out also that he had wanted but the occasion of putting to the sword my nephew if he had had the least pretext; but knowing his wicked designs, i made him understand, as well as the other frenchmen, that we were to go to england, & that he must not leave the ship, because we were at any moment ready to depart. although this change surprised my nephew & his interpreter, nevertheless they appeared not discontented with it, especially when i had assured them, as well as the other frenchmen, that they would receive all kinds of good treatment in england, and that it would do them no harm in their persons nor in their pretensions. i left them then in the ship, and having embarked myself in the frigate, we were put ashore two leagues from the place where they were at anchor, to take on board some goods that remained on the shore, with more diligence than we had been able to make with the ships; which having succeeded in happily doing, we went to rejoin the ships at the place where they were at anchor, in one of which my nephew and the other frenchmen were staying during this time without having taken the least step, although they were in a condition for any enterprise, because they could easily render themselves masters of the two ships and burn them, having there for both but two men and one boy in each; after which they could also, without danger, go on shore on the south side with the canoes of the savages, who were from the north, and then make themselves masters of their houses and their merchandise, which were guarded but by two men; but to go there to them, he made doubts of all that i had told him, and that it would be ill intentioned to the service of the company, as it was to the governor. that is why they were not capable, neither those nor the others, after having submitted themselves & having taken the oath of fidelity as they had done. at length, after having suffered in my honour and in my probity many things on the part of the governor, [footnote: "before radisson's arrival, capt. john abraham had been to port nelson with supplies of stores, & finding mr bridgar was gone, he staid himself, & was continued governor by the company in ." _oldmixon_.] and much fatigue and indisposition of trouble and of care in my person, to come to the end of my design, having happily succeeded, and all that was to be embarked in the ships being on board, we made sail the th day of september, , and we arrived at the downs, without anything passing worth mentioning, the rd of october of the same year. the impatience that i had of informing the gentlemen of the hudson's bay company of the happy success of my voyage, and our return, and that i had acquitted myself for the service of the king and their own interest in all the engagements into which i had entered, obliged me to mount a horse the same day, to present myself in london, where i arrived at midnight. all which did not hinder me, so the sieur ecuyer young was informed, who was one of those interested, who having come to me on the morrow morning to take me, did me the honour to present me to his majesty and to his royal highness, to whom i rendered an account of all which had been done; and i had the consolation of receiving some marks of the satisfaction of these great princes, who in token gave order to the sieur ecuyer young to tell the company to have care of my interests, & to remember my services. some days after, i went before the committee of the hudson's bay company, to render to it an account of my conduct, hoping to receive their approbation of my proceeding as the first fruits of the just satisfaction & recompence which was my due; but in place of that i found the members of the committee for the most part offended because i had had the honour of making my reverence to the king and to his royal highness, & these same persons continued even their bad intention to injure me, and, under pretext of refusing me the justice which is due to me, they oppose themselves also to the solid and useful resolutions that are necessary for the glory of his majesty and the advantage of the nation and their own interest. finis. officers of the prince society. . * * * * * _president_. the rev. edmund f. slafter, a.m. boston, mass. _vice-presidents_. john ward dean, a.m. boston, mass. william b. trask boston, mass. the hon. charles h. bell, ll.d. exeter, n.h. james p. baxter, a.m. portland, me. _corresponding secretary_. the rev. henry w. foote, a.m. boston, mass. _recording secretary_. david greene haskins, jr., a.m. cambridge, mass. _treasurer_. elbridge h. goss boston, mass. the prince society. . * * * * * the hon. charles francis adams, ll.d. boston, mass. charles francis adams, jr., a.b. quincy, mass. thomas coffin amory, a.m. boston, mass. william sumner appleton, a.m. boston, mass. walter t. avery new york, n.y. thomas willing balch philadelphia, pa. george l. balcom claremont, n.h. charles candee baldwin, m.a. cleveland, ohio. charles e. banks, m.d. chelsea, mass. samuel l. m. barlow new york, n.y. james phinney baxter, 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gardner white, a.m. cambridge, mass. william h. whitmore, a.m. boston, mass. henry austin whitney, a.m. boston, mass. the hon. marshall p. wilder, ph.d., ll.d. boston, mass. henry winsor philadelphia, pa. the hon. robert c. winthrop, ll.d. boston, mass. charles levi woodbury boston, mass. ashbel woodward, m.d. franklin, ct. j. otis woodward albany, n.y. libraries. american antiquarian society worcester, mass. amherst college library amherst, mass. astor library new york, n.y. bibliotheque nationale paris, france. bodleian library oxford, eng. boston athenaeum boston, mass. boston library society boston, mass. british museum london, eng. concord public library concord, mass. cornell university library ithaca, n.y. eben dale sutton reference library peabody, mass. free public library worcester, mass. free public library of toronto toronto, canada. gloucester public library gloucester, mass. grosvenor library buffalo, n.y. harvard college library cambridge, mass. historical society of pennsylvania philadelphia, pa. lancaster public library lancaster, mass. library company of philadelphia philadelphia, pa. library of parliament ottawa, canada. library of the state department washington, d.c. literary and historical society of quebec quebec, canada. long island historical society brooklyn, n.y. maine historical society portland, me. maryland historical society baltimore, md. massachusetts historical society boston, mass. mercantile library new york, n.y. minnesota historical society st. paul, minn. newburyport public library, peabody fund newburyport, mass. new england historic genealogical society boston, mass. newton free library newton, mass. new york society library new york, n.y. peabody institute of the city of baltimore baltimore, md. plymouth public library plymouth, mass. portsmouth athensum portsmouth, n.h. public library of cincinnati cincinnati, ohio. public library of the city of boston boston, mass. redwood library newport, r.i. state historical society of wisconsin madison, wis. state library of massachusetts boston, mass. state library of new york albany, n.y. state library of rhode island providence, r.i. state library of vermont montpelier, vt. williams college library williamstown, mass. woburn public library woburn, mass. yale college library new haven, ct. young men's library buffalo, n.y. index. abaouicktigonions abraham, capt. john accadia ahondironons akrahkuseronoms algonquins allmund, peter amickkoicks amsterdam andasstoueronom andonanchronons animal, a strange aniot nation annikouay anojot anomiacks anontackeronons anticosti island aoveatsiovaenhronons arendarrhonons go to onondaga ariotachronoms arlington, lord asenipoetes asinipour assenipoulacs. (see asenipoetes.) assickmack assiniboins. (see asenipoetes.) assinipoueles. (see asenipoetes.) atcheligonens attignaonantons join the mohawks attignenonhacs attikamegues attionendarouks attochingochronons auriniacks avieronons aviottronons b. baffin's bay baily, capt. charles barbadoes basse, caught for oil bayly, capt. charles. (see baily, capt. charles.) bear family. (see attignaonantons.) bear, white, the eating of makes men sick bears, abundance of beavers beef indians bellinzany, monsieur berger, captain bersiamites blackberries boats of oriniack skins bond, captain bordeaux boston bouchard, jean bouchard-darval family bradley, myrick bridgar, captain brother. (_see_ chouart, medard.) brough, defined buffes button's bay button, sir thomas c. cadis, the cagamite, defined camseau canada cape de magdelaine cape henry caper, the ship carr, george carr, sir robert carriboucks cartaret, sir george carteret, col. george. (_see_ cartwright, col. george.) cartwright, col. george cass, governor casson, dollier de castors castors, skins used for bottles; sold by indians for corn; a source of profit to the fathers cayuga village charles ii. charlevoix chaudiere chaumont, father chisedeck christinos, the chouart, jean baptiste chouart, marie antoinette chouart, medard; arrives in canada; marries; a donne at lake huron; becomes a trader; called sieur des groseilliers; children of; travels with radisson; called des groseilliers and spoken of as a brother of radisson citrulles clarke, j. v. h. colbert, monsieur cole, captain colleton, sir peter colonial documents of new york copper, abundance of copper wire used by indians cord family. (see attignenonhacs.) cows, wild cruelties of indians d. dab-fish dablon, father d'argenson, viscount de frontinac, count de la barre, governor delheure, monsieur denier, monsieur de seignelay, marquis des groseilliers, --, nephew of radisson --(see chouart, medard.) d'estrees, jean, count de witt dollard, adam doric rock dress of indians. (see indian costume.) drums of indians du chefneau, monsieur ducks, abundance of duhamel, rev. joseph thomas duperon, joseph inbert dupuys, sieur e. eagle, the ship ehriehronoms elends elks ellis's manuscripts england eressaronoms eruata, defined escotecke escouteck eslan esquimos f. fire indians fishes of large size fort albany fort bourbon fort charles fort orange fort richelieu foucault, nicolai joseph france french, the, break the treaty, and come into a collision in hudson's bay g. gailliards gazer, captain genealogical dictionary of canadian families gien, a musical instrument gillam, captain zachariah gillam, --, son of captain zachariah goats godfrey, marguerite godfry, john baptista gooseberries gorst, thomas grapes green point groseilliers. (see chouart, medard.) guillam. (see gillam.) guinea, visited by radisson guitar h. hallow isle happy return, the ship hayes river hayes, sir james hayes, the sloop, captured hight of st. louis holland hollanders horiniac, defined huattochronoms hudson's bay hudson's bay company hudson's bay trade hudson's straits huron islands hurons hurons, massacred by iroquois, number of i. indian amusements indian costumes indian council, described indian cruelties. (see cruelties of indians.) indians, designated by their footmarks, indians, eat human flesh, indians, food of indians, funeral rites indians, luggage described indians, manner of cooking their meat indians, manner of sweating indians, their musical instruments indians, nations of the north, nations of the south indians, pierce their ears and noses indians, treachery of ireland iroquois join the mohawks; massacre the hurons isle d'ane isle d'eluticosty isle of cape breton isle of montreal isle of orleans isle of richelieu isle of sand isle perse isles of toniata italy compared to america j. jacques, father jalot, jean jaluck james ii james bay jesuits k. kakivvakiona river kawirinagaw river kechechewan river keweena river kinoncheripirini kionontateronons kirke, sir david kirke, sir john kirke, sir lewis kischeripirini knisteneaux. (see christinos.) konkhaderichonons kotakoaveteny l. la hontan lake assiniboin lake champlaine lake huron lake of castors lake of the stinkings lake ontario lake st. francis lake st. louis lake st. peter lake superior le gardeur, noel le mercier, father francis lichen, _tripe des roche_ london longpoint long sault, massacre at louis xiv low iroquois country lyddel, governor william m. maesoochy nadone maingonis malhonmines malhonniners manatte (see manhattan and new netherland.) manhattan mantoneck marie, monsieur maringoines martin, abraham massacre of hurons massacre at long sault matouchkarini matonenocks maverick, samuel medicine-bag menada mesnard, father messipi mile island minisigons minutes relating to hudson's bay company mission, jesuit, at lake superior mitchitamon mohawks montignes montmorency river montreal mont royal moose. (_see_ castors and elends.) moose river mountaignaies musquetos. (_see_ maringoines.) n. nadone nadoneceronon nadoneceronons (_see_ nation of beefe.) nadoucenako nadouceronons nantucket nasaonakouetons nation of beefe (_see_ nadoneceronons.) nation of the sault nations of the north nations of the south neill, rev. e. d. nelson's harbor nelson's river nenosavern river neosavern river nephew of radisson. (_see_ des groseilliers.) new amsterdam new england new netherland new york new york colonial mss. nicolls, col. richard niel, genevieve nipisiriniens nojottaga noncet, father joseph nonsuch, the ship nontageya. (_see_ onondaga.) o. oats, nation of o'callaghan, dr. octanacks ohcrokonanechronons oiongoiconon. (_see_ cayuga.) ojibways okinotoname oldmixon oneida village oneronoms onondagas onondaga village; number of indians in that vicinity; mission ontorahronons orignal orijonots orimha, defined orinal orinha oriniacke; defined; how cooked ormeaux, sieur des orturbi oscovarahronoms oslar, captain ottanaks otters ouachegami ouendack ougmarahronoms ouncisagay ountchatarounongha outimagami outlaw, captain ovaouchkairing ovasovarin oxford oyongoironons p. pacoiquis paris parkman, francis pasnoestigons pauabickhomesibs peace of utrecht peerce island pepys, samuel perse, l'isle pictured rocks pierce, captain piffings plains of abraham, named after abraham martin point comfort point of st. louis poirier, marie pontonatemick porcelaine porpoises, white portall of st peter port nelson port royal preston, lord prince rupert, the ship prince rupert pumpkins q. quebec; the governor of, sends letter to captain baily quinipigousek r. radisson, claude volant de st. cloude radisson, etienne radisson, etienne volant radisson, francois radisson, jean francois radisson, marguerite radisson, nicholas radisson, peter esprit, emigrates to canada; birth of; marriage; children of; trade with indians; makes notes of his wanderings; title of first narrative; taken captive and escapes; embarks for holland and france, title of second narrative, returns to canada, joins jesuits, spends three years in travelling, third voyage, visits lake superior, offers to visit hudson's bay, meets english commissioners, lawsuit against, visits nantucket, taken to spain, in england, accused of trying to counterfeit coin, originated the hudson's bay settlement, visits prince rupert, difficulty with hudson's bay company, goes to port nelson, to france and england, with hudson's bay company ( ), narrative of, described, owners of, first voyage, goes fowling, superstition of, captured by indians, treatment of, taught to sing, dressed by indians, wrestles with an indian, adopted, taken on a journey, meets an algonquin and escapes, recaptured, tortured, parents protect him, foster-father, goes with the natives on the war-path, journey described, meets a strange animal, captures prisoners, kills prisoners, divides booty, meets foster-friends, visits fort orange, refuses to escape, repents the refusal, escapes, reaches menada, sails for amsterdam and reaches rochelle, second voyage, has iroquois guides, enters lake st. francis, treachery of iroquois, reaches a great river, searched by indians, meets old friends, his boat driven from shore, witnesses birth of an indian child, meets jesuits, treachery of indians, builds a ship, gives feast to indians, escapes, reaches lake ontario, reaches hight of st. louis, and rests at three rivers, prepares to start upon another voyage, warned by an indian, assaulted by indians, some of the party return, fights indians, meets indians from hudson's bay, made much of, describes the country, gives battle, rests for the winter, resumes his journey, forced to stop a year, calls a council, starts south, assaulted by iroquois, arrives at quebec, fourth narrative, proposes to make another voyage, assaulted by iroquois, attacks indian fort, indians escape, attacks another fort, burial of indians, kills his prisoners, reaches lake of castors, lake superior, finds much copper, compares the country with turkey, names the pictured rocks, visits huron islands, meets christinos, builds fort, remains twelve days, distributes presents, calls council, rests for the winter, famine, eats his dogs, visited by nadoneseronons, builds fort, council; feast; leaves with the nation of sault; accident; sick; helped by an indian; meets christinos; voyages among the islands; meets nation of the beefe; shows the indians a biblical image; hears of a river at the north; at river of the sturgeon; meets iroquois; arrives at the sault; visits place of massacre; arrives at port royal; wronged; his brother goes to france; goes to isle d'eluticosty; and then to cape breton; threatened by the french; enters hudson's straits; receives grant for fishing; goes to england; unsuccessful attempt to leave that country; vindicates himself; his marriage; his pension; brings his family to canada; voyage to guinea; in france; in england; in france; back to canada; sails for quebec and reaches accadia; mutiny on the ship; enters hudson's straits; visited by indians; gives presents; meets english; arrival of a new england ship; disputes their claim; loses winter provisions; visits the ships, but conceals the arrival of one from the other; returns to his house; hinders the spies sent by bridgar; sends provisions to bridgar; acts as spy; visited by gillam; words with gillam; takes gillam's fort and ship; surprised by bridgar's men; letter to bridgar; visit to bridgar, who breaks his promise; bridgar held a prisoner; goes to bridgar's house; sends a message to indians; freshet; visits bridgar, and finds men sick; helps bridgar to depart; indian council; bridgar makes trouble; weighs anchor; gives the bark to bridgar; is driven ashore; finds a fine harbor; arrives at quebec; restores ship to the new england merchants; letter from colbert; goes to france; complaints against; not proven; dissembles; french and english desire his co-operation, but he joins the english; presented to the king; sails from england; arrives at hayes river; meets the governor at port nelson; meets savages; meets his nephew; conference with his nephew; collects beaver skins; savages complain of the governor; conciliates the savages; divides his party; makes an inventory of his stores; finds tobacco scattered, as an omen; sends savages away; nephew explains why he killed two englishmen; loads ship with beaver skins; consults his nephew; places his affairs in the hands of his nephew and the governor; leave-taking with the indians; goes aboard ship, meets his foster-father, advises the governor to change his policy, counsel on ship-board, disagrees with governor, sails for and arrives in england, gives account of his voyage to the king, and goes before the hudson bay company, who refuse to give him his due, radisson, pierre, son of peter ragueneau, father paul raynbault, father rensselaerswyck rice river of canada river of richelieu river of the medows river of the sturgeon river ovamasis river saguenay river st. lawrence rochelle rock family of indians roquay rupert, prince rupert's river s. sable island sacgnes. (_see_ river saguenay.) sacquenes saegne. (_see_ river saguenay.) sagahigavirini sagamite, defined sagard-theodat sagnes river sagnitaovigama sagseggons saguenes saint peter's salt, indian name for salt, nation of. (_see_ nation of the sault) sanoutin country sault, company of sault, indians of the. (_see_ nation of the sault) sault of columest schoolcraft sea-serpents seneca village senecas, the shea, j. g. signelay. (_see_ de seignelay, marquis.) sioux sioux of the rocks skinchiohronoms sloane, sir hans socoquis sononteeonon. (_see_ seneca.) sonontueronons sorel, sieur spain squerells stags stairing haires stannard, captain straits of new foundland sturgeons t. tabittee indians tadousac tanguay, abbe cyprian tatanga tatarga tatousac river three rivers titascons tiviseimi tobacco scattered on the land, an omen of trouble tobaga tontataratonhronoms touret, elie godefroy tourne sol, how made trade-standard with indians trees painted trinivoick trips, _tripe des roche_ tsonnontonan. (_see_ seneca village.) turkey in europe compared to america turkeys turquois stone u. utrecht, peace of v. vimont, father virginia w. wampum y. york, duke of york, _alias_ fort bourbon young, sieur ecuyer canadian wilds tells about the hudson's bay company, northern indians and their modes of hunting, trapping, etc. by martin hunter published by a. r. harding publishing co. columbus, ohio copyright by a. r. harding publishing co. contents. i. the hudson's bay company ii. the free trader iii. outfitting indians iv. trackers of the north v. provisions for the wilderness vi. forts and posts vii. about indians viii. wholesome foods ix. officers' allowance x. inland packs xi. indian mode of hunting beaver xii. indian mode of hunting lynx and marten xiii. indian mode of hunting foxes xiv. indian mode of hunting otter and musquash xv. remarkable success xvi. things to avoid xvii. anticosti and its furs xviii. chiselling and shooting beaver xix. the "indian devil" xx. a tame seal xxi. the care of blistered feet xxii. deer sickness xxiii. a case of nerve xxiv. amphibious combats xxv. art of pulling hearts xxvi. dark furs xxvii. indians are poor shots xxviii. a bear in the water xxix. voracious pike xxx. the brass-eyed duck xxxi. good wages trapping xxxii. a pard necessary xxxiii. an heroic adventure xxxiv. wild oxen xxxv. long lake indians xxxvi. den bears xxxvii. the mishaps of ralson [illustration: martin hunter] introduction. by the courtesy of forest and stream and hunter-trader-trapper these articles are republished in book form by the author. i have been induced to bring them out a second time under one cover by the frequent requests of my fellow bushmen who were kind enough to criticise them favorably when they first appeared in the magazine. in this preamble i think it proper and possibly interesting to the reader to have a short synopsis of my career. i entered the service of the hudson's bay company in as a clerk and retired in a commissioned officer of twenty years' standing. the modes of trapping and hunting were learned directly by personal participation in the chase with the indians and the other stories heard first hand from the red man. my service in the employ of the great fur company extended from labrador in the east to fort william on lake superior in the west and from the valley of the st. lawrence in the south to the headwaters of its feeders in the north. by canoes and snowshoes i have traveled on the principal large rivers flowing south from the height of land, among them i may mention the moisee, bersimis, st. maurice, ottawa, michipocoten, pic and nepigon. i have hunted, trapped and traded with the montagnais, algonquins and ojibways, the three largest tribes that inhabit the country mentioned in the foregoing boundaries and therefore the reader can place implicit reliance in what is herein set forth. giving a synopsis of the history of the hudson's bay company, its forts and posts and the indians they traded with as well as other incidents of the canadian wilds. respectfully, martin hunter. canadian wilds. chapter i. the hudson's bay company. the hudson's bay company was incorporated in the year and received its charter from charles the second, making it today the longest united company that ever existed in the world. in when the different provinces of old canada were brought under the dominion confederation, the company ceded its exclusive rights, as per its charter, to the government of canada, making this vast territory over which the company had held sway for nearly two hundred years, free for hunters, trappers and traders. prince rupert, of england, was associated with the first body of "adventurers trading into hudson's bay," for such were they designated in the charter and the charter gave them the right to trade on all rivers and their tributaries flowing into hudson's bay. they established their first forts or factories at the mouths of the principal rivers that fall into the bay on the east, south and west shores, such as east main, rupert's, moose, albany, churchill and a few intermediate small outposts along the seashore. they endeavored to draw the interior indians down to the coast to trade but after a few years they found that the long journey to the factories took up so much of the indian's time and left them, after their return to their hunting grounds, so exhausted from their strenuous exertions in negotiating the turbulent and swift flowing waters, that the company's management decided to stretch out and establish trading places up the different rivers. this small beginning of a post or two up each river was gradually continued ever further south, ever further west, as the requirements of the fur trade necessitated, there the company pushed in and followed their own flag, a blood red ground with h. b. c. in white block letters in the center. this flag is known from labrador to the pacific and from the st. lawrence river to the arctic regions. several would-be wits have given these mysterious letters odd meanings. among several i call to memory, "here before christ," "hungry belly company" and "here before columbus." two ships visited the bay each summer bringing supplies for the next winter and taking back to england the furs and oil collected during the past season. the coming of these ships, one to york factory and the other to moose factory, was the event of the year as they brought the only mail the "winterers" received from friends and relatives in far away old england. navigating the bay was done pretty much by the rule of "thumb." notwithstanding its being one of the most dangerous bodies of water in america it is wonderful (now that the bay is fairly well charted and shows up most of the dangerous reefs and shoals) how few accidents these old navigators had in taking their ships in and out of the bay. much depended on those same ships reaching their destination. starvation would confront the officers and servants in the country and the want of the returns in england during those early days of the venture would have been a serious setback to their credit. while the ships were in the roadstead unloading and loading it was an anxious time to the captain and the officer ashore for as the work had to be done by lighters (the ship lying three miles from the land) there was always the danger of a strong wind springing up. in such events the boats scurried ashore while the ship slipped her cable and put to sea till fair weather. in parting with their charter to the canadian government the company reserved certain acreages about each and every one of their forts and posts besides two sections in each township from the lake of the woods to the rocky mountains and from the international boundary line to the northern edge of the fertile belt. these reserves of land sold to the incoming settlers as the country is filling up is a great source of revenue to the share holders and are becoming more and more valuable each succeeding year. where most of the old prairie posts stood in the old days, the company now have "sale shops" for the whites and at these places they are successfully meeting competition, by the superiority and cheapness of the goods they supply. in old canada the fur trade had always been the principal commerce of the country and after the french regime several scotch merchants of montreal prosecuted it with more vigor than heretofore. this they did under the name of "the northwest company." their agents and "couriers des bois" were ever pushing westward and had posts strung from ottawa to the rocky mountains and all the pelts from that immense country were brought yearly to the headquarters in montreal. the hudson's bay company after having inhabited all the territory that they could rightly claim under their charter, began to oppose the northwest company in the country they had in a way discovered. the hudson's bay company after getting out of the bay found the northwest company's people trading on the red, assiniboine and saskatchewan, all rivers that they could claim by right of their charter seeing they all drained into hudson's bay and then began one of the keenest and most bloody commercial warfares in history. might was right and wherever furs were found the strongest party, for the time being, took them. retaliation was the unwritten law of the country and what was this week a hudson's bay post was next week occupied by a party of northwesters or vice versa. there is hardly a place in what is now the peaceful and law abiding manitoba and the western provinces but what, if it could tell the tale, had witnessed at some time in its early history sanguinary conflicts between the two powerful and rival companies. things got to such a pass that the heads of the two fur parties in london and montreal saw that something had to be done to stay this loss of lives and goods. arrangements were therefore made that the majority of the stockholders of both companies should meet in london. this convention had its first meeting on the th of may, , and several other assemblies of the two factions took place before all the points at issue were mutually agreed upon. by wide mindedness and a liberal amount of give and take between the two contending parties a full understanding was agreed on. one of the points upon which a strong objection was made was the sinking of one of the identities, but this knotty point was eventually settled. a coalition of the two companies was formed under the title of "the hudson's bay company," the first official year of the joined parties dating first of june, , and the first governor, mr. george simpson, afterwards "sir george." mr. simpson was knighted by queen victoria for having traveled from montreal to london by land with the exception of crossing behring strait and the english channel by boat. sir george simpson held the position of governor of the fur trade of the hudson's bay company for very many years and was followed by governors dallas, mctavish, graham and sir donald a. smith (now lord strathcona) after the latter's term of office the title of this position was altered to "the commissioner." the first gentleman to hold the management under this new title was mr. wriggley, who after serving two terms of four years each, retired and was succeeded by mr. c. c. chipman who is still in office and brings us down to the present day. there has always been a governor and committee in london where the real headquarters has ever been, while the commissioner's head place in canada is situated in winnipeg. the whole of the great company's collection of furs is shipped to england and sold by auction three times a year, in january, march and october. buyers from all over europe attend these sales. chapter ii. the "free trader." the origin of the term "free trader" dates back considerably over three-quarters of a century and was first used as a distinction by the hudson's bay company between their own traders, who traded directly from their posts and others who in most cases had been formerly in their employ, but had turned "free traders." men with a small outfit, who roamed amongst the indians on their hunting grounds and bartered necessary articles that the hunters were generally short of. the outfit mostly consisted of tobacco, powder, ball, flints, possibly one or two nor' west guns, white, blue and red strands for the men's leggings, sky blue second cloth for the squaw's skirts, flannel of several bright colors, mole skin for trousers, a few h. b. cloth capots, fancy worsted sashes, beads, ribbons, knives, scissors, fire steels, etc. some of the foregoing articles may not be considered necessary requirements, but to the indian of those days they were so looked upon and a "free trader" coming to an indian's camp who had the furs, a trade, much to the trader's profit was generally done. in those away back days the free trader was always outfitted by the "great company." he endured all the labor, hardships and privation of following the indians to their far off hunting grounds and of a necessity charged high for his goods. being a former servant of the company he got his outfit at a reduced price from what the indians were charged at the posts. the barter tariffs at each of the posts was made out in two columns, i. e., indian tariff and free man's tariff. say, for example, a pound of english tobacco was bartered to the indian at the posts for one dollar a pound, the free trader would get it in his outfit for cents, and when he bartered it to some hunter, probably hundreds of miles off, he would charge one and half to two dollars for the same pound of tobacco. i mention, to illustrate the amount in dollars and cents, but the currency of those days all over the northwest and interior was the "made beaver." as a round amount the m. b. was equivalent to cents of our money of today. at all the posts on hudson's bay the company had in coinage of their own, made of brass of four amounts; an eight, quarter, half and whole beaver. the goods were charged for at so many or parts of made beaver and the furs likewise valued at the same currency. like most uneducated men who have to remember dates, people and places, these free traders had wonderful memories. one who had been away on his venture for eight or ten months could on opening his packs, tho there might be two or three hundred skins in his collection, if so requested, tell from what particular indian he received any skin picked out at haphazard. observation and remembrance entered into every phase of their lives as it does into that of the pure indian. their very lives at times depended on their faculties and one might say all their bumps were bumps of locality and these highly developed all the way back from childhood. of their nationality they were mostly french canadians or french half breeds, and as a rule went on their trading expeditions accompanied by their indian wives and children. time was of no object and as they traveled they trapped and hunted as they went. their very living and subsistence depended on their guns and nets. loaded as they were with goods to trade and their necessary belongings they could not take imported provisions. after their hardships of several months, after the breaking up of the lakes and rivers, they once more found themselves at the post from whence they received their outfit. from the factor down to the old pensioners, the people of the fort went down to welcome the new arrivals. their advent was heralded by the firing of guns on rounding the point at which they first came in view of the post. on landing a general handshaking was gone thru by the two parties, the factor mentally estimating the probable contents of the rich packs. the men, engaged servants, of the post, carried up to the house the peltries, while the free traders followed the factor to the trade shops where a plug of tobacco for the men and sugar for the women were given out by the clerks and with a generous tot of rum in which to cement their continued friendship, the free trader took his departure to put up his tepee and get his family and belongings under cover. later on the servants brought him pork, lard, flour and tea enough for him and his family for supper and breakfast. no accounts were gone into on the day of arrival. the next morning, however, the trader repaired to the store with the factor and his clerk, the latter carrying his ledger and day blotter. the pads being unlaced the different kinds of skins were placed in separate piles and then classified according to value. the sum total being arrived at the amount of his outfit and supplies being deducted he was given a "bon" on the trade shops for his credit balance. shortly after the free trader and his wife would be seen in the shop decking themselves out with finery, bright and gay colored clothes and fixings were the first consideration. after if there still remained a credit, luxuries in the eating way were indulged and that night a feast given by the free traders to the employes and hangers on at the post. yes, they were a jolly, childlike race of men and as improvident as an indian for the requirements of tomorrow. i have described the free trader of the past, and now i propose to describe the free trader of today, and as he has been for the last two decades. the building of the canadian pacific transcontinental road brought in its trail a class of very undesirable men. all rules have exceptions. i must therefore be just and not condemn all, but the majority of them were toughs and whiskey peddlers. they were the forerunners of the free traders of the present day, from mattawa in the east to the shores of the pacific on the west. they would start from some town back east with a keg of the strong alcohol, a few cheap gilt watches, some fancy ribbons, colored shawls and imitation meerschaum pipes, and if they found their bundles would bear a little more weight, they generally put in a little more "whiskey." they could almost always "dead-head" their way up the line on a construction train. any place where they saw a few camps of indians or half-breeds they dropped off with their stock in trade. such indians as they found along the line were not hunters but they could act as guides to the free trader, and for a gaudy shawl or a few bottles of whiskey he could generally enlist one of them in his service. with an old canoe (furnished by the indian) some flour, pork, tea and sugar, they could push their way up some river to a favorable point known by the indian, and wait the canoes of trappers coming down on their way to one of the hudson bay posts at the mouth of the rivers. the route of the railway cutting the large navigable rivers at right angles, at some parts of the line, as much as a couple of hundred miles inland of our posts gave the free traders a great advantage as they could intercept the indians coming down from the height of land. even to those indians who had never tasted liquor the very word "fire-water" had a charm and an allurement not to be resisted. probably the whiskey trader could keep the indians camped at the place they first met for two or three days. once he had got them to take the second glass he could name his own price for the vile liquor and put his own valuation on their furs. i have heard of an indian giving an otter skin for a bottle of whiskey. the skin was worth $ and the whiskey possibly thirty cents. i knew positively of a trapper who gave a new overcoat worth $ for a second glass of whiskey and when this took effect on his brain, for a third glass he gave a heavy hudson bay blanket that had cost him $ . the trader seeing he had nothing else worth depriving him of turned him out of doors on a bitter february morning. since these men have overrun the country the hudson bay company has spent hundreds of thousands of dollars trying to protect the indians against themselves. the laws of the dominion are stringent enough as they are set down in the blue book of the indian department, but they are very seldom enforced. the difficulty is to get sufficient evidence to secure judgment or committal of the offender. the hudson bay company seeing the giving of liquor to indians abased and impoverished him, abolished it by a law passed in committee in . they saw that selling liquor to an indian put him so much short of necessary articles to make a proper hunt, it weakened his constitution, laid the seeds of disease, and from a business point of view, was bad policy. to make their posts perfectly free from liquor, the very yearly allowance to their officers, clerks and servants was discontinued and each employe was given the equivalent as a cash bonus at the end of each year. i must say a white man or two amongst a drunken band of indians ran considerable risk; several have paid for their greed of gain with their lives. amongst the indians many lives have been sacrificed thru the liquor curse, shooting, stabbing and drowning being the principal results of their fatal debauches. it is a most pitiful sight for one to travel on the c. p. u. line and see at the stations along the interior the ragged bodies and emaciated features of the indians who hang about the stations. these are some of the good hunters of twenty-five years ago and their descendants. back in those days an indian's advances were only limited by his demands on the company. he took only what, under ordinary luck, he could pay for. to-day hardly one of them can get trust for a dollar. they pass their summer hanging about the stations, the women doing a little fishing to keep body and soul together, and when the cold of winter drives them to the shelter of the forests, they have nothing necessary to prosecute a hunt even if they had the strength and energy to work. if one of their children or wives is lucky enough to trap an animal, the noble head of the family tramps off to the nearest free trader and barters it for tobacco and whiskey. coming back to the free traders i must mention the exception to the general run of them. in different parts of our territory organized parties of twos or fours have tried to oppose the company by trading in a straight way, that is, giving the indian good, strong clothing and good provisions in exchange for his furs, but with very few exceptions the life of these small companies has been shortlived and i only know of one or two who made money by this trading. the rock upon which they invariably come to grief is giving credit to indians. a plausible story in the spring as to why they cannot pay is generally accepted by the free trader and a second outfit given the next autumn with the idea of enabling them to pay at the close of another hunting season. the trader being called upon to pay up his supplies in either montreal, toronto or winnipeg causes a sudden stoppage to their adventures and the field is open for some other party to go and have, most likely, the same disastrous ending. no, i say it with unbiased mind that the opening up of the country to outsiders was a sorry day for the indians. while they were dealt with exclusively by the hudson bay company, they had the care and guidance of a parent, but the progress of settlement cannot be stayed and the end of the indian is inevitable, and, like the buffalo, they will in a very few years be of the past. the great company, who for two and a quarter centuries has been identified with the fur trade, is rapidly becoming a company of shopkeepers in the new towns and villages of the west. with the disappearance of the indian will go the last of the class of men who caused his undoing, "the free trader." chapter iii. outfitting indians. in these days of keen opposition it is only at the remote inland posts that we can supply the indians with system; that is, as to amount of debt and a fixed time for sending them to the hunting grounds. taking long lake post, north of lake superior, as a sample to illustrate our manner in rigging out hunters, i will say we appoint the th of september as the first day of supplies. on that day, early in the morning, the chief and his wife are called into the store, all others are excluded; this is done for two reasons--first, the indian himself does not like the others to know what they take, or the amount of their debt; and, secondly, we find that when others, who are only onlookers are in the shop, they distract the attention of the indian, who is taking the outfit and delay us in our work. the first thing done after the door is closed and locked is to talk over the pros and cons with the indian as to where he is going to hunt, and his prospects, and from this an amount agreed upon as to the extent of his new debt. this settled, we suggest that, first of all, necessary articles should be marked down; these we mention one by one and he replies if he has such already, good enough for another year, or if we are to mark down the article. the first essention, of course, is ammunition; so many pounds of shot and powder and so many boxes of percussion caps. next on the list of his wants would be an axe, or axes, an ice chisel, steel traps, twine for a fish net, a few fish hooks, two or three mill-saw files (to sharpen his ice-chisel and axes) matches, a couple of bottles of pain-killer and the same of castor oil, and some thread and needles, (glovers and round). then comes the imported provisions. to an ordinary family of a man, his wife and two or three children, he will take pounds flour, pounds compound lard, pounds tea, the same of tobacco, -pound cart of soda, pounds sugar, another perhaps or pounds pork. this latter must be pure fat, meatless and boneless. when we get this far in his supplies, a pause is called and he asks us to add up how much the foregoing comes to. say this amounts to $ and the amount agreed upon is $ , he thus understands he has $ yet to get, or as much as whatever the balance may be. then he begins over again by taking heavy hudson's bay blankets; these we keep in all sizes from one to cover an infant up to what we call four point, this latter is large enough for a double bed and big enough for the man and woman to tuck themselves comfortably in. of blankets he may take two or three. the next on the list is heavy strouds, blue for the woman and white for the man's leggings; following this will be a warm cloth skirt for his wife and enough estoffe du pays for his pants a pair of ready made mole skin pants for ice walking during the excessive cold of january and february, several yards of english flannel, colors according to their taste; we keep in stock, white, crimson, yellow, sky blue, navy, and bright green; this is for underwear for the family, two pairs of heavy wool socks for the man and two pairs long wool for his wife. a half dozen red, spotted handkerchiefs, these are put to several usages, such as tying up the hair, as a muffler about the neck, tying up their little belongings and many other usages apart from what a white man would apply a handkerchief. several yards also are taken of a strong cotton for dress use, or outside skirts; this is imported by us direct and goes under the name of "stripped yarmouth druggets." it is very durable and stands the rough wear and tear of the bush. should his proposed hunting grounds be remote from a deer country he would take dressed leather for mits and moccasins, parchment deerskin for his snow shoes. snow shoes, of course, each one of his family must have, and supplying himself with this leather, makes quite a hole in the amount of his debt. here again another addition of figures is made; perhaps a few dollars yet remain to complete the agreed upon sum. he and his wife, on the floor of the shop, handle each article they have received, and think their hardest to remember some forgotten necessary article that may have escaped their memory. we also, from long use to the indian's requirements, come to their assistance and sometimes suggest something quite overlooked, but very necessary. a further adding up is now made; they have positively all they require for the winter months, and yet a few dollars remain to make up the amount, and then the indian's weakness shows itself and he says: "oh! well give sugar and lard for the remainder." then he and his wife make all the purchases up into one or two blankets; an order on the provision store is given him and his account is made up and given him in the following manner. pa-pa-nios, dr. to hudson's bay co. long lake post. xxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxx sept. , $ . m. h. they don't generally understand figures, but they all understand that x stands for . as the indian kills his furs, he adds them to his pack in saits often, at the same time scoring out one of the crosses on his debt slip. after all has been cancelled, he then hunts a few more skins to cover any misvaluation on his part, or to have something extra to barter for finery. after the chief leaves the shop another man and wife are called in according to their standing in the band, and thus it goes on till we reach the last one. six to eight families are about all we can get thru in a day, as there is so much time wasted in talk. if we begin on the monday, we generally see the grand departure take place on the following saturday. we only import the best of everything and the indian buying from our stores is assured of the purest provisions and the strongest and most durable goods. this is no boast for where we have no opposition the indians and our interests are identical, and the company's agent at such posts has the indians' welfare at heart. on the frontier we are obliged by other buyers and circumstances over which we have no control to take common out of season skins. as the indians find sale for skins of any kind, they hunt actually ten months out of the twelve. at our interior posts, where our word is law, we appoint the th of october to begin hunting and the th of may to finish; except for bears, and these they are allowed to hunt up to the th of june. what a sad sight it is for an officer coming from some interior district to a frontier post, where he left well-clothed contented indians to find those swindled by the unprincipled traders, in rags, drunken and the seeds of consumption marked in their faces. chapter iv. trackers of the north. what appears marvelous and positively uncanny to a town person is simple to a bushman. years of continuous observation develops the bump of locality, every object has a place and meaning to a trapper; his eye is ever on the alert, and what his eye sees is photographed on the brain and remains there for future reference at any time he may require it. this bump of locality is highly developed in all indians and whites who have passed many years in the bush. without the faculty of remembering objects a bushman could not find his way through the dense forests. providing the trapper has once passed from one place to another, he is pretty sure to find his way through the second time, even if years should have elapsed between the trips. every object from start to finish is an index finger pointing out the right path. a sloping path, a leaning tree, a moss-covered rock, a slight elevation in land, a cut in the hills, the water in a creek, an odd-looking stone, a blasted tree--all help as guides as the observant trapper makes his way through a pathless forest. of course, this tax on the memory is not required of trappers about a settled part of the country, but i am telling of what is absolutely necessary for the safety of one's life in the faraway wilds of the north, where to lose one's self might possibly mean death. i followed an indian guide once over a trail of miles, whereon we snowshoed over mountains, through dense bush, down rivers and over lakes. to test my powers of a retentive memory, the following winter, when dispatches again had to be taken to headquarters, i asked the indian to allow me to act as guide, he following. on that long journey of ten or twelve days, always walking and continually thinking out the road, i was in doubt only once. we were standing on the ice; a tongue of land stood out toward us; a bay on either side. the portage leaving the lake was at the bottom of one of these bays, but which? the indian had halted almost on the tails of my snowshoes, and enjoyed my hesitation, but said nothing. to be assured of no mistake, i had to pass over the whole of last winter's trip in my mind's eye up to the point on which we stood. once the retrospect caught up with us, there was no further trouble. our route was down the left-hand bay. when the indian saw me start in that direction, he said: "a-a-ke-pu-ka-tan" ("yes, yes, you are able"). the most difficult proposition to tackle is a black spruce swamp. the trees are mostly of a uniform size and height, the surface of the snow is perfectly level, and at times our route lies miles through such a country, and should there be a dull leaden sky or a gentle snow falling, there is nothing for the guide to depend on but his ability to walk straight. it has been written time and again that the tendency when there are no land marks is to walk in a circle. by constant practice, those who are brought up in the wilds acquire the ability to walk in a straight line. they begin by beating a trail from point to point on some long stretch of ice, and in the bush, where any tree or obstruction bars the way they make up for any deviation from the straight course by a give-and-take process, so that the general line of march is straight. during forty years in the country, i never knew an indian or white bushman to carry a compass. apart from a black spruce swamp, it would be no use whatever. in going from one place to another, the contour of the country has to be considered, and very frequently the "longest way round is the shortest way home." a ridge of mountains might lay between the place of starting and the objective point, and by making a detour round the spur of same, one would easier reach his destination, rather than to climb up one side and down the other. on the first day after my arrival in london (the only time i ever crossed the water) a gentleman took me out to see some of the sights. he lived on the surrey side, and took me direct, or, i should say crooked, into the city across the thames. after walking me around several blocks and zigzagging considerably about, he came to a sudden stop at a corner. "now," he said, "hunter, suppose i was to disappear all at once, do you think you could find your way back to elm tree lodge? i have always heard that you bushmen can find your way anywhere." now, although there was no necessity for it, my years of schooling had caused me to observe every conspicuous object, and every turn we had made since leaving his residence; and therefore i replied, with the utmost confidence, "why, to return to your house from here is as simple as falling off a log." looking at me with the greatest incredulity, he said, "if you can find your way back unaided i will pay for the best hat in london." "well, my dear sir, my number is , and i want it soft felt and dark bottle green. now follow me, and you can get the hat in the morning." without going into details, suffice it to say, i conducted him to his own door, and a more perplexed man was not in london; so much so, he had to call in his wife, his mother-in-law and his next door neighbor to tell them of my achievement. at last i had to cut short his flow of words by saying my guiding him home was a most simple thing. it was merely the result of observing as i went along, and running the objects backward as i came to the house. "if i was to tell you as a fact, my dear sir, that a bushman sees the track of some wild animal in the snow, he can tell you not only the name of the animal, but if it was male or female, within an hour of the time the tracks were made, if it was calm or blowing and the direction of the wind at that time and many other minor things, you would think this wonderful. yet, as wonderful as this may appear, and hardly to be credited, an indian boy of ten or twelve can read this page from nature as easy as one of us can read a page of print." * * * when the cold nights of the latter end of october had set in and the leaves were crisp underfoot, i decided to go and set up a line of marten traps through a stretch of green timber, between two large lakes. the distance was considered about eight miles. i took an indian youth as companion, for it is lonely work setting trap in the deep gloom of the forest alone. our blankets, axes, two days' provisions, a square of cotton that we call a canopy, to keep off the wind, and my rifle, made up our necessary equipment, with a few baits to start work upon. during the summer i had got an indian to leave an old canoe on the shore of the big lake where we expected to come out; this would save our coming back on our tracks, as we could return by the canoe route, which was considerably longer, but much easier. we worked away all the day we left the post, and when camping time came we found a pretty, sheltered place, the back of a large, flat-sided boulder. ten feet in front of this lay a large fallen pine tree, against which we built our fire. then we cut a lot of pitch pine dry wood in short lengths and split, ready to replenish the fire from time to time during the autumn night. it is cheerful when one wakes during the night to have a bright blaze in a few moments. the boy had worked pretty hard all day, and, after eating to repletion, rolled himself in his blanket and fell asleep. with me it was different. i lay back half-reclining, half-sitting, enjoying the congenial heat and wondering what luck we would have from the traps when we made our first visit. my rifle lay alongside of me on the balsam brush, with the muzzle pointing toward the fire, and, unconsciously my hand grasped the stock and my fore finger toyed with the trigger. i mention all these details to show how easy what followed came to pass. the sparks had all gone out of the wood and only a bright glow remained, enough, however, to light up the trunk of the pine log and a considerable distance each side of the fireplace. all at once i heard the crushing of dried leaves and the breaking of twigs, at some little distance off in the forest. the sounds were evidently made by some large animal, and i soon realized it was coming slowly with steady steps toward the camp. my first thought was to chuck on some fresh fuel to scare whatever it was away; but the next moment i decided to keep quiet and await developments. with my thumb i drew back the hammer of the rifle and waited. i kept my eyes steadfast in the direction whence the sounds came, and in a minute (it appeared an hour to me) i saw the head and forequarters of an immense black bear, which stood gazing down on the camp from behind the fallen tree. to raise my rifle and sight it point blank at bruin's chest was the work of an instant. crash went the bullet, true to the mark, and the bear fell backward, making the woods echo with its death roars. the boy sprang to his feet in a stupid, bewildered way, asking what was the matter. i did not take time to answer him, being occupied in getting a fresh shell into the barrel, for one never knows when a bear is really dead. the safest way is to have your gun ready and stand off at a reasonable distance and wait until he kicks himself stiff. in this case, however, it was soon over with its bearship, for the bullet had gone right through the heart. the joy of the indian boy knew no bounds when he saw the result of the shot, for he saw many gorges ahead of him. i had always been led to believe that smoke, or the blaze from a camp-fire, would keep away the denizens of the canadian forests, and when i told this bear adventure to old hunters they simply listened and gave a polite smile. in this instance it must have been a case of inordinate curiosity, accounted for in a manner from the fact of its being a female bear. chapter v. provisions for the wilderness. all over the hudson's bay territory, in making trips, be it in winter or summer, there is a scale of provisions upon which a safe result can be assured. for each person of the party, per diem, the following is allowed, and that is multiplied by the supposed number of days that the trip is likely to last. moreover, for each seven days calculated on, an extra full day's ration is thrown in, this is for safety in case of some unlooked for accident. provisions per man, per day: pounds of flour (or / pounds of sea biscuits), pound of fat mess pork, ounces of sugar, / ounce of tea, ounces of peas (or same of barley), / ounce of carbonate of soda, and / ounce of salt. the peas or barley are intended to be cooked during the night's encampment with any game the route may have produced through the day. with such rations i have traveled with large and small parties, sometimes with indians only, and at others with indian and canadian voyagers mixed; have penetrated the wildest parts of two provinces, in canoes and on snowshoes, and was never short a meal. i admit that with the wasteful and improvident character of the indians, the leader of the party must use due care and watchfulness over his outfit and see it is not wrongly used. take, for instance, the provisions for a party of seven men for fifteen days, the weight aggregates pounds, and is of formidable bulk; and when the necessary camping paraphernalia, tents, blankets, kettles and frying pans, are piled on the beach alongside the eatables, the sight is something appalling, and the crew is apt to think what an unnecessary quantity of provisions; but before the journey is over we hear nothing about there being too much grub. long hours, hard work and the keen, bracing atmosphere gives the men appetites that fairly astonish even themselves. if a party is to return on the outgoing trail, and after being off a few days finds it is using within the scale of provisions, it is very easy to _cache_ a portion for the home journey with a certainty of finding it "after many days," that is, if properly secured. if in the depth of winter, and there is a likelihood of wolves or wolverines coming that way, a good and safe way is to cut a hole in the ice some distance from the shore on some big lake, cutting almost through to the water. in this trench put what is required to be left behind, filling up with the chopped ice, tramp this well down, then pour several kettles of water on top. this freezes at once, making it as difficult to gnaw or scratch into as would be the side of an ironclad. i have come on such a _cache_ after an absence of three weeks to find the droppings of wolves and foxes about, but the contents untouched. one could not help smiling on seeing these signs, imagining the profound thinking the animals must have exerted in trying to figure out a plan to reach the toothsome stuff under that hard, glazed surface. at other seasons of the year a good _cache_ is made by cutting and peeling a long live tamarac pole. place this balanced over a strong crutch, tie what is to be left secure to the small end, over which place a birch bark covering to keep off the rain (or failing the proper place or season for getting bark, a very good protection is made with a thatch of balsam boughs placed symmetrically as shingles) and tying all in place, tip up the small end, weighting down the butt with heavy logs or stones; and possess your mind in peace. two of the best auxiliaries to a short supply of provisions that a party can take on any trip in the wilds of ontario or quebec, are gill-net and snaring wire. as food producers, i place these before a gun. most of the interior lakes contain fish of some sort, and a successful haul one night can be smoke dried to last several days without spoiling, even in hot weather. so long as they are done up in a secure manner in birch bark to keep out blue flies, the greatest danger of their going bad is prevented. another very good way to preserve and utilize fish, is to scorch a small portion of flour (about one-third the quantity) and mix with pounded up, smoke dried fish, previously cleaned of bones. this makes a light and sustaining pemmican, easily warmed up in a frying-pan, and if a little fat can be added in the warming process, one can work on it as well as on a meat diet. admitting that there are years of plenty and years of scarcity with rabbits, there must be a dearth indeed when one or two cannot be snared in some creek bottom near the night's camp. a gun on the other hand may be only an incumbrance on a long journey. a chance shot may well repay the person carrying it, but very frequently a gun is quite useless. we crossed the country some years ago between st. maurice and lake st. john. it was at the very best time of the year to see game, being in the month of may, when every living thing is full of life and moving about. the trip took us seven days going; coming back by another route we gained one day. on the whole of that journey through bush, lakes and rivers we only fired two cartridges, whereas our small gill-net gave us splendid fish each camping place. another trip i remember, this time in the winter, accompanying the men who carried the winter despatches between pic river and michipecoten, a distance of miles each way. i was prevailed upon to take a rifle, as the route went over a very high mountain where deer (caribou) were seen every year by the men. well, i suppose they told the truth; but i carried that gun miles without firing a shot. no, as a possible help to stave off starvation, commend me to a net and snare in preference to a gun. in my younger days in the hudson's bay company's service i put in many years in what we call the moose belt in quebec--that is, from the st. maurice river on the east to lake nipissing on the west from the kepewa on the south to near the height of land on the north. all inside these boundaries was teeming with moose. they were killed in the most wanton manner by algonquin indians and the lumbermen, in many instances only the hide being taken, and the meat left. our own indians, who lived year in and year out in the country, never wasted a particle of meat. if they killed more than the family could consume during the winter months, before the warm days of april set in, it was carefully collected, cut in strips and smoke dried for summer use. while attending to the curing of the meat, the thrifty squaw dressed the hides. these were cut up and made into moccasins and traded at our store during their stay about the post in summer. an ordinary sized hide would cut up into about twenty-two pairs of shoes (without tops) and commanded $ . per pair, we selling them for the same price in cash to lumber concerns, making our profit on the goods bartered. the young indian the year prior to getting married always exerted himself to show how many moose he could kill. this was their boast and pride to show they were good providers of food. the indian nature to kill would manifest itself at this time, and the numbers killed by some of the young slips is hardly to be credited. older men with families never killed for the sake of killing. i knew a young indian personally whose mother had been left a widow with a large family. he was the eldest of the children, and that summer began to strut about the post in fine clothes and mix with the men of the tribe. this is one of the traits that shows itself before matrimony is contemplated. the killing of many moose was sure to follow these signs. that young boy actually killed to his own gun ninety moose. averaging the butchered meat of each moose at the low estimate of pounds, we have a gross weight of , pounds of good, wholesome food. this section of country was in those days, i venture to say, the richest in game on the continent of america. every little creek or lake had its beaver lodge, and even on the main routes of travel one would see beaver swimming two or three times in the course of a day's paddle. at the posts we lived on fish, game and potatoes. our allowance of flour was only pounds for each man for the twelve months, and we used to spin this out by eating only a pancake or so on sundays and a pudding on christmas. the choice bits of the moose--the tongue and muzzle--the indians brought us in quantities, the trade price of each being half a "made beaver," equal to a supposed sum of fifty cents. this was paid in goods, and would be further reduced by per cent, our advance for transport and profit. one cannot but look back with regret to those days and think such slaughter was murder. chapter vi. forts and posts. the hudson's bay company's establishments comprised two factories, several forts and numerous posts, out-posts and smaller ones called "flying posts." i am writing of the days gone by for now, since the country is opened up, forts, as they were then known, no longer exist. the so-called factories were not places in which fabrics or other goods were manufactured, but more rightly speaking great depots where an entire year's supplies were stored in advance in case of a mishap to either of the ships. the country was subdivided into the northern department and southern department. york factory supplying the requirements of the former and moose factory the latter. at these places the summer months was their busy season, for not only did they receive the next year's outfit from the ships, but numerous brigades of boats and canoes were continually loading and departing for the far away inland posts and forts. with the exception of one or two which were built of stone, the forts and posts were constructed of heavy hewn logs which, being placed flat to flat, were bolted with strong treenails every second or third tier until the desired height of wall was attained. the windows were mere narrow slits in the walls and as few as possible on the ground floor. all the buildings were made in the same strong way and consisted, in an ordinary fort, of the master's house (or chief officer's dwelling); this was the most pretentious building in the lot, for not only did the factor and his family occupy it but it also lodged the clerks and other petty officials, besides furnishing a spacious mess or dining room and a guard room in which the officers lounged and smoked and the small arms were stacked ready for use. within the enclosure were the following other buildings, similar in construction to the great house. a store house in which was kept the bulk of the outfit and the furs gathered. a trade shop in which the indians bartered their peltries. a men's house or servants' quarters. a work shop in which all necessary repairs were made on guns, harness, etc., and a stable to house the stock at night. they pastured, under guard, outside the walls during the day. these buildings were generally in the form of a hollow square and the whole surrounded by a picket stockade ten or twelve feet high. this protection was made from trees of about seven inches in diameter, brought to a sharp point at the upper end and planted deep in the ground, touching one another. here and there, inside, the stockade was reinforced by strong braces, which added to its solidity, should a combined force of men be brought against it. at each of the four corners of the square a strong block tower was erected with embrasures cut therein for shooting from. in some of the larger forts small cannon were placed that commanded each side of the square and all around the inside of the pickets ran a raised platform on which men standing would be breast high to the top of the protection. this gave them a great advantage in shooting on coming enemies or repelling scalers. such places were only in the prairie country where the warlike and turbulent black feet, bloods, pegans and sioux roamed. amongst the bush or fish-eating tribes less severe precaution was required, altho the most of them were enclosed by the picket stockade and supplied liberally with muskets, cutlasses and side arms. while the indians were paying their semiannual trading visits the dwellers of the forts were confined pretty well indoors and the stock hobbled close to the stockades, for it was not always safe for a small party to be caught far afield. great massive, barred gates opened into the fort, in the leaves of one side a wicket placed for the entrance and departure of men afoot, and it was thru this wicket an indian and his wife were admitted with their furs to trade. when they were finished bartering and departed, two others were allowed in and so it went on. the trade shop was so constructed that the indian and his wife did their barter at the end of a long narrow passage, at the end of which a square hole was cut in the logs, behind which the trader stood with an assistant to fetch the goods required by the purchaser. the display of goods on the shelves was invisible to the indian, but it was not necessary he should see them inasmuch as there being no great variety, everything being staple and the same from year to year, manufactured of the best material expressly for the company. the trade shop was always built near the gate and the guard at the wicket, after admitting the would-be purchaser of supplies, locked and barred the gate and conducted them to the entrance of the passageway along which all they had to do was to travel until they reached the trader at the end. so that the indian might know the amount of his means of trade the furs were taken in first and valued at a certain well-known currency of that particular part of the country in which he resided, i. e., "made beaver" or so many "martens." in some places he was given the gross amount in certain quills and about the bay in brass tokens. of this latter coinage the company had quarters, halves and whole m. b. (made beaver). once this was mutually adjusted, trade commenced. the indian would call for a gun and pay so many made beaver, a scalp knife, powder, shot and so on, paying for each article as he received it in either quills or tokens. the outposts or "flying posts" were more in the bush country, where the indians, as a rule, lived peaceably with one another and the whites. the smaller of these trading places were only kept open during the winter months and were generally built for the accommodation of the indians and supplied with absolute necessities only. this enabled the hunter to keep closer to his work and not travel long distances, when furs were prime, for some positive requirement, such as the replacing of a broken gun. the keepers of these small posts were in most cases guides or deserving and trustworthy servants of long standing in the employ. with their families and a man or two they departed from the forts in september, taking the supply of trading stuff with them. these small parties were self-sustaining, being given one day's provisions to take them away from the fort. after that until the next may they lived on fish and the small game of the country, with probably an odd wood caribou. the men of the party trapped furs while hunting game for their sustenance. the proceeds for the personal winter trapping of each servant was allowed him as a bonus over and above his wages. cash was not given, but they had permission to barter the skins for what they chose out of the trade shop and they went principally in tobacco for the men and finery for the women. where fish and rabbits in their season was the mainstay with these people, prodigious numbers were required and consumed to sustain life. thirty or forty white fish or the same of rabbits was an ordinary daily consumption of the dwellers at one of these "flying posts," but the reader must remember they had no auxiliaries to help out this plain straight food. no butter, lard, pork, sugar or vegetables, just rabbit or white fish twice a day and nothing else. this was washed down with bouillon in which the food was cooked. spring and fall they had a variety in ducks, geese, beaver and an occasional bear and then they lived in the tallest kind of clover while it lasted. as no insurance company could be found who would take fire risks that could only be represented to them on paper by the interested parties, the hudson's bay company began years ago to take certain sums of money out of each year's profits and created a marine and fire account, out of which fund any loss by sea or fire is met and the district or department where the accident occurred is recouped for its loss. fires at the forts and posts have been of very rare occurrence, as the utmost care and precaution has ever been exercised in preventing such by the officer in charge. self-preservation is the first law of nature and the dwellers of these far away hudson's bay posts knew of no greater calamity than that of being burnt out and they looked to it that as far as precaution went this should not occur. chapter vii. about indians. the way in which the hudson's bay company managed the indians of canada has ever been admired by the people of the outside world. their fundamental rule and strict order to their servants was never to break faith with an indian. as time went on the indians began to realize fully that the company was in the country for their mutual benefit, not as aggressors, land grabbers or people to take away their vested rights. it soon became known that any promise made to them by a hudson's bay officer was as good as fulfilled. on the other hand, when "no" was said it meant no every time and there was never any vacillating policy. "just and firm" was the motto in all the company's dealings with the natives and while they were at all times prepared, as far as they could be, to meet any trouble, yet they never provoked enmity. to do so would have been antagonistic to their interests even if justice and humanity were put aside. each officer of the posts had the welfare of the indians as much at heart as a father has for his own children. in sickness they attended them, in trading they advised them what goods would be most beneficial and lasting to their requirements and as far as they could in a pacific way they advised them when trouble arose between any members of the tribe. in those days when the company had the country under their exclusive sway, no cheap, shoddy goods were imported in the trading forts. durability was looked for, not flashy finery. these came with the opening of the country and the advent of peddlers and unprincipled traders. we see the results of this today at any of the stations where our transcontinental train stops. bands of the once well-conditioned, well-clothed, sober indians are now replaced by ragged, emaciated, vice marked descendants of these, hanging around in idleness, an object lesson of what so-called civilization has brought them to. except in some far back isolated posts, the indian's word goes for nothing. they have lost the once binding obligation that their promise carried and the trader can no longer depend on them. as the writer knew the pagan and uncivilized indian some forty years ago he was truthful, sober, honest and moral. i won't say the white man has willfully made him otherwise than what he was, but as a fact he is. it has been a transformation in which the indian has fallen to most of the white man's vices and adopted very few of his virtues. my experience has been over considerable of the country and amongst several tribes and my observation has told me that about the mission centers (be the denomination what it may) is to be found the greatest debauchery and rascality in the indian and that right at their very gates. prior to both the hudson's bay company and that of the northwest gave liquor to the indians, but after the coalition of the two companies a wise policy was inaugurated and liquor was stopped thruout the vast country. the company's people saw that liquor to the indian was laying the seeds of illness and death and impoverishing his family, but the company did not take away the grog (which had been given in most cases as a bonus on their hunt) without giving an equivalent in value and the cash value of liquor to each hunter entitled to any was given in the shape of any goods he chose from the trade shop. even the servants who had heretofore received a saturday night allowance of spirits, received in lieu thereof two pounds sterling per annum added to their wages. the indian in the olden days seldom stayed about the posts longer than to barter his furs and got back to his hunting grounds with as little delay as possible. they were fish and flesh eaters, almost every river and lake abounded with the former and the surrounding woods furnished the latter and the indian got his living from day to day with very little exertion. the indian has no idea of hording up the treasures of this world and in only two instances did i know one to have a bank account. they have an implicit and abiding faith in kind providence to supply their wants as they go thru life and reason that what is sufficient for them will be forthcoming for their sons and daughters. as an agriculturist the indian is a failure. the life is too hard and humdrum for one whose ancestors from away back have lived a nomad life. his sphere of action on a farm is too circumspect and he pines and longs for the freedom of the wilds. it is a sad and not a successful measure, this corralling of the once lords of the country on restricted reservations which in plain english is no better than a prison to them. the indian in his native state is hospitable to a degree. the stranger who comes to his wigwam is given the best and choicest pieces of what his larder contains. the softest and best bed is made for him furtherest from the door. when he arrives no impertinent questions are asked as to his business, destination or his success in the hunt. any such information that he thinks fit to impart is given voluntarily over a pipe of peace before rolling up in his robe or blanket. it is not considered good form to ask questions, even a member of the family coming home at night is not asked as to what success he has had in the chase. his bundle or game bag is thrown inside the door and remains there until his mother has placed food before him. while partaking of this his mother (or wife if it happens to be the father) opens his bag and takes out, piece by piece, the contents. if he has killed a deer the head and heart only are brought to camp. if a bear, the four paws, if a moose, the tongue and muzzle. the indians are very superstitious as to how they treat the flesh and bones of the large game they kill. beaver bones are never thrown to the dogs, but are carefully collected and sunk in the lake or river, thus returning them to the element from which they came. a bear killed by an indian is always addressed as cousin and a harangue is given him by the hunter and his pardon asked for the necessity of taking his life. the bones, especially the skull, are hung up at the exact spot where he fell, journeys from camp often being taken with the express purpose of carrying out this sacred duty. deer and moose antlers and shoulder blades are generally found on stakes or dry knots of trees at the discharge of some big lake on main canoe route. there are certain parts of the flesh and insides of these animals that the women are never allowed to partake of, such as the head, heart and paws of the bear. likewise it is _infra dig._ for a man to carry water to the camp, chop wood or dry his own moccasins. after the killing of big game it rests with the women and children to cut up the meat and toboggan it to camp. the man merely walking ahead to show the way and lolling about an open fire while the work of butchering and loading sled is going on. physique and health.--before the indian came in close contact with the whites he lived on the produce of the country and remained close to nature. he was of a wirey and healthy stature and lived to a ripe old age. now from their acquired taste of the white man's foods, love of liquor, insufficient clothing and early marriages, the "white plague" has taken firm hold in every band and a few decades will see very few of the government wards to be cared for. how few of the thousands of immigrants now flowing into the country pause to consider that once these beautiful lakes, rivers, prairies and mountains were the resort and homes of a race of god's primitive children. their wants were supplied with a lavish generosity by a great spirit and pagans tho they were said to be they cast their eyes heavenwards and thanked that great spirit for blessings received. and the translation after death that they looked forward to, to the happy hunting grounds, what are these but our god and our heaven? poor, fast disappearing race! i have lived with them, hunted with them and walked the long trail and from my city home i often yearn for the old life in that north country. chapter viii. wholesome foods. men are governed, or prejudiced very much for, or against, things by appearances or names. and this i find holds even with practical men as are hunters, traders and trappers, men who as a rule reason much, and are endowed with considerable common sense. there are many food meats that the woods furnish that are tabooed from the hunter's bill of fare simply by the name of the animal that furnishes it. the skin is taken but the flesh is cast away, and this for no other reason but the name the beast is generally known under. take, for instance, the water rat, musquash, or the more generally used name of musk rat. here we have certainly nothing against it but the name. because did we of the fraternity of hunters pause to consider, and reason, we must see that a musquash ought not, and cannot be different from a beaver. they are identically the same in every detail except the formation of the tail. they live on the same food, roots, grasses, and twigs, as the beaver does and to the eye they are (barring the tail) a small beaver in miniature. musquash, like all animals in cold countries, are at their best condition in the autumn. let my hunter friend take one of the above despised animals, select a nice mixed flesh and fat one, clean it as you would a beaver, split it up the front, impale it on a sharp pointed stick, introduce the point near the root of the tail, and bring it up to the inside of the head. plant your screwer in front of your camp fire, giving it an occasional twist, while getting your tea and other things ready. when done stand it back from the excessive heat for a short while to cool and harden. fill your pannican of tea, spread out your biscuits, cut off a quarter section of your roast suckling, and fall to, and a hundred to one you never ate anything more delicious. i know prejudice has to be gotten over, "i have been there myself." i starved once for a day and a night, did hard paddling and portaging all day and went supperless at night, simply because i could not get over the idea of "rat." we had about a dozen with us, and my indian companion roasted a couple each meal and demolished both himself with satisfaction and relish; for myself the thought of the name was enough. take again the canadian lynx. were this name always adhered to, there would be less room for prejudice, but unfortunately it is more frequently called cat. i admit it has all the appearances and manners of the cat, but let someone, unknown to you, fry some fat cutlets from the ham of a lynx, and fifty to one you will relish it as very fine veal and you cannot be convinced to the contrary. there again is the porcupine, i think sometimes known as the hedgehog. when they are in good condition, nicer or more juicy meat a hunter cannot put his teeth into. when properly prepared and properly cooked, the white mans "rarebit", the suckling pig, cannot prove its points. the arctic or snow owl is a bird that gives as fine a flavored flesh, and the same in color and appearance as a fat capon. but where one is set against it, is when served up in indian fashion, boiled whole, it has then the appearance of a young baby, and one would almost have to be a professional cannibal to tackle the object. the thick, plump thighs, the round bald head, makes the appearance to a young infant almost startling. however, if one closes his mental eyes to this similitude, the flesh is most toothsome. i come now to another that occurs to me as being much despised, that is the festive and highly perfumed skunk. we look on a skunk, be it man or beast, as the meanest kind of thing, but i assure you the skunk (the four footed one) is not to be despised or cast aside when one is hungry or desires a change from the everlasting bacon and biscuit. a skunk, shot and prepared with care, makes very good eating. two of the animals of our forest i never could stomach and very few indians eat them, be they ever so much pushed for food, and these are: the otter and mink. their flesh is oily, black and highly flavored, resembling the meat of seal, only more so! the indians as a rule look down with contempt on a fellow indian who eats otter or mink, whether from necessity or from an acquired and perverse taste. i venture to opine my little sketch will set many of my hunter friends thinking and perhaps make a few converts. you won't repent it. * * * forty years ago, before the country was opened up to civilization and the usual provisions of the white man were imported into the wilds, the great staple foods of the territories, from the labrador atlantic seaboard to the pacific, consisted of buffalo, caribou, white fish and rabbits. according to the parts of the country where these animals resorted, the indians, traders and trappers, lived almost exclusively on their flesh, either in the fresh, dried or pemican state. all foods, not imported, went under the name of country produce, and as flour is the staff of life to the white man, so was buffalo, caribou, rabbit or white fish to the dwellers of the north country. beaver, partridge, porcupine and other small prey, a kind of entree, or side dish, got only at odd times, and not to be depended on for regular three times a day diet. the quantity of any one of these four foods required to sustain, even a family of six, during a long northern winter, was something to make a layman incredulous. the indians living about the plains of the lower saskatchewan and foothills of the rockies not only lived on the buffalo, but made up immense quantities of pemican, which was parched in summer skin bags, weighing about sixty pounds each, and traded for ammunition, cloth, beads, hatchets, etc., at the forts. from these bases of supply the bags of meat were sent to posts farther north, and used for tripping and feeding the men about the post. large quantities were floated down each spring from fort ellis, qu appelli and other plain forts, by the assiniboine to fort garry and from there in larger boats to norway house, on lake winnipeg, which in those days was the receiving and distributing factory for all the country north and east, and had the distinction of being the place of council each year. the people inhabiting the country embraced by the mackenzie river, great bear lake, and the coast of lake winnipeg, subsisted almost entirely on white fish. these were killed in great numbers each spawning season, not only for their own food, but for their team dogs as well, the posts putting past from ten to one hundred thousand, according to the importance of the place and the mouths to feed. the fish were hung in number on skewers as taken from the water, the sharpened stake being run through the fish near the tail. the string of ten fish on a skewer was called a "percer," and was hung head down from long horizontal poles, as high as a man could reach, and the length of these traverses would accommodate one hundred "percers." the great stock of fish was surrounded by a high picket stockade open to the weather, with one entrance, which was kept strictly under lock and key, and opened each evening by the post-master, i. e., steward, who gave out the requirements for the next twenty-four hours' consumption. the expenditure was kept posted up each night, showing for what use the fish had been given out, under the following headings: mess account. men's rations. indians visiting the post. dog rations. thus, at any time, the factor could tell the exact number of fish consumed and number yet on hand. many of the posts would have an expenditure of a thousand fish a week for all purposes, which would be about thirty thousand for the winter. in the country lying south of lake winnipeg to lake of the woods and east as far as the ottawa river, the staple food was the harmless little rabbit. it is a dispensation of providence that the rabbit is a prolific animal, for they are the life not only of the people, but of martens, lynx, foxes, ermine, owls, hawks and ravens. an ordinary family of indians, living on plain boiled or roasted rabbits, require about twenty a day, and even that keeps their vitality a very little above zero. there is no doubt but what the food a man eats makes or lowers his valor and endurance. no one ever heard of the fish or rabbit-eating indians going on the war-path, while, on the other hand, the buffalo eaters were fearless men both as horsemen and fighters. the labrador peninsula, bounded by the saguenay river on the west, hudson's bay and straits on the north, the atlantic seaboard on the east, and the gulf of st. lawrence on the south, a country as large as england, france and austria combined, is the home of the caribou or wood deer, who migrate north and south in countless herds spring and autumn, and are followed by bands of roaming indians continually preying on them. as in the case of the pemican, these nascapies, montagnais, and cree indians bring into the posts dried meats, marrow fat and tongues to barter, and on this the post dwellers live. with the indians of the present day armed with modern rifles, and the great depletion in the calf-crop made by the marauding of wolves, the day cannot be far off that the caribou will be of the past as the buffalo is. in their migrations north and south, at certain places well known to the natives, the deer have to cross rivers. taking the crossings the mob of deer would compact itself so much that the traverse would be black with their bodies. the indians who had been waiting for some days the passing of the herd, would attack them from up and down the river in their canoes, shooting them with arrows, spearing and axing the poor frightened brutes in the water till the lower waters were covered with floating carcasses. much meat and many skins were spoiled for the want of quick attention. after the battle the indians gorged themselves to such a state of repletion, that it rendered them unfit for exertion, but a just god frequently punished them during the bitter weather of the following winter by starvation, and whole families succumbed for want of the very food they so wantonly wasted in the autumn. the hudson's bay company had a post years ago on lake mis-a-ka-ma right on the tableland between ungava bay and the canadian labrador coast, for the trading of deer skins, both dressed and in the parchment state. one year the skins were in such numbers that the boats of the brigade could not carry the whole to the coast, and bales of them had to be wintered over to the next year. the labrador has been for many years the base of supplies for fish and rabbit districts, where the natives have no deer to make moccasins, mitts and shirts, and the parchment for their snowshoe knitting. these deer skins take a round about route to reach their destination, being in the first place shipped from ungava, or nigolette, to london, and after passing the winter in london, are reshipped to montreal, via the st. lawrence, and from that depot sent with the new outfit to posts that have requisitioned them the previous year. one would think with the introduction of flour, pork and other imported provisions that the slaughter would be a thing of the past, but the killing goes on as before, and now only the skin is taken, the meat remaining to rot. chapter ix. officers' allowances. to readers of h-t-t descriptions of modes of living in by-gone days will, no doubt, be as interesting as actual hunting or trapping. i therefore submit a reminiscence of days in the early sixties, gone never to return. transport then to the far inland posts was so tedious and costly that it was impossible to freight heavy stuff so far away, and the employees of the company had to live on what the company in which they were stationed produced. however, a scale of allowances of a few delicacies were allowed, and these were made up every year at the depot of each district, and were for one year. the laborers or common people about the post got nothing in the way of imported provisions, except when at the hard work of tripping. the officers' scale was as follows, be he a married man or a single man, it made no difference. their several grades were as follows: chief factor, chief trader, chief clerk, apprentice clerk, post master. a post master did not mean a master of a post, but was generally a long service laborer, who could supervise the general work about the post and act as interpreter if required. he also received a minimum allowance from headquarters, but of fewer articles than that of clerks and officers. a chief factor, being of the highest grade in the service, received the largest allowance, which was as follows: three hundred pounds flour, lbs. sugar, lbs. black tea, lbs. green tea, lbs. raisins, lbs. butter, lbs. tallow candles, lbs. mustard, / gal. port wine, / sherry wine, gal. brandy. exactly one-half of the factor's allowance was the share of the chief trader, and a half of the latter's portion was the scale for a chief clerk or apprentice clerk. a post master however, not receiving the full list, i will give in detail. fifty-six pounds sugar, lbs. black tea, / lbs. green tea, lbs. rice, / lb. pepper, / lb. pimento. at every post where it was possible to grow potatoes they were given the greatest attention, as they constituted a very material place in the feeding of the post people. they were, however, kept under lock and key, and a weekly allowance given out by the post master. at posts where cattle were kept the allowance of butter was not supplied by headquarters, as we were supposed to make our own. the allowances never came up with the general outfit, but were sent up in bulk to the headquarters of the district, and there parceled out for each post in that factor's territory. the clerks or officers in charge of these out-posts went to headquarters about the th of august with a half-sized canoe. this being a special trip, made especially for the allowance of any small thing that might have been overlooked in the indent, was called "the allowance canoe." a week was generally spent at headquarters in friendly intercourse with the staff there. the prospects for the ensuing year were talked over, and the requisition for the next year's outfit read carefully over, and any article requiring explanation or comment was then gone into by the factor while he had the framer of the indent at hand. this was the only time of the year that all the officers of that district met together, their respective posts being east, north and west, and hundreds of miles of forest and stream separating them. this reunion was a red letter week, and no sooner were we back to our posts but we looked forward to the next meeting. i doubt very much if today such a self-reliant, hardy and easily satisfied body of men could be found to fill similar circumstances. it was etiquette not to arrive at headquarters before the date appointed. occasionally a canoe from some post would have made extra good time coming out, probably gaining a day or part of a day, and would camp back of some point almost in sight of "the fort." a noted last place of call before reaching the fort was called "point a la barbe." here a general clean-up took place, from a shave to clean linen and store clothes. as the lake upon which the fort is built was the main dropping-in thoroughfare from several parts of the interior, often two or three canoe parties would be at the "point a la barbe" at once. a start would be made from there together, and when the rocky point which had hidden them from view was rounded a "flee de joie" was fired from each canoe, the paddle seized, and in unison with the quick stroke of the "paddle for the avenue," one of the usual french canoe songs was sung by the voices of the combined fleet till the rocky shores reproduced it from cliff to cliff. almost with the firing of the first shot the people at the post who were on the lookout ran up the glorious old hudson's bay flag to the flagstaff head, and an answering volley was returned. the handshaking, talk and laughter when the canoes beached was never to be forgotten. most of those at the fort had relatives or friends at one or other of the outposts, and if they were not present anxious inquiries were made and answered on the beach. possibly some loved one had been called away since the last opportunity of communication with the fort; in such a case it devolved on some person of the new arrivals to break the sad news or receive bad tidings himself. in that case no words were necessary, the downcast look and the prolonged clasp of the hand told as well as words the bereavement. i have witnessed such meetings, and know it was only hours after the meeting that the details were imparted by words, and that night far into the small hours could be heard the death chant of the sorrowing relative. every night during our stay at headquarters our crews congregated at the men's guard room, and there hoed down the red river reels, and entered into other harmless pastimes till well up to midnight. during that week the former rigid discipline of the fort was considerably relaxed in honor of the strangers. in the days of which i write liquor had been abolished for the servants and trade throughout the country, and a few years after even the officers' allowance of wine and brandy was cut off, so these dances were not attended by any discord or disturbance. when the rum allowance was done away with to the servants, they received in lieu thereof two sterling per annum added to their wages, and to the indian who had been in the habit of getting a gill of rum for every ten "made-beaver" traded, was given one skin for every ten traded, taking whatever he chose, to the amount of the aggregated skins, in goods. for that one good deed alone, sir george simpson deserved the thanks of all throughout the territories when he abolished liquor as a stimulant to the men and a vehicle of trade with the natives. the officers received no equivalent when their allowance was discontinued. it was brought about by the bad use one officer made of his allowance, and the others suffered thereby. a clerk's allowance of wine and brandy was done up in three oak kegs, each wine keg holding / gallons and the brandy one gallon. these were laced together with stout raw hide lashings, and the piece was called a "maccrow," and a very awkward piece it was to portage. the majority of the officers made it a point of honor to debark the maccrow unbroached at their respective posts, and make the contents spin religiously through the next twelve months. some could not withstand the temptation of sampling the liquor enroute, and had very little when they reached home. it was one of these gentlemen who was the cause of the allowance being cut off. a petition was sent in to the governor asking that we should receive the equivalent in money for the discontinuance of wine and brandy, which amounted to seventeen dollars at cost price, but no answer came, and we had to bear our loss and offer up some nightly words in favor (or otherwise) of the person who had made an abuse of his allowance. chapter x. inland packs. prior to , furs at inland posts were made up in packs of ninety pounds for transport to the frontier, but some of the young canoe men were not sufficiently strong to handle such a weight in debarking or loading them into the canoes, and a pack slipping from their grasp into the water and becoming wet inside caused delay to the whole brigade. a stop had to be made and the damaged pack unlaced, dried and repaired, before the journey could be resumed. about the year mentioned, a top pack slipped off a man's back while being carried over a side portage, and before the man could save it had bounded down the hillside into the rapid, and was lost. this happened to be a very valuable package, and its loss being reported called forth the next year, from headquarters, a general order to reduce the weight from ninety to eighty pounds per pack, and to make each package of pure skins--i. e., skins of only one kind. this order to discontinue the mixing of skins was not pleasing to post managers, inasmuch as a smaller and better pack can be constructed of mixed skins than of only one kind. for the information of trappers of to-day, i will give a summary of how many of each kind of skins made up, as nearly as possible, the prescribed weight of eighty pounds, thus: forty large beavers and small beavers made pounds. eight large bears and small bears made pounds. five hundred spring rats, pounds. seven hundred and twenty large and small rats, fall, pounds. two beavers, large, for top and bottom covers, and lynx skins made pounds. two beavers for covers and otters made pounds. two beavers for covers and fox skins made pounds. we had orders to gather such furs as fisher, ermine, wolf, wolverine, skunk, and any broken or damaged skins, and make up into a separate pack. the fine and delicate skins, as marten, mink, silver and cross foxes, were to be packed in boxes thirty inches long by twenty inches square, and into this small compass the martens and mink, after being tied in bundles of ten skins each, were packed to the number of four hundred skins. this made a very valuable package, and the greatest care was taken of it the whole journey. valuing them at only $ each, one of these boxes represented the sum of $ , . we all saw that this mode of packing would not last; as, taking the best of care, accidents will happen, and they began the very year after the order came in force. leaving a disagreeable job to the last, the men at each carrying place avoided these boxes, and there was a struggle to see who would not carry them. the sharp corners abraded the men's backs, and when carried on top of a pack they hurt the back of the head; so, as a rule, they were generally left till the last load, and then taken with bitter comments, and a fervent wish that the promulgator of the order for such packages were himself present to portage them over the carry. two of these marten boxes were left by one of our crews in the middle of a brule. in making the former trip some careless fellow must have thrown down a half-burnt match; in a few moments dense clouds of smoke arose in their rear. the country was as dry as tinder, and in the space of a very few minutes the flames swept to the other end of the portage, licking up in passing those valuable boxes and contents. we, figuratively, locked the door for the balance of that trip after the horse had been stolen, for the remaining boxes were stored each night in the officers' tent, and during the day a responsible person was on guard over them. it was a severe loss out of the returns of one post. no one, perhaps, could be blamed for it, but it had the desired effect of repealing the order, and we were told to pack as in the good "old corn-meal days," and mix our furs. to arrive at an average of each kind of skins through each and every pack, we counted the whole returns and estimated the gross weight, and then divided so many of each kind of furs through the several packs, something like this: beavers, bears, marten, mink, rats, foxes, otters, lynx-- pounds, or as the average might count out. previous to packing, the skins were neatly folded, placed in a pile and weighted down for a week. they were then built in the desired pack shape and underwent a severe wedge press hammering to reduce the bulk, then tied with three strong cross lashings, either of raw cowhide or twenty-four-thread cod line, and when all was secure, the wedges being released, the pack tumbled out complete, less the lateral tyings, which were two in number, of eighteen-thread cod line. the size of one of these packs, ready for transportation, was inches long, inches broad, and inches thick. the expansion of the compressed skins would, after a few days, give it a rounded shape in the middle, but when first out of the press it was almost perfectly square, and it was the pride of each post manager to outdo the others in the beauty and solidity of his packs. a well-made pack would withstand the ill usage and the hundreds of handlings in making a journey of four or five hundred miles from an interior post, and would reach the first steamer or train of cars without a tying giving way. in my young days i have seen a pile of of these packs on the beach at one portage. an anecdote relating to the care of such a valuable cargo may be here appended. an old factor who had not left the interior for twenty-seven years, applied for and received leave to visit civilization with the understanding that he would take care of the furs in transit. this he did during a journey of days and weeks coming down the great river, standing at each portage till every pack was over, and checking them off by numbers and the aggregate. at last he reached steamboat navigation, shipped his packs, and had the bill of lading in his pocket. having shipped the furs he took passage on the same boat. during the midnight hours the captain, in making his rounds, was surprised to find a man sitting among the cargo. who was this but mr. s., still keeping his faithful watch. the captain asked why he was not abed in his stateroom. "well," he replied, "i saw rough deck hands going about the packs, and thought it better to keep an eye on them." the captain laughed. "why, man," he said, "we have signed bills of lading for those goods, and we are responsible for their safe delivery. go to bed, mr. s.," he continued, "and rest in peace, for even you have no right to touch one of those packs, now they are aboard this vessel." that was in , and i believe that old gentleman is alive yet. he retired many years ago and settled in ontario. chapter xi. indian mode of hunting beaver. wa-sa-kejic came over to the post early one october, and said his boy had cut his foot, and that he had no one to steer his canoe on a proposed beaver hunt. now nice, fat beaver, just before the ice takes, is one of the tidbits that come to the trader's table, and having spare time just then i volunteered to accompany him, knowing i would get a share of the game. as we made our way over the several small portages between the large lake on which the post is built and the one in which he had located the beaver, he told me there were two lodges on the lake to which we were making our way. we pitched our tent on the last portage, so as not to make a fire near the beaver. beavers have very poor eyesight, but very acute hearing and smell, and once they are frightened the sport for that night at all events is finished. we had something to eat and then started for the lake, leaving our tent and things ready to return to after dark. smoking and talking are forbidden when one is in a beaver lake; care also must be taken that the paddle does not rasp the side of the canoe. the beavers had built an immense dam across the discharge of the lake, and left a small cut in the middle for the overflow to pass. here wa-sa-kejic placed a no. newhouse trap in about in. of water. on a twig in. high and set back about a foot from the trap he placed a small piece of castorum. the smell of this attracts a beaver. then he lengthened the trap chain with three strands of no. twine, tying it to a stout pole, which he planted very, very securely in deep water, out from the dam. the beaver, when he finds himself caught, springs backward into the deep water and dives to the bottom; here he struggled to get away until shortness of breath compels him to rise to the surface, and this is repeated until the weight of the trap is too much for his exhausted condition, and he died at the bottom, from whence he is hauled up by the hunter when next visiting his traps. after placing the trap on the dam wa-sa-kejic opened another ready for setting, tied the poles, and had everything ready; then giving me implicit injunctions not to make the least noise, told me to steer the canoe quietly to the lodge, which was fixed in a small bay out in the lake. when we reached the beaver's house, he carefully placed the trap in the same depth of water as he had done the previous one, with this difference, that he omitted the castorum, because, as he told me afterward, the beavers went on top of the house every night, the young ones to slide down into the water, and the old ones to do any necessary plastering. another trap was set at the next house, and from there we paddled the canoe a considerable distance from the beaver works, and figuratively rested on our oars until sundown. we were now going to try still-shooting them. before night sets in about sundown each fine evening in the fall the beavers leave their lodge, first, to eat the young willows along the shore, and after satisfying their hunger to patch the dam, plaster their houses and cut young trees to store up for their next winter's food! they come to the surface on leaving the lodge, and unless something frightens them swim on the surface in and out along the borders of the lake until they see a favorable spot to go ashore; and here they set to nibbling the bark of young birch or popular, and if the hunter is careful he may be shot at close range. as i said before, talking while hunting beaver is forbidden; and the hunter conveys his wishes to the steersman by signs, thus: to draw his attention he oscillates the canoe slightly; to move the canoe ahead the motion of paddling made by throwing the opening hand inboard; to alter the course of the canoe is done by signing with the hand either to the right or to the left, as desired; to stop the canoe's headway when getting too close to the game is done by gentle downward patting of the hand, etc. being already versed in this dumb language, we shoved away and took up a position near the lodge, but to the leeward of it, and waited. the sun having already gone down behind the forest, on the other side of the lake, we had not long to wait until a beaver broke water and swam away in a direction from us. wa-sa-kejic shook his head, as much as to say, "we will go after that fellow later on." the first was followed quickly by a second, a third and a fourth! then, after waiting for fully fifteen minutes and no other appearing, wa-sa-kejic made signs to go ahead; this we did slowly, without taking the sharp-bladed paddle from the water. presently we heard a noise as if a pig were supping up from a trough. this was one of the beavers crunching up young twigs in the water. the canoe was edged slowly toward the land, with wa-sa-kejic on the alert, both dogheads full-cocked and ready for action. presently the downward motion of the hand was given, the gun brought deliberately up to the shoulder, and the next instant the explosion, followed almost as one shot by the second barrel! a thick smoke hung between us and the shore, but we could hear kicking and splashing of the water; that told the shot was true. the beaver had ceased to struggle by the time we reached the shore. "but for what was the other shot?" i asked wa-sa-kejic. "for that," he answered, pointing to another beaver stone, dead on the bank; and then he laughed, for there was no necessity of keeping quiet any longer, for the shots had frightened any other beaver in the vicinity. "we may as well go to camp now," continued wa-sa-kejic, "and we will see our traps in the morning." from the fact of our having come ashore late, and perhaps more because of the hearty supper we made off of roast beaver, we did not awake until the sun was high. we immediately partook of a hasty breakfast of tea gallette and pork and went to see the traps. "fortunate?" well, yes! we found one in each trap; and returned during the afternoon to the post. the indian gave me the meat of two beavers for myself. he left his traps set to visit at some future time, because there were several animals yet in the lake. describing the mode of killing beaver would not be complete unless we explained that of "trenching." this method of killing them is largely practiced by the indians after the lakes and rivers are frozen over. i cannot do better than to describe a small lake that wa-sa-kejic and i went to trench in december. this beaver lodge i had found the very last day of open water, for that night the wind turned round north and froze up everything! as it was close to the post, and i had found it, i simply made a bargain with wa-sa-kejic to do the trenching for a pound of tea. in those days tea was tea in the remote interior, and meant many a cheering cup to the indian. wa-sa-kejic whistled his dogs after him when we left camp in the morning. the lake lay in the hollow of a mountain of considerable height, and could be compared to an inch of water in the bottom of a teacup. before we were half down the precipitous sides we saw the dogs nosing around the shore, scenting for the beavers in their "washes" or breathing holes. wa-sa-kejic, when he cast his eye around the small body of water, said, "this is an easy lake, and the beaver will soon all be dead." he now produced an ordinary socket chisel of / in. point, and in a few minutes had this handled with a young tamarak about ft. long. we each carried an axe, and the first order i got was to cut some dry sticks that stood at the discharge, each stick to be about ft. long. these, as fast as cut, the indian drove across the creek, after he had cut a trench in the thin ice from shore to shore. this was to prevent the beaver from going down the creek. the next thing was to break open the lodge from the top. this was done to scare the beavers out into the lake and make them resort to the washes. the beaver washes have their entrances under water, and go up sometimes a considerable distance from the shore, terminating generally under the roots of a tree. the beavers flee from wash to wash, as the hunter finds them out, and as each wash is discovered by the dogs (which scent the beavers through the frozen surface) the hunter stakes up the entrance to prevent them from returning. beaver washes vary in number according to the formation of the lake, from two to three up to twenty. the practiced eye of the hunter tells him at once if the lake has few or many. and this is why wa-sa-kejic said we would soon kill the beaver. at last the three dogs remained pointing and listening about ft from the shore under a spruce of considerable size. the indian set to work to stake up the entrance, which he did as fast as i could furnish the sticks. on the shore of this barricade he cleared away the ice and snow, making an opening about the size of a barrel head, and then he paused, and pointing to the water, said, "see that! that's the beaver breathing!" this was shown by the water's surface gently rising and falling. he now took off his coat, and baring his right arm up to the shoulder he gave me the ice chisel and told me to pierce the ground where the dogs were pointing. i had hardly given a blow or two before i saw wa-sa-kejic stoop over the hole and plunge his naked arm into the water. instantly it was withdrawn, and a big fat beaver, securely seized by the tail, was struggling in his grasp. a blow of his axe on the spine finished him in quick order, and this was repeated from time to time as i continued to enlarge the hole where the beavers were huddled together under the roots. we got six out of this wash, and two out of another, which constituted all that were in the lake. two each made a very good load for us going home, and the next day i sent a man with a flat sled to bring home the remaining four. the three principal modes of killing beavers are by shooting, trapping, trenching. * * * as a haunt and home of the muskrat, i venture to say that cumberland, on the saskatchewan, is the banner producing post on this continent. for miles and miles about this trading place there are immense grassy marshes, cut up and intersected by waterways and lagoons in every direction. from a hundred to a hundred and fifty thousand musquash skins was the usual returns from the post a few years ago. three times during the year the hunters made their harvest, first in october, when the little animals were busy making their funny little cone mud houses and cutting bunches of long grass for their winter's food. at that time the indian would set his bunch of no. steel traps before sundown and then lay off in his canoe at a short distance from the shore in some pond and shoot at those swimming past until it became too dusk to fire. then he would make to some place to dry ground, haul up his canoe, make a fire and have his supper. when his after-meal pipe was finished he would silently shove his canoe into the water and make his first visit. when setting his traps he would take the precaution to place on the end of the pole that the chain was fastened to, a piece of paper, a bunch of grass or a piece of birch bark. this enabled him to find his traps in the dark, as the sign would show on the sky line as he paddled slowly along sitting low down in his canoe. the looking at his traps and resetting of them would take him an hour or two, then he would come back to his fire place, throw the rats he had caught in a pile, replenish the fire and stretch out for another smoke. about ten o'clock he would make another visit and on his return make a lasting fire, roll himself in his hudson's bay blanket and sleep till morning. often two visits were made in the morning, one just at the screech of day, and the last one after he had had his breakfast. traps were taken up at this first visit to be set in some other locality that afternoon, and the hunter would paddle away for his lodge, where he would sleep all the forenoon while his wife and children were skinning and stretching the pelts. the next and every night would be spent in the same way until the ice took, and then another mode of sport i wish to describe would take place. ice in one night on these shallow waters was sufficiently strong to support the weight of one man. armed with a long barbed spear a couple of feet in length, lashed to a stout pole, a bag on his back to put the rats in, and sometimes followed by a boy at a distance, the indian, with his bright steel skates firmly buckled on, would glide down and in and out these skate lanes looking for rat houses. practice and experience taught him to get over the ice in the least noisy way. instead of striking out one foot after the other, he skated as the people of holland do by a motion of the hips. it is not a graceful way, but it is easy on the skater of long distances on new glare ice. sliding, as it were, down to one of the mud cones with spear firmly grasped, he would drive it down into the center, and very rarely missed transfixing one and at times two of the highly perfumed little animals. the interior of a rat house is a saucer-like hollow in the center, just a little above the level of the water. from the edge of this there may be three or four slideways into deep water. at the least alarm the rats tumble down these in a minute and only return when all danger is past. when the inhabitants of a single house number eight, ten or twelve and they huddle together for warmth, they are often one on top of another, and thus the spear passes thru two at one thrust. the yet unfrozen mud is torn away and the spear with the rats lifted out, dispatched and placed in the bag, and the hunter bears down to another house and so on thru the day. when the bag becomes too heavy it is emptied out on the ice and the hunt continued. towards night the indian retraces his road and picks up the piles he left earlier in the day. his leather bag is converted into a sled, the ends of his long waisted sash are tied to the bag, and with the loop over his shoulder he strikes out a road straight for his camp, well pleased with his day's sport and himself. knowledge of the architecture of the musquash's house (for they are all modeled in the same way) enables a bush man to know just where the little family are huddled. there is yet another way numbers are killed just after the ice takes, and before the mud houses become too hard frozen; that is to skate down on them shot gun in hand and fire right into the cone of mud. the effect is not known till the earth is pulled away. the shot being fired at such close range there is, not unfrequently, three or four dead rats. one can not help to moralize how cruel it is for man to destroy at a moment the labors of long nights of these industrious little animals, and cause the remaining one to patch up the break at a season when it can never be as good and warm as when the work is done during open weather. the hunter therefore sets his traps, so as to keep them employed, but he kills the greater number with his gun. a very small charge of powder and shot is required, and if the hunter keeps perfectly quiet in his canoe, and is below the wind, he can call the rat to within ten feet of his gun. i have pushed by canoe out from the shore of a small lake and called, just about sundown, and have counted no fewer than six rats coming from as many different directions. one waits till they get so close that they sheer off, and then fire sideways at the head. chapter xii. indian mode of hunting lynx and marten. snaring is the principal way in which the lynxes are killed by the north american indians. after a heavy fall of snow, however, if an indian crosses a fresh lynx track, he immediately gives chase, even if he has only his belt axe. the hunter only follows very fresh tracks, and in a short time comes up with the big cat. as soon as the animal knows it is pursued, it either climbs a tree or crouches under some thick shrub. if the hunter finds it up a tree, he sets to work at once to cut down the tree (that is if he has no gun). as soon as the tree totters he makes his way in the direction which it is to fall. the lynx clings to the tree until near the ground, and then springs clear. while he is floundering in the snow, the indian bravely runs in and knocks him with his axe. of course, if he has his gun, he simply shoots the cat and it tumbles dead to the foot of the tree. the feat of running down a lynx and shooting him with a bow and arrow is what all indian youths aim to accomplish; they are then considered hunters. lynxes are always found in greatest numbers where their natural food supply is most plentiful. they feed usually on rabbits and partridges, and these are to be found in young growth of such trees as pitch pine, birch and poplar. the indian also, when he is dependent on rabbits, lives on the border of such a country, and has long lines of snares which he visits two or three times a week. along this snare road at certain distances he has his lynx snares, which are nothing different from those set for rabbits, except being much larger. yes, there is another difference: instead of the snare being tied to a tossing pole, it is simply tied to a stout birch stick, or feet long by about inches in diameter. the extreme ends of this are lodged on two forked sticks, and the snare hanging down in the middle is then set, tied to small dry twigs on each side to keep it in position. at the back of the snare, at about or feet, the head and stuffed skin of a rabbit is fixed under some brush. the skin is filled with moss, or pine brush, and is fixed so as to look as much as possible like a live rabbit in its form. the head being to the skin gives it the natural shape and smell, and the lynx, walking leisurely along the snowshoe track, notices the game and makes a spring for it through the snare. in his headlong bound he carries snare and cross stick along with him, and as soon as he feels the cord tightening about his neck he not infrequently becomes his own executioner by getting his forefeet on the stick and pulling backwards as hard as he can. the more he struggles, the madder he gets, and pulls the harder to free himself, but this is, on the contrary, only making matters worse. the loop of the noose gets matted into the soft, thick hair of the throat, and there is no "slack" after that; in a few moments the great cat is dead. sometimes the lynx carries the cross stick in his mouth and climbs a tree. this is invariably the last tree he ever climbs, because once up the tree he lets the stick drop and it hangs down, generally on the opposite side of the limb from that on which the lynx is. as the cat goes down the tree on one side, the cross stick goes up toward the limb on the other and gets fixed in the crotch. as soon as the cord tightens about his neck he tries the harder to get down, and is consequently hanging himself. lynxes are very stupid. they will even put their foot into an open and exposed steel trap; and the better-off indians often use small no. traps instead of snares. this, however is only done latterly, and by the very well-off indians. as a rule indians only have traps for beaver, otter, fox and bear. lynxes are very rarely seen in summer, keeping close to the thickest bush. in any case, the skin is then of no value, and they are far from being "a thing of beauty," with nothing but a bare skin. in the prime state they are largely used on the continent as linings, and each skin is worth about $ . * * * there are three kinds or qualities of martens recognized by the trappers. first.--the pine marten that is found in the country covered by soft woods, such as pine, spruce, white fir and birch. this is the most numerous and consequently the skins are of least value. they are of yellowish brown color on the back and orange on the throat, changing down to pale yellow or white on the belly. second.--the rock marten; this is found in a country with stunted growth of spruce timber, a very mountainous district, the chief features of which are great crevices and boulders. some of the skins of this variety are of great beauty, being dark on back, and throat and sides of gray or stone color. the third kind, which is the scarcest, and consequently of most value, is the marten found in the black spruce country, or swamps of northern labrador. the fur of this variety is of a deep brown color throughout the pelt, and at times the tips of the hairs on the rump are silver gray or golden brown. the latter are very rare, and such skins have been sold in the london fur market for l a piece! they are also much larger than the other kinds, the skins of the male often being from to inches long, exclusive of the tail. the proper and most successful time for hunting is in the latter days of november and the whole month of december. they are hunted again in march, but by that time the sun has bleached out the color of the hair, which causes a depreciation in value. as a business, trapping is the only mode of killing martens. they are rarely seen to be shot at, as they pass the days in thickets or hollow stumps, only emerging after nightfall to hunt their food, which consists of mice, birds, young partridges, etc. wooden traps are made in the well-known "figure-of-four" shape, and are set either on stumps or on the snow, flattened down with the snowshoes, and the trap built thereon. it is considered a very good day's work in december for a trapper to construct, bait and set up twenty-five such traps. a real marten hunter (nothing to do with my name) camps each night at the end of his day's work until he has from to traps set! he generally visits them once in ten days or a fortnight, and if the catch averages one marten to ten traps it is considered very fair. it takes the hunter two full days to rebait, clean out and freshen up such a line. when small steel traps are used instead of the deadfall, the hunter can cover more ground in a day and do better work than by making all wood traps. the steel traps are much more fortunate than the wood ones. in the "figure-of-four" traps, before the animal is caught it must seize the bait with its teeth and pull strong enough to set off the trap, whereas with the steel trap the mere fact of his coming to the doorway to smell insures his putting his foot in it, and in a moment up hangs mr. marten or mr. mink, as the case may be! of course the steel traps have this disadvantage--they are weighty; that is, when you have fifty and over on your back, but the man who follows trapping as a business can very easily overcome this difficulty by placing catches of traps at different places by canoe near where he proposes to have his line in the winter; and he can then branch off now and again for a new supply as he is setting up his trap road. this leaving the main road at right angles once in a while might even be a source of profit to the trapper, for he might come across a bear den or a beaver lodge, or fall on deer tracks, and if he succeeded in killing a deer some of the sinewy parts would come in to bait his traps. the taking of the skins of these little animals is very simple. the knife is used only about the head; once back of the ears the skin is drawn steadily until the tail is reached, the core of which is drawn out, either by a split stick or by the stiff thumb nail of the trapper. the skin is then dried on flat (three) splints, and when dried sufficiently to prevent it spoiling is tied up with others to the number of ten in each bundle, and are thus taken to the trader or fur dealer. the first purchaser from the trapper generally buys them at an average price, but he sells them to the manufacturer selected; that is, getting a high price for the dark and a low price for the yellow or pale. chapter xiii. indian modes of hunting foxes. the fox as a rule is a most wily animal, and numerous are the stories of his cunning toward the indian hunter with his steel traps. starvation makes them catch in deadfalls, but they must be very starved indeed before they pull a piece of frozen bait and have a weight fall on their back. the skins of foxes killed during starvation are never so valuable, as the hair then lacks the rich gloss. when small game is plenty, such as rabbits and partridges, and foxes are few, the skins are of a deep richness not seen under other circumstances. there are several different and distinct colors of foxes of the north country. they are all of the same family, with the single exception of the white or arctic fox. these, apart from their difference of color, differ very much in their characteristics. they are not cunning; on the contrary, they are positively stupid. they will readily catch in deadfalls, and will walk into an open, uncovered steel trap in daylight! again the flesh of the arctic fox is eaten as readily as that of the hare or white partridge; all other foxes are carrion; even a starving indian would give them the go-by. of the other or true fox we have many colors and shades of color, and i give them in their cash value rotation, beginning with the black or pole fox; first, black or pole; second, black silver; third, silver gray; fourth, black cross; fifth, dark cross; sixth, ordinary cross; seventh, light cross; eighth, dark blue (i. e., lead color); ninth, light blue; tenth, bright red; eleventh, light red; twelfth, arctic white; thirteenth, pale red. number thirteen is the poorest quantity of the fox family, and is worth less than the arctic white fox. january is the best month for trapping. first, because the fur is then at its primest, and second, food is harder to get and the fox consequently more likely to enter a trap. of course, any number of traps will catch a fox, but not every trap will hold him. there is such a thing as the trap being too large and strong, as well as too small and weak! when too large and strong it catches too high up the leg, and being too strong it breaks the bone at the same time; and then in cold weather it's only a question of a few minutes for the frozen skin and muscles of the leg to be twisted off and master fox runs away on three legs, ever after to be too cunning to be caught in a trap. on the other hand, if the trap is too small and weak it catches the fox by the toes, and he either pulls his foot clear at once or the toes, becoming frozen and insensible to feeling, are twisted off; and this, if anything, is a harder fox to circumvent than the one with half a leg. the proper trap to use is a newhouse no. . when properly set it catches just above all the fingers, as it were, or where the paw or foot would correspond with the thick part of the hand. there is a good, solid hold of muscles, sinews, etc. there, once the jaws are fixed, they hold the fox to the death. fox hunters are very particular to keep everything connected with the trapping away from the house or camp, even wearing an outside pair of moccasins, which are peeled off and hung up with the snowshoes. the hunter generally places his trap or traps on some bare point jutting out into the lake, or some narrows, or near a clump of willows at the edge of barren grounds, or any other place his judgment tells him a fox is likely to pass. the fewer signs the better; therefore instead of the chain being tied to a picket, a stick or ft. long is slipped through the ring on the chain up to the middle. here it is securely fastened, so that it won't slip either way. a trench the length of the stick is cut down in the snow with the head of the axe, and the pole laid therein about a foot beneath the surface. snow is then piled in and the whole packed hard. the trap is now opened, and the snow packed down with the back of the man's mitt, large enough to lay the trap and spring therein. the trap is now open and about in. lower than the surrounding snow. the hunter now begins carefully to lay fine flat balsam bows or clusters of needles from the palate out to the jaws until the whole is covered; then very gently he either dusts light snow over this until it has the same appearance as the rest or he takes up two large pieces of frozen snow and rubs them together over the trap until all is covered. chopped up frozen meat or fish, a supply of which the trapper is provided with, is now sprinkled or thrown about, beginning or ft. off and gradually getting more plentiful as the trap is neared. with a brush broom the hunter dusts his snowshoe tracks full as he recedes from the trap until he is off or ft.; after that no further precaution is necessary for an ordinary fox. but for an extraordinary one i could relate a hundred different ways of setting traps and bait to overreach the wily old fellow; but in most cases it is time wasted, the fox eating the bait and turning the traps over night after night, much to the vexation of the hunter. it is a pretty sight to see a black or silver gray fox jumping in a trap on the pure white snow. i went one time with wa-sa-kejic to see his traps in the barren grounds back of the post. i was following in his snowshoe tracks steadily, and we were just topping a small swell in the country, here and there clumps of black willows. all at once he stopped so suddenly in his tracks that i fell up against him. "there," he said, "look at that!" my eye followed his finger, and there, jumping and struggling to get away, was a large black fox! "let me shoot him," i exclaimed, drawing my gun cover as i spoke. "oh, no," he replied, "we will only do that if he pulls himself clear of the trap." and with that he drew his belt axe and walked with a steady step down on the fox. the closer he got the more the fox struggled, but he was well and freshly caught, and the trap held him fast. wa-sa-kejic gave him a tap on the nose with the helve of the axe, which had the effect of stunning him. the indian then seized him with his left hand by the throat, and with his right hand felt for his heart; this he drew gradually down toward the stomach until the heart strings gave way; there was a quiver, and the fox was thrown down on the snow limp and dead. what a pleased look the indian wore as he stood there, evidently oblivious to my presence for the moment, as he gazed down on the most valuable skin it was possible for him to trap. what a number of necessaries and luxuries this would procure for his family. he would get from the factor at the post $ for that one single skin! what a number of any other skins it would take to amount to that sum! chapter xiv. indian modes of hunting otter and musquash. with steel or wooden traps is the only systematical way of hunting these animals. they are, of course, hunted for their pelts in the north country of canada, and not for sport, as in scotland. a few are shot, but these are met with by chance. november is when the indian sets his traps for otters. they have then their full winter coats on; and it is just before the small lakes and rivers set fast. their resort is generally in some chain of small lakes with creeks connecting the chain, and their home, if they can find one, is an empty beaver lodge. they prefer such a place, as after the ice is taken in fishing along shore, they carry the fish into one of the "washes," where they can breathe and eat with safety and comfort. the otter is a great enemy of the beaver, but never willingly courts an encounter; yet, every time they meet, there is a terrible battle. i remember years ago coming out on a small lake about sundown, and seeing a great commotion on the surface of the water a few hundred yards out, jumped into my canoe and quietly paddled out. as i drew near, i noticed two black objects engaged in a deadly conflict. although they must have observed the canoe, they paid no attention, but continued the fight, sometimes disappearing beneath the surface, fast to each other, for a full minute. when within gunshot, i made out the combatants to be an otter and a beaver, and could have despatched the two with one shot, only i could plainly see they were both very much exhausted, and i wished to see which would gain the day. the end was nearer than i expected. once more they disappeared beneath the waters, each maintaining the same deadly grip of the other's neck; a few moments later the beaver floated to the surface on its back, dead. i looked about for the otter, and saw him swimming toward the shore, bleeding profusely from many wounds and evidently hurt to the death. i followed, however, with my gun full cocked, ready if need be to shoot him; but the beaver's long, sharp, spade-like teeth had done their work well, for the otter all at once rose half out of the water, pawed about for a minute in a blind way, turned over on his side, gave one convulsive quiver, and he also was dead. a no. newhouse trap is generally used. in fact, this number is called throughout the country "otter trap." these traps are set at the overflow of beaver dams and otter slideways during the open water and at little portages used by water rats crossing from one bend of a small river to another. no bait is used; the trap is set in about inches of water with a picket out in deep water to tie the chain to and a small piece of castorum on a forked stick. the odor of the beaver castor has a very alluring effect on most all animals, and is greatly used by the hunter. traps for otters are set in the following way, under the ice: a place is selected in some small creek, connecting two lakes, where signs of otters are found. these signs are noticeable at the discharge of the lake, where the lake ice thins off into open water, for the ice is so thin that the otter readily breaks a hole to come out on the ice to eat the fish. the otter is a fish-eating animal, and is very expert in catching them. their slideways are generally made on some moss-covered, rocky promontory, jutting out into a lake. here they will climb up one side and slide down the other for hours at a time. otters, when taken young, are readily tamed and become great pets. another way of setting traps in winter is under the ice in some creek where otters are known to resort. the ice is cut away from the bank, outward, for about feet long by foot or so wide. each side of this cut is staked with dry sticks, driven into the mud or sandy bottom. the trap is set between the stakes at the outer end, in about inches of water at least; that is, the water may be deeper than that, but two cross sticks are so placed that the otter in entering must go under the sticks and thus gets caught. the picket to secure the trap chain to is out from the trap, as in open-water time. to induce him to enter, a small whitefish or trout is placed on a forked stick near the shore, and is so fixed that it appears to be alive and swimming. as soon as the trap is struck, the otter jumps backward into deep water, and for want of air is soon dead. * * * in canada and the united states, the killing of the little animal known under the several names of water rat, musquash and muskrat is so well understood by the average frontier boy that any information i can give would be perhaps a repetition. still there is one way that the indian practices which is certainly not known to the whites, and is at a certain time very successful. that is spearing them on the ice; and another mode in which the indians are very successful in the fall is digging them out, or "trenching" them, in the same way they do the beaver, only with much less labor, as it is done before the ponds and creeks freeze up. i will describe the latter way first, seeing it comes before that of spearing. the resort of musquash (always where they are in numbers) is along grassy rivers, creeks, or ponds; for they store up large quantities of the long, flat grass for winter use, as the beaver does with young birch and poplar. the indian paddling along the shores of such places has his eyes fixed on the bottom of the water; presently he perceives the entrance to one of the rat burrows; he stops his canoe and gazes fixedly on the opening, which is always about a foot under water. at last he sees the water ebb and flow in and out of the hole. this is a sure sign that the "wash" is occupied at that very moment by one or more rats. he at once, either with his axe or the blade of his sharp maple paddle, chops down the mud bank until he has an embankment or dam. this is to prevent the musquash from running out to deep water. when all is ready, either his wife or the boy who is steering the canoe is sent ashore to prod about the honey-combed bank with the handle of his paddle. the little animals thus disturbed and thoroughly frightened make a rush for the outlet, deep water and safety, but (there is always a "but") the indian, with his upraised paddle, has his eye steadily fixed on the water back of his dam, and as fast as one makes its appearance the sharp edge of the paddle is brought down on its head or back, and it is thrown into the canoe, quivering in its death agony. from two to eight or nine are not infrequently taken from one hole. when the last one is killed, the indian moves his canoe on until he finds another colony, and the same process is gone over again, and he returns to his camp with his canoe filled with musquash. i have in the fall received from one indian as many as , skins, large and small. musquash breed twice in the summer, and bring forth at each litter from six to eight. in the fall the large ones fetch the hunters ten cents, and the kits, or small ones, five cents. the spearing of the musquash is done in this wise: the rats throw up little mud-cone lodges, or houses, out from the shore, in about a foot of water. they are not unlike beaver lodges. the inside is hollow and the entrance is under water. in this resort the rats sit, huddled together, during most of the severe winter weather. the hunter, therefore, as soon as the ice will bear his weight, slides up to the rat houses, armed with a sharp, barbed, steel spear, about a foot long, let into the end of a small tamarac handle. this handle is generally about feet long. arriving close to the lodge, he poises the spear in mid-air for a moment and drives it down through the lodge with all his might. if he pierced a rat, he feels it wriggling on the spear, and keeps it fast there until he has torn away the mud and grass. he then seizes it by the tail and draws it with a jerk from the spear and knocks it on the ice, which finishes mr. rat. at times, when there are a number of musquash in the same lodge at the same time, the spear often passes through two, or even three, at one stroke. this is great sport where the lodges are numerous. musquash killed under the ice are worth two or three cents each more than in the fall, and the hunter makes frequently two to four dollars a day while it lasts. the flesh of musquash killed under the ice is highly esteemed by the indians. it has then its winter fat on, and is free from the objectionable odor which prevails in the spring. the skins of the large ones, when dressed, make strong and durable lining for cloaks, coats, etc., and are made up into caps also. the "kit skins" are used in large numbers in the manufacture of kid gloves. the hudson bay company exports annually about , , skins. chapter xv. remarkable success. of all the lucky hunters i ever knew i accord the bun to na-ta-way. he was one of the engaged servants at the post in canada, and whenever he put on his snowshoes and sailed forth from the gates, some creature or bird would cross his path or vision. to do this and come within reasonable distance of na-ta-way's small bore, muzzle-loading rifle was sure and speedy death to the unfortunate beast or bird. i could never understand why he chose to be a servant in the company in preference to being free to roam the lakes, rivers and forests, because had he elected to follow the occupation of a trapper and hunter he could not have failed to make double the money. other indians had traps set all around and quite near the post and yet na-ta-way would kill as much as the average one, with only a poor half day off and his day on sunday. i never saw his equal for quickness in setting deadfalls or rabbit snares. however, this partakes more of a biography than what i set out to relate, and yet it is an indispensable digression to enable the reader to believe the wonderful and remarkable success this man had one day when he was given leave from daylight to night. there was a weighty reason for this extra freedom from duty for the fact was the post people were short of meat. the month was april and our frozen supply nearly used up. na-ta-way knew of a single moose yard, or more properly speaking, a yard with a single moose as occupant. to kill a lone moose on the crust does not require the combined efforts of two or more persons, therefore na-ta-way was told to go and kill the moose and skin and quarter the animal, which considering the distance to go and come, amounted to a very good day's work. but na-ta-way besides doing this and doing it well, accomplished much more. coming down from the moose mountain to get better walking, he crossed the fresh tracks of a large bear. this was nuts to our man. he immediately turned aside and followed up the trail, ramming down one of his little pea bullets as he went. the heat of the morning sun had softened the crust of the night and mr. bruin was making headway with difficulty. in fact, na-ta-way had not gone over half a mile when he sighted the bear and was very soon close up to him. the bear had two kind of ideas. one was to climb a tree and the second to run away, neither of which was carried into effect, for a bullet stopped the cowardly act of running, and a second one in the ear stilled him forever. the skin and the paws were all the hunter carried away. the meat would be got when the men came for the moose. na-ta-way was very soon swinging on down the mountain and struck a creek which emptied into one of a chain of lakes, that in turn drained into the big ka-kee-bon-ga lake upon which the post was situated. following down this creek he noticed ahead of him a mink, working his way up along the shore, noseing every hole as he came. nothing was too big or too small for na-ta-way. poor little mink! when he got abreast of the man on the ice, stood on its hind legs to get a better view of the strange object, but at that instant its sight became blurred, for it tumbled over dead. it was so full of life, energy and curiosity a few moments ago, was now being carried on the indian's back, shoved into the folds of the bear skin. but then, if we moralize, a man is walking with elastic step along a street when presto! the heart stops, and he is being carried feet foremost by some three or four horror-struck pedestrians. the hour was then high noon, snow soft and walking bad. na-ta-way had covered several miles and done much since he had left his bed that morning. his inner man began to crave for food, the conditions were favorable, wood water and a sunny bank. what could be more alluring to a weary man? a bright fire was soon burning with the ever welcome tea kettle hanging in the blaze, the hunter on his knees in front waiting for it to boil. another digression right here. i never saw a man make tea, but after chucking in an ample quantity of the precious leaves from china, would throw in another pinch, either to make sure of there being a proper strength in the brew or for good luck. be the reason what it may, they all do it. i do it myself. continuing on his march after his mid-day lunch, na-ta-way came to a small lake. what is it that causes him to stop and cast his eyes about? the lake is full banks and therefore at that season must contain beaver. yes, there stood the lodge on the opposite side and a well understood mark leading from the open water in front up into the bush. the beaver had come out the day before. what indian, or white man for that matter, can resist the chance offered to eat beaver meat? na-ta-way looked at the indians' clock, the sun, with a satisfied expression and his mind was made up; he would wait the coming ashore to feed. a comfortable spot was selected within gun shot of the place of debarkation. here he tramped a hole in soft snow and strewed some balsam branches on the bottom upon which he crouched and waited. there was no uncertainty as in the song the girl sang, "he cometh not," for he had hardly taken up his position before out struggled a young beaver and passed up the path leading to the young growth of trees. but na-ta-way knew better than to fire at this one. no, the beaver passed on and up, giving grunts of anticipation. number two came ashore and ambled inland without being molested. now, however, na-ta-way was all alertness. with his rifle cocked and his belt axe handy in front he waited the advent of another emblem of canada. in a few minutes out he came to join his brothers or sisters who were already feasting on young sappy trees. the crack of the rifle echoed far and near in the clear, mild atmosphere, but before it died away, the indian stood over the shot beaver and barred the path against the frightened returning ones. the first coming down the hill he shot. the whole slaughter was well planned and carried out. three young beaver make a pretty solid lump on a man's back, but a hunter may leave moose meat and bear's meat in the bush to a chance wolf, but beaver, no! hardly! even if he has to make double trips. na-ta-way had carried heavy weights slung by a portage strap across his forehead from childhood and could well support and carry what he now had. i well remember that night when he entered our kitchen and let slide off his back that mixture of beaver, mink and bear skin. in fourteen hours he had walked about ten miles and killed: moose, mink, bear and beaver. verily this was luck or success. chapter xvi. things to avoid. winter. never leave your axe out doors all night. intense cold makes it exceedingly brittle, most likely the first knot you put it into will cause a gash in the blade and an axe is an essential part of a trapper's outfit, and impossible to replace when far from settlements. never dry your snowshoes near the fire, but plant them some distance away to be dried by the frost. the fire acting on the dampness in the knitting cooks the fiber of the leather and causes the shoe to give out before its proper time. never, in very cold weather, carry your gun by the barrel; if occasion caused you to fire it off, the chances are the barrel will burst at the place where your hand heated the iron. never after wringing out your wet moccasins place them near the fire to dry, but scrape out any remaining moisture with the back of the sheathe knife, stuff each shoe with brush and hang at back of camp to dry gradually. the brush keeps the shoes extended and permits the heat to permeate to all parts. never put on the same shoe on the same foot two days in succession. the shoe will wear much longer and retain its shape by interchanging. in wearing moose or deer skin shoes begin by wearing them wrong side out until almost worn through, then turn, and you have the grain side of the leather. thus your shoe will last almost twice as long. never travel without an extra undershirt and a spare pair of socks; with the trunk and feet dry and warm there is some chance of salvation for a man if he was unfortunate enough to break through the ice or obliged to travel through the wet in the spring. the days may be mild enough but the nights are cold. never cut your night's wood from low ground bordering on water. it will cause you untold annoyance by continually shooting off live coals and sparks all over your blankets. in selecting your camping place have your fire slightly higher than your bed. most places, (unless on rock), are eaten away by action of the fire, and by the time you turn in you will have the fire on a level. never consider your work complete until you have an armful of fine cut up dry wood or a supply of birch bark handy. from excessive fatigue you may oversleep and wake thoroughly chilled. in such an instance you want a quick bright fire, no fumbling about trying to ignite some half burnt sticks. never leave any excess of firewood lying on the snow to become sodden on the ground and covered by the following winter's snow, thus to be useless to you or anyone else passing that way. a few moments in the morning before taking the trail will stand it on end under some tree and it is good for future use. never underestimate your wood requirements for the night. it is better, yes, much better, to have a surplus than to turn out before daylight to replenish your fire. never, if you are dragging a toboggan or sleigh, leave it flat on its track where your day's march ends, but turn it on its side, if loaded, or stand it up, if empty, and scrape or rub off any frost on the bottom or runners. the next day it will slide easy, otherwise the empty sleigh alone will be a load. never put your game or fish to cook in boiling water. place it, in preference, in cold and bring to the boil, then let it simmer till done. i have seen the indians on a very cold night, when on the trail, make a new fire where we had been sitting and spread our brush and blankets on the old fire place. the ground being thawed out our brush retained considerable warmth till morning. never, in the winter, make your camp fire directly under a large snow laden tree. the heat of the fire will melt the snow and the dropping water cause much annoyance and discomfort, or high winds may spring up before morning and send the snow about your fire and camp. never carry all your supply of matches about your person, have a few, even though only a half dozen, in some damp-proof article amongst your blankets. a very good receptacle if you have not a water proof box, is an empty pain killer vial. see that it is thoroughly dry, drop in your few matches and cork tightly. this is for an emergency and can be carried about for months or years, and only opened under necessity, when perhaps one dry match will save your life. never leave your gun loaded in camp! the iron draws the dampness and imparts it to the cartridges. next day they may prove slow fire or not explode at all. have your cartridges handy if you will, but really there is no necessity. the days of wolves and savage indians are past and in most parts of the "wild" there is nothing to molest man. one other axiom i will adduce and not prefix it with the negative "never," because it is not always possible to adhere to this principle. it is not generally known that the position one assumes when making one's bed has a great deal to do with getting a restful night's repose. when possible lie with your head to the north. the magnetic earth currents flow from the north, and thus from your head down through your body. the tired feeling you had when retiring has all flowed out through your feet before morning. this fact may appear absurd to a person not giving the subject sufficient thought, but it is on the same principle as a person stroking your hair downwards. the result is quieting and soothing, but if he rubs it the contrary way it irritates and is hurtful. i have proved the truth of this assertion many times during my nights on the trail. i have purposely rolled in my blanket with my head to the south, and arose the following morning, unrested, and my body "broken up." the foregoing may be and is rather disjointed, because i have penned each subject as they came to my mind, but the reader may rest assured they are worth memorizing and were learned by the writer during long years of hardships. summer. suppose your canoe has been turned over on the beach all night, never launch it in the morning without first thoroughly examining the bottom from end to end. if there are rabbits or rats about, the place of a greasy hand is enough to draw them, and they will gnaw a lot of boat for very little grease. this might be overlooked in the hurry of getting away, and the canoe either sink under you or sufficient water enter to damage your things. once my chum and i were making our way up river with our supplies. amongst the provisions was a half barrel of pork. when camping the first night we left the pork near the overturned canoe. the rest of our outfit we carried up to our camp on the top of the river bank, thinking nothing would touch a solid hardwood barrel. well, in the grey morning, when we went to get water for our coffee we found the staves in shooks and the bricks of pork scattered about the gravelly beach. rabbits had cut the hoops and the barrel had fallen to pieces. the rest was easy to the rabbit--not to us. if you are a lone hunter never travel in summer without an extra paddle. you may lug this about all season and never require it but once, but that once you will be glad you have it. often when approaching game it is expedient to drop the paddle quietly in the water when taking up your gun. in the stillness of the wild, the noise of placing the paddle inboard is sufficient to scare away the game and the chance is lost. with a spare paddle at hand the hunter can quickly pursue the wounded game or paddle back and pick up the dropped paddle. if you have a chum a second paddle is not necessary, as he can either forge the canoe ahead or back her to where you dropped yours. never talk or make unnecessary noise while hunting. old hunters never do. it is only about the camp fire they talk, and even there always in a low tone of voice. old hunters communicate to one another all that is necessary by a shake of the canoe, a nod of the head or motions of the hands. when portaging at a carrying place never when you get to the other end, put the canoe down at once, but let the man in front first scan carefully all about each side of the lake or river as far as the eye will carry. something might be on the surface, standing in the shallows, or in the edge of the bush, which the noise of putting down the canoe would frighten away. if you wish to avoid the dew of the morning, camp at the upper end of a carrying place, i. e., rapid, but if you wish to have a refreshing slumber camp at the foot of the rapid, have your head up stream and pointing to the north if possible. never push on and camp on the border of some small stagnant lake, merely to add a little length to your day's trail. better camp this side and have living water for your cooking purposes. if you were hunting in the fall in a beaver country and watching to shoot them in the evening: never, if it is a big lodge, fire at the first or even the second beaver that breaks water. if you do, good-bye to the others for that night. it is better to allow the first and second to swim away along shore to their wood-yards unmolested. the next to make its appearance will most likely be one of the old ones. this kill if you can, and then paddle slowly in the direction the first has taken. the chances are you will meet them coming back or see them ashore cutting wood. see that your two or three traps are in good order, and leave the lake for your camp before darkness sets in. your camp should be half a mile away and to the leaward of the beaver lake. in the spring of the year beaver begin to swim early in the afternoon and take to their lodge late in the morning. in the autumn when the nights are long they break water late and are not to be seen after sunrise next morning. if you see two beaver at one time swimming and shoot one, leave it floating on the water. the chances are the second one will make a short dive, and you want to be ready with your gun when he comes up. i have often got one with each barrel this way. by shooting in the evening and leaving three traps set i have cleaned out a lodge of seven beaver in an evening and a night, from p. m. to a. m. next morning, and this with only a boy of ten years old for a companion. the hardest part was in packing them and my canoe out over five carrying places. but, oh! when the bunch was at the post what recompense, all those fine, rich furs and the luscious and sustaining meat, with a roasted tail now and again as a side bite. now penning these lines in my last camp in a town of ten thousand inhabitants, how my mind longs for one more season in the bush, but, alas! i fear it may never be. chapter xvii. anticosta and its furs. the island of anticosta, lying in the mouth of the gulf of st. lawrence, runs parallel with the main land on its north shore and about twenty-five miles distant from it. notwithstanding the close proximity to the continent and the straits, some winters blocked with ice fields, the martens on this island are peculiar and distinct in this manner, that almost without exception the forepaws and the end of the tail are tipped with white hair. i traded one year several hundred pelts of anticosta marten and with one or two exceptions they all showed this distinction from those we got on the north shore or mainland. i found this white ending of extremities even amongst the bears and foxes, and in some instances with the otter. otherwise the marten are as well furred and as rich and deep in color as the far-famed labrador ones. of bears there are on the island both black and brown; the latter are of immense size and very savage. one skin i got measured seven feet broad by nine feet long and showed the marks of no fewer than eleven bullet holes in his hide. the man from whom i purchased the skin told me he met the monster while traveling along the sea beach and fired at him. the bear dropped, but in a moment arose to his feet and rushed for the hunter. fortunately there was a high rock near by, up which the man clambered with his gun, out of reach of the infuriated beast and from this "coin de advantage" arsenault loaded and fired round ounce balls into the bear until he was dispatched. while on this trip i secured two of the finest and purest silver grey fox skins i ever handled. it is not generally known that a pure silver fox is much rarer than black or black silver. what i mean by pure silver is a fox that is silvered from the very head right down to the white tip of the tail. the majority of so-called silver foxes are black from the head to a third of the way down the back; a part of the body and rump alone being silvered. in the hudson's bay company trading posts, foxes are graded when purchased under the following names: black, black silver, silver grey, black cross, dark cross, ordinary cross, (first cousin to red) bright red, light red, white. i am aware that to make this list complete blue and grey foxes are wanting, but as they are only traded in one or two of the company's posts and i was never at either, i will say nothing about them, but of the above grades and colors of foxes i have traded and trapped many. a black cross is so very near a silver that it is only a savant that can tell the difference. a black cross has yellow hairs growing inside the ears and a patch of yellow near each fore leg, whereas a silver has none. unscrupulous trappers very often try to get over these giving-away marks by plucking the hairs out of the ears and by greasing and smoking the side patches. the first thing a trader does when a doubtful skin is offered is to look into the ears; if the hairs are wanting, he breathes on his hand and gently passes it down over the side. if the hand is blackened this is a proof number two and the smart "alec" is found out. coming back to anticosta; forty years ago the privilege of hunting was leased by the then owner of the seigniory to a man from quebec, who each autumn repaired to the island with four or five men who hunted on shares, mr. corbett, supplying food, traps and ammunition, got a certain per cent. of the furs each caught. they laid their small schooner up in a sheltered bay and corbett used to cook and sweep the shanty while his men hunted and trapped. wrecks used to occur nearly every year of some late lumber-laden sailing vessel and in the spring, after the hunt was over, corbett and his men would load their schooner with copper and iron from the hulls and sail for quebec in june when the moderate summer winds had begun. five or six years ago m. menier, the french chocolate king, purchased the island from the seignorial heirs and has converted it into a game reserve. he has cut road, built wharfs and made many other improvements and is trying to acclimate animals that were not found on the island, such as moose, virginia red deer, buffalo, beaver, etc. a resident governor lives on the island the year around and has a steamer of a couple of hundred tons at his command that plies between the island and quebec, as necessity requires. m. menier, with a party of friends, comes from france each summer and passes a month on the island fishing and shooting. there are three salmon rivers, one where the fish are especially large and numerous. after purchasing the island m. menier secured from the canadian government the right to a three-mile belt of water, so when the owner is on "anticosta" he is actually lord and master of all that he surveys. * * * in the _forest and stream_ of feb. i have read the article written by h. de puyjalon on the pekan or fisher. mr. de puyjalon appears to me to have attempted writing upon a subject in which he was very little versed and with no data upon which to base his assertions. as a matter of fact, prior to about the year , the fisher or pekan was an animal unknown to the trappers on the north shore and labrador, east of the saguenay, and it was only after that year that an odd one was trapped in that lower country. in fact, when first the fisher made its appearance the indians had no name for it, but after it became better known they adopted the algonquin name it now bears. when an indian, in the early sixties, was fortunate enough to have one in his pack he mentioned it as a big marten. for many years the saguenay river appeared to have been the boundary line for moose, red deer and pekan, none being known on the east side, while fairly numerous on the west bank. as the fisher was never very plentiful on the labrador, and when found was only in the wooded part, it is not strange that a person of mr. de puyjalon's sedentary habits should have trapped only two. i lived within hearing distance (that is, courier's reports) of mr. de puyjalon, while that gentleman resided on the coast, and apart from hearing that he set a fox trap or two about his shanty, never heard him mentioned as what we would call a trapper. in his article he gives the pekan the credit of showing considerable cunning and finesses. as a matter of natural history they have no more of this than a marten, and will bungle into an ordinarily made dead-fall in the same way. the only thing to do when fisher are known to be about a line of marten traps is to make a larger sized house for him and extra heavy weight to keep him down when caught. that the fisher decreases in number is quite contrary to facts. according to the last london sales of mixed furs in september, fisher stood at , , in , , and in , , showing that they have increased slightly. in some parts of the country they stand in the returns about equal to the marten exported. i remember this very plainly, for at the time it struck me as peculiar. i was in charge of an out-post on lake superior. our returns were principally beaver, foxes and lynx, very few marten, and in that year i had at the close of trade marten and fisher. this was impressed on my memory as being a strange coincidence, because the post i had been previously stationed at turned out over two thousand marten to eight or ten fisher. the prices for fisher in the canadian market vary but little and we never have fluctuations as in silver foxes and marten. the skins are little used in any country except russia and china, where they are used chiefly by the rich as coat linings. as they have a tough skin, and when prime a deep, rich fur, it is a wonder--since they are comparatively few on the market--that they do not command a better price. the resort of the pekan is principally along the mountain ranges, never in the black spruce or flat barren country of the table land or to the north of it. their food consists of rabbits, partridges, mice, squirrels and fruit when in season. when the mountain ash berries are plentiful and hang late in the autumn, both the fisher and the marten are difficult, if not impossible, to trap, as there is no meat lure you can bait with, that will induce them to leave the berries. in a year of scarcity of fruits, when the fisher has to depend on his own adroitness in securing his food, i have read the signs and seen where one has been very persistent in running down a rabbit, the chase being up and down, in and out, until bunny was overtaken, killed and eaten. chapter xviii. chiselling and shooting beaver. it is only in the far back country that the once plentiful beaver are to be found at the present day, and though a description of one of the modes the indians adopt in killing them may be of no practical use to the present generation of hunters on the fringe of civilization, it will at least be interesting to them and remembered by some old-timers. chiselling, or trenching, beaver, as it is sometimes called, is yet followed by the interior indians, and when conditions are favorable, is a most expeditious way of piling up a whole lodge. the writer in his young days has many a time accompanied the indians on these hunts, and the description of my last participation in this exciting mode of hunting i will endeavor to explain to the reader. i found a large lodge of beaver in a very small lake, probably a quarter of a mile long by one-eighth wide. it was so late in the fall that it was too near freezing to set traps in open water, and the appearance of the shore conveyed to my experienced eye that it could be chiselled to advantage. i therefore returned to the post and left the beaver undisturbed. it was fortunate i did so, for the following night all the small ponds and lakes in the vicinity were ice-bound only to open again in six months. a few days after an indian visited the post for an additional supply of ammunition and snaring twine, and i took the opportunity to enlist his services to kill my beaver. i offered him two pounds of tea for a day's work at the lake. whether he killed the beaver or not, he was sure of the tea. this he agreed to, and i immediately put together the necessary things so as to make an early start. as the lake was only an hour's walk from the post we reached it about sunrise, and both knowing our business, set to work at once. the implements necessary for each man are a belt axe, an ordinary socket mortise chisel one and a quarter inch broad. this is handled (generally at the lake) with a peeled spruce sapling from six to seven feet long, and last but by no means least, is a good beaver dog, and almost any indian dog is good for beaver, as they learn from the older ones and train themselves. i had two at the post and these, of course, accompanied us. the first thing to do is to visit the discharge of the lake. if this is dammed a trap must be set at the opening where the water escapes. this is the first precaution, so that if any beaver during the trenching process tries to escape down the creek he must pass over the trap and get caught. where the water of the lake and that of the creek is of the same level there is consequently no dam, and then the creek, at its narrowest part, has to be picketed from side to side. this is often a laborious job, as pickets have to be cut and carried to the creek, a cut three or four inches wide made in the ice and then the pickets driven down side by side, or very close to each other, so the beaver cannot possibly pass. this work done to our satisfaction, our next point was the lodge itself. this we broke in from the top and all the sticks, mud, etc., we jammed down in the opening or exit. this is done to prevent the beaver returning once they have left the lodge. at several places around the lake the beavers have what the indian call "washes." these are burrows they make beneath the surface, generally up under the roots of a large tree. they use them for breathing places and to retire to if disturbed at the lodge. they make these at any favorable spot where the conditions are suitable, and the "washes" vary in number from three to five up to twice that number. the dog's share of the work is to travel around the lake and scent the beaver under the frozen bank. he is trained not to give tongue, he merely points and sets his head on one side, then the other. both our dogs are now pointing and we hastened over to the spot. a hole is chisselled in the ice close to shore and a crooked stick inserted. this stick is cut at the commencement of the hunt, is about seven feet long, and has a natural curve, almost as much as a half moon. the end of the stick is moved about, it slips up under the bank; this is the entrance to the "wash." we cut the hole in the ice larger and then watch the water. if the beavers (or even one) are up in the bank there is a perceptible rise and fall of the water at the opening. we then set to work to fence in the entrance to the "wash" with sticks. this done, the ice is cut away inside the stakes, a couple of feet square. all is now ready for the test. the indian bares his arm up to the arm pit. he gets down on his knees over the hole and watches, while i go up a few feet from the bank and drive the chisel into the ground. this disturbs the beaver and he makes a mad drive to get out to the lake. the pickets bring him up, and while he is turning about, puzzled and bewildered, the indian dashes his arm into the water and seizing the beaver by the hind leg gives one strong pull and lands him over his head. the fall on the ice stuns him momentarily, and before he can escape the indian has dealt him a blow with the head of his axe. the young ones are generally the first killed, as two or three may be together in one "wash." the old ones, as a rule, give much trouble, as they vacate one "wash" for another at the approach of the hunter. then there is nothing for it but to picket off each "wash" as found, and thus reduce the number of places for him to resort to. a hunter with a practiced eye can tell pretty well by the appearance of the shores about a beaver lake if the "washes" are few in number or numerous and guides himself accordingly. if the lake has drained a foot or two since the ice took, it is useless to attempt to chisel, as the beaver can go ashore under the ice anywhere and breathe. in our case all circumstances were favorable; the water was full under the ice, all over, and the "washes" were very few and easily located. by three o'clock in the afternoon we had the beavers all killed, two old and four young ones. we really had five by dinner time, so we lit a fire, boiled our kettle and let the last old one quiet down a bit while we ate our lunch. we got him at last in the last "wash," and i suppose knowing this was his last stand he would not attempt to leave the back part of the hole no matter how much i poked the chisel in about him. so while the indian kept a close and alert watch at the mouth of the "wash," i made a large opening at the back and slipped in one of the dogs. in a moment beaver and dog were both out at the entrance fighting in the water. the beaver fastened his terrible teeth in the dog's lip. the indian and i each managed to grasp a hind leg, a long pull and out came beaver and dog together. we had to force his teeth apart after killing him before the dog was free. * * * i mentioned in a previous article that i would at some future time tell of the part a beaver-dam enacts in the successful shooting of the beaver. as i said, the beaver has to keep a jealous watch on the dam to preserve the proper height of the water at their lodge. they make nightly visits to see all is well, just as a faithful watchman goes his rounds of the factory over which he has charge. any sudden falling of water brings the beaver down post haste to the dam to repair the damage or leak. often an otter is the cause of the trouble, as they sometimes bore a passage way under the discharge, thereby letting out a large quantity of water in a very short while. the indians, knowing this careful watchfulness of the beaver, use it to his destruction by purposely breaking a portion of the dam and hiding, await the coming of the little builders, shooting them at close range. i cannot do better than to describe one of these shootings, in which i took part. one of the principal things to observe is that the wind should be in the proper direction, i. e., from the lodge toward the dam. a day coming when the condition of the wind was favorable, we set off with our double-barrel guns, a tea kettle and some grub, and reached the discharge about p. m. the little pond was brimming full with the proper quantity of water, flowing out of the cut to insure a regular equality. the indian studied all this, looked at the sun, and decided it was yet too early to cut the dam, and in the meantime we fixed a nice brush cache at different angles to the dam, wherein we were to sit and watch. about four o'clock the indian hacked away at the discharge with a small pointed stick, prying several holes under and about it, and in a short time the creek below the dam became a highly turbulent stream, and then we retired to our bedded places and waited. i might mention that the time of the year was about the tenth of october, a time when beaver are quite prime, in that north country. we had to wait possibly an hour before the first beaver made his appearance. it was one of the parents, and judging by the speed at which he came down the pond, he must have been of turbine construction. one thing sure he was on a rush message, and wanted to get there quick. i saw the indian's gun barrel move slightly, and when the beaver got within close distance he pulled on him, and in a few minutes the beaver lay awash close to the dam, where he was allowed to remain. the next one that came in sight was a young one, and came my way. he met the same fate. the slight current dragged him also close to the dam, a few feet from his father or mother, as the case might be. this double bagging was hardly over when another big one came around a point heading for the dam as the others had done. this fellow proved to be my meat also, and again a pause in the shooting. the shadows of the evening were fast falling and we had almost given up hopes of seeing any others, when again we saw a far-off ripple of some animal swimming, and it proved to be another young one. this one took down the shore nearest to the indian, and beat the water at his gun's shot. the sport was becoming quite exciting, and i would have had no objection to continuing it longer, but the indian arose and called across to me to gather up our beaver, having a large and a small one each, a very fair division. he then set to work to repair the damaged dam as well as he could, and explained to me that the remaining ones would finish off the job when the fear was off of them. the indian said that amongst his tribe the hunters often used this mode of hunting, and what beaver was left unkilled they either trapped later on or trenched them out when the ice set fast. one thing i learned from that afternoon's hunt was that it was simple and successful, and i used the knowledge several times, in other years, to my advantage. we had to pack those beaver through four miles of trackless bush, and each pack must have weighed ninety pound, and, as far as i remember, we rested only three times. i mention this because i saw in one of the letters that appeared in h-t-t, where a man mentions having killed a beaver that weighed fifty pounds, which was so heavy he had to drag it home. i have heard of dragging a deer or hair seal, but never of a fur-bearing animal. i wonder what that man would have thought to see an indian of a hundred and thirty-six pounds weight carry four beaver and his bark canoe on top, over a three-quarter mile portage without resting, and he did not even appear winded at the end. the beaver weighed in the neighborhood of one hundred and eighty pounds, and the bark canoe an easy sixty, but then they are inured to carrying heavy loads from childhood. chapter xix. the indian devil. my companion and i were sitting late one afternoon at a beaver lake, waiting for the sun to get near the tree tops before pushing our canoe into the lake to watch for beaver. they generally break water near the lodge about sundown and swim along shore to cut their food, and one has usually a chance of a shot. all at once we heard back in the bush a cracking and breaking of branches, readily understood as done by a large animal running through the underbrush at a high rate of speed. the noises came nearer and nearer, a little off to our right, and i grasped my double-barreled gun which lay beside me and waited events. a few moments after we saw a large caribou break cover about one hundred yards to the right and spring into the lake. but what was that black object clinging to his neck? surely some animal! the caribou struck out as fast as it could swim, heading for the further shore, and we jumped into our canoe and gave pursuit. the keen eyes of the animal on the caribou's neck having detected us, it relinquished its hold, dropped off into the water and turned for the shore the caribou had left. the canoe was immediately headed to cut off his retreat, and when within proper distance i shot it with one barrel and left it there dead on the surface of the lake, while we continued on our chase. this diversion had taken our attention from the caribou, but now, when we had resumed the chase, we found the animal was getting through the water very slowly, and as we were paddling in its wake, we perceived the water at each side of the canoe was bloody. by the time we reached the caribou it was dead. on examination we found the jugular vein had been cut by the fierce animal on its back, and it had bled to death, fleeing with what strength it had to the last drop of the poor thing's blood. we threw a string over its horns and towed it back to the portage, picking up in passing our floating black animal, which proved to be a very large wolverine, carcajo or indian devil, the beast going under all of these names with hunters and traders. the carcajo, when he loads for deer, goes down to one of their runways, or on a road leading to a salt lick. he climbs a tree and gets out on some branch overhanging the track. here he flattens himself out and waits. yes, he is a record waiter. he can give points to even the girl who is waiting and watching. time is no object to him; his inwards may be shriveling up for want of food, but there he remains. once he has taken up that position nothing but a deer will make him show the least sign of life. he is to all intents a part of the tree limb, and the knowledge that all things "come to him who waits" is strongly fixed in his devil brain. the deer passes, he drops on to him like a rock. should he strike too far back, his cruel claws grip his way up toward the neck, and there he settles himself, a fixture, and cuts away at the large veins till the poor deer bleeds to death. as soon as the deer feels this foreign weight on his back the cruel teeth cutting into him, he at once runs into and through the thickest part of the forest trying to rub the incubus off his back. but the carcajo has the tenacity of the bulldog, and his own skin would be ripped and lacerated before he would let go his hold. the deer, realizing this mad rush through the bush is useless, makes for the nearest water in the hope that this will rid him of his enemy. but vain hope, the wolverine is there to stop, and only opens his jaws when the deer is dead, or, as in my instance, through fear for his personal safety. our beaver hunt was spoilt for that night, so we moved back on the trail and camped. there we passed our time drying the deer's meat and skinning the indian devil. * * * the amount of destructiveness contained in a full grown wolverine, or, as he is sometimes called, carcajo and indian devil, is something past belief to any one who has not lived in the country in which they resort. the tales told by hunters and lumbermen of the doings of this strong and able beast would fill pages. some of these, like fish stories, may be seasoned by a pinch of salt, therefore i will only jot down a few that i experienced personally in my trapping days. hunger cannot always be adduced as a reason for their thieving propensities, inasmuch as they will steal martens, rabbits and partridges out of traps and snares when they are full to repletion just out of pure cussedness, as it were, to make the owner of the traps and snares to use unseeming language. when once a wolverine gets on a line of deadfalls the trapper has either to abandon his traps and seek new fields, or kill the mischievous animal, for even should the line be ten miles long the indian devil will destroy or put out of order each trap to the very end. their favorite plan is to tear out the back of the trap. if they find a marten caught and they are not hungry, they will carry it off at right angles to the trail and bury it in the snow, or climb a tree and deposit it on a cross branch. i have found no fewer than three martens when visiting my trap road a day after the wolverine had passed. once when chum and i were off for a couple of nights from our main camp, on our return we missed a toboggan from in front of the shanty door. this was passing strange as no indians were in the vicinity, nor had passed our way. hunt as we did in every conceivable place did not produce the missing sled. it was only two years after when camping in the same place and felling a dry spruce for firewood that the toboggan and tree came to earth together. the mystery was solved, a wolverine had drawn it up in the top branches of the tree and left it. i remember a laughable occurrence that took place once. chum and i had a small log shanty on the edge of a big lake. this was our headquarters. radiating from the shanty we had lines of traps to the four points of the compass and we often slept out a night, visiting and cleaning out the traps. each used to take a line end, each slept for that night solitary in the wilds. on our return from one of our trips we met on the edge of the clearing and when we got to our shanty we noticed things looked strange and yet we could not tell for a moment what it was. on opening the door things looked stranger still, for on the floor was a mixture of mostly all our belongings, flour, matches, moccasins, tobacco, soap and numerous other things and sifted over all was ashes. one would think a hurricane had come down the chimney and blown everything loose, but we knew better. some animal must have done this devastation and we could call that animal by his right name by reading his work. yes, a wolverine had been there and we fell to calling him some appropriate names and as we went along, we invented other names which our cuss vocabulary did not possess. during a momentary lull in our burst of passion, we heard a slight scratching under the table and there we found the worker of all the mischief. a blow of the axe finished him then and there and he was pulled out into the light. our surprise was great to find most of the hair on his head singed off and he was blind in both eyes. then we set to work to read the signs how it happened. we found by our deduction that in the first place he had clambored up on to the roof and from there had entered by the wide mouthed chimney. once in the shanty he had set to work to examine and investigate everything about, each in turn to be cast from him on the floor. the very last thing to attract his attention was my chum's powder horn. it was one of those old-fashioned cow horns with a plug in the small end. there was at the time nearly half a pound of gun powder in it. with this bright and shining article "carajou" started to clambor up and out thru the chimney. alas! he held the butt end upwards. by dryness, i suppose, the plug dropped out and a fine stream of powder found its way to the center of our fireplace where a few coals must have yet kept fire. a flame shot up, an explosion followed, and down came the frightened, blinded beast. no doubt from agony and fear he crawled under the table where we found him and put an end to his misery. their legs are very strong and muscular and i have known them to break out of even a no. newhouse. when they will take bait a pretty sure way to get them is by "setting a gun," but this is dangerous work as some stranger might pass that way, and even to the person setting the gun, great care must be used. as they are very seldom famished and therefore will not take bait, about the only thing for the trapper to do is to give him the "right of way," and the hunter to move to some other part of the country for a month or so. we call them the indian devil because he inhabits the indian country, but the indians themselves call them "bad dog," this being the lowest and meanest name their language supplies. chapter xx. a tame seal. many years ago, before the great river moisie was resorted to by cod fishermen and others, the harbor seals used to come up the stream in great numbers for the purpose of bringing forth their young in its quiet upper pools. after staying with their young for a couple of weeks, the mother seals would return down the river, and a few days later the little baby seals would drift down with the current and be carried out to sea, there to hunt and grow big, and in their turn become father and mother seals and visit their native river. many a calm evening i have stood on the gallery outside the house and listened to the infant-like cry of the poor little seals as they drifted on the river past the post. one evening, toward the end of "the run" we heard one crying in a most pitiful and heart-rending way. every now and then we could see the snow-white mite as he floated on the surface near mid-stream. i got a large salmon scoop and joined the man on the beach. we waited till the seal had floated past us, then quietly pushed out the boat. the man headed obliquely down stream to come up with the baby from behind, while i took a position in the bow, ready to land it in the boat. in a few minutes we were up to him. the poor little deserted fellow was pawing about in the water much after the manner of a blind puppy and uttering plaintiff cries, startlingly like a real baby. i skipped the scoop well under him, and in a moment he was safely landed in the bottom of the boat. i fixed up an extemporary feeding bottle, made of a piece of rubber tubing, a cork and an empty soda water bottle, which we filled with some nice warm milk. we got him comfortable on a sheepskin alongside the kitchen stove, and with a little instruction he very soon knew how to work his end of the tube. the warmth of the stove and the bottle of milk very quickly sent him into sweet forgetfulness. my first intention was to keep him only a few days, until he got a little larger and stronger, and then let him continue his journey to the sea. but the little fellow became such a pet and evidently liked his surroundings so well that it would have been heartless in the extreme to send him away; so jack, as the cook christened him, became one of the family, and grew and waxed strong, and followed me about between the buildings with his flopping gait in a most ridiculous manner. in september, numbers of fine sea trout used to come in the river each tide and go out with the ebb. we placed a stand of old useless salmon nets near the last sand point to create a back-water, from which to fly-fish. jack used to accompany me on these fishing tours, and he very soon came to understand what my whipping the water was for. one day he wabbled down to the very edge of the river, gazed up and down and across the water, and the next instant dived in, with a greasy, sliding motion. the waters closed over him, and i paused in my pastime to see what would happen next. i looked about in all directions for jack, but not a ripple disturbed the placid waters. he could not have been meshed in the folds of the net, because i would have seen the floats vibrate. so i stood there pondering, my thoughts partly perplexed and partly sorrowful for the possible loss of our pet. all at once i heard heavy breathing almost at my feet, and looking down, there was jack with a fine / lb. sea trout crossways in his mouth, which, on my calling his name, he deposited at my feet. then you may be sure i petted the dear young fellow, and he seemed to understand that what he had done was appreciated by his master, for after rolling himself for a few moments on the sand he made another dive, and another, and another, always with the same successful results, and the best part of his fishing was that he only selected the largest and fattest fish. we went home, both very proud in our own way--jack for having been made so much of, and i because of the useful accomplishment of my pet. as long as the run of fish continued, jack and i used to resort each day to the eddy. he brought the fish ashore and i put them in the basket. what we could not consume at the house, the cook salted for winter use. yes, the winter was coming on, and the thought occurred to me several times what we would do with jack. jack, however, made no attempt to take his freedom and forsake us. on the contrary, he manifested greater affection for us all, and, as the days became shorter and the nights colder and longer in that northern latitude, he used to sleep for many hours on a stretch, huddled up with the dogs in the kitchen, only going out of doors for an occasional slide in the snow once or twice during the course of each day. even the long winter of the north comes to an end in time, and once again we had open water; the last-bound river was again free from ice, and jack used to take long swims, but he always came back. finally the run of salmon struck the river, and i took jack down to the bight of the sandbars to fly him at bigger game than the trout. he made one or two dives and came ashore empty-mouthed. he saw there were no caresses for jack, so he tried again. this time his efforts were crowned with success, for he landed with a lb. salmon struggling in his strong jaws. he received my pating and expressions of satisfaction with unbounded joy and seemed to know he had done something to be proud of, for he ambled up the sandbank and slid down to the water several times in rapid succession. soon it was the season for the seals to enter the river as in past years, and the indians were shooting them from their canoes whenever they had a chance. jack used to go so far afield now, probably trying to find the mother that had so shamefully deserted him last year, that we feared he might be shot by the indians by mistake; so we tied a piece of blue worsted gartering about his neck to distinguish him from the other seals. but alas for the poor knight of the garter. one day jack was out among the other seals off the mouth of the river, and in some way the blue garter must have been detached from his neck, for an indian shot him. the man brought him ashore and told us of the mishap. as soon as he handled him to put him in the canoe, he knew at once from the roughness of his coat it was poor jack. and thus ended our intelligent and useful pet. we buried him near the flagstaff and put up a board bearing the inscription "jack." * * * seeing a small shark brought ashore the other day by one of the salmon fishermen, who had found it rolled up in his net, put me in mind of an exciting adventure i had many years ago. both at the east, as well as the west side of the mouth of the great river moisie, sand banks run out to sea for a distance of two or three miles. these are covered at high tide, but being of almost a uniform height, the falling tide runs off of them in a very short space of time, and leaves them dry with the exception of some odd places where pools of water remain. the banks are dry the last two hours of the ebb and the first two hours of the flood tide. the great river continually deposits on these sands such quantities of vegetable matter, that they are a resort for many kinds of small fishes; and numerous waterfowl come there at certain stages of the tide to feed on the fish. i was only about eighteen at the time, and had gone out in a birch-bark canoe to shoot ducks on the banks. my companion, an indian boy, even younger than myself in years, but several times older in experience, was to steer the canoe. the last words his father said to us before leaving, were, "don't go too far out, or the 'ma-thcie-ne-mak' will cut your canoe and eat you." the sea that morning was as calm as a pond, and perfectly glassy from the strong may sun striking straight down on it. we had been out for a couple of hours, and had had pretty fair luck with sea-ducks and loons, and were just about starting for the shore before the tide left us dry on the banks. if such a thing had happened, it would have entailed on us the labor of carrying our canoe a mile or so to the beach, over soft yielding sand. "we better go," the boy was saying when his words were cut short in his mouth. with the remains of that breath he screeched "ma-tchie-ne-mak!" and started to paddle like one possessed. i admit that his fright was infectious, and coupled with the dread name of shark, it so quickened my stroke, that hanlon's sixty-a-minute were very slow compared to the way i worked my paddle. i have read, and heard from old whalesmen, that as long as one kept the water churned up, there was no danger of the shark getting in his work. twice the boy called out, "there he is!" once i caught a glimpse of the monster a few yards off on our port beam, heading to the shore also, but evidently watching for a chance to attack us. the tide was now running out, and consequently the more we neared the shore, the shoaler the water got. the shark had not stopped to consider this in his mad rush to catch us. at last our canoe grounded on the sands and we looked back with relief at our narrow escape. but, ah! what is that about a couple of acres astern, surely not the shark! but it was, and he was floundering about in shallow water, in one of the pools, and every minute the water was getting less. "hoop-la! we will now hunt the shark," i said to little moses, as i started off toward him over the now dry sands. yes, there he was, the great, ugly beast, flopping about in a basin surrounded by banks, out of which it was impossible for him to escape. from the shore the boy's father and one of my men saw what was going on and came out with a handful of bullets and their guns. in the meantime i was employing the time with good results, by pouring into the shark charge after charge of aaa shot at close range. by the time the men reached us the fish was pretty sick, and apart from snapping his immense jaws, was lying perfectly still. the first bullet from a distance of ten feet put an end to him. when the tide came in again we towed him into the river and cut him up and salted the chunks in barrels to feed the dogs the next winter. from the liver we rendered out three gallons of oil as clear as water. this of itself was of value to us the next winter in our lamps, it gave a clear light and emitted no smoke. those were the days before coal oil came into general use. our only lights at the post were home-made tallow candles, or a cotton rag from a tin spout fed by seal-oil. this, combined with the burning rag, gave off a heavy, dense, black smoke, which was, if not injurious, very unpleasant to inhale during the long winter evenings. the shark-oil being so much superior, i kept it for my own private lamps, and the teeth ornamented the mantlepiece. chapter xxi. the care of blistered feet. much suffering and discomfort are experienced by the novice on snowshoe tramps by the want of knowledge as to how to care for and protect the feet from blistering. the toes are the parts that suffer most from the friction of the cross snowshoe strings that are continually see-sawing the front part of the moccasin, and many, from an erroneous idea of cause and effect, pile on extra socks, thinking thereby to prevent the blistering by the thickness of their foot padding. during my first years in the hudson bay service i suffered like any other new "hitter" of the long trail, but once started on the tramp there was no giving in. places being hundreds of miles apart, there were no houses nor any place to stop and say, "i can go no further." on a journey of seven, eight or ten days, we took probably one day's extra provisions, but no more, therefore be the back lame through the heavy bundle it had to support day after day, or our every toe blistered to the bone, walk on we must and did. i have often seen the blood appear on my moccasins, working its way through three or four pairs of socks and become so dried and caked that before the shoes could be removed at the night's camp-fire, warm water had to be poured freely upon the moccasin to release the foot. the agony at such times was past explaining. it was quite a work to patch up each separate toe with balsam gum and rag before turning in for the night, and yet stiff, swollen and sore, these poor feet had to have the large heavy snowshoes suspended to them next morning and the weary tramp continued as on the previous day. our guides, the indians, did not suffer, as their feet were hardened from childhood, and as an indian never gives advice nor offers to relieve his companion's load without being asked, we, the unfortunate greenhorns, were compelled to trudge on in the wake of our pace-maker as well as we could. of course i tried by all manner of changes in footwear to alleviate the trouble by taking off some thickness of socks and by putting on extra ones, all to no avail. trip after trip, and year after year, i suffered with cut toes and blistered feet. by good fortune, i think it was my fifth year in the country, i was ordered from st. lawrence posts to meet a winter packet party from hudson's bay. a certain lake on the divide was arranged for in the autumn as the meeting place of the two parties. the packeters from hudson's bay were to leave on the d of january and had a journey ahead of them of miles. my party, two indians and self, left on the th of january, having miles less to travel, or miles. our day's tramps were so similar in length that we arrived at the rendezvous within four hours of each other. one of the party from the bay was a scotch half-breed, and from him, for the first time, i learned the art of caring properly for the feet. he made me cast aside all my woolen knitted socks, and out of his abundance he supplied me with smoked fawn-skin socks, ankle high, made in the fashion of a moccasin, only with no tops or welts of seams. the top and bottom pieces of leather were herring-boned together, a slit was made in the top half to insert the foot and this was put on the bare foot. on top of this two other shoe socks, made of duffle or blanketing, were placed and the moose skin moccasin over all, the leather top of which was tied about the naked ankle. i ventured to opine that i would possibly be cold there, or freeze, but my new friend told me the object was to keep the feet from over heating. "and this and the knitted socks is the cause of all your suffering." "now listen to me," he went on; "at every noon day fire, or in fact any time a lengthened halt is called, sit on the brush before the fire and take off both moccasins and all your socks, turn them inside out and beat them on a stick or the brush to take out all the creases the feet have made. let them cool wrong side out and while this is taking place, have your feet also cooling. let them become thoroughly cold before replacing your socks and shoes and when doing this put those that were on the right foot on to the left, and vice versa. this affords a wonderful relief to the tired feet and you resume the journey with a rested feeling. at night, after the last pipe is smoked and you are about turning in to get what sleep you can with no roof to cover you but the far-off heavens, then turn up your pants to the knee and jump, bare-footed and bare-legged into the nearby snow and stand in it until you can bear it no longer, then stand near the blazing camp-fire and with a coarse towel, or bag, rub the legs and feet well until the blood is tingling, and the color of your lower extremities resembles a boiled lobster, and my word for it, you will rest better, sleep sounder and arise refreshed--what you never enjoyed before." fitted out as i was and following his advice of the snow bath, i made the return journey with ease and pleasure. i made long tramps for twenty years following and never again was i troubled by either blisters or cut feet. even making short trips about the post hunting, i never allowed a knitted sock near my feet. chapter xxii. deer-sickness. the indian term "deer-sickness" is in reality a misnomer, as it is not the deer that is sick but the party following its tracks. the idea of writing this article came to me by reading "scent glands of the deer," which appeared in _forest and stream_ of may , and i remembered how i had the deer-sickness thirty-eight years ago. there are many surprises for a tenderfoot or greenhorn in the wild, but the name given to one of these very-much-to-be-pitied parties in the bush country from the labrador to lake superior is _mangers du lard._ this is the universal cognomen by which a stranger in the north country is known. i found by tracing back that this soubriquet was first given by the french _courriers du bois_ to a new hand entering the back country for the first time. it is said that in those early days the french youths, from which new hands were recruited, lived at home on very scanty food, and when they got away working for the fur company, where pork was, comparatively, in abundance, they let their young appetites loose and ate the flesh of swine in prodigious quantities, whereby they became known as _mangers da lard,_ i. e., pork eaters, and this denoted a stranger or greenhorn, the tenderfoot of the western prairie. i was somewhat of a greenhorn myself and suffered thereby by catching the deer-sickness. like a good many other bad knocks that a beginner has to endure, this bit of sickness had an abiding effect on me and was never repeated. my experience came about in this wise. i had accompanied a family of indians to a deer battue, and after the general slaughter was over i was allotted the duty of following up a wounded deer; by the word deer i mean a wood caribou. this particular buck had been shot at close quarters, the ball going clear through its stomach. while the shot had the effect of bowling the deer over it had not touched a vital spot, and during the excitement of the other shooting the animal got up and traveled away unobserved. the snow was pretty deep, nevertheless the further the deer went the better he appeared to get along. when this fact became evident to me, who was following his track, literally with my nose to the snow, i put on a greater spurt to try and end the jig. the deer by this time had become cognizant of being followed and he also increased his pace. i now became aware of a weakness in my limbs, a nauseating smell in my nostrils and a faint and giddy sensation in my head. this uncomfortable feeling grew worse, and at last to save myself from falling i had to lean against a tree and wipe my brow with a handful of snow. this had a momentary good effect. i saw clearly once more and pushing ahead redoubled my efforts to come within shooting distance of my deer. but i had not gone far before i felt a relapse coming and in a few moments i was in worse distress than ever. the last i remember was seeing a whirl of trees going around me. it was the last conscious moment before i fainted dead away and fell in my tracks in the snow. luckily the chief had sent his two boys to follow me up, not that he anticipated this ending, but for the purpose of skinning and cutting up the deer. it was providential he did, for otherwise i would never have awakened in this world. as it was, the cold had thoroughly penetrated my body and it was only after drinking a quart or two of hot tea that circulation resumed its functions. after i had come around to the youth's satisfaction the eldest one started off after the cause of all my trouble, leaving his younger brother to replenish the fire and attend to my wants. the elder boy returned after an hour or two, having killed the deer, the proof, the split heart tucked in his belt. darkness was then setting in, but the boys made ready to start for camp. what had taken me hours of toil to cover, they passed over in a very short time; in fact, we only saw my trail once or twice on the way out to the lake. that night, after supper the chief told me of the "deer-sickness," and warned me against persistently following the trail. he continued and told how the indians did and in after years i saw their mode and practiced it myself. he explained to be that a pungent odor exuded from the deer's hoofs when they were pursued and it was this that caused my weakness and distress. the indians in following deer cut the trail once in a while merely to make sure they are going in the right direction and to ascertain the freshness of the tracks. this is done with a two-fold purpose, first to avoid the odor from the fresh tracks and secondly to run or walk in the most open parts of the forest. moose, caribou, and deer when fleeing from an enemy invariably pass through the thickest bush, because the snow is shallower under thick, branchy trees than in the open, therefore the indian walks a spell on the right hand side of the trail, then crosses over and passes on the left. from the topography of the country the indian has a pretty good idea of the trend of the caribou's course, and the cutting of the trail from time to time is only to assure himself that he is correct in his surmise, and to judge by the tracks how near he is to the quarry. he thereby passes through the clearest country, has the best walking and escapes the nauseous effluvia emitted from the animals' hoofs. * * * it falls to us who live in the country the year round to hear amusing stories from the guides of their experiences with the "tenderfeet" that visit the north country during the open season. one that showed the cuteness of the guide was told me shortly ago by the man himself. dr. s---- came to roberval with the expressed wish of taking home a caribou head of his own killing. he engaged george skene as man of all work, and old bazil, the noted guide and successful hunter. although it is not customary for guides to take their guns when out with gentleman sportsmen, yet old bazil was an exception, as he always insisted on taking his. around the camp-fire dr. s---- spoke of his great wish to kill a caribou. "now," he said to old bazil, "you bring me up close to one and i kill it, i'll give you a bonus of $ ." several times next day during the still-hunt old bazil would leave the doctor to await his return, while he would go forward reconnoitering carefully so there might be no mistake. at last he came back with the glad tidings to the doctor, that he had seen two caribou not far in advance of where they now were. when it got to sneaking after bazil through the last hundred yards to the few trees at the extreme edge of the forest, the doctor's heart was beating with such thumps that he thought the noise would start the game. the doctor at last reached the guide in the fringe of trees. bazil told him that one of the deer was standing up, broadside on, while a little to the right was the second one lying down. the standing one being the larger of the two, and the only one having horns, was for the doctor to shoot, while the guide would take a pot-shot at the other. the doctor flattened out on his stomach and wriggled a few feet further, saw the deer through the branches, took aim and waited for bazil to count the agreed one, two, three. bazil argued with himself that from the uncertain way the doctor's gun was wabbling about there were several hundred chances to one against his hitting the deer, and as a consequence, he would be minus his bonus. so he employed a ruse. he counted the agreed signal to fire, but instead of firing at the one lying down, he drew a bead on the doctor's, and, of course, killed it. at the report of the guns the caribou on the ground sprang up, and old bazil, with consummate prevarication, said, "oh! i missed it!" aimed again, let go the other barrel, and killed this one also. the doctor was wild with delight at his successful first shot, and expressed in many words his pleasure to old bazil, who took it all in without a blush. the old guide, who was standing up back of where the doctor fired, had taken no chance of missing with his smooth bore, but fired point blank at the deer's fore quarters. there was found on examination a frightful wound, and smashed bone; but the doctor was not versed enough in woodcraft to distinguish if this had been caused by a round bullet, and not the conical one from his own rifle. the doctor was not a pot-hunter; he had what he came for, and had got it in almost record time, and was satisfied, so he fished for brook trout while bazil carefully prepared the head for transportation and dried the meat for his own family. then they journeyed back to roberval, where the men were paid off, bazil receiving a bright $ gold piece as promised over and above his wages. the doctor no doubt has that head, beautifully gotten up, hanging over his sideboard, and points to it with pride to his guests, saying, "i killed that head back of kis-ki-sink, in canada." chapter xxiii. a case of nerve. in the far interior where flour is scarce and our living consists of either fish or flesh, both of which we have to get when we can and how we can, the game laws are a dead letter. nets were always in the water the year round and no one moved from the posts without a gun. fish and potatoes were our staple diet and were it not for the abundance of the former we could never have lived in the country. lakes were all about us and when one was fished out we moved our nets to another. flesh, however, could not always be got, and when the chance offered we killed, in season or out. nothing, however, was wasted. should we shoot a deer or moose in summer, the surplus over what we could consume in a day or two was either jerked and dried or salted. many a time have my men had to visit our nets a mile or two off to get wherewith for our breakfast. if successful the fish had then to be cleaned and cooked before we broke our fast. such being our hard battle for life i may be excused for the following story: an indian came in late one afternoon from his hunting grounds at the south to get his spring ammunition. it was about the middle of april and there was at the time a hard crust on the snow. he told us that on the way he had seen cuttings of a very big bull moose and he was sure he was on the top of a mountain near by where he had noticed the cuttings. he had no gun and besides the moose was useless to him so far from his camp being four or five miles from our post. now he continued if you want to have him you can come along with me in the morning and you will surely kill him. he can't get away with the crust. the indian was so sure of our success that he told me to take my two men with sleds to bring home the meat and hide. as it was all ice walking except one short portage to the foot of the range of mountains he named, we decided to leave the post an hour or so before daylight so as to be there at the earliest possible moment. our preparations were soon made and we took a little sleep dressed as we were and then started. we took two little partridge curs to head off the moose and keep him amused until i could catch up and shoot. the hunt was going to be such a dead sure result that mine was the gun in the party. it was a smooth bore h. b. and carried bullets to the pound. we had a cup of tea and a bite of galette at the foot of the mountain and left our sleds there together with the indian's bundle of ammunition, tea, tobacco, etc., he had traded at the post. my men each carried one of the dogs in a bag to let go at the proper moment. as the indian proposed in the first place to still hunt the bull, he reasoned that it being yet so early perhaps i would get a shot when he jumped up from his bed of the night. we had to wear snow shoes in the green bush as the crust was not sufficient strong to support a man without them. we whipped strips of old rags about the frames to deaden the noise when walking on the hard snow. the indian led off putting down each foot with the utmost care and i followed gun in hand the men being told to keep an acre or two behind us. the ascent was gradual and pretty free from undergrowth. we were getting near the summit when all at once the indian called out, "he's off." after the stillness of our procedure these words were quite startling. the men heard him and hurried forward to us. the dogs were emptied out, they caught the tainted air in a moment and away they ran. this was the first time i knew of an indian's acute sense of smell, and after, when i came to consider it, could not think otherwise than that it was wonderful. from the place where we stood when he said, "the moose is away," was fully two acres to his lair, so it was impossible he could have seen or heard him go. in fact, he told me he smelt him when he sprang up. this i disbelieved at the time, but in after years had many instances that could not be doubted. already the dogs were giving tongue down the descent on the other side and as they were barking apparently in the same place the moose was said to be at a standstill. the face of the mountain on the other side was wooded with a young growth of trees, in some places growing in thickets or clusters. the indian and the men followed me down hill and i approached the place where i heard the dogs, gun in hand. the dogs were, by the sound of their barking, running in on him and taking a nip at each run. after careful peering into the clump of trees i thought i made out his fore quarter and fired. the moose simply sat down and elevated his head until his neck appeared as long as that of a giraffe. i thought this was the forerunner of his tumbling over dead. this, however, was not the case, for the next minute he broke cover and charged straight for where i was standing, a distance of only a few yards. my companions turned and fled and i looked around for a suitable tree to dodge behind, but none was near. my left barrel was yet loaded and i realized my very life depended on my coolness and accurate shooting. it takes considerable more time to write this down than the event itself took. i planted myself firmly on my snowshoes and waited the proper moment. all fear had passed and i fully realized it was death to me if i missed my shot. on he came his great eyes blazing green in his anger and the coarse hairs on his neck and shoulders standing up like quills. in a case of strong tension on the nerve like myself at that time moments appear hours. he was in the act of making his last spring before reaching me when i took a snap sight along the barrel and fired fair in the forehead. i had just time to step to one side when he fell dead right in my old tracks. death had been so instantaneous that he was so to speak "killed on the fly." we skinned and cut up the meat and were back at the post before the midday thaw set in. it was only that night when i looked at the adventure from all points of view that i fully saw the great danger i had run. chapter xxiv. amphibious combats. very few of the present generation of hunters, i presume, have ever witnessed a fight between a beaver and an otter. i venture to think that the narrative of such an event will prove interesting to readers of _hunter-trader-trapper_, especially as it comes first hand from the person who saw the fight from the start, and was in at the finish. it was an unique spectacle of once in thirty-five years of bush life. i must digress a little at the start to explain that otters often, in the autumn, endeavor to find some tenantless beaver lodge situated on a chain of small lakes. if fortunate to find such, they at once pre-empt the old lodge and make it their home and headquarters. if the fish supply is ample in the lakes and small connecting creeks, they stay there until the snow hardens, and openings occur in the large rivers and then slide away to new fields, or rather, waterways. this migration is generally about the th of march in our northern country. one day in the latter part of october i portaged my bark canoe over the divide into another chain of lakes, with the object of ascertaining if there were any beaver in that section. i came out to the shore of the lower lake of the string, in a small grassy bay, and was just in the act of taking the canoe off my head, when out in the bay, an acre or two from shore, i saw a beaver swimming on the surface at a high rate of speed. being yet early in the afternoon i wondered at this and waited, with the canoe still tilted on my shoulders. all at once a long, shiny, snaky looking animal broke water in the wake of the beaver and a short distance behind the latter, evidently in pursuit. the beaver was no sooner aware of this than he appeared actually to stand half out of the water, the next instant he turned and faced his pursuer. the distance between the two was so short that in a moment they were fast to each other's throat and then for some minutes neither could be seen for the churning and splashing of the water. i took the opportunity while they were thus engaged to unload my canoe and slip it half way into the lake ready to embark. after the first fierce fighting impact and deadly grip, when they appeared pretty well exhausted--the fight going on at times on the surface--and again both would disappear beneath the waters of the lake, still locked together with the tenacity of bulldogs. then they rose to the top, this time separated, and at some little distance apart, both plainly much spent. then they circled about one another, much in the same way as two boxers sparring. again a mad rush at each other, and again the strong jaws of his opponent, and the same scene was enacted again. i thought it was about time to push out and take a closer aspect of affairs. the fight was interesting, but the chance of getting a beaver and an otter, with one shot, far surpassed the proverbial, "two birds with one stone." what little breath of wind that ruffled the bay was in my favor, so with both barrels of my gun cocked leaning against the canoe bar, i sculled the birch silently but swiftly thru the water unnoticed by the combatants. when just about to take my gun, "the moment too late" occurred right then, and they separated as by mutual consent; the beaver swimming toward the shore and the otter pawing the water in a blind, dazed sort of a way. the latter being the nearer to the canoe and the most valuable of the two, i fired and killed him. on the flash and report of the gun, the beaver dived and i pushed the canoe in his direction, with the other barrel ready when he should come up. i had over-shot the place when he had disappeared and waited looking toward the shore, where i expected he would next come to view. minutes passed and no sign, i turned about in the canoe thinking possibly he had doubled under. not ten feet from the stern of the canoe, there was mr. beaver, dead without my firing a shot, dead from his wounds. i pulled him into the canoe and paddled back and picked up the otter. after getting ashore and examining them both carefully and again when skinning them, i found the beaver had died of his terrible wounds and no doubt the otter was in the last throes of his life also, when i gave him his quittance. the hair and skin on their bellies were much scratched and cut up by the sharp, hard claws of their hind feet. their necks were one mass of teeth marks, and the jugular veins in each were pierced. both would have died of their wounds in a little while, without the use of the gun, had i withheld my fire for a few minutes, for they were fast bleeding to death. i ascertained afterwards that this beaver had been the only one in the lake; the otter no doubt had driven him out of his house, and not content with this had pursued him, courting battle. in the fight that ensued, of which i had been a witness, both had met their death. * * * the sight i witnessed some years ago is so unique that i think it will prove interesting to the readers of _forest and stream_. i was at the time stationed right in the moose country, having for its center the great kipewa lake. one day toward the end of november, when, as yet only the bays of the big lake were frozen, i started to visit some mink traps in my canoe, accompanied by a small little rat of a dog. it was still open water in the body of the lake, but as i have said, the bays were frozen a couple of inches thick. there is a long point of land jutting into the lake. open water washed the beach on my side of this; but on the other side was a frozen bay. i landed about the middle of the point to fix up a mink trap. the little dog ran up into the timber, and a minute or two after i heard him giving tongue in a savage manner for so small a beast, and i knew he must have started up something extraordinary, possibly a bear. i ran down to the canoe for my gun, and started off in the direction of the barking, which by that time was becoming more remote. pushing on, i came out to the shore on the opposite side of the point. here i witnessed a sight never before nor after seen by me during a residence of over thirty years in the wilds of canada. a large cow moose was slipping about on the glare ice trying to make her way to the other side of the bay. i was so spellbound for a few moments that i let the opportunity pass to shoot. the ice was so glare that it was with difficulty the large animal could make headway at all. my little dog had now come up with her, and very pluckily nipped her heels. the huge beast tried to turn in her headway to face the cur. in doing so, her four feet all slipped at once from under her, and her great weight coming down so suddenly on the thin ice caused it to break in fragments, and the moose was in the water. to get out of that hole with no bottom to spring from was more than that moose, or any other, could do, but the poor beast did not realize this, and continued swimming around, and every now and again getting its front hoofs on the slippery edge, only to fall backward again into the icy waters. the dog followed it about the opening, barking continually, but the moose had more pressing business than to bother with a small dog. i saw that the creature would never succeed in extracting itself, and thought to end its misery. from where i stood the distance from the shore was about two hundred yards. i therefore started to load my gun (it was before the days of breechloaders), but when i got to the final of putting on the percussion cap, there was none. although i was positively sure the moose would be frozen stiff in that hole in the morning, the fascination of the sight kept me standing there on the rocks watching her struggles. i must have stood there for two full hours, as the sun of the short november day began to get near the treetops, and a cold, cutting north wind began to blow. the poor moose was now swimming about very slowly, and at times turning up on her side. this told me the end was not far off. the last look i gave she had part of her head resting on the ice, and her body was floating on its side. then i recrossed the point and paddled home as fast as i could. next morning we got a large canoe out of winter quarters, and with my two men we paddled back to the point, supplied with ropes and axes. the night had been a cold one, and had increased the thickness of the ice sufficient for us to walk upon. we cut a couple of long pines, or levers, and went out to the hole. the head was frozen just in the position i had last seen it, and this kept the body from sinking. our first precaution was to chop the ice away about the carcass and get ropes about it. then we got another around the neck and chopped the head clear. we dropped it as it was to the shore, and there cut it up in quarters. all of the breast, neck and front legs were quite useless, being a mass of conjected blood and bruised flesh, caused by the moose's contact with the ice. these condemned parts, however, were not altogether useless, because i used them to bait my traps. besides the eatable part of the meat, i got twenty pairs of shoes out of the hide. * * * just after the above account of the very unusual occurrence was received, a press dispatch telling of a somewhat similar happening appeared in the new york newspapers. there is no doubt that accidents of one sort and another are responsible for the death of large game much more frequently than we imagine. it is certain also that among the young of such animals there is a considerable mortality, although we do not know that any observations on this subject have been recorded. every man who has hunted much, however, has probably seen something of this, and we should be glad to record any such experiences of this sort which our readers have had. we ourselves have not infrequently found young deer and antelope that had evidently died from diseases, and more seldom have seen young elk, and on two occasions, young mountain sheep, dead, for whose taking off there seemed to be no reason to be advanced except sickness. it is well known that on the fur seal islands of the north pacific and the bering sea, thousands of pups die annually from disease, in addition to the vastly greater number which starve to death through the killing of the mothers by pelagic sealing. the _sun_ account above referred to reads as follows: captains wisner, verity and ira udall, who have been across the bay to fire island beach, arrived here to-day. they say that two deer, one a fine large six-year-old buck and the other a doe, had walked out on the ice and had broken through. they had been unable to get back to the mainland and were carried with the current. they drifted across the bay a distance of nearly ten miles and were being taken out into the ocean when seen by captains udall and verity from the state wharf east of the lighthouse. the two men put off in a lifeboat and succeeded in driving the buck ashore. the doe was almost dead by that time. every effort was made to get her ashore and save her life. a rope was fastened around her body and she was soon on shore, although after no little effort. she soon, however, died of exhaustion. the buck ran off east on the beach, but unless its instinct is strong enough to teach it to follow the beast east to the mainland, seventy miles distant, it will soon starve, as the sand hills and meadows are now bare of vegetation. chapter xxv. art of pulling hearts. i see by inquiries answered and letters from f. edgar brown in an issue of hunter-trader-trapper that my casual mention of pulling the heart of the fox in "reynard outwitted," has struck a chord of interest with trappers. as the knack of pulling the hearts of the smaller animals trapped is worth knowing, and will save the hunter dirty work in the skinning of the pelts, i will describe the process as plain as i can. it is bad enough to skin an animal that has been struggling in a steel trap, and got the imprisoned leg a mass of congealed blood, without adding to the disagreeableness of the job crushing in his head or breaking his back with a pole. this at least can be avoided by pulling down the heart till the cords snap. in no other way do indians, or those who have learned trapping from indians, kill the small animals they find alive when visiting their line of traps. foxes, martens, minks and rabbits are always killed in this way. lynx, of course, is a nasty animal to approach in a trap, still the indian trapper never thinks of shooting, or hitting him with a pole. on the contrary they fix a noosed cord to a young sapling cut for the purpose, and snare him from the length of the pole; once over his head they stand on the pole and let him struggle till dead. this prevents blood from being on the skin. a live bear in a steel trap must be shot to make "a good bear of him." but the indian trapper again uses his judgment and waits till the first violent struggles are over, and the bear somewhat quiet, then the hunter takes careful aim and puts a bullet into his ear, being always at pretty close range. the ball passes clear thru the head, killing the bear instantly and making a wound that bleeds profusely, so that when the skinning process takes place, there is no blood in the body. the skin is cut around the throat, skinned towards the body and the head left as it is. however, this is digressing from the subject at issue. the small animals i have mentioned when caught with snow on the ground, are simply walked on top of by the hunter's snowshoes; once he is pinned down so that he cannot move, the trapper slips his left hand under snowshoes and secures the fox or whatever it is by the neck with a tight grip of the thumb and fingers. then the snowshoe is withdrawn until it holds the hind quarters only; the hand with the head and neck is elevated until the body is extended to its utmost. the right hand now feels for the heart just below the bottom rib; it may not be there at once, but it will come. when the animal feels the grip tightening on his throat the sense of strangulation causes the heart to jump down and up in the body in the most violent manner. this the hunter seizes at one of the downward pumps, catches it between the thumb and fingers of the right hand; then pulling the body in one direction and the heart in the other, the heart-strings snap. the animal gives a convulsive quiver and you chuck him down dead. oh yes! it is much better than the brutal way of banging them on the head with the axe handle or a pole, and much more humane because the animal is dead at once, almost as quick as if shocked with electricity. animals trapped in the late fall, or early snow, cannot be held by the snowshoe, therefore some other means must be taken. it does not do to take any risks of being bitten, for animals after struggling in a trap for some time, become more or less mad, consequently the venom getting into one's blood might cause a very bad wound to heal, especially as the man who hunts cannot avoid the cold getting into the sore, and then should such happen one cannot foretell what the sequel may be. to avoid therefore all mishaps the hunter draws his belt axe, and cuts a forked young birch or alder, the handle part being about four feet long, at the extremity of which a fork is left with prongs of five or six inches long. presenting this to the trapped beast, he snaps at it; the trapper watches his chance and deftly slips the fork over his neck and with a quick downward push, marten, fox or fisher is secured. the left hand is exchanged for the forked stick, the right foot is placed on his hind quarters to keep him from clawing, then go for his heart with the right hand. one trying for the first time may have some little difficulty, but after a few animals have passed thru his hands he will as well as i do, know the art of pulling hearts. during my many years as a fur trader, part of the time has been passed on the frontier where opposition is keen and hunters, both indians and whites, are careless in preparing their peltries for market. as long as they are dried in a way to keep, is all sufficient for them. musquash will be simply drawn over a bent willow and dried in the blazing sun or near the camp fire. the little animal is hastily skinned and considerable fat is left on the skin, which, by being subjected to a quick and great heat, penetrates the skin and it is consequently grease burnt. the greater number of beaver skins one gets about the canadian villages are badly gotten up. this, in a great measure, is due to the french custom of buying by weights instead of by the skin, the hunters reasoning that the more meat, grease, flippers, etc., they can leave on, the greater number of pounds gross. mink and otter are the two hardest animals we have to skin clean, and the majority we get on the frontier go to the london markets in a shameful state, and must tend towards their decrease in value. i have seen foxes, minks, martens and musquash as taken crumpled like rags from the same bag. it was a great wrench for me after handling skins of every sort positively prime, and as clean as the paper upon which this is printed, for twenty years to find myself on the frontier buying such burnt and crumpled skins, as i found was the rule rather than the exception. yes, it was a pleasure to barter the furs hunted by our inland indians; every skin was brought to the post hair side in. if the indian had a bear, the two flanks were turned in lengthwise of the skin, then the hide was folded twice, the thick part of the head and shoulders being brought down on top of all as a protection to the thinner parts. large beaver were folded crosswise of the skin twice, making a kind of portfolio about eighteen inches wide by twenty-eight to thirty inches long. small beaver were folded once lengthwise of the skin, and these came to us as a rule, two placed inside of each large beaver as they went. in the interior where the hunters have well defined grounds to trap on they, by self-interest, protect the beaver and kill comparatively few young ones. our average for the whole year would probably be one small one to two middle or full grown. the martens are tied flat the whole length of the skins in bundles of ten each, with a thin splinter of cedar wood on top and bottom to prevent them from being crumpled in any way. minks are treated just as carefully. foxes, fisher and lynx are folded one crosswise and then placed either inside of beaver or bear skins. thus nothing is exposed from an indian's pack of furs, either to view or friction, but strong leather. musquash, like all other skins except bear and beaver, are skinned from the head down and each skin is cased, which makes them clean, flat and nice to handle. as their hunts are made during the cold months when the animals have their primest coats, and as every particle of flesh or grease is frost scraped, the skin lastly washed on the case and then the pelt dried by the action of frost alone, it can be readily understood with such care as i have tried to explain, that we get the very finest and most pleasing skins that go out of the country. the indian's business is to hunt and bring the fruits of the chase or traps to his wigwam; it is his wife and daughters' duty to skin and cure the pelts. the indians have the pride and ambition to vie with their sister matrons of the forest as to who will get up the cleanest, best and "well prepared skins." chapter xxvi. dark furs. it is not perhaps generally known that the surroundings of most animals have a primary effect on the color of their hair. beaver, otter, mink and musquash are dark or light colored according to the water they live in. clear, cold water lakes produce skins of a deep glossy black, muddy lakes on the other hand, furnishing light colored fur. having studied this in my own hunting and trapping, i have often surprised an indian when trading his skins by saying: "you trapped this and this skin in a clear water lake," and he has admitted it as true. another peculiar fact in relation to deep, cold water lakes is that, while the skins they produce are of the finest quality, they are also much smaller in size than those trapped in brown or muddy water, and this applies to all the animals i have mentioned. musquash killed in clear water lakes are about two-thirds the size of those trapped in grassy, sluggish rivers, and it is the same with mink. this rule holds good also with land animals, such as marten, those living in and resorting to black spruce swamps being invariably dark colored, whereas those in mixed pine, birch and balsam hills are larger and lighter in color. for seven years i trapped on a chain of lakes, five in number. one of these lay off at one side, not over a quarter of a mile from the other four; it was of considerable extent, possibly a mile and a half long by a quarter wide. this lake was very clear and deep, and used to freeze over two weeks later than the others, and open that much earlier in the spring. on the borders of this lake, which was known as "clear water lake," were two beaver lodges, which i preserved with the greatest care, only trapping a few out of each lodge every fall, thus keeping up the supply, and finer and more beautiful skins i never handled. this valley being within a few miles of the post, i got the indian who owned the lands to make over his rights for a consideration, and i kept these lakes as a home farm or preserve as long as i remained in that district. it was in the upper one of these lakes that i trapped the most extraordinary beaver of my experience, he having only one hind foot, the other feet having been gnawed or twisted off in traps. the indian owner of the lands, when selling his good will, told me of this desperate and cunning old animal and i passed many a long, solitary evening in my canoe to get a shot when the knowing old card broke water. i kept two or three traps well set, with a very remote possibility of his putting his only remaining foot therein. beaver medicine and castorum would not allure him, and the thought occurred to me to try anise seed oil, which i did, and on my next visit had the satisfaction of pulling him up drowned at the end of the chain. the wounds of the cut off legs were so thoroughly healed that when i skinned him there was not even a pucker of the skin in the places where the legs should have been. it is a marvel how he managed to navigate the waters of his native pond, but as the boy said, "i don't know how he did it, but he did." another freak that i caught in those same lakes was the only albino beaver that i ever saw. she had a creamy white fur, with pink eyes, pink toe nails and pink scales on her tail. this may not have been phenomenal, but it was a rare skin for all that. at a conservative estimate i must have handled a couple hundred thousand beaver skins in my life, but this is the only instance that i ever saw a white one. the clear water lake, not to be behind in oddities, produced a dwarf beaver. i caught him late in the fall in a trap set for musquash, the other lakes being frozen over. he was about the size of an ordinary full grown rat, but was fully developed and must have been two years old. at first i thought he might be of a second litter, but i thought this was very improbable, if not quite outside of nature, so i carefully examined the teeth and organs, and found to intents and purposes he was a full grown beaver. writing of full grown beaver puts me in mind of those early trapping days, and the logic of a certain indian. then we used to pay so much a skin for beaver, and graded the skins as big, middling and small. in culling this man's skins i threw one into the pile of middling ones and he immediately said: "that's a big one," and i said it was not and compared it with several of the large ones. he, however, stoutly maintained it was a big one and said, "look at the white men, there are big ones and small ones, but they are men the same." i stood corrected and placed the disputed skin with his better grown and developed relatives, the indian gave an almost audible smile, and things went on amicably. on the watershed between the valley of the st. lawrence and hudson's bay, marten are prime on the first of october. beaver, otter and mink are prime on the th of october and fox and lynx the th of november. i have often seen the question asked in the h-t-t as to the time the several kinds of fur are prime in different localities, and the above dates can be depended upon for the latitude mentioned. it pays the trapper to have his trap-houses made and his traps hung up ready to set and bait immediately when the skins are prime. they are easily cleaned and command a much higher average, whereas if the majority of skins in a man's pack are unprimed or staged, it takes away from the value of the few really few good ones. the buyer, to get these few merchantable skins, has to put some kind of value on the culls to make a buy, but in reality the trader is only paying for the few good ones and the trapper loses the other skins. and who is to blame? trappers have been told time and again that trapping too early in the season is against their best interests; nevertheless they go blindly on, killing the poor beasts that have little or no value, and then they marvel at the scarcity of the fur-bearing animals and the little return they have to show for a couple of months' hard work. no. if there is any line that wants protection and a cast iron union between the men connected with the industry, it is the fur trade. all are, or ought to be, interested in the keeping up of the supply and quality, the trapper, wholesale man and manufacturer alike. let the last two unite and not buy unprime skins, and the former for want of a market would very soon hunt in season only. * * * in this northern country fur-bearing animals continue prime much longer than elsewhere. the trappers and hunters (indians) only come down from the interior from the tenth of june, and all the way down to the end of the month. thus the month of june is the fur buying month. prior to the paris exposition a fair and legitimate trade was possible, the indians got a fair and reasonable price for their skins, and as a rule were reasonably honest. but that year marked the demoralization of the fur trade on this coast. opposition became keen and fur buyers from quebec, boston, new york and paris, came to the different places of resort of the indians, bidding up raw furs to prices out of all reason. the consequence of which were, and are, that the indian did not pay his furnisher, but kept up his finest furs to sell to these parties for high cash prices. other traders followed the fur buyers, and sold the indians useless trashy articles. the result is the indians have to leave for the bush ill supplied with warm clothings, provisions, etc.--what he actually requires. a large portion of his hunt has been sold for abnormal prices, but the proceeds has done him no perceptible good. on the contrary, his lot is much worse than it was before. seeing his advances have not been paid, the resident trader will not supply these men again. i take about the post of seven islands as perhaps being the place where the highest prices have been paid for three years, , and , and give the readers of hunter-trader-trapper the figures. they are as follows: bears, large, black from $ . to $ . bears, small, black, from . to . beaver per lb. . to . fisher, from . to . fox, red, from . to . fox, cross, from . to . fox, silver, from . to . lynx, from . to . marten, from . to . minks, from . to . otters, land, from . to . wolverine, from . to . these are the principal furs we have on the coast and will show what absurd prices were paid. we know that furs realized good prices at the last london sales, and some few, very few, bought were no doubt well worth these high prices. the part where the most harm was done the trade was the anxiety of some of these buyers to get the furs at almost any price. almost any kind of a marten would be paid $ for. such martens that the writer of this article has bought a few years ago for $ . , a very choice marten, large, dark and well furred, one we will say out of two or three hundred, such a one as we ordinarily paid $ for, has brought $ to $ . martens and otters especially, they seem to have gone perfectly crazy to get. two years ago a man, further down the coast paid $ for what i was told was a very ordinary silver fox. he went to paris during the exposition with the fox to sell. i never heard if he got his money back. had he paid $ , he would have got the fox just the same for this was the price being paid along the coast during that year. the rivers are the highways of the indians and the mouths of most of the big ones are the summer camping grounds. at these places are trading posts where they barter and sell their winter's catch, get new supplies for another year, and load their canoes again in september for another nine or ten months in the far north wilds. when the reaction comes, as it must come, it will be pretty hard to convince the indians that their martens are only worth $ or $ . the bottom is bound to fall out, and many of these men, who are paying the present prices, must go to the wall. with unlimited money, any fool can buy skins. but it requires a judge and careful man to buy with discretion. chapter xxvii. indians are poor shots. during a residence of many years among four different tribes of indians, i found, with very few exceptions, they were poor shots, either with the gun or rifle. when one considers that from young boyhood they have been in the habit of using a gun almost daily, and their very living depends, in great manner, on accurate shooting, their poor marksmanship is to be wondered at, nevertheless such is the case. a good wing shot is a rarity among the indians. the montagnais of the labrador and north shore of the gulf of st. lawrence, are no exception, and this in a country where most of the wild fowl are killed flying. it is admitted they kill wild geese and ducks while on their passage north and south, but this is only possible from the immense numbers of birds and a lavish expenditure of ammunition. it is a common thing for an indian getting his spring outfit to go among the islands to take from the trader one hundred pounds of shot, a keg of twenty-five pounds of powder and two thousand five hundred percussion caps (they use muzzleloaders). they always take about per cent. more caps than are necessary to fire the powder, as they explain, to make up for what they drop. the indians are very partial to loon; but, as a rule, it is the most expensive food they eat. a great number alight on lake ka-ke-bon-ga on their way north in the spring. this happens about the time the indians arrive at the post to trade their winter catch of furs. when a poor unfortunate loon would settle on the lake it was the signal for ten or twenty canoes to put off and shoot or drown him to death. far more frequently, i fancy, the poor bird expired from want of air than weight of shot. to watch these loon hunts from the gallery of our house was picturesque in the extreme, the canoes going, some in one direction as fast as the paddlers could drive them, and then all of a sudden the cry would ascend that the loon had broken water in quite the opposite place from where they were confident he would. then in a moment, the canoes would be whirled about like tops, and off again in the new direction, possibly to again find they are at fault. the wonder to me was there were no casualties, as almost incessant firing was kept up, with canoes going in several directions at once, and all on the save level; and when the loon would emerge, bang! would go several guns, regardless where pointed, in the excitement. i call to memory one day in particular. at the call of "loon!" i took a seat on the gallery, with the fixed resolve to count how many shots would be fired, and this is the result of my tab. twelve canoes put off from the camps, four hours consumed in the killing, and ninety-six shots were fired. this happened nearly forty years ago, when powder sold, at that inland post, at a dollar a pound; shot, thirty-three cents, and gun caps a half a cent each, so the reader can readily see that loon meat, under that way of hunting, was expensive. we read of and are told about the great slaughter the indians used to make among the buffalo in the good old days; but this success was not to be attributed to their good marksmanship, because they killed these noble beasts with their guns almost "boute touchant." one thing about their mode of loading and firing might be interesting to readers of the present day, inasmuch as a generation has been born and has grown up since the last buffalo roamed the plains. the indians and half-breeds who went on these periodical round-ups were armed with and preferred the old nor-west muzzle-loading flint-lock. they could load and fire with such rapidity that one would almost fancy they carried a repeating gun. suspended under their right arm by a deer thong, was a common cow's horn of powder, and in a pouch at their belt a handful or two of bullets. as the horse galloped up to the herd, the indian would pour a charge of powder into his left hand, transfer it into the barrel of the gun, give the butt a pound on the saddle, and out of his mouth drop on top a bullet. as the lead rolled down the barrel it carried in its wet state particles of powder that stuck on the sides, and settled on top of the powder charge. no rod or ramming was used. the gun was carried muzzle up, resting on the hollow of left arm until such time as the indian desired to fire. the quarry being so close no aim was required. on deflecting the barrel the trigger was pulled before the ball had time to roll clear of the powder. the indians saw that their buffalo guns had very large touch-holes, thereby assuring the pan being primed. when all the balls were fired a few others were chuked into the mouth, and merrily went the game. no! the indians are not good shots. chapter xxviii. a bear in the water. the bear has one trait especially that is most dangerous to the uneducated hunter, and that is when found swimming a lake or river he invariably goes in a straight line from where he left the shore. any obstacle in the way he clambers over, be it a log, boat or canoe. should the place where he reaches the further shore be a high rocky bluff, he climbs this, rather than turn from his direct course. this may be pigheadedness or stupidity; be it as it may, he will not turn to a low-shelving beach a few yards at one side, but it never enters his head to take the easier landing. i once saw a bear swimming across near the discharge of a lake. there was a string of booms hanging down stream near the other shore and at right angles to where he was heading. he simply clambered over the boom logs and took the water again on the other side, instead of trotting along the boom to the shore. i was acquainted with an old indian, who, knowing this trait of bears to land where they head for, did a deed of great nerve for a man of over sixty. he was visiting his fish net on the shore of a narrow lake, when he saw a large bear enter the water on the opposite side a little above, and head for the shore the old man was on. old pete had no gun, but he did not hesitate a moment, but caught up his hunting ax, and ran along shore to where the bear would land. the old man was plainly visible to the bear from the first, but bruin kept on his direct course. old pete waded out from the shore nearly to his waist with ax unlifted, and waited. everything depended on striking true, and at the proper and precise moment. he had the bear, it is true, at a disadvantage. still, many a younger and stronger man would have declined the risk. pete was successful; he buried the ax clean into the skull the first blow. another instance i witnessed of a bear not turning aside for any obstacle: we were later than usual one evening on the water; my men were anxious to get to the portage before camping, and were tracking the canoe up the last mile at deep dusk. there were four men on the line ashore, and the bow and steersmen standing up in the canoe fending her off the rocks and shallows. my companion and i were sitting very quietly in the middle compartment of our large canoe; the men also were not in a talking mood, being tired and hungry. i was sitting on the side next the river and noticed a black object which at first i mistook for a stone, partly out of the water; but with a second, and more searching look, i made it out to be a bear coming straight toward the canoe. i gave warning to the man in the bow, who stood a few feet in front of me, and he immediately gave a sharp tug on the tow line, which checked the men ashore. the bear by this time was about five or six yards from the canoe, and just opposite me. i saw that nothing would now stop him from climbing into and across the canoe. before he could place his paw on the side of the bark the man in the bow made a savage lunge at him with his pike pole, but before he could give a second blow the bear was in on my side and out on the other, right across our legs. our men of the tow had run back, the man in the stern being too far off to be of any use, had the presence of mind to throw an armful of paddles, which being of maple, made formidable weapons. when the bear got out on the shore side they rained blows upon blows with the sharp blades of the paddles upon his head and body as they could get a chance. the bow man sprang ashore and lent his assistance with his formidable pole, but marvelous as it may sound, the bear escaped into the bush in spite of all that his assailants could do to prevent him. long into the night about the dying embers of the camp-fire, i heard the men going over the whole scene and blaming one another for not having done something they ought to have done. one other instance i will give of a bear's persistency to go straight in the water, and in this case it was fatal to two men. two newly married couples left the mouth of the moisie for the interior. their third day up stream brought them to a place where, off to one side in the bush about a mile back, was a noted lake for trout and whitefish. it was decided that they should portage one canoe, and with their blankets, net and cooking utensils go and pass the night on the lake shore. one gun was all the men took (a flintlock--for this was years ago). shortly after arriving at the lake a bear was seen swimming from the other side, coming toward where the indians were tying their net. the two young men jumped into the canoe and pushed out to meet him, which was a fatal mistake. the man in the bow waited till the bear was within a couple of yards off from the bow, and then pulled the trigger. the old gun flashed in the pan, but there was no report. the next instant the bear clambered over the head of the canoe and rolled the occupants into the water. the young brides of a few days ran screaming along shore, unable to render any assistance to their husbands, and actually witnessed both drown before their very eyes. i remember the arrival of the two poor women back to the coast, and the relation of their pathetic story. to make the case much more remarkable, they were twins by birth, and twin widows by this tragedy. a word of advice after the foregoing illustrations of the danger of getting in front of a swimming bear is hardly now necessary, but one cannot impress too forcibly the danger in attacking a bear by a frontal move. always approach a bear in the water either on one side or from the rear. you can paddle up quite close to a bear in the direction he is swimming without the least particle of danger, and a more vital and telling spot to fire at cannot be got than the back and base of the skull. chapter xxix. voracious pike. calling the pike the fresh water shark is a name well applied, for he is bold and anything that comes his way is food for his maw. it is a known fact to those who have studied its habits that he will eat frogs, young ducks, musquash, in fact, anything that happens to be in front of him, not even barring his own offspring. how destructive they are in a trout or whitefish lake is well known. one of the lakes on which i was stationed years ago was said to have been, formerly, good for whitefish, but was now almost nude of this staple food of the dwellers at the post, brought about by the increasing number of pike. as i was likely to be in charge, for a few years at least, i set to work to destroy these marauders. the lake is only a mile and a half long by a quarter broad. it discharges into a large river by a shallow creek, but, by this creek, no doubt, many pike were added to the number at each spawning time. the creek took my attention first, and we staked it from side to side with pickets six feet high and planted them about two inches apart. at the back or river side of this barrier we kept some old, almost useless, nets set continuously. they were doubled so that no small sized pike could pass. this was done during the low water in august. my next move was to employ every boy, girl and old woman about the post trolling for pike. we supplied them with the trolls and lines and paid them a cent apiece for every pike over a foot long. during this trolling process we kept some nets of large mesh, set purposely for the bigger ones. for days and weeks there must have been landed on an average a hundred a day, and yet they came. as most of the pay was taken out in cheap "bullseyes" at a cent apiece, the real outlay in money was not considerable. the following spring we inaugurated another system of warfare against the pests, and that was by paddling quietly around the bays and shooting them while they lay spawning and basking in the sun and shallow water. often three or four would be clustered together. a shot would not kill the whole, but it would stun them so we could finish them with the paddle. one that was killed in this way measured thirty-nine inches long and weighed thirty-five pounds. a fish of this size was good eating, and therefore used at the post. the small, slimy ones, however, were burned in numbers on a brush heap. with such persistent and continued onslaught on our part, at the end of the first year their numbers were very noticeably decreased, and at the close of the following summer they were positively scarce, and a very welcome number of whitefish stocked our lake in their place. i resided at that post for twelve years, and we were never in want of the finest fish for the post's consumption. before closing this sketch i must tell one anecdote about a pike, even if i lay myself open to be disbelieved by the reader. i am well aware that fish stories stand in bad repute and the veracity of the narrator doubted. the following is positively true and came under my notice: years before the foregoing part of my story happened i was stationed on the height of land north of lake superior, and one afternoon portaged my canoe over into a small chain of beaver lakes hunting for signs. it was a "still, calm day," as some high-flown writer would put it. a feather dropped would have fallen straight to the earth. i was paddling very quietly out into the lake from the portage when i noticed something moving very gently on the surface a few yards ahead of the canoe. getting closer i made this out to be the fin of some fish moving sluggishly. pushing the canoe further in advance with noiseless knife strokes of the paddle, i got close enough to see it was a pike with a whitefish half protruding from its mouth and almost dead from suffocation. this, i thought, is a rare occurrence for a person to witness, and gently reaching out my hand i inserted my thumb and finger into the eye sockets and lifted both into the canoe. on getting ashore at the next portage i forced open the jaws of the pike, and the whitefish dropped from them. the half that had been inside the pike's mouth was quite decomposed, while the part out in the water was comparatively fresh. in trying to swallow this fish, which was two-thirds the pike's own length, he had distended his jaws to the utmost, but they only opened enough to reach near the back fin, and here fixing his teeth in savage fury the biter had bitten more than he could eat. he was equally unable to disgorge himself as he was incapable of swallowing, and thus by his greediness he brought on his doom. noticing his stomach was in a distended shape caused me to rip it open with my knife, and out tumbled the remains of a smaller whitefish, almost quite digested, which had been swallowed whole and would have measured nearly a foot long. it was gluttony and not hunger that caused him to reach an untimely end, a moral for greedy little boys. chapter xxx. the brass-eyed duck. the whistler, whistle-wing, great head, garrot or brass-eyed is one of the few ducks that, to my knowledge, builds its nest in trees. the indians, who are noted for giving appropriate names, call this duck "arrow duck," on account of its quick passage through the air. they fly very swiftly, and it is only an expert gunner that can bring them down in succession. i once had the rare opportunity of watching the doings of a female brass-eyed from the building of the nest to the time she placed the young ones on the waters of the lake. to watch the industrious little builder was a most interesting pastime and afforded me much pleasure. the tree selected was not, as one would suppose, immediately on the shore, but a bit back in the thick growth. properly speaking, the tree was a stump, although a strong live one grew rubbing sides with it. the stump was on the south side of the green one, and thus protected from the north, and was about twenty feet in height. on examination shortly after the duck began to lay, i found that the concave top had been lined with dead leaves, hay, clay and small sticks. after this one peep in at the architecture and the couple of eggs therein, i refrained from approaching the stump again, but continued my observations from a distance. when the duck took to steady setting i could just see her head and bill over the edge of the nest. regularly each evening during the period of incubation she would fly out onto the lake to feed, drink and plume herself. these absences from her duty lasted from twenty minutes to half an hour. when the young were hatched i kept a strict and steady watch on her movements for the thought occurred to me, "how would they get to the ground?" but, like a good many other things, this riddle of the forest was made clear to me one evening near sundown. i sat motionless in my canoe a little to one side of the direction of the stump. the lake was as calm as oil, and in a little while, after taking up my position, out flew the mother in a slanting way to the water, and hanging from her bill was one of the young ducks. this she quickly deposited on the lake and flew back to the nest, and made trips to and fro, until she had brought the whole of her brood which numbered seven. a hen is a proud mother even with one chick; well this was a transported one with seven. she swam through the midst of them, around them, away from them and toward them, exhibiting the utmost delight. finally she led them in toward the shore, the shadows of the woods shutting them out from further observation. while daily visiting my nets about the lake, i often encountered the brood, or saw them at a short distance and they continued to interest me. one day the number of ducklings appeared fewer than ought to be and on counting them i found there were only five. next day this was reduced to four, and a few days after, when next i saw them, there remained only three. however, the mystery of their disappearance was made clear to me on that same day, for while trolling past the ducks' feeding grounds a big maskinonge struck the hooks savagely. being alone in the frail and small canoe i had the utmost difficulty to successfully play and kill him, but was amply paid, for on cleaning the big fish we found in its maw one of my young ducks. thus was their mysterious disappearance explained, this, or some other large fish, was accountable for the brood's diminution. while on the subject of the brass-eye i would wish to set the reader right in regard to the whistling noise they make, that is the male. the author of "wild fowl and their habits" asserts that this noise is made by their short sharp wings cutting the air in rapid flight. were this the case the female would make the same sound, but no one ever heard this whistling from a lone female or a number of females. it is from the male we get this; not from the wings, however, but from a gristly sac attached at the end of the wind-pipe, much the shape of the bag of the bag-pipes. from this he emits several different kinds of sounds, as i have often listened to when approaching a flock on a calm moonlight night in the mating season. another erroneous assertion by the same author is that the flesh is rank, fishy and hard. the old ones are, more or less so, on their first arrival inland in the spring. at the sea, as a necessity, they live on fish, but a month after reaching inland waters, where they feed on marine plants and roots, the color of the flesh changes. it also becomes juicy and is as good eating as black duck or teal. the young ones, when full fledged, just before migrating to the sea for the winter, are excellent. the french-canadians call this duck the diver and the half-breeds of hudson bay the pork duck. all the tricks of hiding attributed to this duck by netlje blanchan, author of the book from which i have taken the several names under which the duck is known to american readers, are quite true, and also other devices not enumerated. for instance, when wounded i have known it to dive and come up within a few yards of my canoe with its head under a water-lily leaf and there remain, quite motionless, until i noticed the center elevation of this single leaf and fired at a venture with the result that i killed the duck. on another occasion i noticed a wounded brass-eye making toward the shore in very shallow water. the formation of the banks was such that it was impossible for it to land and hide. nevertheless, toward that shore it had dived, and never appeared above water. pushing the canoe quietly along with my gun ready in the other hand, i scanned every inch as i went. along the beach there was a solution of mud almost as light as the water. the duck had passed under this and came to the shore in about five inches of water showing nothing but its bill on the beach, the entire body being covered with mud, the exact counterpart of that about it. although my canoe was within six feet of the bird, it never moved, and it was only by the closest scrutiny that i detected its presence. with a good silent dog playing in front of a blind these ducks in the early spring will come within short range, as will the black duck and gray goose. they have keen eyesight and will work in from a quarter of a mile to investigate the dog. the dog of best color to attract ducks is yellow or yellow and white. a pure white is better than a dark colored, which latter only appears to scare them away. [this is an interesting contribution, for it brings up a number of points about which there has been more or less controversy in the past, and one at least which is new to us. that mr. hunter's duck brought her young to the water in her bill is interesting and agrees with statements made years ago in _forest and stream_ by mr. george a. boardman, who quoted a canadian informant as stating that the old birds brought their young from the nests to the water, carrying them in their bills, but that to transport the young for a longer distance, the birds carried the young pressed to the body by the feet, a description which is not altogether clear. mr. hunter declares that the whistling noise made by the brass-eye does not come from the wings and that this noise is never made by the female, in this his opinion differs from that of many other writers. in his belief the labyrinth--an enlargement of the wind-pipe found in the male of most ducks and but seldom in the female--explains the whistling sound so commonly heard when these birds fly near us. food notoriously gives flavor to the flesh of ducks as well as other animals. on the sea coast, where it feeds on fish and perhaps shell fish, the flesh of the brass-eye or golden-wing is notoriously bad, but like mr. hunter, other authors have declared that inland the bird is excellent eating. the observation of the destruction of the brood by the maskinonge is worth recording. pike, pickerel, maskinonge and snapping turtles are notorious enemies of young duck.] chapter xxxi. good wages trapping. i questioned a couple of hunters (brothers) this summer, as to the results of their hunting adventures of the past season, and as i wanted to find out their positive net gains, i got the following figures from them. they are just fairly good trappers and their success is about what two industrious men could do who had a knowledge of trapping. their work was in two spells. three months in the fall and early winter and a month and a half in spring. the provisions they took inland for the three months (ascending one of the north shore rivers) was the following with costs given: lbs. pork, $ . ; lbs. butter, $ . ; lbs. flour, $ . ; lbs. tea, $ . ; lbs. sugar, $ . ; lbs. soda, cts.; salt and pepper, cts.; $ . . their canoe was pretty well laden when they left the coast, inasmuch as besides the foregoing gross weight of provisions their outfit of tent, axes, pots, kettles, guns, tracking line, poling irons, four dozen no. traps, half dozen no. and a quarter dozen no. bear had to be added to the load, bringing the total weight approximately up to seven hundred and fifty pounds. even when a canoe is loaded and, at times, overloaded, yet there are a number of incidentals that have to be taken along, things that weigh and are bulky, yet are not considered in the estimate. for illustration these men had yet to load a pair and a half of blankets, two pairs snowshoes, a bag of extra moccasins, socks, duffle, warm underclothes, extra trousers, coats, mits and a hundred and one other things which men penetrating the wilderness for several months may require. in an expedition like this one must not think only of things necessary, but also things that may be required when a man is two or three hundred miles away from civilization and cuts his leg. he has no drug store to get plaster from. a full list of all a couple of prudent men have to take with them is quite interesting. to resume,--these men left on the th of october and got back to the coast (on foot) the th of january, being absent almost exactly months. they cached their traps, canoe and surplus things inland ready for the spring hunt. after spending a fortnight with their families cutting wood and choring about their abodes they then went to work in the lumber camps for february and march. on april th they made a start for the interior once more, this time each hauling a flat sled loaded in equal weight with the following provisions: lbs. pork, $ . ; lbs. butter, $ . ; lbs. flour, $ . ; lbs. tea, $ . ; lbs. sugar, cts; lb. soda, cts.; salt and pepper, cts; $ . . with their other things this made a dead weight of about one hundred and eighty pounds per sled. on mixed ice and bush walking at the season when the snow is crusted a man will average, with such a load, twenty-five or thirty miles a day. there are many hunters that are quite superstitious about parting with a single skin until the hunting or trapping season is over and then the whole collection is sold 'en-blac.' other hunters again will sell their fall hunts less a skin. this reserved skin may be only a musquash. they keep this, as they say, to draw other skins when next they go trapping. the men i am writing about had no necessity to sell in the winter, and therefore kept all till the spring. the commencement of june is still considered spring in the north country. the total catch and the prices realized are as follows: martens at $ , $ ; mink at $ . , $ ; beaver, $ ; bears at $ , $ ; bears at $ , $ ; fishers at $ , $ ; otter, $ ; musquash at c, $ ; amount $ . . summary of trapping. by total hunt, $ . ; to provisions, $ . ; sundries, cts; men's net earnings for days at $ . equals $ . . the amount per diem clear to each of the brothers may not appear to the reader as very remunerative, yet compared to working in the shanties they did much better. the wages for good axe men last winter were from eighteen to twenty dollars per month. compared with the same length of time working in the lumber camps the figures would stand thus: / months lumbering at average wages of $ equals $ ; / months trapping, $ . . in favor of trapping, say in round figures $ . . i submit the foregoing to the readers of h-t-t, hoping it may prove interesting. * * * it is no doubt ancient history, still it may be interesting to the readers to know the large hunts made by some of our indians in the latter ' 's. referring to a note book kept in those days i find the hunt of one particular indian recorded. his name was a-ta-so-kan--the only help he had, a boy of twelve. this family left the post in august and only returned the following june. his hunting grounds were just across the heights of lands going towards hudson's bay, from the headwaters of the ottawa river. game of all description was very plentiful then; so much so that, providing an indian had a few pounds of flour and lard to get away from the vicinity of the station, his guns nets and snares kept him in abundance. a-ta-so-kan, altho having several children besides the boy took only fifty pounds of flour, ten pounds of lard, one pound of tea, and ten pounds of tobacco. goods, however, he supplied himself well with--such as many of various bright-colored flannels, yards of duffle, yards of h. b. strouds, both blue and white, and several pairs of h. b. wool blankets. these people were brought up on country produce: i. e., fish and flesh, therefore found it no hardship to be without flour, etc.,--the white man's food. from that one man and his young boy i got at the end of the hunting season (first of june) the following furs: large beaver skins. small beaver skins. otters. martens. minks. lynxes. musquash. making altogether four of our eighty pound packs of furs. this, of course, was an exceptional hunt--still we had several other indians who ran a-ta-so-kan a close second. what a difference in the stretching and drying of that man's skins, compared with those we get on the frontier. each skin, apart from the musquash, was as clean as note paper, all killed in season and all dried in the frost or shade. on the line of civilization there is such keen competition among the traders to get furs, that the hunters stretch and dry the skins in any way. beaver, for instance, which is bought by the pound, is frequently weighted with syrup, and sand rubbed into the hair and paws, and considerable flesh left on, all tells when three or four dollars a pound is paid. the abanakis indians about st. francis lake, st. peter, are noted for their tricks of the trade, and when you get a blue-eyed abanakis, look out to be cheated. i call to mind on the st. maurice river, when stationed there, one of these gents brought furs to sell at our post. among the lot was a beaver skin. according to its size, if well dressed, it ought to have weighed a pound and a half, or three quarters at most. judge of my surprise when i found it tipped the scales at two and half pounds. this was phenomenal and uncanny, and i remarked to the hunter, that we would leave the skins in the store until after dinner before closing the trade. during the mid-day hour i slipped out and examined the skin critically, and found the rascal had flinched up layers of the inner skin or "cutem," and had inserted small sheets of tea-chest lead, after which he had pressed the skin down flat and dried it in this state. this was insult added to injury, because about a month previous he had begged the lead from me to make bullets with. verily there are more tricks with horses and furs than meets the eye. chapter xxxii. a pard necessary. i say for safety, successful hunting, and division of the many necessary labors, when the hunting or trapping day is over, a proper partner is necessary. i am aware many old hunters have passed years quite alone in the solitude of the trackless forests and the valleys of the mountain ranges, but what a life! what risks they have run! some may have led this life from choice or from greed to possess the whole proceeds of the trapping season; still it is a life no man should lead. sickness rarely overtakes a trapper; the outdoor life they practice is conducing to good health; continual exercise and fresh air engender a good appetite, but there is always the risk of accident, accident in many ways. the guns, the axe, the canoe, breaking through the ice, or even getting caught in one of his own traps; in fact by the last mentioned source of danger i have known two men to lose their lives in a most horrible way of torture and agony, and these men were not novices at the business; one was a middle-aged half-breed, born and brought up to trapping, and the other was an old nova scotian who had trapped and hunted for forty years and yet he died in a bear trap. man was not intended to live alone, and a trapper who passes the best part of his life far away from his fellow man becomes selfish, crabbed and morose. no matter how successful he may have been in his hunting years, when old age comes on, his last moments are generally passed alone in some miserable shanty, covered with dirty and musty old clothes and blankets, no one to pass him a drink of water or wipe the death sweat from his brow, or else some good person on the fringe of civilization, partly from charity or necessity, takes in the broken old hulk and keeps him until the end. a grave somewhere outside the fence is pointed out as where "old pierre," the trapper, is buried. i have several such resting places in my mind as i pen these lines. no, i maintain a companion in hunting and trapping is a necessity in many ways. in selecting one they should be alike in only two points--age and honesty. if the head of the partnership is short, stout and of a phlegmatic nature, his chum ought to be say five feet ten inches high, weigh one hundred and fifty pounds, of a nervous energetic nature and cheerful. two such men are most likely to get along well together. animals don't come to the camp door and ask to be skinned. on the contrary trapping, to do it right, is hard work and when the real day's work of tramping through swamps and over mountains setting traps is done there is yet much work for the cold, wet and hungry men to do at the camp; cutting and carrying the night's fire wood, cooking their supper, drying their clothes for the morrow, patching broken moccasins and skinning and stretching pelts they may have secured that day. with a good pard these labors are, of course, divided, and each cheerfully and silently takes his share. there is nothing i have enumerated but what has to be done every night. a trapper returns to his camp, and if he has to make a new camp at the end of his trail so much more and harder is the work, and the poor old trapper without a companion must, of necessity, perform all these duties alone, the completion of which takes him far into the night. brother trappers, i know whereof i write. i have tried both and i say for division of labor, for good comradeship and for positive safety select and join fortune with "a good pard." to illustrate, i give one of my own experiences: i reached my camp once at dark in february, utterly tired out, wet by the melting snow on my clothes, and a fast that had not been broken at noon. there were a few burnt sticks in the fireplace (a lean to camp), these i raked together and started a blaze. with my excessive fatigue and the warmth of the fire, i fell asleep as i leaned for what i thought was a moment, against a stump in the camp. it was a dispensation of providence that i ever awoke, but i did, far into that february night. on waking i realized in a moment the narrow escape that i had had. the great trees of the forest were cracking all about me with the intensity of the cold. my wet clothes were sticking to me as if of ice, but my brain was clear and i knew no time was to be lost in my self-preservation. after tramping about and beating my body for some time to create circulation, i was rewarded by feeling my blood flow once more in a natural way. the last quarter of the moon shed what light it could over the tree tops and i strapped on my snowshoes and went to work at chopping wood to last till morning. a good cup of tea, some biscuit and pork and the then bright and cheerful fire made me my old self, but i received a lesson never to be forgotten. chapter xxxiii. an heroic adventure. when we had come to anchor in trinity bay and all the sails were safely stowed, the captain of our yacht proposed we should go ashore and see the celebrated comeau _fils_. bob, my companion asked, "celebrated for what?" "oh! for several things," replied the captain. "he is a most extraordinary man in his many acquirements and knowledge. born and brought up on this coast, he has passed all his life here, with the exception of the three years his father was able to send him to school, but those three years he made use of to lay the foundation of a wonderful store of practical knowledge. his schooling, as i have said, was but the foundation; by reading and observation he has added to it in a marvelous way. "from his early training and the life of every one on the coast, it would go without saying that he knows how to shoot, but he is more than a good shot, he is a 'deadly' shot. anything he aims his gun at that is within shooting distance is dead. as a salmon fisher, no crack angler who visits these rivers can hope to compete with him. "as a linguist he can speak, read and write in french, english, latin and indian; besides this, he can talk rapidly in the dumb alphabet. he holds the position of telegraph operator at trinity, also of postmaster and fishery overseer, and besides, when anything goes wrong with the line for two hundred miles east or west, the department immediately wires him to go and fix them up. "he has more than a fair knowledge of medicine for one who derived all his insight from reading alone. last summer there was an epidemic of measles all along the coast, among both whites and indians. here, with a population of , two-thirds of whom were down comeau, who attended them, did not lose one patient, while at bersimis, where the department sent a full-fledged m. d., there were thirty-nine burials out of a population of . "you may be sure the poor people all along the coast love him." so the boat was lowered away, and the captain, bob and i were rowed ashore to see this paragon. from the outside look of the place i could see the man was one of good taste and orderly. the knock at the door was answered by comeau himself. the captain was personally acquainted with him and introduced us before we entered. i must say i was disappointed. one always is when he has pictured a person in his mind's eye and finds that in reality he is quite a different kind of person. i had looked for comeau to be a large man and a boisterous one from his position of superiority over others. on the contrary, i found him below the medium, a quiet, low-voiced man, reserved almost to shyness. i saw at once he was a great observer, one who would make deductions from specks invisible to ordinary people; or, in other words, he could put two and two together and dovetail them better than most men. we were ushered into a large, clean, airy room, in the middle of which sat a very good looking lady in a roomy rocker, with a child on each knee. if comeau himself is reserved and not inclined to talk, his wife can do enough for both. she excused herself for not rising when her husband introduced us. nodding down at her babies, she said, "you see i am fixed." one could see she is a proud mother--they are twins; this she told us before we were well seated, and she further informed us that they were the only twins on the labrador. so she is celebrated also. when we got fairly settled in comeau's den, the conversation naturally drifted into hunting and fishing. bob made some inquiries about the pools on the trinity. to make his explanations clear, comeau pulled out a drawer of photographic views of the river. in rummaging these over, he cast aside a gold medal. "excuse me," i said, reaching over and taking up the medal. on it i read engraved: "presented to n. a. comeau by the r. h. s. for bravery in saving life." upon my asking him to recount the circumstances, he blushed and looked quite confused, and said: "oh! it was nothing worth speaking of, but i suppose people talked so much about it that they gave me that token. it was nothing more than any man would have done," and this was all we could get from him unless we had carried persistency to an ungentlemanly degree. after having spent a very pleasant hour, we returned on board, and the captain told us the story that the hero himself would not: two years before, one day in january comeau arrived home from the back country to find that two men had that day while seal hunting off shore been driven off the coast toward the ice pack in the gulf. one of the men was comeau's own brother-in-law, and the other a half-breed. in spite of the supplications of his wife and the persuasions of the other individuals of the place, comeau set about preparations to follow them out to sea. he asked no one to accompany him. the wind all the afternoon had been steadily off shore and was now moderately calm. he took with him some restoratives, provisions, a lantern, a couple of blankets, his rifle and ammunition and what else useful he could think of in his hurry. the ice pack was then about ten miles off the land, and he reasoned the men must be on the ice, if large and strong enough, or in among it if in small cakes, the latter being much more dangerous. from trinity to matane in a direct line the distance is forty-five miles, and to push out in a frail, wooden canoe alone and the darkness coming on in the black gulf in mid-winter required a brave man with extraordinary nerve to dare it, and this comeau did. three minutes after pushing out from the beach, canoe and man were swallowed up in the darkness. the next the people of trinity heard of him was a telegraphic message on the second day after. it read: "matane. all three alive. joseph, hands frozen; simon, both feet frozen badly." this message was to his family, but the matane people sent a much longer one to the government, giving the facts, describing the hardships these men had come through, and a special train was sent down with the best surgeon from quebec. on the surgeon's arrival at matane a consultation was held with the county practitioner, when it was decided that the man joseph would have to lose two fingers on each hand and simon both feet. the amputation was successfully carried out next day, and shortly after, when comeau saw both men well on to recovery, he started for his home, not, however, by the way he had come, but up to quebec by the south shore and down the north shore from quebec, a distance of nearly miles. the last hundred he made on snowshoes. the captain told us that the description of this very venturesome trip he had heard from comeau's own brother as the elder one had described it in the heart of his own family. he had reached the ice pack, to the best of his judgment, about fifteen miles from the land, and had remained on his oars and hallowed once or twice without receiving an answer. he suddenly bethought himself of the lantern. this he lit and lashed to the blade of one of his oars, and erected it aloft. immediately a faint cry was heard to the eastward, and he lowered his light and pulled away in the direction whence the call appeared to come. after rowing for a short time the lantern was waved above again, and this time an answering shout came from close at hand. the two poor fellows were some distance in the pack, and had got on the largest cake they could find. they were sitting there helpless, holding on each by one hand to the rough surface of the ice, and with the other to their canoe to keep it from being washed off. by the aid of the lantern held aloft, comeau saw there was a much larger cake of ice some distance further in the pack. to this they made their way with laborious trouble. pushing one canoe as far ahead among the ice as possible, they would all three get into this, shove the other in advance in the same way, and so repeating the process till they reached the solid field. once safely on this, for the meantime, secure place, food was partaken of and daylight waited for. soon, however, the intense cold began to make itself felt, and drowsiness was fast taking hold of the two men, and their great wish was to be left alone and allowed to sleep. this comeau knew if indulged meant death, and it took all his efforts to keep them awake and moving about. once while attending to the half-breed, his brother-in-law dropped down and was fast asleep in an instant. comeau boxed him, kicked him, without having the desired effect of rousing him from his stupor. at last he bethought him of what an old indian had done to him under somewhat similar circumstances. he caught the man's nose between the thumb and finger and tweaked it severely. this brought him to his feet and mad to fight. day was now breaking, and they could see the south shore at a computed distance of ten miles. comeau also saw that the ice pack was drifting steadily east, and this, if they remained on the ice, would carry them past cap chat, the most northern point of the south coast, and this meant death to a certainty. a rapid train of thought went through comeau's brain. he decided that if saved they were to be, it must be by passing over that ten miles of moving, grinding ice. he forced some food on the others and gave each a small dram of spirits; how much rather would he have given them tea or coffee. but even if he had had it, water was wanting to make it. they abandoned the roll of blankets, which had been of no use to them, and started, using the canoes see-saw fashion as they had done the night before. they left the cake of ice upon which they had passed the night at a. m. and only got ashore at the extreme point of cap chat at daylight next morning. at times they would come across narrow lanes of water, but these lanes always ran at right angles to the direction in which they were going. several times, when stepping upon what was considered a strong piece of ice, one of the party would be immersed in the cold, cruel water, and be rescued with great trouble and danger to the others. what a picture of heartfelt prayer offering it must have been, to have seen those men kneeling on the ice-bound shore, pouring out their thanks to the ever-watchful almighty who had brought them safely through such dangers. * * * bob, who had taken down the captain's narrative in shorthand, gave me his notes, and i give the story of adventure and heroism to the public. comeau is well known by most of the members of the forest and stream clubs of new york and montreal. chapter xxxiv wild oxen. i read in one of the may issues of _forest and stream_ of a dog that joined a band of wolves and became as savage and fleet of foot as the best of them, and brought to my mind a circumstance that came under my own observation, of a pair of steers that threw off all trammels of restraint and took to the bush. i think it is worth recording, for it shows that even horned cattle brought up with care, and fed at regular intervals can support themselves, even through the rigor of a northern winter in the wild bush country. in my early days on the labrador we were in the habit of getting our winter beef on the hoof from the villages on the south shore. the cattle were sent over by schooner, late in the fall, and stall-fed until the cold weather set in, when they were killed and the carcasses hung up to freeze. as we had no wharf accommodation, the cattle were unloaded in a primitive and unceremonious way. the schooner anchored two or three hundred yards from the shore. the cattle sided up alongside the rail next the beach, and a couple of sailors introduced hand spikes under the animal's body, the end engaging the top of the rail. at the word "go" the beasts were hurled sideways into the water. rising to the surface, after the plunge, they naturally struck out for the shore, where we had men with short ropes ready to secure them and lead them away to the stable. on the occasion upon which i write we had a consignment of five three-year-old steers, the meat of which, augmented by the usual game of the country, was considered sufficient for the post's use during the following winter. two of the bunch reached footing in such a lively state that they baffled the combined efforts of our men to capture them, and with a few defiant snorts and bounds, they reached the primitive forest and were lost to view. as soon as i realized that there was a possibility of the animals being lost to us, i turned out all the "hangers on" about the post, with our own men in hot pursuit. night coming on shortly after, the hunt was given up, only to be resumed with greater energy the following day; but the nature of the ground being hard, hoof marks were indistinguishable, and to use dogs would only make the cattle wilder. once more the men had to reluctantly abandon the search and return to the post, and although we kept up the hunt for several days more, we failed to locate the missing "meat." in due course of time, snow covered the ground, and men circled the bush in the vicinity of the post without any results, and we had unwillingly to place the two steers on our profit and loss account. time went on, the winter passed, and the summer also, and none of the visiting indians reported any signs of the cattle. the following winter, in february, a party of hunters came in from the headwaters of the moisie river, miles north of us, and they reported having killed our cattle among a small herd of wood caribou. to prove their story they produced the horns which they had brought down all those miles on their toboggans as visible proof. the report they gave me was as follows: they had come across the tracks of this small bunch of caribou (five) with which the oxen were living in consort, sometime in early december. the animals winded them and the hunters failed to sight the herd. as the snow was yet shallow, they left them unmolested until after the new year, when the men from the nearby camps organized a hunt expressly to run them down. from hearsay they thought the strange tracks were those of moose, and were very much, surprised when the herd was sighted to find they were horned cattle, and at once concluded (and very correctly) that they were the long lost cattle. the chief informed me they were so fleet of foot that the five deer were come up with and killed before they overtook the steers, which were rolling fat, sleek of coat and had an under growth of wool such as the deer had, showing that under different circumstances nature had given them this protection against the severity of the climate. i hardly think i would have credited their story with the proof, and further, the next summer, when they came in to trade on the coast, they brought me a piece of the thigh skin of each animal. verily these oxen had a call from the wild and took it and became as one with the denizens of the bush. reading of the dog that fraternized and went off with the wolves brought this to my mind after a lapse of forty-one years. chapter xxxv. long lake indians. the two years i passed in charge of the hudson's bay post of long lake, situated on the water-shed between lake superior and hudson's bay, was the happiest of any period of my long service. the conclusion i have arrived at, after considerable experience, is that christianizing, in no matter what form, has only made the indian worse. it is the verdict of all who have had to do with the red man, that he copies all of the white man's vices and very few, if any, of his virtues. indians i found at long lake, in the middle seventies, were pagans, but they were honest, truthful and virtuous. we locked our tradeshop, not to prevent robbery, simply to guard against the door being blown open. not one of these indians would have taken a pin without showing it to me first and saying: "i am going to keep this," holding up the pin. my predecessor had been stationed at that post in an unbroken charge of over twenty years. he was a man of system and everything went by rote. there were certain fixed dates for out-fitting the hunters; certain dates for those short of ammunition to come and get it in the winter; and, best of all, certain dates for them to arrive in the spring and close their hunts. this assured us of getting only prime, seasoned skins, and such skins it was a pleasure to handle, since the paper upon which this is printed is not whiter than every skin that passed thru my hands in those two years. i am writing of the days before the canadian pacific railway passed thru that country when there were no whiskey peddlers going about demoralizing the indians. there being no opposition we regulated the catch of furs. when we found, by general report of the hunters, that a certain kind of fur was becoming scarce, we lowered the price for that particular animal's pelt so low as to not make it worth their while to trap it. for instance, while i was there, the beaver was having our protection, and, as a consequence, in three years every little pond or creek became stocked with beaver. the indian hunter did not suffer, because we paid the most liberal prices for the skins that were most plentiful. this policy, however, could only be carried out at places where there was no competition. the gentleman in charge was the representative of the "great company" and what he said was law. our interests and those of the indians ran on parallel lines. it was to our interest to see all that the indian required should be of the very best. that he should have good, strong, warm clothing, good ammunition and double-tower proved guns was essential to his ability to hunt, his comfort and his very life. it was drilled into the hunters at each yearly send off, that if he did not exert himself to hunt sufficient to pay the advances given him, that the "great father" would not, or could not, send goods for the next year. it was explained to them that their furs were bartered in far off countries for other new guns, blankets, twine, capots, duffle, copper kettles and other wants of the indians. as we wanted the hunters to be well clothed and supplied with necessaries we imported no such useless trash as the frontier posts were obliged to keep to cope with the free traders. if an indian took a four point h. b. blanket, even with the rough usage it was subjected to, it would keep him and his wife warm for a year. the next season, a new one being bought, the old one did service for another winter as lining for mittens, strips for socks, and leggings for the younger branches. steel traps being dear twenty-five years ago, and the long canoe transport being costly so far into the interior, we did not import them very largely. bears, martens, minks and even beaver and otter were killed in deadfalls; and with different sizes of twine, the indians snared rabbits, lynx, and, in the spring, even the bear. the indians principal, and i may say, only tools for hunting and for his support were his axe, ice chisel, twine and his gun. i mention the gun last because the hunter only used it for caribou and moose, ducks and geese. ammunition was too costly to use it for anything that could be trapped or snared. a life chief was elected by the indians themselves, and he was supported in his management of the tribe by the officer in charge of the post. the chief had precedence in being outfitted, his canoe headed the fleet of canoes on arriving at the post in the spring, and was the one to lead off in the autumn. his was the only pack of furs carried up from the beach, by our men, to the store, and he set the example to his young men by being the first to pay his last year's advances. to him we gave, as a present, a new suit of black cloth clothes, boots, hat, etc., and to his wife a bright tartan wool dress piece, and a tartan shawl of contrasting pattern. our currency, or medium of trade, was called "made beaver," equivalent in most articles to a dollar. the value of each skin was computed in "made beaver." for every hundred of "made beaver" of skins that the indian brought in we allowed him as a gratuity "called rum," ten "made beaver," he was at liberty, after paying his debt, to trade whatever he fancied out of the shop to the extent of his "rum." but unless he paid his debt in full the "rum" he was entitled to went towards his account. this, however, seldom happened, because one that did not pay his debt in full was looked down upon by his friends, and his supplies for the next year were reduced in proportion to his deficiency. what a change has taken place in the past quarter of a century. i hear from the person now in charge of that post (it is kept up principally now to protect our further interior post) that all those indians are dead and gone. their descendants number scarcely one-third of the original band. they are thieves, drunkards and liars as a rule; the white man's diseases and fire-water have left their trail. white trappers have penetrated their country in all directions from the line of railway and exterminated most of the fur-bearing animals. instead of, as their forefathers, getting a good supply of all necessary articles to assure them of comfort for a year, these, their sons and grandsons, can get no one to risk advancing them. they live principally, now, on fish and when they do succeed in killing a skin, the most likely thing to happen is, they will travel many miles to barter it for whiskey. this is one of the results of railways and civilization. i can say with the late lamented custer "the good indians are dead." chapter xxxvi. den bears. a phase of hunting that i do not remember ever seeing described in the h-t-t is of tracking bears to their den and killing them there. the two seasons that this mode of hunting is resorted to by the indians is after the first fall of snow and again in february, march or april, according to the different locality of the country, when the snow is soft and the days are mild and spring-like. some very knowing trailers will follow up signs even before there is snow on the ground. they watch out for broken branches, shredded birch bark or other stuff which the bear has torn down to make his bed. at times, however, the bear will change his mind, even after considerable work has been done, and move off to some other ridge of hills and there begin over again in what he has decided a more favorable situation. it is a much more dangerous job to tackle a newly denned bear than in the spring when they are stupid from their long spell of hibernation. rarely does a lone hunter undertake to kill a bear in his den. it requires two persons for safety and convenience of work. in hunting out a bear's den a knowledge of what is a likely locality shortens the work very much. there are dens found in freak and unlooked for places, but as a general rule there are certain conditions that go towards their selection and one who knows these, narrows down his area of hunting very considerably. the dens are, as a rule, on a high elevation with a southern aspect. this selection is made, no doubt, with the knowledge given by instinct that it keeps clear longer in the autumn and opens earlier with the melting snows of spring. in my long experience i have found bears three times in very unlikely places. one time, when on a long trail with dispatches, two indians and myself jumped, one after the other, from the trunk of a large fallen pine, with our snow shoes, fair and square onto a very large bear who had in the fall made his bed at the lea side of this shelter and allowed the winter snows to fall and bury him. it was only three weeks later when we were returning by the same trail that the leading man of the party, when getting to this spot and looking for an easy place to clamber up onto the giant trunk noticed a suspiciously frosted little breathing hole in the snow. word was passed back that perhaps there was a bear there. as we had no firearms in the party not even a pistol, the first thing to do was to cut good stout hardwood poles about five feet long. a large place was well tramped down with our snow shoes to insure good solid footing and when all was ready, with our packs and extra things out of the way, one of the party was detailed to get up on the tree trunk and with a strong birch lever insert it near where we located the bear to be and pry him out, the other two to belabor him with their poles. the man on the log had such a strong leverage that his first effort broke the bear clear out of the snow and before he had time to rouse from his stupor he was dead. the indians, who were middle-aged men, thought it a great joke that we should all have tramped on this bear and three weeks later found and killed him. the skin, of course, was at its primest state, so we packed it turn and turn about, to the fort, where each received his share of its value. another time i camped almost on the very shore of a small lake with a youth for my companion. we were to start a yard of moose in the early morning on a mountain on the opposite shore. in the morning while i was cooking breakfast, the youth went a few yards away to cut a pole to hang our extra provisions on that we were leaving at the camp. he had hardly left the fireplace when i heard him call me. there i found him gazing intently at a telltale frosted hole in the snow. we both came to the same conclusion that it was the breathing hole of some animal and that animal most likely a bear. we decided not to disturb him until our moose hunt was over, so quietly withdrew from the vicinity. i may say to close this incident that two days later, after killing three moose, we dug out the bear sufficiently to locate his shoulder and shot him in his den. another unlocked for place was when landing at a portage very late in the fall, was to find a half-sized bear had made his bed simply at the foot of a stump. there was no snow yet on the ground and he woke sufficiently to gaze on us with a stupid stare. the next minute he had his quietus. i always seem to wander away from my subject. whether it adds or detracts from the interest of the article i know not, but i assure the reader it is unintentional, but these long past incidents and adventures will crop up in my memory and before i think to pull myself up they are committed to paper. well, once again! the most likely places to find a bear denned up are under a ledge of rocks, under the roots of a partly fallen tree, under an over-hanging sand bank, or in a rocky crevice in the mountain side. the hunters, when they have tracked him to or found his den begin by reading all the visible signs and lay their plans accordingly. if the bed is some little distance back from the door or opening, they begin by staking up the doorway so nearly closed that the bear will have considerable delay in getting out. if to stake it is impracticable on account of the formation, they gather rocks or sections of logs and stuff up most of the opening. some venturesome hunters will stand a leg at each side of the opening with their axe poised ready to brain him while he is endeavoring to make his exit, the man's companion prodding him out from the rear. other hunters (the writer amongst them) prefer to remain with his rifle ready for business at a few yards from the doorway. this is safer and more reasonable. most bears come out into daylight in a more or less dazed state, but i have known some with the very first introduction of the pole into the rear premises to come out with a rush, carrying obstructions and everything before them. at such times unless a man is pretty nervy he is apt to get "bear fever" and he should not be blamed, for the situation is trying. when the bear has taken up his quarters far back in a crevice of the rocks where a pole from the surface can find no opening to be introduced, then the plan of smoking him out has to be resorted to. it is done in this way. the stuff to be used, some birch bark to ignite it on top of which is placed rotten wood or broken up punk if procurable, is rammed back a distance into the hole. at the end of the withdrawn pole a lighted twist of bark is pushed back and the doorway quickly blocked as nearly tight as possible. the hunter retires at once to a safe distance with his gun ready for action and awaits events. he does not, as a rule, have to wait long, for when that smoke becomes unbearable, mr. bear comes out in a hurry and a pretty mad bear at that. it is not advisable to introduce too much inflammable substance, for it is apt to spoil the fur when the bear comes thru the fiery ordeal. rotten popple is next to punk to make a pungent and unbearable smoke. when such penetrates the bear's nostrils he is bound to wake up and his one desire is to get fresh air immediately. the tracking of a bear even in pretty deep snow takes time, for unless he knows some one is after him he circles and zigzags about, which trail requires attention to under run successfully. however, once he becomes possessed with the knowledge that he is being pursued, he makes a pretty straight line away from danger. at such a time a small cur dog is invaluable, for while he will not attack the bear, by his yelping and barking he delays his progress and at each pause of the bear the hunter is gaining ground. to kill a bear that is already denned the dog is better left at home, for he will be of no use and you run the risk (if he is plucky) of his being killed in the den. for all kinds of hunting i have found the small dog much preferable to the one of large size. a small dog can readily be put in one's game bag and carried up near the game one is to start. he is lighter and takes up less room in a canoe, the bones and scraps of the camp are sufficient for his support, he will run in and nip at the heels of a moose or deer and get out of the way and repeat his barking, while a big dog would be getting into trouble and endangering his life. i have often carried my hunting dog in my game bag up a mountain and only slipped him when the moose had jumped his bed. the dog being fresh he very soon had the moose at a standstill. in hunting bear the small dog has the discretion to keep out of his reach and be contented with barking and running him around. whereas the bigger dogs are fearless and run in on the quarry generally with fatal results to themselves, for there is no modern pugilist quicker with his fists than a bear with his paw, and let the bear get but one good whack at a dog and that dog is no better thereafter than a dead dog. chapter xxxvii. the mishaps of ralson. among the many young apprentice officers who have been under my orders in the hudson's bay company, none was so conspicuously unfortunate as ralson. his bungling into trouble became so frequent that it got to be a byword amongst the other clerks and employes and at last they came to me and said, "mr. hunter, you ought really to forbid ralson's going outside the stockades unless some one is along to take care of him." for the short while he was in our service (three years) he had, as far as i know, the record for varied mishaps. these were of so frequent occurrence that at the end of his contract he was allowed to leave and, by my advice, he returned to his people in england. good luck appeared to go hand in hand with his misadventures, for somehow he came out alive, still, to say the least, the uncertainty every time he left the post as to whether he would return, kept one's nerves forever on the ragged edge and notwithstanding, he quickly became an adept at most work connected with the service. i was glad to see him leave the service because, being under my orders and not yet to man's estate, i considered myself in a great measure responsible for his safety. i call to memory his having almost cut off the index finger of his left hand, putting the axe right thru the knuckle joint. this bled profusely and he was on the sick list for a long while. i think the next accident very shortly after his hand healed, was to put the corner of his axe into the cap of his knee. this was more serious than the other and took weeks to get well. on the whole he was very fortunate not to have a stiff leg for the remainder of his life. another time he undertook to look for a man who was over-due at the post and was expected to come by a trail near the lake shore. this was a case of the biter being bitten, for the man turned up all right and had to join a party to hunt ralson. as he told us afterwards he thought to improve on the trail by cutting curves. dusk coming on he became hopelessly lost himself, neither being able to find the trail nor his way out of the forest. the search party only found him the following afternoon, tattered, hungry and generally woe-begone. a picture of him taken as he entered the square that day would have been interesting. the chances are that he might never have been found and thus have perished, had a quieting effect on him for some days but the old restlessness got hold of him again, and he had to be away hunting up fresh trouble. this time he had a companion and they went in a canoe to hunt ducks. his companion (a half-breed) debarked on the river bank to crawl up to some birds and placed an injunction on ralson to remain quietly seated in the canoe. when the half-breed returned to the river bank it was to find the canoe upset and ralson sitting on the shore dripping wet. on comparing notes it was found a rifle i had lent him was at that precise moment at the bottom of the river in about ten feet of water. it would never do to return to the post and report this mishap and the loss of the gun, so ralson undressed and began to dive for its recovery. robert, the man, told me, when describing the adventure, that he never laughed so much in his life as when sitting on the bank and watching ralson making desperate and repeated efforts to recover the weapon. he was finally successful and exacted a cast iron promise from robert not to inform the people at the post. a promise which robert promptly broke. an accident, however, which almost cost him his life, altho after he was safe at the post, caused us considerable merriment, came about in this way, and i expect he will remember it as long as he lives, if yet alive. we were sending an express canoe from the post to the nearest point on the frontier to mail dispatches to headquarters. the distance is about fifty miles over lakes, rivers and portages. the usual time for such a trip was three days for the round trip. ralson begged to accompany the men, partly for an outing and partly to see the frontier village of luqueville. their route lay thru a chain of small lakes on which i had a couple of bear traps set. to save me a trip to visit these traps i told robert, the guide, to kill any bear he found caught and reset the traps, cache the meat and skin and bring it with them on their return journey. these instructions were simple enough and i was not anxious about ralson. ralson, however, changed all these plans for, when they reached the first trap, in which they found a bear caught and robert had killed it, ralson proposed he should stay behind, skin and cut up the meat and visit the second trap which was a short distance off the canoe route, and then he was to come home on foot by skirting the lakes along a sometimes used trail, taking the skin with him. robert thought this plan a good one as it would expedite matters for he and his companion to make a quick trip. when, however, he got back to the place after an absence of about forty hours and found the skin and meat lying where he had left them and no sign of ralson, he was quick to understand that something had happened. what that something was, however, he was at a loss to settle in his mind. all at once, while standing there considering, the thought struck him that possibly ralson was caught in the other trap. such things had happened to men accustomed to trapping and how much more likely to a careless fellow like the missing man. giving expression to his thought robert and his companion both hurried off towards the other trap, which was about a mile up the creek. when they came to a soft place on the trail and saw only the footprints of a man going and none returning, robert was convinced the poor fellow was in the trap, whether alive or dead they refrained from contemplating. what a sight met their gaze when coming in sight of the bear pen! there was poor ralson lying prone on his back motionless and to all appearances dead, the great, heavy mass of metal fast to his leg and his pocket knife with broken blade lying near at hand, evidently thrown there as useless. they saw how he had hacked at the strong birch drag to which the chain was fastened until his knife became useless and then given up in despair. ralson, upon examination, was found to be yet alive, but unconscious and covered with blue flies, his hands and face were swollen from the mosquito poison and covered with dirt he had scratched while trying to dig for water. he looked a frightful and pitiful object. luckily the men who had found him were quick to think and in a remarkably short space of time they had the leg freed from its iron clasp. one ran for a pannikin of cold water while the other twisted a piece of birch bark into the shape of a horn, with the small end open just enough to allow the water to trickle thru gently into his throat. next they bathed and washed his face and hands and shortly had the satisfaction of seeing him open his eyes. robert now held up his head and placed the remaining water in the pannikin to his lips. this he managed to drink and blessed, blessed water, it revived him completely. the other man was then sent back to the canoe for the tea kettle and provisions, robert starting a fire during his absence. tea and partridge broth made and administered in small quantities at first helped him to regain his strength. his youthful vitality soon asserted itself and after he was propped up and made comfortable he managed to feed himself with some of the shredded meat. after partaking of this food and drink the boot was cut off, the poor swollen foot bathed and bound up and then they carried him on an improvised stretcher very carefully and tenderly out to the canoe. excepting two short portages it was all water way to the post at which place they arrived just at dusk. souder, our cook, when he saw them helping ralson out of the canoe said, "mein gott! vich end of ralson is sick dis time? can't you tole me, eh?" and it was pretty hard to tell from his limp appearance. after he had recovered sufficiently to be questioned as to how he got into the trap he said he had reached into the back of the house to affix the bait and forgot the trap and stepped into it. the meat that he had cut up was, of course, spoiled, but the skin after being washed and scraped, proved to have sustained no damage. ralson had no further mishaps in this country for when his foot was healed he took his discharge and returned to a well-off mother in london who could afford to have a keeper to care for him if so inclined. this happened years ago and as i never heard from him he may have joined the english yeomanry and gone to south africa and been killed on the firing line. if so, his mishaps are finished and so is my story. end of canadian wilds distributed proofreading canada team at http://www.pgdpcanada.net (this file was produced from images generously made available by the internet archive/canadian libraries) on canada's frontier sketches of history, sport, and adventure and of the indians, missionaries fur-traders, and newer settlers of western canada by julian ralph illustrated [illustration] new york harper & brothers, franklin square copyright, , by harper & brothers. _all rights reserved_. to the people of canada this book is gratefully dedicated by the author who, during many long journeys in the canadian west was always and everywhere treated with an extreme friendliness to which he here testifies but which he cannot easily return in equal measure preface if all those into whose hands this book may fall were as well informed upon the dominion of canada as are the people of the united states, there would not be needed a word of explanation of the title of this volume. yet to those who might otherwise infer that what is here related applies equally to all parts of canada, it is necessary to explain that the work deals solely with scenes and phases of life in the newer, and mainly the western, parts of that country. the great english colony which stirs the pages of more than two centuries of history has for its capitals such proud and notable cities as montreal, quebec, toronto, halifax, and many others, to distinguish the progressive civilization of the region east of lake huron--the older provinces. but the canada of the geographies of to-day is a land of greater area than the united states; it is, in fact, the "british america" of old. a great trans-canadian railway has joined the ambitious province of the pacific slope to the provinces of old canada with stitches of steel across the plains. there the same mixed surplusage of europe that settled our own west is elbowing the fur-trader and the indian out of the way, and is laying out farms far north, in the smiling peace river district, where it was only a little while ago supposed that there were but two seasons, winter and late spring. it is with that new part of canada, between the ancient and well-populated provinces and the sturdy new cities of the pacific coast, that this book deals. some references to the north are added in those chapters that treat of hunting and fishing and fur-trading. the chapters that compose this book originally formed a series of papers which recorded journeys and studies made in canada during the past three years. the first one to be published was that which describes a settler's colony in which a few titled foreigners took the lead; the others were written so recently that they should possess the same interest and value as if they here first met the public eye. what that interest and value amount to is for the reader to judge, the author's position being such that he may only call attention to the fact that he had access to private papers and documents when he prepared the sketches of the hudson bay company, and that, in pursuing information about the great province of british columbia, he was not able to learn that a serious and extended study of its resources had ever been made. the principal studies and sketches were prepared for and published in harper's magazine. the spirit in which they were written was solely that of one who loves the open air and his fellow-men of every condition and color, and who has had the good-fortune to witness in newer canada something of the old and almost departed life of the plainsmen and woodsmen, and of the newer forces of nation-building on our continent. contents page i. titled pioneers ii. chartering a nation iii. a famous missionary iv. antoine's moose-yard v. big fishing vi. "a skin for a skin" vii. "talking musquash" viii. canada's el dorado ix. dan dunn's outfit illustrations page _the romantic adventure of old sun's wife_ frontispiece _dr. rudolph meyer's place on the pipestone_ _settler's sod cabin_ _whitewood, a settlement on the prairie_ _interior of sod cabin on the frontier_ _prairie sod stable_ _trained ox team_ _indian boys running a foot-race_ _indian mother and boy_ _opening of the soldier clan dance_ _sketch in the soldier clan dance_ _a fantasy from the pony war-dance_ _throwing the snow snake_ _father lacombe heading the indians_ _the hotel--last sign of civilisation_ _"give me a light"_ _antoine, from life_ _the portage sleigh on a lumber road_ _the track in the winter forest_ _pierre from life_ _antoine's cabin_ _the camp at night_ _a moose bull fight_ _on the moose trail_ _in sight of the game--"now shoot"_ _success_ _hunting the caribou--"shoot! shoot!"_ _indians hunting nets on lake nipigon_ _trout-fishing through the ice_ _rival traders racing to the indian camp_ _the bear-trap_ _huskie dogs fighting_ _painting the robe_ _coureur du bois_ _a fur-trader in the council tepee_ _buffalo meat for the post_ _the indian hunter of _ _indian hunter hanging deer out of the reach of wolves_ _making the snow-shoe_ _a hudson bay man (quarter-breed)_ _the coureur du bois and the savage_ _talking musquash_ _indian hunters moving camp_ _setting a mink-trap_ _wood indians come to trade_ _a voyageur, or canoe-man, of great slave lake_ _in a stiff current_ _voyageur with tumpline_ _voyageurs in camp for the night_ _"huskie" dogs on the frozen highway_ _the factor's fancy toboggan_ _halt of a york boat brigade for the night_ _an impression of shuswap lake, british columbia_ _the tschummum, or tool used in making canoes_ _the first of the salmon run, fraser river_ _indian salmon-fishing in the thrasher_ _going to the potlatch--big canoe, north-west coast_ _the salmon cache_ _an ideal of the coast_ _the potlatch_ _an indian canoe on the columbia_ _"you're setting your nerves to stand it"_ _jack kirkup, the mountain sheriff_ _engineer on the preliminary survey_ _falling monarchs_ _dan dunn on his works_ _the supply train over the mountain_ _a sketch on the work_ _the mess tent at night_ _"they gained erectness by slow jolts"_ on canada's frontier i titled pioneers there is a very remarkable bit of this continent just north of our state of north dakota, in what the canadians call assiniboia, one of the north-west provinces. here the plains reach away in an almost level, unbroken, brown ocean of grass. here are some wonderful and some very peculiar phases of immigration and of human endeavor. here is major bell's farm of nearly one hundred square miles, famous as the bell farm. here lady cathcart, of england, has mercifully established a colony of crofters, rescued from poverty and oppression. here count esterhazy has been experimenting with a large number of hungarians, who form a colony which would do better if those foreigners were not all together, with only each other to imitate--and to commiserate. but, stranger than all these, here is a little band of distinguished europeans, partly noble and partly scholarly, gathered together in as lonely a spot as can be found short of the rockies or the far northern regions of this continent. [illustration: dr. rudolph meyer's place on the pipestone] these gentlemen are dr. rudolph meyer, of berlin, the comte de cazes and the comte de raffignac, of france, and m. le bidau de st. mars, of that country also. they form, in all probability, the most distinguished and aristocratic little band of immigrants and farmers in the new world. seventeen hundred miles west of montreal, in a vast prairie where settlers every year go mad from loneliness, these polished europeans till the soil, strive for prizes at the provincial fairs, fish, hunt, read the current literature of two continents, and are happy. the soil in that region is of remarkable depth and richness, and is so black that the roads and cattle-trails look like ink lines on brown paper. it is part of a vast territory of uniform appearance, in one portion of which are the richest wheat-lands of the continent. the canadian pacific railway crosses assiniboia, with stops about five miles apart--some mere stations and some small settlements. here the best houses are little frame dwellings; but very many of the settlers live in shanties made of sods, with such thick walls and tight roofs, all of sod, that the awful winters, when the mercury falls to forty degrees below zero, are endured in them better than in the more costly frame dwellings. [illustration: settler's sod cabin] i stopped off the cars at whitewood, picking that four-year-old village out at hap-hazard as a likely point at which to see how the immigrants live in a brand-new country. i had no idea of the existence of any of the persons i found there. the most perfect hospitality is offered to strangers in such infant communities, and while enjoying the shelter of a merchant's house i obtained news of the distinguished settlers, all of whom live away from the railroad in solitude not to be conceived by those who think their homes the most isolated in the older parts of the country. i had only time to visit dr. rudolph meyer, five miles from whitewood, in the valley of the pipestone. [illustration: whitewood, a settlement on the prairie] the way was across a level prairie, with here and there a bunch of young wolf-willows to break the monotonous scene, with tens of thousands of gophers sitting boldly on their haunches within reach of the wagon whip, with a sod house in sight in one direction at one time and a frame house in view at another. the talk of the driver was spiced with news of abundant wild-fowl, fewer deer, and marvellously numerous small quadrupeds, from wolves and foxes down. he talked of bachelors living here and there alone on that sea of grass, for all the world like men in small boats on the ocean; and i saw, contrariwise, a man and wife who blessed heaven for an unheard-of number of children, especially prized because each new-comer lessened the loneliness. i heard of the long and dreadful winters when the snowfall is so light that horses and mules may always paw down to grass, though cattle stand and starve and freeze to death. i heard, too, of the way the snow comes in flurried squalls, in which men are lost within pistol-shot of their homes. in time the wagon came to a sort of coulee or hollow, in which some mechanics imported from paris were putting up a fine cottage for the comte de raffignac. ten paces farther, and i stood on the edge of the valley of the pipestone, looking at a scene so poetic, pastoral, and beautiful that in the whole transcontinental journey there were few views to compare with it. [illustration: interior of sod cabin on the frontier] reaching away far below the level of the prairie was a bowl-like valley, a mile long and half as wide, with a crystal stream lying like a ribbon of silver midway between its sloping walls. another valley, longer yet, served as an extension to this. on the one side the high grassy walls were broken with frequent gullies, while on the other side was a park-like growth of forest trees. meadows and fields lay between, and nestling against the eastern or grassy wall was the quaint, old-fashioned german house of the learned doctor. its windows looked out on those beautiful little valleys, the property of the doctor--a little world far below the great prairie out of which sportive and patient time had hollowed it. externally the long, low, steep-roofed house was german, ancient, and picturesque in appearance. its main floor was all enclosed in the sash and glass frame of a covered porch, and outside of the walls of glass were heavy curtains of straw, to keep out the sun in summer and the cold in winter. in-doors the house is as comfortable as any in the world. its framework is filled with brick, and its trimmings are all of pine, oiled and varnished. in the heart of the house is a great russian stove--a huge box of brick-work, which is filled full of wood to make a fire that is made fresh every day, and that heats the house for twenty-four hours. a well-filled wine-cellar, a well-equipped library, where harper's weekly, and _uber land und mer_, _punch_, _puck_, and _die fliegende blätter_ lie side by side, a kindly wife, and a stumbling baby, tell of a combination of domestic joys that no man is too rich to envy. the library is the doctor's workshop. he is now engaged in compiling a digest of the economic laws of nations. he is already well known as the author of a _history of socialism_ (in germany, the united states, scandinavia, russia, france, belgium, and elsewhere), and also for his _history of socialism in germany_. he writes in french and german, and his works are published in germany. [illustration: prairie sod stable] dr. meyer is fifty-three years old. he is a political exile, having been forced from prussia for connection with an unsuccessful opposition to bismarck. it is because he is a scholar seeking rest from the turmoil of politics that one is able to comprehend his living in this overlooked corner of the world. yet when that is understood, and one knows what an arcadia his little valley is, and how complete are his comforts within-doors, the placidity with which he smokes his pipe, drinks his beer, and is waited upon by servants imported from paris, becomes less a matter for wonder than for congratulation. he has shared part of one valley with the comte de raffignac, who thinks there is nothing to compare with it on earth. the count has had his house built near the abruptly-broken edge of the prairie, so that he may look down upon the calm and beautiful valley and enjoy it, as he could not had he built in the valley itself. he is a youth of very old french family, who loves hunting and horses. he was contemplating the raising of horses for a business when i was there. but the count mars the romance of his membership in this little band by going to paris now and then, as a young man would be likely to. out-of-doors one saw what untold good it does to the present and future settlers to have such men among them. the hot-houses, glazed vegetable beds, the plots of cultivated ground, the nurseries of young trees--all show at what cost of money and patience the herr doctor is experimenting with every tree and flower and vegetable and cereal to discover what can be grown with profit in that region of rich soil and short summers, and what cannot. he is in communication with the seedsmen, to say nothing of the savants, of europe and this country, and whatever he plants is of the best. near his quaint dwelling he has a house for his gardener, a smithy, a tool-house, a barn, and a cheese-factory, for he makes gruyere cheese in great quantities. he also raises horses and cattle. the comte de cazes has a sheltered, favored claim a few miles to the northward, near the qu' appele river. he lives in great comfort, and is so successful a farmer that he carries off nearly all the prizes for the province, especially those given for prime vegetables. he has his wife and daughter and one of his sons with him, and an abundance of means, as, indeed, these distinguished settlers all appear to have. [illustration: trained ox team] these men have that faculty, developed in all educated and thinking souls, which enables them to banish loneliness and entertain themselves. still, though dr. meyer laughs at the idea of danger, it must have been a little disquieting to live as he does during the riel rebellion, especially as an indian reservation is close by, and wandering red men are seen every day upon the prairie. indeed, the government thought fit to send men of the north-west mounted police to visit the doctor twice a week as lately as a year after the close of the half-breed uprising. ii chartering a nation how it came about that we chartered the blackfoot nation for two days had better not be told in straightforward fashion. there is more that is interesting in going around about the subject, just as in reality we did go around and about the neighborhood of the indians before we determined to visit them. in the first place, the most interesting indian i ever saw--among many kinds and many thousands--was the late chief crowfoot, of the blackfoot people. more like a king than a chief he looked, as he strode upon the plains, in a magnificent robe of white bead-work as rich as ermine, with a gorgeous pattern illuminating its edges, a glorious sun worked into the front of it, and many artistic and chromatic figures sewed in gaudy beads upon its back. he wore an old white chimney-pot hat, bound around with eagle feathers, a splendid pair of _chaperajos_, all worked with beads at the bottoms and fringed along the sides, and bead-worked moccasins, for which any lover of the indian or collector of his paraphernalia would have exchanged a new winchester rifle without a second's hesitation. but though crowfoot was so royally clothed, it was in himself that the kingly quality was most apparent. his face was extraordinarily like what portraits we have of julius cæsar, with the difference that crowfoot had the complexion of an egyptian mummy. the high forehead, the great aquiline nose, the thin lips, usually closed, the small, round, protruding chin, the strong jawbones, and the keen gray eyes composed a face in which every feature was finely moulded, and in which the warrior, the commander, and the counsellor were strongly suggested. and in each of these roles he played the highest part among the indians of canada from the moment that the whites and the red men contested the dominion of the plains until he died, a short time ago. he was born and lived a wild indian, and though the good fathers of the nearest roman catholic mission believe that he died a christian, i am constrained to see in the reason for their thinking so only another proof of the consummate shrewdness of crowfoot's life-long policy. the old king lay on his death-bed in his great wig-a-wam, with twenty-seven of his medicine-men around him, and never once did he pretend that he despised or doubted their magic. when it was evident that he was about to die, the conjurers ceased their long-continued, exhausting formula of howling, drumming, and all the rest, and, indian-like, left death to take his own. then it was that one of the watchful, zealous priests, whose lives have indeed been like those of fathers to the wild indians, slipped into the great tepee and administered the last sacrament to the old pagan. "do you believe?" the priest inquired. "yes, i believe," old crowfoot grunted. then he whispered, "but don't tell my people." among the last words of great men, those of saponaxitaw (his indian name) may never be recorded, but to the student of the american aborigine they betray more that is characteristic of the habitual attitude of mind of the wild red man towards civilizing influences than any words i ever knew one to utter. as the old chief crushed the bunch-grass beneath his gaudy moccasins at the time i saw him, and as his lesser chiefs and headmen strode behind him, we who looked on knew what a great part he was bearing and had taken in canada. he had been chief of the most powerful and savage tribe in the north, and of several allied tribes as well, from the time when the region west of the mississippi was _terra incognita_ to all except a few fur traders and priests. his warriors ruled the canadian wilderness, keeping the ojibbeways and crees in the forests to the east and north, routing the crows, the stonies, and the big-bellies whenever they pleased, and yielding to no tribe they met except the sioux to the southward in our territory. the first white man crowfoot ever knew intimately was father lacombe, the noble old missionary, whose fame is now world-wide among scholars. the peaceful priest and the warrior chief became fast friends, and from the day when the white men first broke down the border and swarmed upon the plains, until at the last they ran what crowfoot called their "fire-wagons" (locomotives) through his land, he followed the priest's counselling in most important matters. he treated with the authorities, and thereafter hindered his braves from murder, massacre, and warfare. better than that, during the riel rebellion he more than any other man, or twenty men, kept the red man of the plains at peace when the french half-breeds, led by their mentally irresponsible disturber, rebelled against the dominion authorities. when crowfoot talked, he made laws. while he spoke, his nation listened in silence. he had killed as many men as any indian warrior alive; he was a mighty buffalo-slayer; he was torn, scarred, and mangled in skin, limb, and bone. he never would learn english or pretend to discard his religion. he was an indian after the pattern of his ancestors. at eighty odd years of age there lived no red-skin who dared answer him back when he spoke his mind. but he was a shrewd man and an archdiplomatist. because he had no quarrel with the whites, and because a grand old priest was his truest friend, he gave orders that his body should be buried in a coffin, christian fashion, and as i rode over the plains in the summer of i saw his burial-place on top of a high hill, and knew that his bones were guarded night and day by watchers from among his people. two or three days before he died his best horse was slaughtered for burial with him. he heard of it. "that was wrong," he said; "there was no sense in doing that; and besides, the horse was worth good money." but he was always at least as far as that in advance of his people, and it was natural that not only his horse, but his gun and blankets, his rich robes, and plenty of food to last him to the happy hunting-grounds, should have been buried with him. there are different ways of judging which is the best indian, but from the stand-point of him who would examine that distinct product of nature, the indian as the white man found him, the canadian blackfeet are among if not quite the best. they are almost as primitive and natural as any, nearly the most prosperous, physically very fine, the most free from white men's vices. they are the most reasonable in their attitude towards the whites of any who hold to the true indian philosophy. the sum of that philosophy is that civilization gets men a great many comforts, but bundles them up with so many rules and responsibilities and so much hard work that, after all, the wild indian has the greatest amount of pleasure and the least share of care that men can hope for. that man is the fairest judge of the red-skins who considers them as children, governed mainly by emotion, and acting upon undisciplined impulse; and i know of no more hearty, natural children than the careless, improvident, impulsive boys and girls of from five to eighty years of age whom crowfoot turned over to the care of three bulls, his brother. the blackfeet of canada number about two thousand men, women, and children. they dwell upon a reserve of nearly five hundred square miles of plains land, watered by the beautiful bow river, and almost within sight of the rocky mountains. it is in the province of alberta, north of our montana. there were three thousand and more of these indians when the canadian pacific railway was built across their hunting-ground, seven or eight years ago, but they are losing numbers at the rate of two hundred and fifty a year, roughly speaking. their neighbors, the tribes called the bloods and the piegans, are of the same nation. the sarcis, once a great tribe, became weakened by disease and war, and many years ago begged to be taken into the confederation. these tribes all have separate reserves near to one another, but all have heretofore acknowledged each blackfoot chief as their supreme ruler. their old men can remember when they used to roam as far south as utah, and be gone twelve months on the war-path and on their foraging excursions for horses. they chased the crees as far north as the crees would run, and that was close to the arctic circle. they lived in their war-paint and by the chase. now they are caged. they live unnaturally and die as unnaturally, precisely like other wild animals shut up in our parks. within their park each gets a pound of meat with half a pound of flour every day. not much comes to them besides, except now and then a little game, tobacco, and new blankets. they are so poorly lodged and so scantily fed that they are not fit to confront a canadian winter, and lung troubles prey among them. it is a harsh way to put it (but it is true of our own government also) to say that one who has looked the subject over is apt to decide that the policy of the canadian government has been to make treaties with the dangerous tribes, and to let the peaceful ones starve. the latter do not need to starve in canada, fortunately; they trust to the hudson bay company for food and care, and not in vain. having treated with the wilder indians, the rest of the policy is to send the brightest of their boys to trade-schools, and to try to induce the men to till the soil. those who do so are then treated more generously than the others. i have my own ideas with which to meet those who find nothing admirable in any except a dead indian, and with which to discuss the treatment and policy the live indian endures, but this is not the place for the discussion. suffice it that it is not to be denied that between one hundred and fifty and two hundred blackfeet are learning to maintain several plots of farming land planted with oats and potatoes. this they are doing with success, and with the further result of setting a good example to the rest. but most of the bucks are either sullenly or stupidly clinging to the shadow and the memory of the life that is gone. it was a recollection of that life which they portrayed for us. and they did so with a fervor, an abundance of detail and memento, and with a splendor few men have seen equalled in recent years--or ever may hope to witness again. we left the cars at gleichen, a little border town which depends almost wholly upon the blackfeet and their visitors for its maintenance. it has two stores--one where the indians get credit and high prices (and at which the red men deal), and one at which they may buy at low rates for cash, wherefore they seldom go there. it has two hotels and a half-dozen railway men's dwellings, and, finally, it boasts a tiny little station or barracks of the north-west mounted police, wherein the lower of the two rooms is fitted with a desk, and hung with pistols, guns, handcuffs, and cartridge belts, while the upper room contains the cots for the men at night. we went to the store that the indians favor--just such a store as you see at any cross-roads you drive past in a summer's outing in the country--and there were half a dozen indians beautifying the door-way and the interior, like magnified majolica-ware in a crockery-shop. they were standing or sitting about with thoughtful expressions, as indians always do when they go shopping; for your true indian generates such a contemplative mood when he is about to spend a quarter that one would fancy he must be the most prudent and deliberate of men, instead of what he really is--the greatest prodigal alive except the negro. these bucks might easily have been mistaken for waxworks. unnaturally erect, with arms folded beneath their blankets, they stood or sat without moving a limb or muscle. only when a new-comer entered did they stir. then they turned their heads deliberately and looked at the visitor fixedly, as eagles look at you from out their cages. they were strapping fine fellows, each bundled up in a colored blanket, flapping cloth leg-gear, and yellow moccasins. each had the front locks of his hair tied in an upright bunch, like a natural plume, and several wore little brass rings, like baby finger-rings, around certain side locks down beside their ears. there they stood, motionless and speechless, waiting until the impulse should move them to buy what they wanted, with the same deliberation with which they had waited for the original impulse which sent them to the store. if mr. frenchman, who kept the store, had come from behind his counter, english fashion, and had said: "come, come; what d'you want? speak up now, and be quick about it. no lounging here. buy or get out." if he had said that, or anything like it, those indians would have stalked out of his place, not to enter it again for a very long time, if ever. bartering is a serious and complex performance to an indian, and you might as well try to hurry an elephant up a gang-plank as try to quicken an indian's procedure in trading. we purchased of the frenchman a chest of tea, a great bag of lump sugar, and a small case of plug tobacco for gifts to the chief. then we hired a buck-board wagon, and made ready for the journey to the reserve. the road to the reserve lay several miles over the plains, and commanded a view of rolling grass land, like a brown sea whose waves were petrified, with here and there a group of sickly wind-blown trees to break the resemblance. the road was a mere wagon track and horse-trail through the grass, but it was criss-crossed with the once deep ruts that had been worn by countless herds of buffalo seeking water. presently, as we journeyed, a little line of sand-hills came into view. they formed the blackfoot cemetery. we saw the "tepees of the dead" here and there on the knolls, some new and perfect, some old and weather-stained, some showing mere tatters of cotton flapping on the poles, and still others only skeleton tents, the poles remaining and the cotton covering gone completely. we knew what we would see if we looked into those "dead tepees" (being careful to approach from the windward side). we would see, lying on the ground or raised upon a framework, a bundle that would be narrow at top and bottom, and broad in the middle--an indian's body rolled up in a sheet of cotton, with his best bead-work and blanket and gun in the bundle, and near by a kettle and some dried meat and corn-meal against his feeling hungry on his long journey to the hereafter. as one or two of the tepees were new, we expected to see some family in mourning; and, sure enough, when we reached the great sheer-sided gutter which the bow river has dug for its course through the plains, we halted our horse and looked down upon a lonely trio of tepees, with children playing around them and women squatted by the entrances. three families had lost members, and were sequestered there in abject surrender to grief. those tents of the mourners were at our feet as we rode southward, down in the river gully, where the grass was green and the trees were leafy and thriving; but when we turned our faces to the eastward, where the river bent around a great promontory, what a sight met our gaze! there stood a city of tepees, hundreds of them, showing white and yellow and brown and red against the clear blue sky. a silent and lifeless city it seemed, for we were too far off to see the people or to hear their noises. the great huddle of little pyramids rose abruptly from the level bare grass against the flawless sky, not like one of those melancholy new treeless towns that white men are building all over the prairie, but rather like a mosquito fleet becalmed at sea. there are two camps on the blackfoot reserve, the north camp and the south camp, and this town of tents was between the two, and was composed of more households than both together; for this was the assembling for the sun-dance, their greatest religious festival, and hither had come bloods, piegans, and sarcis as well as blackfeet. only the mourners kept away; for here were to be echoed the greatest ceremonials of that dead past, wherein lives dedicated to war and to the chase inspired the deeds of valor which each would now celebrate anew in speech or song. this was to be the anniversary of the festival at which the young men fastened themselves by a strip of flesh in their chests to a sort of maypole rope, and tore their flesh apart to demonstrate their fitness to be considered braves. at this feast husbands had the right to confess their women, and to cut their noses off if they had been untrue, and if they yet preferred life to the death they richly merited. at this gala-time sacrifices of fingers were made by brave men to the sun. then every warrior boasted of his prowess, and the young beaus feasted their eyes on gayly-clad maidens the while they calculated for what number of horses they could be purchased of their parents. and at each recurrence of this wonderful holiday-time every night was spent in feasting, gorging, and gambling. in short, it was the great event of the indian year, and so it remains. even now you may see the young braves undergo the torture; and if you may not see the faithless wives disciplined, you may at least perceive a score who have been, as well as hear the mighty boasting, and witness the dancing, gaming, and carousing. we turned our backs towards the tented field, for we had not yet introduced ourselves to mr. magnus begg, the indian agent in charge of the reserve. we were soon within his official enclosure, where a pretty frame house, an office no bigger than a freight car, and a roomy barn and stable were all overtopped by a central flag-staff, and shaded by flourishing trees. mr. begg was at home, and, with his accomplished wife, welcomed us in such a hearty manner as one could hardly have expected, even where white folks were so "mighty unsartin" to appear as they are on the plains. the agent's house without is like any pretty village home in the east; and within, the only distinctive features are a number of ornamental mounted wild-beast's heads and a room whose walls are lined about with rare and beautiful blackfoot curios in skin and stone and bead-work. but, to our joy, we found seated in that room the famous chief old sun. he is the husband of the most remarkable indian squaw in america, and he would have been crowfoot's successor were it not that he was eighty-seven years of age when the blackfoot cæsar died. as chief of the north blackfeet, old sun boasts the largest personal following on the canadian plains, having earned his popularity by his fighting record, his commanding manner, his eloquence, and by that generosity which leads him to give away his rations and his presents. no man north of mexico can dress more gorgeously than he upon occasion, for he still owns a buckskin outfit beaded to the value of a worth gown. moreover, he owns a red coat, such as the government used to give only to great chiefs. the old fellow had lost his vigor when we saw him, and as he sat wrapped in his blanket he looked like a half-emptied meal bag flung on a chair. he despises english, but in that marvellous volapük of the plains called the sign language he told us that his teeth were gone, his hearing was bad, his eyes were weak, and his flesh was spare. he told his age also, and much else besides, and there is no one who reads this but could have readily understood his every statement and sentiment, conveyed solely by means of his hands and fingers. i noticed that he looked like an old woman, and it is a fact that old indian men frequently look so. yet no one ever saw a young brave whose face suggested a woman's, though their beardless countenances and long hair might easily create that appearance. mr. remington was anxious to paint old sun and his squaw, particularly the latter, and he easily obtained permission, although when the time for the mysterious ordeal arrived next day the old chief was greatly troubled in his superstitious old brain lest some mischief would befall him through the medium of the painting. to the indian mind the sun, which they worship, has magical, even devilish, powers, and old sun developed a fear that the orb of day might "work on his picture" and cause him to die. fortunately i found in mr. l'hereux, the interpreter, a person who had undergone the process without dire consequences, was willing to undergo it again, and who added that his father and mother had submitted to the operation, and yet had lived to a yellow old age. when old sun brought his wife to sit for her portrait i put all etiquette to shame in staring at her, as you will all the more readily believe when you know something of her history. old sun's wife sits in the council of her nation--the only woman, white, red, or black, of whom i have ever heard who enjoys such a prerogative on this continent. she earned her peculiar privileges, if any one ever earned anything. forty or more years ago she was a piegan maiden known only in her tribe, and there for nothing more than her good origin, her comeliness, and her consequent value in horses. she met with outrageous fortune, but she turned it to such good account that she was speedily ennobled. she was at home in a little camp on the plains one day, and had wandered away from the tents, when she was kidnapped. it was in this wise: other camps were scattered near there. on the night before the day of her adventure a band of crows stole a number of horses from a camp of the gros ventres, and very artfully trailed their plunder towards and close to the piegan camp before they turned and made their way to their own lodges. when the gros ventres discovered their loss, and followed the trail that seemed to lead to the piegan camp, the girl and her father, an aged chief, were at a distance from their tepees, unarmed and unsuspecting. down swooped the gros ventres. they killed and scalped the old man, and then their chief swung the young girl upon his horse behind him, and binding her to him with thongs of buckskin, clashed off triumphantly for his own village. that has happened to many another indian maiden, most of whom have behaved as would a plaster image, saving a few days of weeping. not such was old sun's wife. when she and her captor were in sight of the gros ventre village, she reached forward and stole the chief's scalping-knife out of its sheath at his side. with it, still wet with her father's blood, she cut him in the back through to the heart. then she freed his body from hers, and tossed him from the horse's back. leaping to the ground beside his body, she not only scalped him, but cut off his right arm and picked up his gun, and rode madly back to her people, chased most of the way, but bringing safely with her the three greatest trophies a warrior can wrest from a vanquished enemy. two of them would have distinguished any brave, but this mere village maiden came with all three. from that day she has boasted the right to wear three eagle feathers. old sun was a young man then, and when he heard of this feat he came and hitched the requisite number of horses to her mother's travois poles beside her tent. i do not recall how many steeds she was valued at, but i have heard of very high-priced indian girls who had nothing except their feminine qualities to recommend them. in one case i knew that a young man, who had been casting what are called "sheep's eyes" at a maiden, went one day and tied four horses to her father's tent. then he stood around and waited, but there was no sign from the tent. next day he took four more, and so he went on until he had tied sixteen horses to the tepee. at the least they were worth $ , perhaps $ , apiece. at that the maiden and her people came out, and received the young man so graciously that he knew he was "the young woman's choice," as we say in civilized circles, sometimes under very similar circumstances. at all events, old sun was rich and powerful, and easily got the savage heroine for his wife. she was admitted to the blackfoot council without a protest, and has since proven that her valor was not sporadic, for she has taken the war-path upon occasion, and other scalps have gone to her credit. after a while we drove over to where the field lay littered with tepees. there seemed to be no order in the arrangement of the tents as we looked at the scene from a distance. gradually the symptoms of a great stir and activity were observable, and we saw men and horses running about at one side of the nomad settlement, as well as hundreds of human figures moving in the camp. then a nearer view brought out the fact that the tepees, which were of many sizes, were apt to be white at the base, reddish half-way up, and dark brown at the top. the smoke of the fires within, and the rain and sun without, paint all the cotton or canvas tepees like that, and very pretty is the effect. when closer still, we saw that each tepee was capped with a rude crown formed of pole ends--the ends of the ribs of each structure; that some of the tents were gayly ornamented with great geometric patterns in red, black, and yellow around the bottoms; and that others bore upon their sides rude but highly colored figures of animals--the clan sign of the family within. against very many of the frail dwellings leaned a travois, the triangle of poles which forms the wagon of the indians. there were three or four very large tents, the headquarters of the chiefs of the soldier bands and of the head chief of the nation; and there was one spotless new tent, with a pretty border painted around its base, and the figure of an animal on either side. it was the new establishment of a bride and groom. a hubbub filled the air as we drew still nearer; not any noise occasioned by our approach, but the ordinary uproar of the camp--the barking of dogs, the shouts of frolicking children, the yells of young men racing on horseback and of others driving in their ponies. when we drove between the first two tents we saw that the camp had been systematically arranged in the form of a rude circle, with the tents in bunches around a great central space, as large as madison square if its corners were rounded off. we were ushered into the presence of three bulls, in the biggest of all the tents. by common consent he was presiding as chief and successor to crowfoot, pending the formal election, which was to take place at the feast of the sun-dance. european royalty could scarcely have managed to invest itself with more dignity or access to its presence with more formality than hedged about this blanketed king. he had assembled his chiefs and headmen to greet us, for we possessed the eminence of persons bearing gifts. he was in mourning for crowfoot, who was his brother, and for a daughter besides, and the form of expression he gave to his grief caused him to wear nothing but a flannel shirt and a breech-cloth, in which he sat with his big brown legs bare and crossed beneath him. he is a powerful man, with an uncommonly large head, and his facial features, all generously moulded, indicate amiability, liberality, and considerable intelligence. of middle age, smooth-skinned, and plump, there was little of the savage in his looks beyond what came of his long black hair. it was purposely wore unkempt and hanging in his eyes, and two locks of it were bound with many brass rings. when we came upon him our gifts had already been received and distributed, mainly to three or four relatives. but though the others sat about portionless, all were alike stolid and statuesque, and whatever feelings agitated their breasts, whether of satisfaction or disappointment, were equally hidden by all. when we entered the big tepee we saw twenty-one men seated in a circle against the wall and facing the open centre, where the ground was blackened by the ashes of former fires. three bulls sat exactly opposite the queer door, a horseshoe-shaped hole reaching two feet above the ground, and extended by the partly loosened lacing that held the edges of the tent-covering together. mr. l'hereux, the interpreter, made a long speech in introducing each of us. we stood in the middle of the ring, and the chief punctuated the interpreter's remarks with that queer indian grunt which it has ever been the custom to spell "ugh," but which you may imitate exactly if you will try to say "ha" through your nose while your mouth is closed. as mr. l'hereux is a great talker, and is of a poetic nature, there is no telling what wild fancy of his active brain he invented concerning us, but he made a friendly talk, and that was what we wanted. as each speech closed, three bulls lurched forward just enough to make the putting out of his hand a gracious act, yet not enough to disturb his dignity. after each salutation he pointed out a seat for the one with whom he had shaken hands. he announced to the council in their language that we were good men, whereat the council uttered a single "ha" through its twenty-one noses. if you had seen the rigid stateliness of three bulls, and had felt the frigid self-possession of the twenty-one ramrod-mannered under-chiefs, as well as the deference which was in the tones of the other white men in our company, you would comprehend that we were made to feel at once honored and subordinate. altogether we made an odd picture: a circle of men seated tailor fashion, and my own and mr. remington's black shoes marring the gaudy ring of yellow moccasins in front of the savages, as they sat in their colored blankets and fringed and befeathered gear, each with the calf of one leg crossed before the shin of the other. but l'hereux's next act after introducing us was one that seemed to indicate perfect indifference to the feelings of this august body. no one but he, who had spent a quarter of a century with them in closest intimacy, could have acted as he proceeded to do. he cast his eyes on the ground, and saw the mounds of sugar, tobacco, and tea heaped before only a certain few indians. "now who has done dose t'ing?" he inquired. "oh, dat vill nevaire do 'tall. you haf done dose t'ing, mistaire begg? no? who den? chief? nevaire mind. i make him all rount again, vaire deeferent. you shall see somet'ing." with that, and yet without ceasing to talk for an instant, now in indian and now in his english, he began to dump the tea back again into the chest, the sugar into the bag, and the plug tobacco in a heap by itself. not an indian moved a muscle--unless i was right in my suspicion that the corners of three bulls' mouth curved upward slightly, as if he were about to smile. "vot kind of wa-a-y to do-o somet'ing is dat?" the interpreter continued, in his sing-song tone. "you moos' haf one maje-dome [major-domo] if you shall try satisfy dose engine." he always called the indians "dose engine." "dat chief gif all dose present to his broders und cousins, which are in his famille. now you shall see me, vot i shall do." taking his hat, he began filling it, now with sugar and now with tea, and emptying it before some six or seven chiefs. finally, when a double share was left, he gave both bag and chest to three bulls, to whom he also gave all the tobacco. "such tam-fool peezness," he went on, "i do not see in all my life. i make visitation to de t'ree soljier chief vhich shall make one grand darnce for dose gentlemen, und here is for dose soljier chief not anyt'ing 'tall, vhile everyt'ing was going to one lot of beggaire relation of t'ree bull. dat is what i call one tam-fool way to do some'ting." [illustration: indian boys running a foot-race] the redistribution accomplished, three bulls wore a grin of satisfaction, and one chief who had lost a great pile of presents, and who got nothing at all by the second division, stalked solemnly out of the tent, through not until three bulls had tossed the plugs of tobacco to all the men around the circle, precisely as he might have thrown bones to dogs, but always observing a certain order in making each round with the plugs. all were thus served according to their rank. then three bulls rummaged with one hand behind him in the grass, and fetched forward a great pipe with a stone bowl and wooden handle--a sort of chopping-block of wood--and a large long-bladed knife. taking a plug of tobacco in one hand and the knife in the other, he pared off enough tobacco to fill the pipe. then he filled it, and passed it, stem foremost, to a young man on the left-hand side of the tepee. the superior chiefs all sat on the right-hand side. the young man knew that he had been chosen to perform the menial act of lighting the pipe, and he lighted it, pulling two or three whiffs of smoke to insure a good coal of fire in it before passing it back--though why it was not considered a more menial task to cut the tobacco and fill the pipe than to light it i don't know. three bulls puffed the pipe for a moment, and then turning the stem from him, pointed it at the chief next in importance, and to that personage the symbol of peace was passed from hand to hand. when that chief had drawn a few whiffs, he sent the pipe back to three bulls, who then indicated to whom it should go next. thus it went dodging about the circle like a marble on a bagatelle board. when it came to me, i hesitated a moment whether or not to smoke it, but the desire to be polite outweighed any other prompting, and i sucked the pipe until some of the indians cried out that i was "a good fellow." while all smoked and many talked, i noticed that three bulls sat upon a soft seat formed of his blanket, at one end of which was one of those wickerwork contrivances, like a chair back, upon which indians lean when seated upon the ground. i noticed also that one harsh criticism passed upon three bulls was just; that was that when he spoke, others might interrupt him. it was said that even women "talked back" to him at times when he was haranguing his people. since no one spoke when crowfoot talked, the comparison between him and his predecessor was injurious to him; but it was crowfoot who named three bulls for the chieftainship. besides, three bulls had the largest following (under that of the too aged old sun), and was the most generous chief and ablest politician of all. then, again, the government supported him with whatever its influence amounted to. this was because three bulls favored agricultural employment for the tribe, and was himself cultivating a patch of potatoes. he was in many other ways the man to lead in the new era, as crowfoot had been for the era that was past. when we retired from the presence of the chief, i asked mr. l'hereux how he had dared to take back the presents made to the indians and then distribute them differently. the queer frenchman said, in his indescribably confident, jaunty way: "why, dat is how you mus' do wid dose engine. nevaire ask one of dose engine anyt'ing, but do dose t'ing which are right, and at de same time make explanashion what you are doing. den dose engine can say no t'ing 'tall. but if you first make explanashion and den try to do somet'ng, you will find one grand trouble. can you explain dis and dat to one hive of de bees? well, de hive of de bee is like dose engine if you shall talk widout de promp' action." he said, later on, "dose engine are children, and mus' not haf consideration like mans and women." the news of our generosity ran from tent to tent, and the black soldier band sent out a herald to cry the news that a war-dance was to be held immediately. as immediately means to the indian mind an indefinite and very enduring period, i amused myself by poking about the village, in tents and among groups of men or women, wherever chance led me. the herald rode from side to side of the enclosure, yelling like a new york fruit peddler. he was mounted on a bay pony, and was fantastically costumed with feathers and war-paint. of course every man, woman, and child who had been in-doors, so to speak, now came out of the tepees, and a mighty bustle enlivened the scene. the worst thing about the camp was the abundance of snarling cur-dogs. it was not safe to walk about the camp without a cane or whip, on account of these dogs. [illustration: indian mother and boy] the blackfeet are poor enough, in all conscience, from nearly every stand-point from which we judge civilized communities, but their tribal possessions include several horses to each head of a family; and though the majority of their ponies would fetch no more than $ apiece out there, even this gives them more wealth per capita than many civilized peoples can boast. they have managed, also, to keep much of the savage paraphernalia of other days in the form of buckskin clothes, elaborate bead-work, eagle headdresses, good guns, and the outlandish adornments of their chiefs and medicine-men. hundreds of miles from any except such small and distant towns as calgary and medicine hat, and kept on the reserve as much as possible, there has come to them less damage by whiskey and white men's vices than perhaps most other tribes have suffered. therefore it was still possible for me to see in some tents the squaws at work painting the clan signs on stretched skins, and making bead-work for moccasins, pouches, "chaps," and the rest. and in one tepee i found a young and rather pretty girl wearing a suit of buckskin, such as cooper and all the past historians of the indian knew as the conventional every-day attire of the red-skin. i say i saw the girl in a tent, but, as a matter of fact, she passed me out-of-doors, and with true feminine art managed to allow her blanket to fall open for just the instant it took to disclose the precious dress beneath it. i asked to be taken into the tent to which she went, and there, at the interpreter's request, she threw off her blanket, and stood, with a little display of honest coyness, dressed like the traditional and the theatrical belle of the wilderness. the soft yellowish leather, the heavy fringe upon the arms, seams, and edges of the garment, her beautiful beaded leggings and moccasins, formed so many parts of a very charming picture. for herself, her face was comely, but her figure was--an indian's. the figure of the typical indian woman shows few graceful curves. the reader will inquire whether there was any real beauty, as we judge it, among these indians. yes, there was; at least there were good looks if there was not beauty. i saw perhaps a dozen fine-looking men, half a dozen attractive girls, and something like a hundred children of varying degrees of comeliness--pleasing, pretty, or beautiful. i had some jolly romps with the children, and so came to know that their faces and arms met my touch with the smoothness and softness of the flesh of our own little ones at home. i was surprised at this; indeed, the skin of the boys was of the texture of velvet. the madcap urchins, what riotous fun they were having! they flung arrows and darts, ran races and wrestled, and in some of their play they fairly swarmed all over one another, until at times one lad would be buried in the thick of a writhing mass of legs and arms several feet in depth. some of the boys wore only "g-strings" (as, for some reason, the breech-clout is commonly called on the prairie), but others were wrapped in old blankets, and the larger ones were already wearing the blackfoot plume-lock, or tuft of hair tied and trained to stand erect above the forehead. the babies within the tepees were clad only in their complexions. the result of an hour of waiting on our part and of yelling on the part of the herald resulted in a war-dance not very different in itself from the dances we have most of us seen at wild west shows. an immense tomtom as big as the largest-sized bass-drum was set up between four poles, around which colored cloths were wrapped, and from the tops of which the same gay stuff floated on the wind in bunches of party-colored ribbons. around this squatted four young braves, who pounded the drum-head and chanted a tune, which rose and fell between the shrillest and the deepest notes, but which consisted of simple monosyllabic sounds repeated thousands of times. the interpreter said that originally the indians had words to their songs, but these were forgotten no man knows when, and only the so-called tunes (and the tradition that there once were words for them) are perpetuated. at all events, the four braves beat the drum and chanted, until presently a young warrior, hideous with war-paint, and carrying a shield and a tomahawk, came out of a tepee and began the dancing. it was the stiff-legged hopping, first on one foot and then on the other, which all savages appear to deem the highest form the terpsichorean art can take. in the course of a few circles around the tomtom he began shouting of valorous deeds he never had performed, for he was too young to have ridden after buffalo or into battle. presently he pretended to see upon the ground something at once fascinating and awesome. it was the trail of the enemy. then he danced furiously and more limberly, tossing his head back, shaking his hatchet and many-tailed shield high aloft, and yelling that he was following the foe, and would not rest while a skull and a scalp-lock remained in conjunction among them. he was joined by three others, and all danced and yelled like madmen. at the last the leader came to a sort of standard made of a stick and some cloth, tore it out from where it had been thrust in the ground, and holding it far above his head, pranced once around the circle, and thus ended the dance. [illustration: opening of the soldier clan dance] the novelty and interest in the celebration rested in the surroundings--the great circle of tepees; the braves in their blankets stalking hither and thither; the dogs, the horses, the intrepid riders, dashing across the view. more strange still was the solemn line of the medicine-men, who, for some reason not explained to me, sat in a row with their backs to the dancers a city block away, and crooned a low guttural accompaniment to the tomtom. but still more interesting were the boys, of all grades of childhood, who looked on, while not a woman remained in sight. the larger boys stood about in groups, watching the spectacle with eyes afire with admiration, but the little fellows had flung themselves on their stomachs in a row, and were supporting their chubby faces upon their little brown hands, while their elbows rested on the grass, forming a sort of orchestra row of lilliputian spectators. we arranged for a great spectacle to be gotten up on the next afternoon, and were promised that it should be as notable for the numbers participating in it and for the trappings to be displayed as any the blackfeet had ever given upon their reserve. the indians spent the entire night in carousing over the gift of tea, and we knew that if they were true to most precedents they would brew and drink every drop of it. possibly some took it with an admixture of tobacco and wild currant to make them drunk, or, in reality, very sick--which is much the same thing to a reservation indian. the compounds which the average indian will swallow in the hope of imitating the effects of whiskey are such as to tax the credulity of those who hear of them. a certain patent "painkiller" ranks almost as high as whiskey in their estimation; but worcestershire sauce and gunpowder, or tea, tobacco, and wild currant, are not at all to be despised when alcohol, or the money to get it with, is wanting. i heard a characteristic story about these red men while i was visiting them. all who are familiar with them know that if medicine is given them to take in small portions at certain intervals they are morally sure to swallow it all at once, and that the sicker it makes them, the more they will value it. on the blackfoot reserve, only a short time ago, our gentle and insinuating sedlitz-powders were classed as children's stuff, but now they have leaped to the front rank as powerful medicines. this is because some white man showed the indian how to take the soda and magnesia first, and then swallow the tartaric acid. they do this, and when the explosion follows, and the gases burst from their mouths and noses, they pull themselves together and remark, "ugh! him heap good." [illustration: sketch in the soldier clan dance] on the morning of the day of the great spectacle i rode with mr. begg over to the ration-house to see the meat distributed. the dust rose in clouds above all the trails as the cavalcade of men, women, children, travoises and dogs, approached the station. men were few in the disjointed lines; most of them sent their women or children. all rode astraddle, some on saddles and some bareback. as all urged their horses in the indian fashion, which is to whip them unceasingly, and prod them constantly with spurless heels, the bobbing movement of the riders' heads and the gymnastics of their legs produced a queer scene. here and there a travois was trailed along by a horse or a dog, but the majority of the pensioners were content to carry their meat in bags or otherwise upon their horses. while the slaughtering went on, and after that, when the beef was being chopped up into junks, i sat in the meat-contractor's office, and saw the bucks, squaws, and children come, one after another, to beg. i could not help noticing that all were treated with marked and uniform kindness, and i learned that no one ever struck one of the indians, or suffered himself to lose his temper with them. a few of the men asked for blankets, but the squaws and the children wanted soap. it was said that when they first made their acquaintance with this symbol of civilization they mistook it for an article of diet, but that now they use it properly and prize it. when it was announced that the meat was ready, the butchers threw open an aperture in the wall of the ration-house, and the indians huddled before it as if they had flung themselves against the house in a mass. i have seen boys do the same thing at the opening of a ticket window for the sale of gallery seats in a theatre. there was no fighting or quarrelling, but every indian pushed steadily and silently with all his or her might. when one got his share he tore himself away from the crowd as briers are pulled out of hairy cloth. they are a hungry and an economical people. they bring pails for the beef blood, and they carry home the hoofs for jelly. after a steer has been butchered and distributed, only his horns and his paunch remain. the sun blazed down on the great camp that afternoon and glorified the place so that it looked like a miniature switzerland of snowy peaks. but it was hot, and blankets were stretched from the tent tops, and the women sat under them to catch the air and escape the heat. the salaried native policeman of the reserve, wearing a white stove-pipe hat with feathers, and a ridiculous blue coat, and heaven alone knows what other absurdities, rode around, boasting of deeds he never performed, while a white cur made him all the more ridiculous by chasing him and yelping at his horse's tail. and then came the grand spectacle. the vast plain was forgotten, and the great campus within the circle of tents was transformed into a theatre. the scene was a setting of white and red tents that threw their clear-cut outlines against a matchless blue sky. the audience was composed of four white men and the indian boys, who were flung about by the startled horses they were holding for us. the players were the gorgeous cavalrymen of nature, circling before their women and old men and children, themselves plumed like unheard-of tropical birds, the others displaying the minor splendor of the kaleidoscope. the play was "the pony war-dance, or the departure for battle." the acting was fierce; not like the conduct of a mimic battle on our stage, but performed with the desperate zest of men who hope for distinction in war, and may not trifle about it. it had the earnestness of a challenged man who tries the foils with a tutor. it was impressive, inspiring, at times wildly exciting. [illustration: a fantasy from the pony war-dance] there were threescore young men in the brilliant cavalcade. they rode horses that were as wild as themselves. their evolutions were rude, but magnificent. now they dashed past us in single file, and next they came helter-skelter, like cattle stampeding. for a while they rode around and around, as on a race-course, but at times they deserted the enclosure, parted into small bands, and were hidden behind the curtains of their own dust, presently to reappear with a mad rush, yelling like maniacs, firing their pieces, and brandishing their arms and their finery wildly on high. the orchestra was composed of seven tomtoms that had been dried taut before a camp fire. the old men and the chiefs sat in a semicircle behind the drummers on the ground. all the tribal heirlooms were in the display, the cherished gewgaws, trinkets, arms, apparel, and finery they had saved from the fate of which they will not admit they are themselves the victims. i never saw an old-time picture of a type of savage red man or of an extravagance of their costuming that was not revived in this spectacle. it was as if the plates in my old school-books and novels and tales of adventure were all animated and passing before me. the traditional indian with the eagle plumes from crown to heels was there; so was he with the buffalo horns growing out of his skull; so were the idyllic braves in yellow buckskin fringed at every point. the shining bodies of men, bare naked, and frescoed like a bowery bar-room, were not lacking; neither were those who wore masses of splendid embroidery with colored beads. but there were as many peculiar costumes which i never had seen pictured. and not any two men or any two horses were alike. as barber poles are covered with paint, so were many of these choice steeds of the nation. some were spotted all over with daubs of white, and some with every color obtainable. some were branded fifty times with the white hand, the symbol of peace, but others bore the red hand and the white hand in alternate prints. there were horses painted with the figures of horses and of serpents and of foxes. to some saddles were affixed colored blankets or cloths that fell upon the ground or lashed the air, according as the horse cantered or raced. one horse was hung all round with great soft woolly tails of some white material. sleigh-bells were upon several. only half a dozen men wore hats--mainly cowboy hats decked with feathers. many carried rifles, which they used with one hand. others brought out bows and arrows, lances decked with feathers or ribbons, poles hung with colored cloths, great shields brilliantly painted and fringed. every visible inch of each warrior was painted, the naked ones being ringed, streaked, and striped from head to foot. i would have to catalogue the possessions of the whole nation to tell all that they wore between the brass rings in their hair and the cartridge-belts at their waists, and thus down to their beautiful moccasins. two strange features further distinguished their pageant. one was the appearance of two negro minstrels upon one horse. both had blackened their faces and hands; both wore old stove-pipe hats and queer long-tailed white men's coats. one wore a huge false white mustache, and the other carried a coal-scuttle. the women and children roared with laughter at the sight. the two comedians got down from their horse, and began to make grimaces, and to pose this way and that, very comically. such a performance had never been seen on the reserve before. no one there could explain where the men had seen negro minstrels. the other unexpected feature required time for development. at first we noticed that two little indian boys kept getting in the way of the riders. as we were not able to find any fixed place of safety from the excited horsemen, we marvelled that these children were permitted to risk their necks. suddenly a hideously-painted naked man on horseback chased the little boys, leaving the cavalcade, and circling around the children. he rode back into the ranks, and still they loitered in the way. then around swept the horsemen once more, and this time the naked rider flung himself from his horse, and seizing one boy and then the other, bore each to the ground, and made as if he would brain them with his hatchet and lift their scalps with his knife. the sight was one to paralyze an on-looker. but it was only a theatrical performance arranged for the occasion. the man was acting over again the proudest of his achievements. the boys played the parts of two white men whose scalps now grace his tepee and gladden his memory. [illustration: throwing the snow snake] for ninety minutes we watched the glorious riding, the splendid horses, the brilliant trappings, and the paroxysmal fervor of the excited indians. the earth trembled beneath the dashing of the riders; the air palpitated with the noise of their war-cries and bells. we could have stood the day out, but we knew the players were tired, and yet would not cease till we withdrew. therefore we came away. we had enjoyed a never-to-be-forgotten privilege. it was if we had seen the ghosts of a dead people ride back to parody scenes in an era that had vanished. it was like the rising of the curtain, in response to an "encore," upon a drama that has been played. it was as if the sudden up-flashing of a smouldering fire lighted, once again and for an instant, the scene it had ceased to illumine. iii a famous missionary the former chief of the blackfeet--crowfoot--and father lacombe, the roman catholic missionary to the tribe, were the most interesting and among the most influential public characters in the newer part of canada. they had much to do with controlling the peace of a territory the size of a great empire. the chief was more than eighty years old; the priest is a dozen years younger; and yet they represented in their experiences the two great epochs of life on this continent--the barbaric and the progressive. in the chief's boyhood the red man held undisputed sway from the lakes to the rockies. in the priest's youth he led, like a scout, beyond the advancing hosts from europe. but father lacombe came bearing the olive branch of religion, and he and the barbarian became fast friends, intimates in a companionship as picturesque and out of the common as any the world could produce. there is something very strange about the relations of the french and the french half-breeds with the wild men of the plains. it is not altogether necessary that the frenchman should be a priest, for i have heard of french half-breeds in our territories who showed again and again that they could make their way through bands of hostiles in perfect safety, though knowing nothing of the language of the tribes there in war-paint. it is most likely that their swarthy skins and black hair, and their knowledge of savage ways aided them. but when not even a french half-breed has dared to risk his life among angry indians, the french missionaries went about their duty fearlessly and unscathed. there was one, just after the dreadful massacre of the little big horn, who built a cross of rough wood, painted it white, fastened it to his buck-board, and drove through a country in which a white man with a pale face and blond hair would not have lived two hours. it must be remembered that in a vast region of country the french priest and _voyageur_ and _coureur des bois_ were the first white men the indians saw, and while the explorers and traders seldom quarrelled with the red men or offered violence to them, the priests never did. they went about like women or children, or, rather, like nothing else than priests. they quickly learned the tongues of the savages, treated them fairly, showed the sublimest courage, and acted as counsellors, physicians, and friends. there is at least one brave indian fighter in our army who will state it as his belief that if all the white men had done thus we would have had but little trouble with our indians. father lacombe was one of the priests who threaded the trails of the north-western timber land and the far western prairie when white men were very few indeed in that country, and the only settlements were those that had grown around the frontier forts and the still earlier mission chapels. for instance, in , at twenty-two years of age, he slept a night or two where st. paul now weights the earth. it was then a village of twenty-five log-huts, and where the great building of the st. paul _pioneer press_ now stands, then stood the village chapel. for two years he worked at his calling on either side of the american frontier, and then was sent to what is now edmonton, in that magical region of long summers and great agricultural capacity known as the peace river district, hundreds of miles north of dakota and idaho. there the rockies are broken and lowered, and the warm pacific winds have rendered the region warmer than the land far to the south of it. but father lacombe went farther-- miles north to lake labiche. there he found what he calls a fine colony of half-breeds. these were dependants of the hudson bay company--white men from england, france, and the orkney islands, and indians and half-breeds and their children. the visits of priests were so infrequent that in the intervals between them the white men and indian women married one another, not without formality and the sanction of the colony, but without waiting for the ceremony of the church. father lacombe was called upon to bless and solemnize many such matches, to baptize many children, and to teach and preach what scores knew but vaguely or not at all. in time he was sent to calgary in the province of alberta. it is one of the most bustling towns in the dominion, and the biggest place west of winnipeg. alberta is north of our montana, and is all prairie-land; but from father lacombe's parsonage one sees the snow-capped rockies, sixty miles away, lying above the horizon like a line of clouds tinged with the delicate hues of mother-of-pearl in the sunshine. calgary was a mere post in the wilderness for years after the priest went there. the buffaloes roamed the prairie in fabulous numbers, the indians used the bow and arrow in the chase, and the maps we studied at the time showed the whole region enclosed in a loop, and marked "blackfoot indians." but the other indians were loath to accept this disposition of the territory as final, and the country thereabouts was an almost constant battle-ground between the blackfoot nation of allied tribes and the sioux, crows, flatheads, crees, and others. the good priest--for if ever there was a good man father lacombe is one--saw fighting enough, as he roamed with one tribe and the other, or journeyed from tribe to tribe. his mission led him to ignore tribal differences, and to preach to all the indians of the plains. he knew the chiefs and headmen among them all, and so justly did he deal with them that he was not only able to minister to all without attracting the enmity of any, but he came to wield, as he does to-day, a formidable power over all of them. he knew old crowfoot in his prime, and as i saw them together they were like bosom friends. together they had shared dreadful privation and survived frightful winters and storms. they had gone side by side through savage battles, and each respected and loved the other. i think i make no mistake in saying that all through his reign crowfoot was the greatest indian monarch in canada; possibly no tribe in this country was stronger in numbers during the last decade or two. i have never seen a nobler-looking indian or a more king-like man. he was tall and straight, as slim as a girl, and he had the face of an eagle or of an ancient roman. he never troubled himself to learn the english language; he had little use for his own. his grunt or his "no" ran all through his tribe. he never shared his honors with a squaw. he died an old bachelor, saying, wittily, that no woman would take him. it must be remembered that the degradation of the canadian indian began a dozen or fifteen years later than that of our own red men. in both countries the railroads were indirectly the destructive agents, and canada's great transcontinental line is a new institution. until it belted the prairie the other day the blackfoot indians led very much the life of their fathers, hunting and trading for the whites, to be sure, but living like indians, fighting like indians, and dying like them. now they don't fight, and they live and die like dogs. amid the old conditions lived crowfoot--a haughty, picturesque, grand old savage. he never rode or walked without his headmen in his retinue, and when he wished to exert his authority, his apparel was royal indeed. his coat of gaudy bead-work was a splendid garment, and weighed a dozen pounds. his leg-gear was just as fine; his moccasins would fetch fifty dollars in any city to-day. doubtless he thought his hat was quite as impressive and king-like, but to a mere scion of effeminate civilization it looked remarkably like an extra tall plug hat, with no crown in the top and a lot of crows' plumes in the band. you may be sure his successor wears that same hat to-day, for the indians revere the "state hat" of a brave chief, and look at it through superstitious eyes, so that those queer hats (older tiles than ever see the light of st. patrick's day) descend from chief to chief, and are hallowed. but crowfoot died none too soon. the history of the conquest of the wilderness contains no more pathetic story than that of how the kind old priest, father lacombe, warned the chief and his lieutenants against the coming of the pale-faces. he went to the reservation and assembled the leaders before him in council. he told them that the white men were building a great railroad, and in a month their workmen would be in that virgin country. he told the wondering red men that among these laborers would be found many bad men seeking to sell whiskey, offering money for the ruin of the squaws. reaching the greatest eloquence possible for him, because he loved the indians and doubted their strength, he assured them that contact with these white men would result in death, in the destruction of the indians, and by the most horrible processes of disease and misery. he thundered and he pleaded. the indians smoked and reflected. then they spoke through old crowfoot: "we have listened. we will keep upon our reservation. we will not go to see the railroad." but father lacombe doubted still, and yet more profoundly was he convinced of the ruin of the tribe should the "children," as he sagely calls all indians, disobey him. so once again he went to the reserve, and gathered the chief and the headmen, and warned them of the soulless, diabolical, selfish instincts of the white men. again the grave warriors promised to obey him. the railroad laborers came with camps and money and liquors and numbers, and the prairie thundered the echoes of their sledge-hammer strokes. and one morning the old priest looked out of the window of his bare bedroom and saw curling wisps of gray smoke ascending from a score of tepees on the hill beside calgary.[ ] angry, amazed, he went to his doorway and opened it, and there upon the ground sat some of the headmen and the old men, with bowed heads, ashamed. fancy the priest's wrath and his questions! note how wisely he chose the name of children for them, when i tell you that their spokesman at last answered with the excuse that the buffaloes were gone, and food was hard to get, and the white men brought money which the squaws could get. and what is the end? there are always tepees on the hills now beside every settlement near the blackfoot reservation. and one old missionary lifted his trembling forefinger towards the sky, when i was there, and said: "mark me. in fifteen years there will not be a full-blooded indian alive on the canadian prairie--not one." through all that revolutionary railroad building and the rush of new settlers, father lacombe and crowfoot kept the indians from war, and even from depredations and from murder. when the half-breeds arose under riel, and every indian looked to his rifle and his knife, and when the mutterings that preface the war-cry sounded in every lodge, father lacombe made crowfoot pledge his word that the indians should not rise. the priest represented the government on these occasions. the canadian statesmen recognize the value of his services. he is the great authority on indian matters beyond our border; the ambassador to and spokesman for the indians. but father lacombe is more than that. he is the deepest student of the indian languages that canada possesses. the revised edition of bishop barager's _grammar of the ochipwe language_ bears these words upon its title-page: "revised by the rev. father lacombe, oblate mary immaculate, ." he is the author of the authoritative _dictionnaire et grammaire de la langue crise_, the dictionary of the cree dialect published in . he has compiled just such another monument to the blackfoot language, and will soon publish it, if he has not done so already. he is in constant correspondence with our smithsonian institution; he is famous to all who study the indian; he is beloved or admired throughout canada. [illustration: father lacombe heading the indians] his work in these lines is labor of love. he is a student by nature. he began the study of the algonquin language as a youth in older canada, and the tongues of many of these tribes from labrador to athabasca are but dialects of the language of the great algonquin nation--the algic family. he told me that the white man's handling of indian words in the nomenclature of our cities, provinces, and states is as brutal as anything charged against the savages. saskatchewan, for instance, means nothing. "kissiskatchewan" is the word that was intended. it means "rapid current." manitoba is senseless, but "manitowapa" (the mysterious strait) would have been full of local import. however, there is no need to sadden ourselves with this expert knowledge. rather let us be grateful for every indian name with which we have stamped individuality upon the map of the world be it rightly or wrong set forth. it is strange to think of a scholar and a priest amid the scenes that father lacombe has witnessed. it was one of the most fortunate happenings of my life that i chanced to be in calgary and in the little mission beside the chapel when chief crowfoot came to pay his respects to his old black-habited friend. anxious to pay the chief such a compliment as should present the old warrior to me in the light in which he would be most proud to be viewed, father lacombe remarked that he had known crowfoot when he was a young man and a mighty warrior. the old copper-plated roman smiled and swelled his chest when this was translated. he was so pleased that the priest was led to ask him if he remembered one night when a certain trouble about some horses, or a chance duel between the blackfoot tribe and a band of its enemies, led to a midnight attack. if my memory serves me, it was the bloods (an allied part of the blackfoot nation) who picked this quarrel. the chief grinned and grunted wonderfully as the priest spoke. the priest asked if he remembered how the bloods were routed. the chief grunted even more emphatically. then the priest asked if the chief recalled what a pickle he, the priest, was in when he found himself in the thick of the fight. at that old crowfoot actually laughed. after that father lacombe, in a few bold sentences, drew a picture of the quiet, sleep-enfolded camp of the blackfoot band, of the silence and the darkness. then he told of a sudden musket-shot; then of the screaming of the squaws, and the barking of the dogs, and the yelling of the children, of the general hubbub and confusion of the startled camp. the cry was everywhere "the bloods! the bloods!" the enemy shot a fusillade at close quarters into the blackfoot camp, and the priest ran out towards the blazing muskets, crying that they must stop, for he, their priest, was in the camp. he shouted his own name, for he stood towards the bloods precisely as he did towards the blackfoot nation. but whether the bloods heard him or not, they did not heed him. the blaze of their guns grew stronger and crept nearer. the bullets whistled by. it grew exceedingly unpleasant to be there. it was dangerous as well. father lacombe said that he did all he could to stop the fight, but when it was evident that his behavior would simply result in the massacre of his hosts and of himself in the bargain, he altered his cries into military commands. "give it to 'em!" he screamed. he urged crowfoot's braves to return two shots for every one from the enemy. he took command, and inspired the bucks with double valor. they drove the bloods out of reach and hearing. all this was translated to crowfoot--or saponaxitaw, for that was his indian name--and he chuckled and grinned, and poked the priest in the side with his knuckles. and good father lacombe felt the magnetism of his own words and memory, and clapped the chief on the shoulder, while both laughed heartily at the climax, with the accompanying mental picture of the discomfited bloods running away, and the clergyman ordering their instant destruction. there may not be such another meeting and rehearsal on this continent again. those two men represented the passing and the dominant races of america; and yet, in my view, the learned and brave and kindly missionary is as much a part of the dead past as is the royalty that crowfoot was the last to represent. [footnote : since this was written father lacombe's work has been continued at fort mcleod in the same province as calgary. in this smaller place he finds more time for his literary pursuits.] iv antoine's moose-yard [illustration] it was the night of a great dinner at the club. whenever the door of the banqueting hall was opened, a burst of laughter or of applause disturbed the quiet talk of a few men who had gathered in the reading-room--men of the sort that extract the best enjoyment from a club by escaping its functions, or attending them only to draw to one side its choicest spirits for never-to-be-forgotten talks before an open fire, and over wine and cigars used sparingly. "i'm tired," an artist was saying--"so tired that i have a horror of my studio. my wife understands my condition and bids me go away and rest." "that is astonishing," said i; "for, as a rule, neither women nor men can comprehend the fatigue that seizes an artist or writer. at most of our homes there comes to be a reluctant recognition of the fact that we say we are tired, and that we persist in the assumption by knocking off work. but human fatigue is measured by the mile of walking, or the cords of firewood that have been cut, and the world will always hold that if we have not hewn wood or tramped all day, it is absurd for us to talk of feeling tired. we cannot alter this; we are too few." "yes," said another of the little party. "the world shares the feeling of the irishman who saw a very large, stout man at work at reporting in a courtroom. 'faith!' said he, 'will ye look at the size of that man--to be airning his living wid a little pincil?' the world would acknowledge our right to feel tired if we used crow-bars to write or draw with; but pencils! pshaw! a hundred weigh less than a pound." "well," said i, "all the same, i am so tired that my head feels like cork; so tired that for two days i have not been able to summon an idea or turn a sentence neatly. i have been sitting at my desk writing wretched stuff and tearing it up, or staring blankly out of the window." "glorious!" said the artist, startling us all with his vehemence and inapt exclamation. "why, it is providential that i came here to-night. if that's the way you feel, we are a pair, and you will go with me and rest. do you hunt? are you fond of it?" "i know all about it," said i, "but i have not definitely determined whether i am fond of it or not. i have been hunting only once. it was years ago, when i was a mere boy. i went after deer with a poet, an editor, and a railroad conductor. we journeyed to a lovely valley in mifflin county, pennsylvania, and put ourselves in the hands of a man seven feet high, who had a flintlock musket a foot taller than himself, and a wife who gave us saleratus bread and a bowl of pork fat for supper and breakfast. we were not there at dinner. the man stationed us a mile apart on what he said were the paths, or "runways," the deer would take. then he went to stir the game up with his dogs. there he left us from sunrise till supper, or would have left us had we not with great difficulty found one another, and enjoyed the exquisite woodland quiet and light and shade together, mainly flat on our backs, with the white sails of the sky floating in an azure sea above the reaching fingers of the tree-tops. the editor marred the occasion with an unworthy suspicion that our hunter was at the village tavern picturing to his cronies what simple donkeys we were, standing a mile apart in the forsaken woods. but the poet said something so pregnant with philosophy that it always comes back to me with the mention of hunting. 'where is your gun?' he was asked, when we came upon him, pacing the forest path, hands in pockets, and no weapon in sight. 'oh, my gun?' he repeated. 'i don't know. somewhere in among those trees. i covered it with leaves so as not to see it. after this, if i go hunting again, i shall not take a gun. it is very cold and heavy, and more or less dangerous in the bargain. you never use it, you know. i go hunting every few years, but i never yet have had to fire my gun, and i begin to see that it is only brought along in deference to a tradition descending from an era when men got something more than fresh air and scenery on a hunting trip.'" the others laughed at my story, but the artist regarded me with an expression of pity. he is a famous hunter--a genuine, devoted hunter--and one might almost as safely speak a light word of his relations as of his favorite mode of recreation. [illustration: the hotel--last sign of civilization] "fresh air!" said he; "scenery! humph! your poet would not know which end of a gun to aim with. i see that you know nothing at all about hunting, but i will pay you the high compliment of saying that i can make a hunter of you. i have always insisted heretofore that a hunter must begin in boyhood; but never mind, i'll make a hunter of you at thirty-six. we will start to-morrow morning for montreal, and in twenty-four hours you shall be in the greatest sporting region in america, incomparably the greatest hunting district. it is great because americans do not know of it, and because it has all of british america to keep it supplied with game. think of it! in twenty-four hours we shall be tracking moose near hudson bay, for hudson bay is not much farther from new york than chicago--another fact that few persons are aware of." environment is a positive force. we could feel that we were disturbing what the artist would call "the local tone," by rushing through the city's streets next morning with our guns slung upon our backs. it was just at the hour when the factory hands and the shop-girls were out in force, and the juxtaposition of those elements of society with two portly men bearing guns created a positive sensation. in the cars the artist held forth upon the terrors of the life upon which i was about to venture. he left upon my mind a blurred impression of sleeping out-of-doors like human cocoons, done up in blankets, while the savage mercury lurked in unknown depths below the zero mark. he said the camp-fire would have to be fed every two hours of each night, and he added, without contradiction from me, that he supposed he would have to perform this duty, as he was accustomed to it. lest his forecast should raise my anticipation of pleasure extravagantly, he added that those hunters were fortunate who had fires to feed; for his part he had once walked around a tree stump a whole night to keep from freezing. he supposed that we would perform our main journeying on snow-shoes, but how we should enjoy that he could not say, as his knowledge of snow-shoeing was limited. at this point the inevitable offspring of fate, who is always at a traveller's elbow with a fund of alarming information, cleared his throat as he sat opposite us, and inquired whether he had overheard that we did not know much about snow-shoes. an interesting fact concerning them, he said, was that they seemed easy to walk with at first, but if the learner fell down with them on it usually needed a considerable portion of a tribe of indians to put him back on his feet. beginners only fell down, however, in attempting to cross a log or stump, but the forest where we were going was literally floored with such obstructions. the first day's effort to navigate with snow-shoes, he remarked, is usually accompanied by a terrible malady called _mal de raquette_, in which the cords of one's legs become knotted in great and excruciatingly painful bunches. the cure for this is to "walk it off the next day, when the agony is yet more intense than at first." as the stranger had reached his destination, he had little more than time to remark that the moose is an exceedingly vicious animal, invariably attacking all hunters who fail to kill him with the first shot. as the stranger stepped upon the car platform he let fall a simple but touching eulogy upon a dear friend who had recently lost his life by being literally cut in two, lengthwise, by a moose that struck him on the chest with its rigidly stiffened fore-legs. the artist protested that the stranger was a sensationalist, unsupported by either the camp-fire gossip or the literature of hunters. yet one man that night found his slumber tangled with what the garrulous alarmist had been saying. in montreal one may buy clothing not to be had in the united states: woollens thick as boards, hosiery that wards off the cold as armor resists missiles, gloves as heavy as shoes, yet soft as kid, fur caps and coats at prices and in a variety that interest poor and rich alike, blanket suits that are more picturesque than any other masculine garment worn north of the city of mexico, tuques, and moccasins, and, indeed, so many sorts of clothing we yankees know very little of (though many of us need them) that at a glance we say the montrealers are foreigners. montreal is the gayest city on this continent, and i have often thought that the clothing there is largely responsible for that condition. [illustration: "give me a light"] a new yorker disembarking in montreal in mid-winter finds the place inhospitably cold, and wonders how, as well as why, any one lives there. i well remember standing years ago beside a toboggan-slide, with my teeth chattering and my very marrow slowly congealing, when my attention was called to the fact that a dozen ruddy-cheeked, bright-eyed, laughing girls were grouped in snow that reached their knees. i asked a canadian lady how that could be possible, and she answered with a list of the principal garments those girls were wearing. they had two pairs of stockings under their shoes, and a pair of stockings over their shoes, with moccasins over them. they had so many woollen skirts that an american girl would not believe me if i gave the number. they wore heavy dresses and buckskin jackets, and blanket suits over all this. they had mittens over their gloves, and fur caps over their knitted hoods. it no longer seemed wonderful that they should not heed the cold; indeed, it occurred to me that their bravery amid the terrors of tobogganing was no bravery at all, since a girl buried deep in the heart of such a mass of woollens could scarcely expect damage if she fell from a steeple. when next i appeared out-of-doors i too was swathed in flannel, like a jewel in a box of plash, and from that time out montreal seemed, what it really is, the merriest of american capitals. and there i had come again, and was filling my trunk with this wonderful armor of civilization, while the artist sought advice as to which point to enter the wilderness in order to secure the biggest game most quickly. mr. w. c. van horne, the president of the canadian pacific railroad, proved a friend in need. he dictated a few telegrams that agitated the people of a vast section of country between ottawa and the great lakes. and in the afternoon the answers came flying back. these were from various points where hudson bay posts are situated. at one or two the indian trappers and hunters were all away on their winter expeditions; from another a famous white hunter had just departed with a party of gentlemen. at mattawa, in ontario, moose were close at hand and plentiful, and two skilled indian hunters were just in from a trapping expedition; but the post factor, mr. rankin, was sick in bed, and the indians were on a spree. to mattawa we decided to go. it is a twelve-hour journey from new york to montreal, and an eleven-hour journey from montreal to the heart of this hunters' paradise; so that, had we known at just what point to enter the forest, we could have taken the trail in twenty-four hours from the metropolis, as the artist had predicted. our first taste of the frontier, at peter o'farrall's ottawa hotel, in mattawa, was delicious in the extreme. o'farrall used to be game-keeper to the marquis of waterford, and thus got "a taste of the quality" that prompted him to assume the position he has chosen as the most lordly hotel-keeper in canada. we do not know what sort of men own our great new york and chicago and san francisco hotels, but certainly they cannot lead more leisurely, complacent lives than mr. o'farrall. he has a bartender to look after the male visitors and the bar, and a matronly relative to see to the women and the kitchen, so that the landlord arises when he likes to enjoy each succeeding day of ease and prosperity. he has been known to exert himself, as when he chased a man who spoke slightingly of his liquor. and he was momentarily ruffled at the trying conduct of the artist on this hunting trip. the artist could not find his overcoat, and had the temerity to refer the matter to mr. o'farrall. "sir," said the artist, "what do you suppose has become of my overcoat? i cannot find it anywhere." "i don't know anything about your botheration overcoat," said mr. o'farrall. "sure, i've throuble enough kaping thrack of me own." the reader may be sure that o'farrall's was rightly recommended to us, and that it is a well-managed and popular place, with good beds and excellent fare, and with no extra charge for the delightful addition of the host himself, who is very tall and dignified and humourous, and who is the oddest and yet most picturesque-looking public character in the dominion. such an oddity is certain to attract queer characters to his side, and mr. o'farrall is no exception to the rule. one of the waiter-girls in the dining-room was found never by any chance to know anything that she was asked about. for instance, she had never heard of mr. rankin, the chief man of the place. to every question she made answer, "sure, there does be a great dale goin' on here and i know nothin' of it." of her the artist ventured the theory that "she could not know everything on a waiter-girl's salary." john, the bartender, was a delightful study. no matter what a visitor laid down in the smoking-room, john picked it up and carried it behind the bar. every one was continually losing something and searching for it, always to observe that john was able to produce it with a smile and the wise remark that he had taken the lost article and put it away "for fear some one would pick it up." finally, there was mr. o'farrall's dog--a ragged, time-worn, petulant terrier, no bigger than a pint-pot. mr. o'farrall nevertheless called him "fairy," and said he kept him "to protect the village children against wild bears." i shall never be able to think of mattawa as it is--a plain little lumbering town on the ottawa river, with the wreck and ruin of once grand scenery hemming it in on all sides in the form of ragged mountains literally ravaged by fire and the axe. hints of it come back to me in dismembered bits that prove it to have been interesting: vignettes of little school-boys in blanket suits and moccasins, of great-spirited horses forever racing ahead of fur-laden sleighs, and of troops of olive-skinned french-canadian girls, bundled up from their feet to those mischievous features which shot roguish glances at the artist--the biggest man, the people said, who had ever been seen in mattawa. but the place will ever yield back to my mind the impression i got of the wonderful preparations that were made for our adventure--preparations that seemed to busy or to interest nearly every one in the village. our indians had come in from the indian village three miles away, and had said they had had enough drink. mr. john de sousa, accountant at the post, took charge of them and of us, and the work of loading a great portage sleigh went on apace. the men of sporting tastes came out and lounged in front of the post, and gave helpful advice; the indians and clerks went to and from the sleigh laden with bags of necessaries; the harness-maker made for us belts such as the lumbermen use to preclude the possibility of incurable strains in the rough life in the wilderness. the help at o'farrall's assisted in repacking what we needed so that our trunks and town clothing could be stored. mr. de sousa sent messengers hither and thither for essentials not in stock at the post. some women, even, were set at work to make "neaps" for us, a neap being a sort of slipper or unlaced shoe made of heavy blanketing and worn outside one's stockings to give added warmth to the feet. "you see, this is no casual rabbit-hunt," said the artist. the remark will live in mattawa many a year. the hudson bay company's posts differ. in the wilderness they are forts surrounded by stockades, but within the boundaries of civilization they are stores. that at winnipeg is a splendid emporium, while that at mattawa is like a village store in the united states, except that the top story is laden with guns, traps, snow-shoes, and the skins of wild beasts; while an outbuilding in the rear is the repository of scores of birch-bark canoes--the carriages of british america. mr. rankin, the factor there, lay in a bed of suffering and could not see us. yet it seemed difficult to believe that we could be made the recipients of greater or more kindly attentions than were lavished upon us by his accountant, mr. de sousa. he ordered our tobacco ground for us ready for our pipes; selected the finest from among those extraordinary blankets that have been made exclusively for this company for hundreds of years; picked out the largest snow-shoes in his stock; bade us lay aside the gloves we had brought, and take mittens such as he produced, and for which we thanked him in our hearts many times afterwards; planned our outfit of food with the wisdom of an old campaigner; bethought himself to send for baker's bread; ordered high legs sewed on our moccasins--in a word, he made it possible for us to say afterwards that absolutely nothing had been overlooked or slighted in fitting out our expedition. [illustration: antoine, from life] as i sat in the sleigh, tucked in under heavy skins and leaning at royal ease against other furs that covered a bale of hay, it seemed to me that i had become part of one of such pictures as we all have seen, portraying historic expeditions in russia or siberia. we carried fifteen hundred pounds of traps and provisions for camping, stabling, and food for men and beasts. we were five in all--two hunters, two indians, and a teamster. we set out with the two huge mettlesome horses ahead, the driver on a high seat formed of a second bale of hay, ourselves lolling back under our furs, and the two indians striding along over the resonant cold snow behind us. it was beginning to be evident that a great deal of effort and machinery was needed to "make a hunter" of a city man, and that it was going to be done thoroughly--two thoughts of a highly flattering nature. we were now clad for arctic weather, and perhaps nothing except a mummy was ever "so dressed up" as we were. we each wore two pairs of the heaviest woollen stockings i ever saw, and over them ribbed bicycle stockings that came to our knees. over these in turn were our "neaps," and then our moccasins, laced tightly around our ankles. we had on two suits of flannels of extra thickness, flannel shirts, reefing jackets, and "capeaux," as they call their long-hooded blanket coats, longer than snow-shoe coats. on our heads we had knitted tuques, and on our hands mittens and gloves. we were bound for antoine's moose-yard, near crooked lake. the explanation of the term "moose-yard" made moose-hunting appear a simple operation (once we were started), for a moose-yard is the feeding-ground of a herd of moose, and our head indian, alexandre antoine, knew where there was one. each herd or family of these great wild cattle has two such feeding-grounds, and they are said to go alternately from one to the other, never herding in one place two years in succession. in this region of canada they weigh between and pounds, and the reader will help his comprehension of those figures by recalling the fact that a -pound horse is a very large one. whether they desert a yard for twelve months because of the damage they do to the supply of food it offers to them, or whether it is instinctive caution that directs their movements, no one can more than conjecture. their yards are always where soft wood is plentiful and water is near, and during a winter they will feed over a region from half a mile to a mile square. the prospect of going directly to the fixed home of a herd of moose almost robbed the trip of that speculative element that gives the greatest zest to hunting. but we knew not what the future held for us. not even the artist, with all his experience, conjectured what was in store for us. and what was to come began coming almost immediately. the journey began upon a good highway, over which we slid along as comfortably as any ladies in their carriages, and with the sleigh-bells flinging their cheery music out over a desolate valley, with a leaden river at the bottom, and with small mountains rolling all about. the timber was cut off them, except here and there a few red or white pines that reared their green, brush-like tops against the general blanket of snow. the dull sky hung sullenly above, and now and then a raven flew by, croaking hoarse disapproval of our intrusion. to warn us of what we were to expect, antoine had made a shy indian joke, one of the few i ever heard: "in small little while," said he, "we come to all sorts of a road. me call it that 'cause you get every sort riding, then you sure be suited." at five miles out we came to this remarkable highway. it can no more be adequately described here than could the experiences of a man who goes over niagara falls in a barrel. the reader must try to imagine the most primitive sort of a highway conceivable--one that has been made by merely felling trees through a forest in a path wide enough for a team and wagon. all the tree stumps were left in their places, and every here and there were rocks; some no larger than a bale of cotton, and some as small as a bushel basket. to add to the other alluring qualities of the road, there were tree trunks now and then directly across it, and, as a further inducement to traffic, the highway was frequently interrupted by "pitch holes." some of these would be called pitch holes anywhere. they were at points where a rill crossed the road, or the road crossed the corner of a marsh. but there were other pitch holes that any intelligent new yorker would call ravines or gullies. these were at points where one hill ran down to the water-level and another immediately rose precipitately, there being a watercourse between the two. in all such places there was deep black mud and broken ice. however, these were mere features of the character of this road--a character too profound for me to hope to portray it. when the road was not inclined either straight down or straight up, it coursed along the slanting side of a steep hill, so that a vehicle could keep to it only by falling against the forest at the under side and carroming along from tree to tree. [illustration: the portage sleigh on a lumber road] such was the road. the manner of travelling it was quite as astounding. for nothing short of what alphonse, the teamster, did would i destroy a man's character; but alphonse was the next thing to an idiot. he made that dreadful journey at a gallop! the first time he upset the sleigh and threw me with one leg thigh-deep between a stone and a tree trunk, besides sending the artist flying over my head like a shot from a sling, he reseated himself and remarked: "that makes tree time i upset in dat place. hi, there! get up!" it never occurred to him to stop because a giant tree had fallen across the trail. "look out! hold tight!" he would call out, and then he would take the obstruction at a jump. the horses were mammoth beasts, in the best fettle, and the sleigh was of the solidest, strongest pattern. there were places where even alphonse was anxious to drive with caution. such were the ravines and unbridged waterways. but one of the horses had cut himself badly in such a place a year before, and both now made it a rule to take all such places flying. fancy the result! the leap in air, and then the crash of the sled as it landed, the snap of the harness chains, the snorts of the winded beasts, the yells of the driver, the anxiety and nervousness of the passengers! at one point we had an exciting adventure of a far different sort. there was a moderately good stretch of road ahead, and we invited the indians to jump in and ride a while. we noticed that they took occasional draughts from a bottle. they finished a full pint, and presently alexandre produced another and larger phial. every one knows what a drunken indian is, and so did we. we ordered the sleigh stopped and all hands out for "a talk." firmly, but with both power and reason on our side; we demanded a promise that not another drink should be taken, or that the horses be turned towards mattawa at once. the promise was freely given. "but what is that stuff? let me see it," one of the hunters asked. "it is de 'igh wine," said alexandre. "high wine? alcohol?" exclaimed the hunter, and, impulse being quicker than reason sometimes, flung the bottle high in air into the bush. it was an injudicious action, but both of us at once prepared to defend and re-enforce it, of course. as it happened, the indians saw that no unkindness or unfairness was intended, and neither sulked nor made trouble afterwards. we were now deep in the bush. occasionally we passed "a brulè," or tract denuded of trees, and littered with trunks and tops of trunks rejected by the lumbermen. but every mile took us nearer to the undisturbed primeval forest, where the trees shoot up forty feet before the branches begin. there were no houses, teams, or men. in a week in the bush we saw no other sign of civilization than what we brought or made. all around us rose the motionless regiments of the forest, with the snow beneath them, and their branches and twigs printing lacework on the sky. the signs of game were numerous, and varied to an extent that i never heard of before. there were few spaces of the length of twenty-five feet in which the track of some wild beast or bird did not cross the road. the indians read this writing in the snow, so that the forest was to them as a book would be to us. "what is that?" "and that?" "and that?" i kept inquiring. the answers told more eloquently than any man can describe it the story of the abundance of game in that easily accessible wilderness. "dat red deer," antoine replied. "him fox." "dat bear track; dat squirrel; dat rabbit." "dat moose track; pass las' week." "dat pa'tridge; dat wolf." or perhaps it was the trail of a marten, or a beaver, or a weasel, or a fisher, mink, lynx, or otter that he pointed out, for all these "signs" were there, and nearly all were repeated again and again. of the birds that are plentiful there the principal kinds are partridge, woodcock, crane, geese, duck, gull, loon, and owl. [illustration: the track in the winter forest] when the sun set we prepared to camp, selecting a spot near a tiny rill. the horses were tethered to a tree, with their harness still on, and blankets thrown over them. we cleared a little space by the road-side, using our snow-shoes for shovels. the indians, with their axes, turned up the moss and leaves, and levelled the small shoots and brushwood. then one went off to cut balsam boughs for bedding, while the other set up two crotched sticks, with a pole upon them resting in the crotches, and throwing the canvas of an "a" tent over the frame, he looped the bottom of the tent to small pegs, and banked snow lightly all around it. the little aromatic branches of balsam were laid evenly upon the ground, a fur robe was thrown upon the leaves, our enormous blankets were spread half open side by side, and two coats were rolled up and thrown down for pillows. pierre, the second indian, made tiny slivers of some soft wood, and tried to start a fire. he failed. then alexandre antoine brought two handfuls of bark, and lighting a small piece with a match, proceeded to build a fire in the most painstaking manner, and with an ingenuity that was most interesting. first he made a fire that could have been started in a teacup; then he built above and around it a skeleton tent of bits of soft wood, six to nine inches in length. this gave him a fire of the dimensions of a high hat. next, he threw down two great bits of timber, one on either side of the fire, and a still larger back log, and upon these he heaped split soft wood. while this was being done, pierre assailed one great tree after another, and brought them crashing down with noises that startled the forest quiet. alphonse had opened the provision bags, and presently two tin pails filled with water swung from saplings over the fire, and a pan of fat salt pork was frizzling upon the blazing wood. the darkness grew dead black, and the dancing flames peopled the near forest with dodging shadows. almost in the time it has taken me to write it, we were squatting on our heels around the fire, each with a massive cutting of bread, a slice of fried pork in a tin plate, and half a pint of tea, precisely as hot as molten lead, in a tin cup. supper was a necessity, not a luxury, and was hurried out of the way accordingly. then the men built their camp beside ours in front of the fire, and followed that by felling three or more monarchs of the bush. nothing surprised me so much as the amount of wood consumed in these open-air fires. in five days at our permanent camp we made a great hole in the forest. but that first night in the open air, abed with nature, with british america for a bedroom! only i can tell of it, for the others slept. the stillness was intense. there was no wind and not an animal or bird uttered a cry. the logs cracked and sputtered and popped, the horses shook their chains, the men all snored--white and red alike. the horses pounded the hollow earth; the logs broke and fell upon the cinders; one of the men talked in his sleep. but over and through it all the stillness grew. then the fire sank low, the cold became intense, the light was lost, and the darkness swallowed everything. some one got up awkwardly, with muttering, and flung wood upon the red ashes, and presently all that had passed was re-experienced. the ride next day was more exciting than the first stage. it was like the journey of a gun-carriage across country in a hot retreat. the sled was actually upset only once, but to prevent that happening fifty times the indians kept springing at the uppermost side of the flying vehicle, and hanging to the side poles to pull the toppling construction down upon both runners. often we were advised to leap out for safety's sake; at other times we wished we had leaped out. for seven hours we were flung about like cotton spools that are being polished in a revolving cylinder. and yet we were obliged to run long distances after the hurtling sleigh--long enough to tire us. the artist, who had spent years in rude scenes among rough men, said nothing at the time. what was the use? but afterwards, in new york, he remarked that this was the roughest travelling he had ever experienced. the signs of game increased. deer and bear and wolf and fox and moose were evidently numerous around us. once we stopped, and the indians became excited. what they had taken for old moose tracks were the week-old footprints of a man. it seems strange, but they felt obliged to know what a man had gone into the bush for a week ago. they followed the signs, and came back smiling. he had gone in to cut hemlock boughs; we would find traces of a camp near by. we did. in a country where men are so few, they busy themselves about one another. four or five days later, while we were hunting, these indians came to the road and stopped suddenly, as horses do when lassoed. with a glance they read that two teams had passed during the night, going towards our camp. when we returned to camp the teams had been there, and our teamster had talked with the drivers. therefore that load was lifted from the minds of our indians. but their knowledge of the bush was marvellous. one point in the woods was precisely like another to us, yet the indians would leap off the sleigh now and then and dive into the forest to return with a trap hidden there months before, or to find a great iron kettle. [illustration: pierre, from life] "do you never get lost?" i asked alexandre. "me get los'? no, no get los'." "but how do you find your way?" "me fin' way easy. me know way me come, or me follow my tracks, or me know by de sun. if no sun, me look at trees. trees grow more branches on side toward sun, and got rough bark on north side. at night me know by see de stars." we camped in a log-hut alexandre had built for a hunting camp. it was very picturesque and substantial, built of huge logs, and caulked with moss. it had a great earthen bank in the middle for a fireplace, with an equally large opening in the roof, boarded several feet high at the sides to form a chimney. at one corner of the fire bank was an ingenious crane, capable of being raised and lowered, and projecting from a pivoted post, so that the long arm could be swung over or away from the fire. at one end of the single apartment were two roomy bunks built against the wall. with extraordinary skill and quickness the indians whittled a spade out of a board, performing the task with an axe, an implement they can use as white men use a penknife, an implement they value more highly than a gun. they made a broom of balsam boughs, and dug and swept the dirt off the floor and walls, speedily making the cabin neat and clean. two new bunks were put up for us, and bedded with balsam boughs and skins. shelves were already up, and spread with pails and bottles, tin cups and plates, knives and forks, canned goods, etc. on them and on the floor were our stores. [illustration: antoine's cabin] we had a week's outfit, and we needed it, because for five days we could not hunt on account of the crust on the snow, which made such a noise when a human foot broke through it that we could not have approached any wild animal within half a mile. on the third day it rained, but without melting the crust. on the fourth day it snowed furiously, burying the crust under two inches of snow. on the fifth day we got our moose. in the mean time the log-cabin was our home. alexandre and pierre cut down trees every day for the fire, and pierre disappeared for hours every now and then to look after traps set for otter, beaver, and marten. alphonse attended his horses and served as cook. he could produce hotter tea than any other man in the world. i took mine for a walk in the arctic cold three times a day, the artist learned to pour his from one cup to another with amazing dexterity, and the indians (who drank a quart each of green tea at each meal because it was stronger than our black tea) lifted their pans and threw the liquid fire down throats that had been inured to high wines. whenever the fire was low, the cold was intense. whenever it was heaped with logs, all the heat flew directly through the roof, and spiral blasts of cold air were sucked through every crack between logs in the cabin walls. whenever the door opened, the cabin filled with smoke. smoke clung to all we ate or wore. at night the fire kept burning out, and we arose with chattering teeth to build it anew. the indians were then to be seen with their blankets pushed down to their knees, asleep in their shirts and trousers. at meal-times we had bacon or pork, speckled or lake trout, bread-and-butter, stewed tomatoes, and tea. there were two stools for the five men, but they only complicated the discomfort of those who got them; for it was found that if we put our tin plates on our knees, they fell off; if we held them in one hand, we could not cut the pork and hold the bread with the other hand; while if we put the plates on the floor beside the tea, we could not reach them. in a month we might have solved the problem. life in that log shanty was precisely the life of the early settlers of this country. it was bound to produce great characters or early death. there could be no middle course with such an existence. [illustration: the camp at night] partridge fed in the brush impudently before us. rabbits bobbed about in the clearing before the door. squirrels sat upon the logs near by and gormandized and chattered. great saucy birds, like mouse-colored robins, and known to the indians as "meat-birds," stole our provender if we left it out-of-doors half an hour, and one day we saw a red deer jump in the bush a hundred yards away. yet we got no game, because we knew there was a moose-yard within two miles on one side and within three miles on the other, and we dared not shoot our rifles lest we frighten the moose. moose was all we were after. there was a lake near by, and the trout in those lakes up there attain remarkable size and numbers. we heard of -pound specked trout, of lake trout twice as large, and of enormous muskallonge. the most reliable persons told of lakes farther in the wilderness where the trout are thick as salmon in the british columbia streams--so thick as to seem to fill the water. we were near a lake that was supposed to have been fished out by lumbermen a year before, yet it was no sport at all to fish there. with a short stick and two yards of line and a bass hook baited with pork, we brought up four-pound and five-pound beauties faster than we wanted them for food. truly we were in a splendid hunting country, like the adirondacks eighty years ago, but thousands of times as extensive. finally we started for moose. our indians asked if they might take their guns. we gave the permission. alexandre, a thin, wiry man of forty years, carried an old henry rifle in a woollen case open at one end like a stocking. he wore a short blanket coat and tuque, and trousers tied tight below the knee, and let into his moccasin-tops. he and his brother françois are famous hudson bay company trappers, and are two-thirds algonquin and one-third french. he has a typical swarthy, angular indian face and a french mustache and goatee. naturally, if not by rank, a leader among his men, his manner is commanding and his appearance grave. he talks bad french fluently, and makes wretched headway in english. pierre is a short, thickset, walnut-stained man of thirty-five, almost pure indian, and almost a perfect specimen of physical development. he seldom spoke while on this trip, but he impressed us with his strength, endurance, quickness, and knowledge of woodcraft. poor fellow! he had only a shot-gun, which he loaded with buckshot. it had no case, and both men carried their pieces grasped by the barrels and shouldered with the butts behind them. we set out in indian-file, plunging at once into the bush. never was forest scenery more exquisitely beautiful than on that morning as the day broke, for we breakfasted at four o'clock, and started immediately afterwards. everywhere the view was fairy-like. there was not snow enough for snow-shoeing. but the fresh fall of snow was immaculately white, and flecked the scene apparently from earth to sky, for there was not a branch or twig or limb or spray of evergreen, or wart or fungous growth upon any tree that did not bear its separate burden of snow. it was a bridal dress, not a winding-sheet, that dame nature was trying on that morning. and in the bright fresh green of the firs and pines we saw her complexion peeping out above her spotless gown, as one sees the rosy cheeks or black eyes of a girl wrapped in ermine. [illustration: a moose bull fight] mile after mile we walked, up mountain and down dale, slapped in the faces by twigs, knocking snow down the backs of our necks, slipping knee-deep in bog mud, tumbling over loose stones, climbing across interlaced logs, dropping to the height of one thigh between tree trunks, sliding, falling, tight-rope walking on branches over thin ice, but forever following the cat-like tread of alexandre, with his seven-league stride and long-winded persistence. suddenly we came to a queer sort of clearing dotted with protuberances like the bubbles on molasses beginning to boil. it was a beaver meadow. the bumps in the snow covered stumps of trees the beavers had gnawed down. the indians were looking at some trough like tracks in the snow, like the trail of a tired man who had dragged his heels. "moose; going this way," said alexandre; and we turned and walked in the tracks. across the meadow and across a lake and up another mountain they led us. then we came upon fresher prints. at each new track the indians stooped, and making a scoop of one hand, brushed the new-fallen snow lightly out of the indentations. thus they read the time at which the print was made. "las' week," "day 'fore yesterday," they whispered. presently they bent over again, the light snow flew, and one whispered, "this morning." [illustration: on the moose trail] stealthily alexandre swept ahead; very carefully we followed. we dared not break a twig, or speak, or slip, or stumble. as it was, the breaking of the crust was still far too audible. we followed a little stream, and approached a thick growth of tamarack. we had no means of knowing that a herd of moose was lying in that thicket, resting after feeding. we knew it afterwards. alexandre motioned to us to get our guns ready. we each threw a cartridge from the cylinder into the barrel, making a "click, click" that was abominably loud. alexandre forged ahead. in five minutes we heard him call aloud: "moose gone. we los' him." we hastened to his side. he pointed at some tracks in which the prints were closer together than any we had seen. "see! he trot," alexandre explained. in another five minutes we had all but completed a circle, and were on the other side of the tamarack thicket. and there were the prints of the bodies of the great beasts. we could see even the imprint of the hair of their coats. all around were broken twigs and balsam needles. the moose had left the branches ragged, and on every hand the young bark was chewed or rubbed raw. loading our rifles had lost us a herd of moose. [illustration: in sight of the game--"now shoot!"] back once again at the beaver dam, alexandre and pierre studied the moose-tramped snow and talked earnestly. they agreed that a desperate battle had been fought there between two bull moose a week before, and that those bulls were not in the "yard" where we had blundered. they examined the tracks over an acre or more, and then strode off at an obtuse angle from our former trail. pierre, apparently not quite satisfied, kept dropping behind or disappearing in the bush at one side of us. so magnificent was his skill at his work that i missed him at times, and at other times found him putting his feet down where mine were lifted up without ever hearing a sound of his step or of his contact with the undergrowth. alexandre presently motioned us with a warning gesture. he slowed his pace to short steps, with long pauses between. he saw everything that moved, heard every sound; only a deer could throw more and keener faculties into play than this born hunter. he heard a twig snap. we heard nothing. pierre was away on a side search. alexandre motioned us to be ready. we crept close together, and i scarcely breathed. we moved cautiously, a step at a time, like chessmen. it was impossible to get an unobstructed view a hundred feet ahead, so thick was the soft-wood growth. it seemed out of the question to try to shoot that distance. we were descending a hill-side into marshy ground. we crossed a corner of a grove of young alders, and saw before us a gentle slope thickly grown with evergreen--tamarack, the artist called it. suddenly alexandre bent forward and raised his gun. two steps forward gave us his view. five moose were fifty yards away, alarmed and ready to run. a big bull in the front of the group had already thrown back his antlers. by impulse rather than through reason i took aim at a second bull. he was half a height lower down the slope, and to be seen through a web of thin foliage. alexandre and the artist fired as with a single pull at one trigger. the foremost bull staggered and fell forward, as if his knees had been broken. he was hit twice--in the heart and in the neck. the second bull and two cows and a calf plunged into the bush and disappeared. pierre found that bull a mile away, shot through the lungs. it had taken us a week to kill our moose in a country where they were common game. that was "hunter's luck" with a vengeance. but at another season such a delay could scarcely occur. the time to visit that district is in the autumn, before snow falls. then in a week one ought to be able to bag a moose, and move into the region where caribou are plenty. mr. remington, in the picture called "hunting the caribou," depicts a scene at a critical moment in the experience of any man who has journeyed on westward of where we found our moose, to hunt the caribou. there is a precise moment for shooting in the chase of all animals of the deer kind, and when that moment has been allowed to pass, the chance of securing the animal diminishes with astonishing rapidity--with more than the rapidity with which the then startled animal is making his flight, because to his flight you must add the increasing ambush of the forest. what is true of caribou in this respect is true of moose and red deer, elk and musk-ox in america, and of all the horned animals of the forests of the other great hemisphere. every hunter who sees mr. remington's realistic picture knows at a glance that the two men have stolen noiselessly to within easy rifle-shot of a caribou, and that suddenly, at the last moment, the animal has heard them. [illustration: success] perhaps he has seen them, and is standing--still as a barye bronze--with his great, soft, wondering eyes riveted upon theirs. that is a situation familiar to every hunter. his prey has been browsing in fancied security, and yet with that nervous prudence that causes these timid beasts to keep forever raising their heads, and sweeping the view around them with their exquisite sight, and analyzing the atmosphere with their magical sense of smell. in one of these cautious pauses the caribou has seen the hunters. both hunters and hunted seem instantly to turn to stone. neither moves a muscle or a hair. if the knee or the foot of one of the men presses too hard upon a twig and it snaps, the caribou is as certain to throw his head high up and dart into the ingulfing net-work of the forest trunks and brush as day is certain to follow night. but when no movement has been made and no mishap has alarmed the beast, it has often happened that the two or more parties to this strangely thrilling situation have held their places for minutes at a stretch--minutes that seemed like quarters of an hour. in such cases the deer or caribou has been known to lower his head and feed again, assured in its mind that the suspected hunter is inanimate and harmless. nine times in ten, though, the first to move is the beast, which tosses up its head, and "shoot! shoot!" is the instant command, for the upward throwing of the head is a movement made to put the beast's great antlers into position for flight through the forest. [illustration: hunting the caribou--"shoot! shoot!"] the caribou has very wide, heavy horns, and they are almost always circular--that is, the main part or trunk of each horn curves outward from the skull and then inward towards the point, in an almost true semicircle. they are more or less branched, but both the general shape of the whole horns and of the branches is such that when the head is thrown up and back they aid the animal's flight by presenting what may be called the point of a wedge towards the saplings and limbs and small forest growths through which the beast runs, parting and spreading every pair of obstacles to either side, and bending every single one out of the way of his flying body. the caribou of north america is the reindeer of greenland; the differences between the two are very slight. the animal's home is the arctic circle, but in america it feeds and roams farther south than in europe and asia. it is a large and clumsy-looking beast, with thick and rather short legs and bulky body, and, seen in repose, gives no hint of its capacity for flight. yet the caribou can run "like a streak of wind," and makes its way through leaves and brush and brittle, sapless vegetation with a modicum of noise so slight as to seem inexplicable. nature has ingeniously added to its armament, always one, and usually two, palmated spurs at the root of its horns, and these grow at an obtuse angle with the head, upward and outward towards the nose. with these spurs--like shovels used sideways--the caribou roots up the snow, or breaks its crust and disperses it, to get at his food on the ground. the caribou are very large deer, and their strength is attested by the weight of their horns. i have handled caribou horns in canada that i could not hold out with both hands when seated in a chair. it seemed hard to believe that an animal of the size of a caribou could carry a burden apparently so disproportioned to his head and neck. but it is still more difficult to believe, as all the woodsmen say, that these horns are dropped and new ones grown every year. it is not the especial beauty of frederic remington's drawings and paintings that they are absolutely accurate in every detail, but it is one of their beauties, and gives them especial value apart from their artistic excellence. he draws what he knows, and he knows what he draws. this scene of the electrically exquisite moment in a hunter's life, when great game is before him, and the instant has come for claiming it as his own with a steadily held and wisely chosen aim, will give the reader a perfect knowledge of how the indians and hunters dress and equip themselves beyond the canadian border. the scene is in the wilderness north of the great lakes. the indian is of one of those tribes that are offshoots of the great algonquin nation. he carries in that load he bears that which the plainsmen call "the grub stake," or quota of provisions for himself and his employer, as well as blankets to sleep in, pots, pans, sugar, the inevitable tea of those latitudes, and much else besides. those indians are not as lazy or as physically degenerate as many of the tribes in our country. they turn themselves into wonderful beasts of burden, and go forever equipped with a long, broad strap that they call a "tomp line," and which they pass around their foreheads and around their packs, the latter resting high up on their backs. it seems incredible, but they can carry one hundred to one hundred and fifty pounds of necessaries all day long in the roughest regions. the hudson bay company made their ancestors its wards and dependents two centuries ago, and taught them to work and to earn their livelihood. v big fishing in october every year there are apt to be more fish upon the land in the nepigon country than one would suppose could find life in the waters. most families have laid in their full winter supply, the main exceptions being those semi-savage families which leave their fish out--in preference to laying them in--upon racks whereon they are to be seen in rows and by the thousands. nepigon, the old hudson bay post which is the outfitting place for this region, is miles west of montreal, on the canadian pacific railway, and on an arm of lake superior. the nepigon river, which connects the greatest of lakes with lake nepigon, is the only roadway in all that country, and therefore its mouth, in an arm of the great lake, is the front door to that wonderful region. in travelling through british columbia i found one district that is going to prove of greater interest to gentlemen sportsmen with the rod, but i know of no greater fishing country than the nepigon. no single waterway or system of navigable inland waters in north america is likely to wrest the palm from this nepigon district as the haunt of fish in the greatest plenty, unless we term the salmon a fresh-water fish, and thus call the fraser, columbia, and skeena rivers into the rivalry. there is incessant fishing in this wilderness north of lake superior from new-year's day, when the ice has to be cut to get at the water, all through the succeeding seasons, until again the ice fails to protect the game. and there is every sort of fishing between that which engages a navy of sailing vessels and men, down through all the methods of fish-taking--by nets, by spearing, still fishing, and fly-fishing. a half a dozen sorts of finny game succumb to these methods, and though the region has been famous and therefore much visited for nearly a dozen years, the field is so extensive, so well stocked, and so difficult of access except to persons of means, that even to-day almost the very largest known specimens of each class of fish are to be had there. if we could put on wings early in october, and could fly down from james's bay over the dense forests and countless lakes and streams of western ontario, we would see now and then an indian or hunter in a canoe, here and there a lonely huddle of small houses forming a hudson bay post, and at even greater distances apart small bunches of the cotton or birch-bark tepees of pitiful little cree or ojibaway bands. but with the first glance at the majestic expanse of lake superior there would burst upon the view scores upon scores of white sails upon the water, and near by, upon the shore, a tent for nearly every sail. that is the time for the annual gathering for catching the big, chunky, red-fleshed fish they call the salmon-trout. they catch those that weigh from a dozen to twenty-five or thirty pounds, and at this time of the year their flesh is comparatively hard. engaged in making this great catch are the boats of the indians from far up the nepigon and the neighboring streams; of the chance white men of the region, who depend upon nature for their sustenance; and of finns, norwegians, swedes, and others who come from the united states side, or southern shore, to fish for their home markets. these fish come at this season to spawn, seeking the reefs, which are plentiful off the shore in this part of the lake. gill nets are used to catch them, and are set within five fathoms of the surface by setting the inner buoy in water of that depth, and then paying the net out into deeper water and anchoring it. the run and the fishing continue throughout october. as a rule, among the canadians and canada indians a family goes with each boat--the boats being sloops of twenty-seven to thirty feet in length, and capable of carrying fifteen pork barrels, which are at the outset filled with rock-salt. sometimes the heads of two families are partners in the ownership of one of these sloops, but, however that may be, the custom is for the women and children to camp in tents along-shore, while the men (usually two men and a boy for each boat) work the nets. it is a stormy season of the year, and the work is rough and hazardous, especially for the nets, which are frequently lost. whenever a haul is made the fish are split down the back and cleaned. then they are washed, rolled in salt, and packed in the barrels. three days later, when the bodies of the fish have thoroughly purged themselves, they are taken out, washed again, and are once more rolled in fresh salt and put back in the barrels, which are then filled to the top with water. the indians subsist all winter upon this october catch, and, in addition, manage to exchange a few barrels for other provisions and for clothing. they demand an equivalent of six dollars a barrel in whatever they get in exchange, but do not sell for money, because, as i understand it, they are not obliged to pay the provincial license fee as fishermen, and therefore may not fish for the market. even sportsmen who throw a fly for one day in the nepigon country must pay the government for the privilege. the indians told me that eight barrels of these fish will last a family of six persons an entire winter. such a demonstration of prudence and fore-thought as this, of a month's fishing at the threshold of winter, amounts to is a rare one for an indian to make, and i imagine there is a strong admixture of white blood in most of those who make it. the full-bloods will not take the trouble. they trust to their guns and their traps against the coming of that wolf which they are not unused to facing. up along the shores of lake nepigon, which is thirty miles by an air line north of lake superior, many of the indians lay up white-fish for winter. they catch them in nets and cure them by frost. they do not clean them. they simply make a hole in the tail end of each fish, and string them, as if they were beads, upon sticks, which they set up into racks. they usually hang the fishes in rows of ten, and frequently store up thousands while they are at it. the reverend mr. renison, who has had much to do with bettering the condition of these indians, told me that he had caught pounds of white-fish in two nights with two gill nets in lake nepigon. it is unnecessary to add that he cleaned his. [illustration: indians hauling nets on lake nepigon] lake nepigon is about seventy miles in length, and two-thirds as wide, at the points of its greatest measurement, and is a picturesque body of water, surrounded by forests and dotted with islands. it is a famous haunt for trout, and those fishermen who are lucky may at times see scores of great beauties lying upon the bottom; or, with a good guide and at the right season, may be taken to places where the water is fairly astir with them. fishermen who are not lucky may get their customary experience without travelling so far, for the route is by canoe, on top of nearly a thousand miles of railroading; and one mode of locomotion consumes nearly as much time as the other, despite the difference between the respective distances travelled. the speckled trout in the lake are locally reported to weigh from three to nine pounds, but the average stranger will lift in more of three pounds' weight than he will of nine. yet whatever they average, the catching of them is prime sport as you float upon the water in your picturesque birch-bark canoe, with your guide paddling you noiselessly along, and your spoon or artificial minnow rippling through the water or glinting in the sunlight. you need a stout bait-rod, for the gluttonous fish are game, and make a good fight every time. the local fishermen catch the speckled beauties with an unpoetic lump of pork. a lively french canadian whom i met on the cars on my way to nepigon described that region as "de mos' tareeble place for de fish in all over de worl'." and he added another remark which had at least the same amount of truth at the bottom of it. said he: "you weel find dere dose mees nancy feeshermans from der unite state, which got dose hunderd-dollar poles and dose leetle humbug flies, vhich dey t'row around and pull 'em back again, like dey was afraid some feesh would bite it. dat is all one grand stupeedity. dose man vhich belong dere put on de hook some pork, and catch one tareeble pile of fish. dey don't give a ---- about style, only to catch dose feesh." to be sure, every fisherman who prides himself on the distance he can cast, and who owns a splendid outfit, will despise the spirit of that french canadian's speech; yet up in that country many a scientific angler has endured a failure of "bites" for a long and weary time, while his guide was hauling in fish a-plenty, and has come to question "science" for the nonce, and follow the indian custom. for gray trout (the namaycush, or lake trout) they bait with apparently anything edible that is handiest, preferring pork, rabbit, partridge, the meat of the trout itself, or of the sucker; and the last they take first, if possible. the suckers, by-the-way, are all too plenty, and as full of bones as any old-time frigate ever was with timbers. you may see the indians eating them and discarding the bones at the same time; and they make the process resemble the action of a hay-cutter when the grass is going in long at one side, and coming out short, but in equal quantities, at the other. the namaycush of nepigon weigh from nine to twenty-five pounds. the natives take a big hook and bait it, and then run the point into a piece of shiny, newly-scraped lead. they never "play" their bites, but give them a tight line and steady pull. these fish make a game struggle, leaping and diving and thrashing the water until the gaff ends the struggle. in winter there is as good sport with the namaycush, and it is managed peculiarly. the indians cut into the ice over deep water, making holes at least eighteen inches in diameter. across the hole they lay a stick, so that when they pull up a trout the line will run along the stick, and the fish will hit that obstruction instead of the resistant ice. if a fish struck the ice the chances are nine to one that it would tear off the hook. having baited a hook with pork, and stuck the customary bit of lead upon it, they sound for bottom, and then measure the line so that it will reach to about a foot and a half above soundings--that is to say, off bottom. then they begin fishing, and their plan is (it is the same all over the canadian wilderness) to keep jerking the line up with a single, quick sudden bob at frequent intervals. the spring is the time to catch the big nepigon jack-fish, or pike. they haunt the grassy places in little bogs and coves, and are caught by trolling. a jack-fish is what we call a pike, and john watt, the famous guide in that country, tells of those fish of such size that when a man of ordinary height held the tail of one up to his shoulder, the head of the fish dragged on the ground. he must be responsible for the further assertion that he saw an indian squaw drag a net, with meshes seven inches square, and catch two jack-fish, each of which weighed more than fifty pounds when cleaned. the story another local historian told of a surveyor who caught a big jack-fish that felt like a sunken log, and could only be dragged until its head came to the surface, when he shot it and it broke away--that narrative i will leave for the next new yorker who goes to nepigon. and yet it seems to me that such stories distinguish a fishing resort quite as much as the fish actually caught there. men would not dare to romance like that at many places i have fished in, where the trout are scheduled and numbered, and where you have got to go to a certain rock on a fixed day of the month to catch one. the indians are very clever at spearing the jack-fish. at night they use a bark torch, and slaughter the big fish with comparative ease; but their great skill with the spear is shown in the daytime, when the pike are sunning themselves in the grass and weeds along-shore. but when i made my trip up the river, i saw them using so many nets as to threaten the early reduction of the stream to the plane of the ordinary resort. the water was so clear that we could paddle beside the nets and see each one's catch--here a half-dozen suckers, there a jack-fish, and next a couple of beautiful trout. finding a squaw attending to her net, we bought a trout from her before we had cast a line. the habit of buying fish under such circumstances becomes second nature to a new yorker. we are a peculiar people. our fishermen are modest away from the city, but at home they assume the confident tone which comes of knowing the way to fulton fish-market. the nepigon river is a trout's paradise, it is so full of rapids and saults. it is not at all a folly to fish there with a fly-rod. there are records of very large trout at the hudson bay post; but you may actually catch four-pound trout yourself, and what you catch yourself seems to me better than any one's else records. i have spoken of the nepigon river as a roadway. it is one of the great trading trails to and from the far north. at the mouth of the river, opposite the hudson bay post, you will see a wreck of one of its noblest vehicles--an old york boat, such as carry the furs and the supplies to and fro. i fancy that wolseley used precisely such boats to float his men to where he wanted them in . farther along, before you reach the first portage, you will be apt to see several of the sloops used by the natives for the lake superior fishing. they are distinguished for their ugliness, capacity, and strength; but the last two qualities are what they are built to obtain. of course the prettiest vehicles are the canoes. as the bark and the labor are easily obtainable, these picturesque vessels are very numerous; but a change is coming over their shape, and the historic ojibaway canoe, in which hiawatha is supposed to have sailed into eternity, will soon be a thing found only in pictures. there is good sport with the rod wherever you please to go in "the bush," or wilderness, north of the canadian pacific railway, in ontario and the western part of quebec. my first venture in fishing through the ice in that region was part of a hunting experience, when the conditions were such that hunting was out of the question, and our party feasted upon salt pork, tea, and tomatoes during day after day. at first, fried salt pork, taken three times a day in a hunter's camp, seems not to deserve the harsh things that have been said and written about it. the open-air life, the constant and tremendous exercise of hunting or chopping wood for the fire, the novel surroundings in the forest or the camp, all tend to make a man say as hearty a grace over salt pork as he ever did at home before a holiday dinner. where we were, up the ottawa in the canadian wilderness, the pork was all fat, like whale blubber. at night the cook used to tilt up a pan of it, and put some twisted ravellings of a towel in it, and light one end, and thus produce a lamp that would have turned alfred the great green with envy, besides smoking his palace till it looked as venerable as westminster abbey does now. i ate my share seasoned with the comments of mr. frederic remington, the artist, who asserted that he was never without it on his hunting trips, that it was pure carbonaceous food, that it fastened itself to one's ribs like a true friend, and that no man could freeze to death in the same country with this astonishing provender. we had canned tomatoes and baker's bread and plenty of tea, with salt pork as the _pièce de résistance_ at every meal. i know now--though i would not have confessed it at the time--that mixed with admiration of salt pork was a growing dread that in time, if no change offered itself, i should tire of that diet. i began to feel it sticking to me more like an old man of the sea than a brother. the woodland atmosphere began to taste of it. when i came in-doors it seemed to me that the log shanty was gradually turning into fried salt pork. i could not say that i knew how it felt to eat quail a day for thirty days. one man cannot know everything. but i felt that i was learning. one day the cook put his hat on, and took his axe, and started out of the shanty door with an unwonted air of business. "been goin' fish," said he, in broken indian. "good job if get trout." a good job? why the thought was like a floating spar to a sailor overboard! i went with him. it was a cold day, but i was dressed in canadian style--the style of a country where every one puts on everything he owns: all his stockings at once, all his flannel shirts and drawers, all his coats on top of one another, and when there is nothing else left, draws over it all a blanket suit, a pair of moccasins, a tuque, and whatever pairs of gloves he happens to be able to find or borrow. one gets a queer feeling with so many clothes on. they seem to separate you from yourself, and the person you feel inside your clothing might easily be mistaken for another individual. but you are warm, and that's the main thing. [illustration: trout-fishing through the ice] i rolled along the trail behind the indian, through the deathly stillness of the snow-choked forest, and presently, from a knoll and through an opening, we saw a great woodland lake. as it lay beneath its unspotted quilt of snow, edged all around with balsam, and pine and other evergreens, it looked as though some mighty hand had squeezed a colossal tube of white paint into a tremendous emerald bowl. never had i seen nature so perfectly unalloyed, so exquisitely pure and peaceful, so irresistibly beautiful. i think i should have hesitated to print my ham-like moccasin upon that virgin sheet had i been the guide, but "brossy," the cook, stalked ahead, making the powdery flakes fly before and behind him, and i followed. our tracks were white, and quickly faded from view behind us; and, moreover, we passed the signs of a fox and a deer that had crossed during the night, so that our profanation of the scene was neither serious nor exclusive. the indian walked to an island near the farther shore, and using his axe with the light, easy freedom that a white man sometimes attains with a penknife, he cut two short sticks for fish-poles. he cut six yards of fish-line in two in the middle of the piece, and tied one end of each part to one end of each stick, making rude knots, as if any sort of a fastening would do. equally clumsily he tied a bass hook to each fish-line, and on each hook he speared a little cube of pork fat which had gathered an envelope of granulated smoking-tobacco while at rest in his pocket. next, he cut two holes in the ice, which was a foot thick, and over these we stood, sticks in hand, with the lines dangling through the holes. hardly had i lowered my line (which had a bullet flattened around it for a sinker, by-the-way) when i felt it jerked to one side, and i pulled up a three-pound trout. it was a speckled trout. this surprised me, for i had no idea of catching anything but lake or gray trout in that water. i caught a gray trout next--a smaller one than the first--and in another minute i had landed another three-pound speckled beauty. my pork bait was still intact, and it may be of interest to fishermen to know that the original cubes of pork remained on those two hooks a week, and caught us many a mess of trout. there came a lull, which gave us time to philosophize on the contrast between this sort of fishing and the fashionable sport of using the most costly and delicate rods--like pieces of jewelry--and of calculating to a nicety what sort of flies to use in matching the changing weather of the varying tastes of trout in waters where even all these calculations and provisions would not yield a hatful of small fish in a day. here i was, armed like an urchin beside a minnow brook, and catching bigger trout than i ever saw outside fulton market--trout of the choicest variety. but while i moralized my indian grew impatient, and cut himself a new hole out over deep water. he caught a couple of two-and-a-half-pound brook trout and a four-pound gray trout, and i was as well rewarded. but he was still discontented, and moved to a strait opening into a little bay, where he cut two more holes. "eas' wind," said he, "fish no bite." i found on that occasion that no quantity of clothing will keep a man warm in that almost arctic climate. first my hands became cold, and then my feet, and then my ears. a thin film of ice closed up the fishing holes if the water was not constantly disturbed. the thermometer must have registered ten or fifteen degrees below zero. our lines became quadrupled in thickness at the lower ends by the ice that formed upon them. when they coiled for an instant upon the ice at the edge of a hole, they stuck to it, frozen fast. by stamping my feet and putting my free hand in my pocket as fast as i shifted my pole from one hand to the other, i managed to persist in fishing. i noticed many interesting things as i stood there, almost alone in that almost pathless wilderness. first i saw that the indian was not cold, though not half so warmly dressed as i. the circulation or vitality of those scions of nature must be very remarkable, for no sort of weather seemed to trouble them at all. wet feet, wet bodies, intense cold, whatever came, found and left them indifferent. night after night, in camp, in the open air, or in our log shanty, we white men trembled with the cold when the log fire burned low, but the indians never woke to rebuild it. indeed, i did not see one have his blanket pulled over his chest at any time. woodcocks were drumming in the forest now and then, and the shrill, bird-like chatter of the squirrels frequently rang out upon the forest quiet. my indian knew every noise, no matter how faint, yet never raised his head to listen. "dat squirrel," he would say, when i asked him. or, "woodcock, him calling rain," he ventured. once i asked what a very queer, distant, muffled sound was. "you hear dat when you walk. keep still, no hear dat," he said. it was the noise the ice made when i moved. as i stood there a squirrel came down upon a log jutting out over the edge of the lake, and looked me over. a white weasel ran about in the bushes so close to me that i could have hit him with a peanut shell. that morning some partridge had been seen feeding in the bush close to members of our party. it was a country where small game is not hunted, and does not always hide at a man's approach. we had left our fish lying on the ice near the various holes from which we pulled them, and i thought of them when a flock of ravens passed overhead, crying out in their hoarse tones. they were sure to see the fish dotting the snow like raisins in a bowl of rice. "won't they steal the fish?" i asked. "t'ink not," said the indian. "i don't know anything about ravens," i said, "but if they are even distantly related to a crow, they will steal whatever they can lift." we could not see our fish around the bend of the lake, so the indian dropped his rod and walked stolidly after the birds. as soon as he passed out of sight i heard him scolding the great birds as if they were unruly children. "'way, there!" he cried--"'way! leave dat fish, you. what you do dere, you t'ief?" it was an outcropping of the french blood in his veins that made it possible for him to do such violence to indian reticence. the birds had seen our fish, and were about to seize them. only the foolish bird tradition that renders it necessary for everything with wings to circle precisely so many times over its prey before taking it saved us our game and lost them their dinner. they had not completed half their quota of circles when brossy began to yell at them. when he returned his brain had awakened, and he began to remember that ravens were thieves. he said that the lumbermen in that country pack their dinners in canvas sacks and hide them in the snow. often the ravens come, and, searching out this food, tear off the sacks and steal their contents. i bade good-bye to pork three times a day after that. at least twice a day we feasted upon trout. vi "a skin for a skin" the motto of the hudson bay fur-trading company those who go to the newer parts of canada to-day will find that several of those places which their school geographies displayed as hudson bay posts a few years ago are now towns and cities. in them they will find the trading stations of old now transformed into general stores. alongside of the canadian headquarters of the great corporation, where used to stand the walls of fort garry, they will see the principal store of the city of winnipeg, an institution worthy of any city, and more nearly to be likened to whiteley's necessary store in london than to any shopping-place in new york. as in whiteley's you may buy a house, or anything belonging in or around a house, so you may in this great manitoban establishment. the great retail emporium of victoria, the capital of british columbia, is the hudson bay store; and in calgary, the metropolis of alberta and the canadian plains, the principal shopping-place in a territory beside which texas dwindles to the proportions of a park is the hudson bay store. these and many other shops indicate a new development of the business of the last of england's great chartered monopolies, but instead of marking the manner in which civilization has forced it to abandon its original function, this merely demonstrates that the proprietors have taken advantage of new conditions while still pursuing their original trade. it is true that the huge corporation is becoming a great retail shop-keeping company. it is also true that by the surrender of its monopolistic privileges it got a consolation prize of money and of twenty millions of dollars' worth of land, so that its chief business may yet become that of developing and selling real estate. but to-day it is still, as it was two centuries ago, the greatest of fur-trading corporations, and fur-trading is to-day a principal source of its profits. reminders of their old associations as forts still confront the visitor to the modern city shops of the company. the great shop in victoria, for instance, which, as a fort, was the hub around which grew the wheel that is now the capital of the province, has its fur trade conducted in a sort of barn-like annex of the bazaar; but there it is, nevertheless, and busy among the great heaps of furs are men who can remember when the hydahs and the t'linkets and the other neighboring tribes came down in their war canoes to trade their winter's catch of skins for guns and beads, vermilion, blankets, and the rest. now this is the mere catch-all for the furs got at posts farther up the coast and in the interior. but upstairs, above the store, where the fashionable ladies are looking over laces and purchasing perfumes, you will see a collection of queer old guns of a pattern familiar to daniel boone. they are relics of the fur company's stock of those famous "trade-guns" which disappeared long before they had cleared the plains of buffalo, and which the indians used to deck with brass nails and bright paint, and value as no man to-day values a watch. but close to the trade-guns of romantic memory is something yet more highly suggestive of the company's former position. this is a heap of unclaimed trunks, "left," the employés will tell you, "by travellers, hunters, and explorers who never came back to inquire for them." [illustration: rival traders racing to the indian camp] it was not long ago that conditions existed such as in that region rendered the disappearance of a traveller more than a possibility. the wretched, squat, bow-legged, dirty laborers of that coast, who now dress as we do, and earn good wages in the salmon-fishing and canning industries, were not long ago very numerous, and still more villanous. they were not to be compared with the plains indians as warriors or as men, but they were more treacherous, and wanting in high qualities. in the interior to-day are some indians such as they were who are accused of cannibalism, and who have necessitated warlike defences at distant trading-posts. travellers who escaped indian treachery risked starvation, and stood their chances of losing their reckoning, of freezing to death, of encounters with grizzlies, of snow-slides, of canoe accidents in rapids, and of all the other casualties of life in a territory which to-day is not half explored. those are not the trunks of hudson bay men, for such would have been sent home to english and scottish mourners; they are the luggage of chance men who happened along, and outfitted at the old post before going farther. but the company's men were there before them, had penetrated the region farther and earlier, and there they are to-day, carrying on the fur trade under conditions strongly resembling those their predecessors once encountered at posts that are now towns in farming regions, and where now the locomotive and the steamer are familiar vehicles. moreover, the status of the company in british columbia is its status all the way across the north from the pacific to the atlantic. to me the most interesting and picturesque life to be found in north america, at least north of mexico, is that which is occasioned by this principal phase of the company's operations. in and around the fur trade is found the most notable relic of the white man's earliest life on this continent. our wild life in this country is, happily, gone. the frontiersman is more difficult to find than the frontier, the cowboy has become a laborer almost like any other, our indians are as the animals in our parks, and there is little of our country that is not threaded by railroads or wagon-ways. but in new or western canada this is not so. a vast extent of it north of the canadian pacific railway, which hugs our border, has been explored only as to its waterways, its valleys, or its open plains, and where it has been traversed much of it remains as nature and her near of kin, the red men, had it of old. on the streams canoes are the vehicles of travel and of commerce; in the forests "trails" lead from trading-post to trading-post, the people are indians, half-breeds, and esquimaux, who live by hunting and fishing as their forebears did; the hudson bay posts are the seats of white population; the post factors are the magistrates. all this is changing with a rapidity which history will liken to the sliding of scenes before the lens of a magic-lantern. miners are crushing the foot-hills on either side of the rocky mountains, farmers and cattle-men have advanced far northward on the prairie and on the plains in narrow lines, and railroads are pushing hither and thither. soon the limits of the inhospitable zone this side of the arctic sea, and of the marshy, weakly-wooded country on either side of hudson bay will circumscribe the fur-trader's field, except in so far as there may remain equally permanent hunting-grounds in labrador and in the mountains of british columbia. therefore now, when the hudson bay company is laying the foundations of widely different interests, is the time for halting the old original view that stood in the stereopticon for centuries, that we may see what it revealed, and will still show far longer than it takes for us to view it. the hudson bay company's agents were not the first hunters and fur-traders in british america, ancient as was their foundation. the french, from the canadas, preceded them no one knows how many years, though it is said that it was as early as that louis xiii. chartered a company of the same sort and for the same aims as the english company. whatever came of that corporation i do not know, but by the time the englishmen established themselves on hudson bay, individual frenchmen and half-breeds had penetrated the country still farther west. they were of hardy, adventurous stock, and they loved the free roving life of the trapper and hunter. fitted out by the merchants of canada, they would pursue the waterways which there cut up the wilderness in every direction, their canoes laden with goods to tempt the savages, and their guns or traps forming part of their burden. they would be gone the greater part of a year, and always returned with a store of furs to be converted into money, which was, in turn, dissipated in the cities with devil-may-care jollity. these were the _coureurs du bois_, and theirs was the stock from which came the _voyageurs_ of the next era, and the half-breeds, who joined the service of the rival fur companies, and who, by-the-way, reddened the history of the north-west territories with the little bloodshed that mars it. charles ii. of england was made to believe that wonders in the way of discovery and trade would result from a grant of the hudson bay territory to certain friends and petitioners. an experimental voyage was made with good results in , and in the king granted the charter to what he styled "the governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, one body corporate and politique, in deed and in name, really and fully forever, for us, our heirs, and successors." it was indeed a royal and a wholesale charter, for the king declared, "we have given, granted, and confirmed unto said governor and company sole trade and commerce of those seas, streights, bays, rivers, lakes, creeks, and sounds, in whatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie within the entrance of the streights commonly called hudson's, together with all the lands, countries, and territories upon the coasts and confines of the seas, etc., . . . not already actually possessed by or granted to any of our subjects, or possessed by the subjects of any other christian prince or state, with the fishing of all sorts of fish, whales, sturgeons, and all other royal fishes, . . . . together with the royalty of the sea upon the coasts within the limits aforesaid, and all mines royal, as well discovered as not discovered, of gold, silver, gems, and precious stones, . . . . and that the said lands be henceforth reckoned and reputed as one of our plantations or colonies in america called rupert's land." for this gift of an empire the corporation was to pay yearly to the king, his heirs and successors, two elks and two black beavers whenever and as often as he, his heirs, or his successors "shall happen to enter into the said countries." the company was empowered to man ships of war, to create an armed force for security and defence, to make peace or war with any people that were not christians, and to seize any british or other subject who traded in their territory. the king named his cousin, prince rupert, duke of cumberland, to be first governor, and it was in his honor that the new territory got its name of rupert's land. in the company were the duke of albemarle, earl craven, lords arlington and ashley, and several knights and baronets, sir philip carteret among them. there were also five esquires, or gentlemen, and john portman, "citizen and goldsmith." they adopted the witty sentence, "_pro pelle cutem_" (a skin for a skin), as their motto, and established as their coat of arms a fox sejant as the crest, and a shield showing four beavers in the quarters, and the cross of st. george, the whole upheld by two stags. [illustration: the bear trap] the "adventurers" quickly established forts on the shores of hudson bay, and began trading with the indians, with such success that it was rumored they made from twenty-five to fifty per cent. profit every year. but they exhibited all of that timidity which capital is ever said to possess. they were nothing like as enterprising as the french _coureurs du bois_. in a hundred years they were no deeper in the country then at first, excepting as they extended their little system of forts or "factories" up and down and on either side of hudson and james bays. in view of their profits, perhaps this lack of enterprise is not to be wondered at. on the other hand, their charter was given as a reward for the efforts they had made, and were to make, to find "the northwest passage to the southern seas." in this quest they made less of a trial than in the getting of furs; how much less we shall see. but the company had no lack of brave and hardy followers. at first many of the men at the factories were from the orkney islands, and those islands remained until recent times the recruiting-source for this service. this was because the orkney men were inured to a rigorous climate, and to a diet largely composed of fish. they were subject to less of a change in the company's service than must have been endured by men from almost any part of england. i am going, later, to ask the reader to visit rupert's land when the company had shaken off its timidity, overcome its obstacles, and dotted all british america with its posts and forts. then we shall see the interiors of the forts, view the strange yet not always hard or uncouth life of the company's factors and clerks, and glance along the trails and watercourses, mainly unchanged to-day, to note the work and surroundings of the indians, the _voyageurs_, and the rest who inhabit that region. but, fortunately, i can first show, at least roughly, much that is interesting about the company's growth and methods a century and a half ago. the information is gotten from some english parliamentary papers forming a report of a committee of the house of commons in . arthur dobbs and others petitioned parliament to give them either the rights of the hudson bay company or a similar charter. it seems that england had offered £ , reward to whosoever should find the bothersome passage to the southern seas _viâ_ this northern route, and that these petitioners had sent out two ships for that purpose. they said that when others had done no more than this in charles ii.'s time, that monarch had given them "the greatest privileges as lords proprietors" of the hudson bay territory, and that those recipients of royal favor were bounden to attempt the discovery of the desired passage. instead of this, they not only failed to search effectually or in earnest for the passage, but they had rather endeavored to conceal the same, and to obstruct the discovery thereof by others. they had not possessed or occupied any of the lands granted to them, or extended their trade, or made any plantations or settlements, or permitted other british subjects to plant, settle, or trade there. they had established only four factories and one small trading-house; yet they had connived at or allowed the french to encroach, settle, and trade within their limits, to the great detriment and loss of great britain. the petitioners argued that the hudson bay charter was monopolistic, and therefore void, and at any rate it had been forfeited "by non-user or abuser." in the course of the hearing upon both sides, the "voyages upon discovery," according to the company's own showing, were not undertaken until the corporation had been in existence nearly fifty years, and then the search had only been prosecuted during eighteen years, and with only ten expeditions. two ships sent out from england never reached the bay, but those which succeeded, and were then ready for adventurous cruising, made exploratory voyages that lasted only between one month and ten weeks, so that, as we are accustomed to judge such expeditions, they seem farcical and mere pretences. yet their largest ship was only of tons burden, and the others were a third smaller--vessels like our small coasting schooners. the most particular instructions to the captains were to trade with all natives, and persuade them to kill whales, sea-horses, and seals; and, subordinately and incidentally, "by god's permission," to find out the strait of annian, a fanciful sheet of water, with tales of which that irresponsible greek sea-tramp, juan de fuca, had disturbed all christendom, saying that it led between a great island in the pacific (vancouver) and the main-land into the inland lakes. to the factors at their forts the company sent such lukewarm messages as, "and if you can by any means find out any discovery or matter to the northward or elsewhere in the company's interest or advantage, do not fail to let us know every year." the attitude of the company towards discovery suggests a dogberry at its head, bidding his servants to "comprehend" the north-west passage, but should they fail, to thank god they were rid of a villain. in truth, they were traders pure and simple, and were making great profits with little trouble and expense. [illustration: huskie dogs fighting] they brought from england about £ worth of powder, shot, guns, fire-steels, flints, gun-worms, powder-horns, pistols, hatchets, sword blades, awl blades, ice-chisels, files, kettles, fish-hooks, net-lines, burning-glasses, looking-glasses, tobacco, brandy, goggles, gloves, hats, lace, needles, thread, thimbles, breeches, vermilion, worsted sashes, blankets, flannels, red feathers, buttons, beads, and "shirts, shoes, and stockens." they spent, in keeping up their posts and ships, about £ , , and in return they brought to england castorum, whale-fins, whale-oil, deer-horns, goose-quills, bed-feathers, and skins--in all of a value of about £ , per annum. i have taken the average for several years in that period of the company's history, and it is in our money as if they spent $ , and got back $ , , and this is their own showing under such circumstances as to make it the course of wisdom not to boast of their profits. they had three times trebled their stock and otherwise increased it, so that having been , shares at the outset, it was now , shares. and now that we have seen how natural it was that they should not then bother with exploration and discovery, in view of the remuneration that came for simply sitting in their forts and buying furs, let me pause to repeat what one of their wisest men said casually, between the whiffs of a meditative cigar, last summer: "the search for the north pole must soon be taken up in earnest," said he. "man has paused in the undertaking because other fields where his needs were more pressing, and where effort was more certain to be rewarded with success, had been neglected. this is no longer the fact, and geographers and other students of the subject all agree that the north pole must next be sought and found. speaking only on my own account and from my knowledge, i assert that whenever any government is in earnest in this desire, it will employ the men of this fur service, and they will find the pole. the company has posts far within the arctic circle, and they are manned by men peculiarly and exactly fitted for the adventure. they are hardy, acutely intelligent, self-reliant, accustomed to the climate, and all that it engenders and demands. they are on the spot ready to start at the earliest moment in the season, and they have with them all that they will need on the expedition. they would do nothing hurriedly or rashly; they would know what they were about as no other white men would--and they would get there." i mention this not merely for the novelty of the suggestion and the interest it may excite, but because it contributes to the reader's understanding of the scope and character of the work of the company. it is not merely western and among indians, it is hyperborean and among esquimaux. but would it not be passing strange if, beyond all that england has gained from the careless gift of an empire to a few favorites by charles ii., she should yet possess the honor and glory of a grand discovery due to the natural results of that action? to return to the parliamentary inquiry into the company's affairs years ago. if it served no other purpose, it drew for us of this day an outline picture of the first forts and their inmates and customs. being printed in the form our language took in that day, when a gun was a "musquet" and a stockade was a "palisadoe," we fancy we can see the bumptious governors--as they then called the factors or agents--swelling about in knee-breeches and cocked hats and colored waistcoats, and relying, through their fear of the savages, upon the little putty-pipe cannon that they speak of as "swivels." these were ostentatiously planted before their quarters, and in front of these again were massive double doors, such as we still make of steel for our bank safes, but, when made of wood, use only for our refrigerators. the views we get of the company's "servants"--which is to say, mechanics and laborers--are all of trembling varlets, and the testimony is full of hints of petty sharp practice towards the red man, suggestive of the artful ways of our own hollanders, who bought beaver-skins by the weight of their feet, and then pressed down upon the scales with all their might. [illustration: painting the robe] the witnesses had mainly been at one time in the employ of the company, and they made the point against it that it imported all its bread (_i.e._, grain) from england, and neither encouraged planting nor cultivated the soil for itself. but there were several who said that even in august they found the soil still frozen at a depth of two and a half or three feet. not a man in the service was allowed to trade with the natives outside the forts, or even to speak with them. one fellow was put in irons for going into an indian's tent; and there was a witness who had "heard a governor say he would whip a man without tryal; and that the severest punishment is a dozen of lashes." of course there was no instructing the savages in either english or the christian religion; and we read that, though there were twenty-eight europeans in one factory, "witness never heard sermon or prayers there, nor ever heard of any such thing either before his time or since." hunters who offered their services got one-half what they shot or trapped, and the captains of vessels kept in the bay were allowed. " _l. per cent._" for all the whalebone they got. one witness said: "the method of trade is by a standard set by the governors. they never lower it, but often double it, so that where the standard directs skin to be taken they generally take two." another said he "had been ordered to shorten the measure for powder, which ought to be a pound, and that within these years had been reduced an ounce or two." "the indians made a noise sometimes, and the company gave them their furs again." a book-keeper lately in the service said that the company's measures for powder were short, and yet even such measures were not filled above half full. profits thus made were distinguished as "the overplus trade," and signified what skins were got more than were paid for, but he could not say whether such gains went to the company or to the governor. (as a matter of fact, the factors or governors shared in the company's profits, and were interested in swelling them in every way they could.) there was much news of how the french traders got the small furs of martens, foxes, and cats, by intercepting the indians, and leaving them to carry only the coarse furs to the company's forts. a witness "had seen the indians come down in fine _french_ cloaths, with as much lace as he ever saw upon any cloaths whatsoever. he believed if the company would give as much for the furs as the _french_, the _indians_ would bring them down;" but the french asked only thirty marten-skins for a gun, whereas the company's standard was from thirty-six to forty such skins. then, again, the company's plan (unchanged to-day) was to take the indian's furs, and then, being possessed of them, to begin the barter. this shouldering the common grief upon the french was not merely the result of the chronic english antipathy to their ancient and their lively foes. the french were swarming all around the outer limits of the company's field, taking first choice of the furs, and even beginning to set up posts of their own. canada was french soil, and peopled by as hardy and adventurous a class as inhabited any part of america. the _coureurs du bois_ and the _bois-brûlés_ (half-breeds), whose success afterwards led to the formation of rival companies, had begun a mosquito warfare, by canoeing the waters that led to hudson bay, and had penetrated miles farther west than the english. one thomas barnett, a smith, said that the french intercepted the indians, forcing them to trade, "when they take what they please, giving them toys in exchange; and fright them into compliance by tricks of sleight of hand; from whence the _indians_ conclude them to be conjurers; and if the _french_ did not compel the _indians_ to trade, they would certainly bring all the goods to the _english_." this must have seemed to the direct, practical english trading mind a wretched business, and worthy only of johnny crapeau, to worst the noble briton by monkeyish acts of conjuring. it stirred the soul of one witness, who said that the way to meet it was "by sending some _english_ with a little brandy." a gallon to certain chiefs and a gallon and a half to others would certainly induce the natives to come down and trade, he thought. but while the testimony of the english was valuable as far as it went, which was mainly concerning trade, it was as nothing regarding the life of the natives compared with that of one joseph la france, of missili-mackinack (mackinaw), a traveller, hunter, and trader. he had been sent as a child to quebec to learn french, and in later years had been from lake nipissing to lake champlain and the great lakes, the mississippi, the missouri, the ouinipigue (winnipeg) or red river, and to hudson bay. he told his tales to arthur dobbs, who made a book of them, and part of that became an appendix to the committee's report. la france said: "that the high price on _european_ goods discourages the natives so much, that if it were not that they are under a necessity of having guns, powder, shot, hatchets, and other iron tools for their hunting, and tobacco, brandy, and some paint for luxury, they would not go down to the factory with what they now carry. they leave great numbers of furs and skins behind them. a good hunter among the _indians_ can kill beavers in a season, and carry down but " (because their canoes were small); "the rest he uses at home, or hangs them upon branches of trees upon the death of their children, as an offering to them; or use them for bedding and coverings: they sometimes burn off the fur, and roast the beavers, like pigs, upon any entertainments; and they often let them rot, having no further use of them. the beavers, he says, are of three colours--the brown-reddish colour, the black, and the white. the black is most valued by the company, and in _england_; the white, though most valued in _canada_, is blown upon by the company's factors at the bay, they not allowing so much for these as for the others; and therefore the _indians_ use them at home, or burn off the hair, when they roast the beavers, like pigs, at an entertainment when they feast together. the beavers are delicious food, but the tongue and tail the most delicious parts of the whole. they multiply very fast, and if they can empty a pond, and take the whole lodge, they generally leave a pair to breed, so that they are fully stocked again in two or three years. the _american_ oxen, or beeves, he says, have a large bunch upon their backs, which is by far the most delicious part of them for food, it being all as sweet as marrow, juicy and rich, and weighs several pounds. "the natives are so discouraged in their trade with the company that no peltry is worth the carriage; and the finest furs are sold for very little. they gave but a pound of gunpowder for beavers, a fathom of tobacco for beavers, a pound of shot for , an ell of coarse cloth for , a blanket for , two fish-hooks or three flints for ; a gun for , a pistol for , a common hat with white lace, ; an ax, ; a billhook, ; a gallon of brandy, ; a chequer'd shirt, ; all of which are sold at a monstrous profit, even to _per cent_. notwithstanding this discouragement, he computed that there were brought to the factory in , in all, , beavers and above martens. "the smaller game, got by traps or snares, are generally the employment of the women and children; such as the martens, squirrels, cats, ermines, &c. the elks, stags, rein-deer, bears, tygers, wild beeves, wolves, foxes, beavers, otters, corcajeu, &c., are the employment of the men. the _indians_, when they kill any game for food, leave it where they kill it, and send their wives next day to carry it home. they go home in a direct line, never missing their way, by observations they make of the course they take upon their going out. the trees all bend towards the south, and the branches on that side are larger and stronger than on the north side; as also the moss upon the trees. to let their wives know how to come at the killed game, they from place to place break off branches and lay them in the road, pointing them the way they should go, and sometimes moss; so that they never miss finding it. "in winter, when they go abroad, which they must do in all weathers, before they dress, they rub themselves all over with bears greaze or oil of beavers, which does not freeze; and also rub all the fur of their beaver coats, and then put them on; they have also a kind of boots or stockings of beaver's skin, well oiled, with the fur inwards; and above them they have an oiled skin laced about their feet, which keeps out the cold, and also water; and by this means they never freeze, nor suffer anything by cold. in summer, also, when they go naked, they rub themselves with these oils or grease, and expose themselves to the sun without being scorched, their skins always being kept soft and supple by it; nor do any flies, bugs, or musketoes, or any noxious insect, ever molest them. when they want to get rid of it, they go into the water, and rub themselves all over with mud or clay, and let it dry upon them, and then rub it off; but whenever they are free from the oil, the flies and musketoes immediately attack them, and oblige them again to anoint themselves. they are much afraid of the wild humble bee, they going naked in summer, that they avoid them as much as they can. they use no milk from the time they are weaned, and they all hate to taste cheese, having taken up an opinion that it is made of dead men's fat. they love prunes and raisins, and will give a beaver-skin for twelve of them, to carry to their children; and also for a trump or jew's harp. the women have all fine voices, but have never heard any musical instrument. they are very fond of all kinds of pictures or prints, giving a beaver for the least print; and all toys are like jewels to them." he reported that "the _indians_ west of hudson's bay live an erratic life, and can have no benefit by tame fowl or cattle. they seldom stay above a fortnight in a place, unless they find plenty of game. after having built their hut, they disperse to get game for their food, and meet again at night after having killed enough to maintain them for that day. when they find scarcity of game, they remove a league or two farther; and thus they traverse through woody countries and bogs, scarce missing one day, winter or summer, fair or foul, in the greatest storms of snow." it has been often said that the great peace river, which rises in british columbia and flows through a pass in the rocky mountains into the northern plains, was named "the unchaga," or peace, "because" (to quote captain w. f. butler) "of the stubborn resistance offered by the all-conquering crees, which induced that warlike tribe to make peace on the banks of the river, and leave at rest the beaver-hunters"--that is, the beaver tribe--upon the river's banks. there is a sentence in la france's story that intimates a more probable and lasting reason for the name. he says that some indians in the southern centre of canada sent frequently to the indians along some river near the mountains "with presents, to confirm the peace with them." the story is shadowy, of course, and yet la france, in the same narrative, gave other information which proved to be correct, and none which proved ridiculous. we know that there were "all-conquering" crees, but there were also inferior ones called the swampies, and there were others of only intermediate valor. as for the beavers, captain butler himself offers other proof of their mettle besides their "stubborn resistance." he says that on one occasion a young beaver chief shot the dog of another brave in the beaver camp. a hundred bows were instantly drawn, and ere night eighty of the best men of the tribe lay dead. there was a parley, and it was resolved that the chief who slew the dog should leave the tribe, and take his friends with him. a century later a beaver indian, travelling with a white man, heard his own tongue spoken by men among the blackfeet near our border. they were the sarcis, descendants of the exiled band of beavers. they had become the must reckless and valorous members of the warlike blackfeet confederacy. [illustration: coureur du bois] la france said that the nations who "go up the river" with presents, to confirm the peace with certain indians, were three months in going, and that the indians in question live beyond a range of mountains beyond the assiniboins (a plains tribe). then he goes on to say that still farther beyond those indians "are nations who have not the use of firearms, by which many of them are made slaves and sold"--to the assiniboins and others. these are plainly the pacific coast indians. and even so long ago as that (about ), half a century before mackenzie and vancouver met on the pacific coast, la france had told the story of an indian who had gone at the head of a band of thirty braves and their families to make war on the flatheads "on the western ocean of america." they were from autumn until the next april in making the journey, and they "saw many black fish spouting up in the sea." it was a case of what the irish call "spoiling for a fight," for they had to journey miles to meet "enemies" whom they never had seen, and who were peaceful, and inhabited more or less permanent villages. the plainsmen got more than they sought. they attacked a village, were outnumbered, and lost half their force, besides having several of their men wounded. on the way back all except the man who told the story died of fatigue and famine. the journeys which indians made in their wildest period were tremendous. far up in the wilderness of british america there are legends of visits by the iroquois. the blackfeet believe that their progenitors roamed as far south as mexico for horses, and the crees of the plains evinced a correct knowledge of the country that lay beyond the rocky mountains in their conversations with the first whites who traded with them. yet those white men, the founders of an organized fur trade, clung to the scene of their first operations for more than one hundred years, while the bravest of their more enterprising rivals in the northwest company only reached the pacific, with the aid of eight iroquois braves, years after the english king chartered the senior company! the french were the true yankees of that country. they and their half-breeds were always in the van as explorers and traders, and as early as m. varennes de la verandrye, licensed by the canadian government as a trader, penetrated the west as far as the rockies, leading sir alexander mackenzie to that extent by more than sixty years. but to return to the first serious trouble the hudson bay company met. the investigation of its affairs by parliament produced nothing more than the picture i have presented. the committee reported that if the original charter bred a monopoly, it would not help matters to give the same privileges to others. as the questioned legality of the charter was not competently adjudicated upon, they would not allow another company to invade the premises of the older one. at this time the great company still hugged the shores of the bay, fearing the indians, the half-breeds, and the french. their posts were only six in all, and were mainly fortified with palisaded enclosures, with howitzers and swivels, and with men trained to the use of guns. moose fort and the east main factory were on either side of james bay, forts albany, york, and prince of wales followed up the west coast, and henley was the southernmost and most inland of all, being on moose river, a tributary of james bay. the french at first traded beyond the field of hudson bay operations, and their castles were their canoes. but when their great profits and familiarity with the trade tempted the thrifty french capitalists and enterprising scotch merchants of montreal into the formation of the rival northwest trading company in , fixed trading-posts began to be established all over the prince rupert's land, and even beyond the rocky mountains in british columbia. by there were about forty northwest posts as against about two dozen hudson bay factories. the new company not only disputed but ignored the chartered rights of the old company, holding that the charter had not been sanctioned by parliament, and was in every way unconstitutional as creative of a monopoly. their french partners and _engagés_ shared this feeling, especially as the french crown had been first in the field with a royal charter. growing bolder and bolder, the northwest company resolved to drive the hudson bay company to a legal test of their rights, and so in - they established a northwest fort under the eyes of the old company on the shores of hudson bay, and fitted out ships to trade with the natives in the strait. but the englishmen did not accept the challenge; for the truth was they had their own doubts of the strength of their charter. [illustration: a fur-trader in the council tepee] they pursued a different and for them an equally bold course. that hard-headed old nobleman the fifth earl of selkirk came uppermost in the company as the engineer of a plan of colonization. there was plenty of land, and some wholesale evictions of highlanders in sutherlandshire, scotland, had rendered a great force of hardy men homeless. selkirk saw in this situation a chance to play a long but certainly triumphant game with his rivals. his plan was to plant a colony which should produce grain and horses and men for the old company, saving the importation of all three, and building up not only a nursery for men to match the _coureurs du bois_, but a stronghold and a seat of a future government in the hudson bay interest. thus was ushered in a new and important era in canadian history. it was the opening of that part of canada; by a loop-hole rather than a door, to be sure. lord selkirk's was a practical soul. on one occasion in animadverting against the northwest company he spoke of them contemptuously as fur-traders, yet he was the chief of all fur-traders, and had been known to barter with an indian himself at one of the forts for a fur. he held up the opposition to the scorn of the world as profiting upon the weakness of the indians by giving them alcohol, yet he ordered distilleries set up in his colony afterwards, saying, "we grant the trade is iniquitous, but if we don't carry it on others will; so we may as well put the guineas in our own pockets." but he was the man of the moment, if not for it. his scheme of colonization was born of desperation on one side and distress on the other. it was pursued amid terrible hardship, and against incessant violence. it was consummated through bloodshed. the story is as interesting as it is important. the facts are obtained mainly from "papers relating to the red river settlement, ordered to be printed by the house of commons, july , ." lord selkirk owned , of the £ , (or shares) of the hudson bay company; therefore, since , were held by women and children, he held half of all that carried votes. he got from the company a grant of a large tract around what is now winnipeg, to form an agricultural settlement for supplying the company's posts with provisions. we have seen how little disposed its officers were to open the land to settlers, or to test its agricultural capacities. no one, therefore, will wonder that when this grant was made several members of the governing committee resigned. but a queer development of the moment was a strong opposition from holders of hudson bay stock who were also owners in that company's great rival, the northwest company. since the enemy persisted in prospering at the expense of the old company, the moneyed men of the senior corporation had taken stock of their rivals. these doubly interested persons were also in london, so that the northwest company was no longer purely canadian. the opponents within the hudson bay company declared civilization to be at all times unfavorable to the fur trade, and the northwest people argued that the colony would form a nursery for servants of the bay company, enabling them to oppose the northwest company more effectually, as well as affording such facilities for new-comers as must destroy their own monopoly. the northwest company denied the legality of the charter rights of the hudson bay company because parliament had not confirmed charles ii.'s charter. [illustration: buffalo meat for the post] the colonists came, and were met by miles mcdonnell, an ex-captain of canadian volunteers, as lord selkirk's agent. the immigrants landed on the shore of hudson bay, and passed a forlorn winter. they met some of the northwest company's people under alexander mcdonnell, a cousin and brother-in-law to miles mcdonnell. although captain miles read the grant to selkirk in token of his sole right to the land, the settlers were hospitably received and well treated by the northwest people. the settlers reached the place of colonization in august, . this place is what was known as fort garry until winnipeg was built. it was at first called "the forks of the red river," because the assiniboin there joined the red. lord selkirk outlined his policy at the time in a letter in which he bade miles mcdonnell give the northwest people solemn warning that the lands were hudson bay property, and they must remove from them; that they must not fish, and that if they did their nets were to be seized, their buildings were to be destroyed, and they were to be treated "as you would poachers in england." the trouble began at once. miles accused alexander of trying to inveigle colonists away from him. he trained his men in the use of guns, and uniformed a number of them. he forbade the exportation of any supplies from the country, and when some northwest men came to get buffalo meat they had hung on racks in the open air, according to the custom of the country, he sent armed men to send the others away. he intercepted a band of northwest canoe-men, stationing men with guns and with two field-pieces on the river; and he sent to a northwest post lower down the river demanding the provisions stored there, which, when they were refused, were taken by force, the door being smashed in. for this a hudson bay clerk was arrested, and captain miles's men went to the rescue. two armed forces met, but happily slaughter was averted. miles mcdonnell justified his course on the ground that the colonists were distressed by need of food. it transpired at the time that one of his men while making cartridges for a cannon remarked that he was making them "for those ---- northwest rascals. they have run too long, and shall run no longer." after this captain miles ordered the stoppage of all buffalo-hunting on horseback, as the practice kept the buffalo at a distance, and drove them into the sioux country, where the local indians dared not go. but though captain mcdonnell was aggressive and vexatious, the northwest company's people, who had begun the mischief, even in london, were not now passive. they relied on setting the half-breeds and indians against the colonists. they urged that the colonists had stolen indian real estate in settling on the land, and that in time every indian would starve as a consequence. at the forty-fifth annual meeting of the northwest company's officers, august, , alexander mcdonnell said, "nothing but the complete downfall of the colony will satisfy some, by fair or foul means--a most desirable object, if it can be accomplished; so here is at it with all my heart and energy." in october, , captain mcdonnell ordered the northwest company to remove from the territory within six months. [illustration: the indian hunter of ] the indians, first and last, were the friends of the colonists. they were befriended by the whites, and in turn they gave them succor when famine fell upon them. many of captain miles mcdonnell's orders were in their interest, and they knew it. katawabetay, a chief, was tempted with a big prize to destroy the settlement. he refused. on the opening of navigation in chiefs were bidden from the country around to visit the northwest factors, and were by them asked to destroy the colony. not only did they decline, but they hastened to captain miles mcdonnell to acquaint him with the plot. duncan cameron now appears foremost among the northwest company's agents, being in charge of that company's post on the red river, in the selkirk grant. he told the chiefs that if they took the part of the colonists "their camp-fires should be totally extinguished." when cameron caught one of his own servants doing a trifling service for captain miles mcdonnell, he sent him upon a journey for which every _engagé_ of the northwest company bound himself liable in joining the company; that was to make the trip to montreal, a voyage held _in terrorem_ over every servant of the corporation. more than that, he confiscated four horses and a wagon belonging to this man, and charged him on the company's books with the sum of livres for an indian squaw, whom the man had been told he was to have as his slave for a present. [illustration: indian hunter hanging deer out of the reach of wolves] but though the indians held aloof from the great and cruel conspiracy, the half-breeds readily joined in it. they treated captain mcdonnell's orders with contempt, and arrested one of the hudson bay men as a spy upon their hunting with horses. there lived along the red river, near the colony, about thirty canadians and seventy half-breeds, born of indian squaws and the servants or officers of the northwest company. one-quarter of the number of "breeds" could read and write, and were fit to serve as clerks; the rest were literally half savage, and were employed as hunters, canoe-men, "packers" (freighters), and guides. they were naturally inclined to side with the northwest company, and in time that corporation sowed dissension among the colonists themselves, picturing to them exaggerated danger from the indians, and offering them free passage to canada. they paid at least one of the leading colonists £ for furthering discontent in the settlement, and four deserters from the colony stole all the hudson bay field-pieces, iron swivels, and the howitzer. there was constant irritation and friction between the factions. in an affray far up at isle-à-la-crosse a man was killed on either side. half-breeds came past the colony singing war-songs, and notices were posted around fort garry reading, "peace with all the world except in red river." the northwest people demanded the surrender of captain mcdonnell that he might be tried on their charges, and on june , , a band of men fired on the colonial buildings. the captain afterwards surrendered himself, and the remnant of the colony, thirteen families, went to the head of lake winnipeg. the half-breeds burned the buildings, and divided the horses and effects. but in the autumn all came back with colin robertson, of the bay company, and twenty clerks and servants. these were joined by governor robert semple, who brought settlers from scotland. semple was a man of consequence at home, a great traveller, and the author of a book on travels in spain.[ ] but he came in no conciliatory mood, and the foment was kept up. the northwest company tried to starve the colonists, and governor semple destroyed the enemy's fort below fort garry. then came the end--a decisive battle and massacre. sixty-five men on horses, and with some carts, were sent by alexander mcdonnell, of the northwest company, up the river towards the colony. they were led by cuthbert grant, and included six canadians, four indians, and fifty-four half-breeds. it was afterwards said they went on innocent business, but every man was armed, and the "breeds" were naked, and painted all over to look like indians. they got their paint of the northwest officers. moreover, there had been rumors that the colonists were to be driven away, and that "the land was to be drenched with blood." it was on june , , that runners notified the colony that the others were coming. semple was at fort douglas, near fort garry. when apprised of the close approach of his assailants, the governor seems not to have appreciated his danger, for he said, "we must go and meet those people; let twenty men follow me." he put on his cocked hat and sash, his pistols, and shouldered his double-barrelled fowling-piece. the others carried a wretched lot of guns--some with the locks gone, and many that were useless. it was marshy ground, and they straggled on in loose order. they met an old soldier who had served in the army at home, and who said the enemy was very numerous, and that the governor had better bring along his two field-pieces. "no, no," said the governor; "there is no occasion. i am only going to speak to them." nevertheless, after a moment's reflection, he did send back for one of the great guns, saying it was well to have it in case of need. they halted a short time for the cannon, and then perceived the northwest party pressing towards them on their horses. by a common impulse the governor and his followers began a retreat, walking backwards, and at the same time spreading out a single line to present a longer front. the enemy continued to advance at a hand-gallop. from out among them rode a canadian named boucher, the rest forming a half-moon behind him. waving his hand in an insolent way to the governor, boucher called out, "what do you want?" [illustration: making the snow-shoe] "what do _you_ want?" said governor semple. "we want our fort," said boucher, meaning the fort semple had destroyed. "go to your fort," said the governor. "why did you destroy our fort, you rascal?" boucher demanded. "scoundrel, do you tell me so?" the governor replied, and ordered the man's arrest. some say he caught at boucher's gun. but boucher slipped off his horse, and on the instant a gun was fired, and a hudson bay clerk fell dead. another shot wounded governor semple, and he called to his followers. "do what you can to take care of yourselves." then there was a volley from the northwest force, and with the clearing of the smoke it looked as though all the governor's party were killed or wounded. instead of taking care of themselves, they had rallied around their wounded leader. captain rogers, of the governor's party, who had fallen, rose to his feet, and ran towards the enemy crying for mercy in english and broken french, when thomas mckay, a "breed" and northwest clerk, shot him through the head, another cutting his body open with a knife. cuthbert grant (who, it was charged, had shot governor semple) now went to the governor, while the others despatched the wounded. semple said, "are you not mr. grant?" "yes," said the other. "i am not mortally wounded," said the governor, "and if you could get me conveyed to the fort, i think i should live." but when grant left his side an indian named ma-chi-ca-taou shot him, some say through the breast, and some have it that he put a pistol to the governor's head. grant could not stop the savages. the bloodshed had crazed them. they slaughtered all the wounded, and, worse yet, they terribly maltreated the bodies. twenty-two hudson bay men were killed, and one on the other side was wounded. there is a story that alexander mcdonnell shouted for joy when he heard the news of the massacre. one witness, who did not hear him shout, reports that he exclaimed to his friends: "_sacré nom de dieu! bonnes nouvelles; vingt-deux anglais tués!_" (----! good news; twenty-two english slain!) it was afterwards alleged that the slaughter was approved by every officer of the northwest company whose comments were recorded. it is a saying up in that country that twenty-six out of the sixty-five in the attacking party died violent deaths. the record is only valuable as indicating the nature and perils of the lives the hunters and half-breeds led. first, a frenchman dropped dead while crossing the ice on the river, his son was stabbed by a comrade, his wife was shot, and his children were burned; "big head," his brother, was shot by an indian; coutonohais dropped dead at a dance; battosh was mysteriously shot; lavigne was drowned; fraser was run through the body by a frenchman in paris; baptiste morallé, while drunk, was thrown into a fire by inebriated companions and burned to death; another died drunk on a roadway; another was wounded by the bursting of his gun; small-pox took the eleventh; duplicis was empaled upon a hay-fork, on which he jumped from a hay-stack; parisien was shot, by a person unknown, in a buffalo-hunt; another lost his arm by carelessness; gardapie, "the brave," was scalped and shot by the sioux; so was vallée; ka-te-tee-goose was scalped and cut in pieces by the gros-ventres; pe-me-can-toss was thrown in a hole by his people; and another indian and his wife and children were killed by lightning. yet another was gored to death by a buffalo. the rest of the twenty-six died by being frozen, by drowning, by drunkenness, or by shameful disease. it is when things are at their worst that they begin to mend, says a silly old proverb; but when history is studied these desperate situations often seem part of the mending, not of themselves, but of the broken cause of progress. there was a little halt here in canada, as we shall see, but the seed of settlement had been planted, and thenceforth continued to grow. lord selkirk came with all speed, reaching canada in . it was now an english colony, and when he asked for a body-guard, the government gave him two sergeants and twelve soldiers of the régiment de meuron. he made these the nucleus of a considerable force of swiss and germans who had formerly served in that regiment, and he pursued a triumphal progress to what he called his territory of assiniboin, capturing all the northwest company's forts on the route, imprisoning the officers, and sending to jail in canada all the accessaries to the massacre, on charges of arson, murder, robbery, and "high misdemeanors." such was the prejudice against the hudson bay company and the regard for the home corporation that nearly all were acquitted, and suits for very heavy damages were lodged against him. [illustration: a hudson bay man (quarter-breed)] selkirk sought to treat with the indians for his land, which they said belonged to the chippeways and the crees. five chiefs were found whose right to treat was acknowledged by all. on july , , they deeded the territory to the king, "for the benefit of lord selkirk," giving him a strip two miles wide on either side of the red river from lake winnipeg to red lake, north of the united states boundary, and along the assiniboin from fort garry to the muskrat river, as well as within two circles of six miles radius around fort garry and pembina, now in dakota. indians do not know what miles are; they measure distance by the movement of the sun while on a journey. they determined two miles in this case to be "as far as you can see daylight under a horse's belly on the level prairie." on account of selkirk's liberality they dubbed him "the silver chief." he agreed to give them for the land pounds of tobacco a year. he named his settlement kildonan, after that place in helmsdale, sutherlandshire, scotland. he died in , and in the hudson bay company bought the land back from his heirs for £ , . the swiss and germans of his regiment remained, and many retired servants of the company bought and settled there, forming the aristocracy of the place--a queer aristocracy to our minds, for many of the women were indian squaws, and the children were "breeds." through the perseverance and tact of the right hon. edward ellice, to whom the government had appealed, all differences between the two great fur-trading companies were adjusted, and in a coalition was formed. at ellice's suggestion the giant combination then got from parliament exclusive privileges beyond the waters that flow into hudson bay, over the rocky mountains and to the pacific, for a term of twenty years. these extra privileges were surrendered in , and were renewed for twenty-one years longer, to be revoked, so far as british columbia (then new caledonia) was concerned, in . that territory then became a crown colony, and it and vancouver island, which had taken on a colonial character at the time of the california gold fever ( ), were united in . the extra privileges of the fur-traders were therefore not again renewed. in , after the establishment of the canadian union, whatever presumptive rights the hudson bay company got under charles ii.'s charter were vacated in consideration of a payment by canada of $ , , cash, one-twentieth of all surveyed lands within the fertile belt, and , acres surrounding the company's posts. it is estimated that the land grant amounts to , , of acres, worth $ , , , exclusive of all town sites. thus we reach the present condition of the company, more than years old, maintaining central posts and unnumbered dependent ones, and trading in labrador on the atlantic; at massett, on queen charlotte island, in the pacific; and deep within the arctic circle in the north. the company was newly capitalized not long ago with , shares at £ ($ , , ), but, in addition to its dividends, it has paid back £ in every £ , reducing its capital to £ , , . the stock, however, is quoted at its original value. the supreme control of the company is vested in a governor, deputy governor, and five directors, elected by the stockholders in london. they delegate their powers to an executive resident in this country, who was until lately called the "governor of rupert's land," but now is styled the chief commissioner, and is in absolute charge of the company and all its operations. his term of office is unlimited. the present head of the corporation, or governor, is sir donald a. smith, one of the foremost spirits in canada, who worked his way up from a clerkship in the company. the business of the company is managed on the outfit system, the most old-fogyish, yet by its officers declared to be the most perfect, plan in use by any corporation. the method is to charge against each post all the supplies that are sent to it between june st and june st each year, and then to set against this the product of each post in furs and in cash received. it used to take seven years to arrive at the figures for a given year, but, owing to improved means of transportation, this is now done in two years. [illustration: the coureur du bois and the savage] almost wherever you go in the newly settled parts of the hudson bay territory you find at least one free-trader's shop set up in rivalry with the old company's post. these are sometimes mere storehouses for the furs, and sometimes they look like, and are partly, general country stores. there can be no doubt that this rivalry is very detrimental to the fur trade from the stand-point of the future. the great company can afford to miss a dividend, and can lose at some points while gaining at others, but the free-traders must profit in every district. the consequence is such a reckless destruction of game that the plan adopted by us for our seal-fisheries--the leasehold system--is envied and advocated in canada. a greater proportion of trapping and an utter unconcern for the destruction of the game at all ages are now ravaging the wilderness. many districts return as many furs as they ever yielded, but the quantity is kept up at fearful cost by the extermination of the game. on the other hand, the fortified wall of posts that opposed the development of canada, and sent the surplus population of europe to the united states, is rid of its palisades and field-pieces, and the main strongholds of the ancient company and its rivals have become cities. the old fort on vancouver island is now victoria; fort edmonton is the seat of law and commerce in the peace river region; old fort william has seen port arthur rise by its side; fort garry is winnipeg; calgary, the chief city of alberta, is on the site of another fort; and sault ste. marie was once a northwest post. but civilization is still so far off from most of the "factories," as the company's posts are called, that the day when they shall become cities is in no man's thought or ken. and the communication between the centres and outposts is, like the life of the traders, more nearly like what it was in the old, old days than most of my readers would imagine. my indian guides were battling with their paddles against the mad current of the nipigon, above lake superior, one day last summer, and i was only a few hours away from factor flanagan's post near the great lake, when we came to a portage, and might have imagined from what we saw that time had pushed the hands back on the dial of eternity at least a century. some rapids in the river had to be avoided by the brigade that was being sent with supplies to a post far north at the head of lake nipigon. a cumbrous, big-timbered little schooner, like a surf-boat with a sail, and a square-cut bateau had brought the men and goods to the "carry." the men were half-breeds as of old, and had brought along their women and children to inhabit a camp of smoky tents that we espied on a bluff close by; a typical camp, with the blankets hung on the bushes, the slatternly women and half-naked children squatting or running about, and smudge fires smoking between the tents to drive off mosquitoes and flies. the men were in groups below on the trail, at the water-side end of which were the boats' cargoes of shingles and flour and bacon and shot and powder in kegs, wrapped, two at a time, in rawhide. they were dark-skinned, short, spare men, without a surplus pound of flesh in the crew, and with longish coarse black hair and straggling beards. each man carried a tump-line, or long stout strap, which he tied in such a way around what he meant to carry that a broad part of the strap fitted over the crown of his head. thus they "packed" the goods over the portage, their heads sustaining the loads, and their backs merely steadying them. when one had thrown his burden into place, he trotted off up the trail with springing feet, though the freight was packed so that pounds should form a load. for bravado one carried pounds, and then all the others tried to pack as much, and most succeeded. all agreed that one, the smallest and least muscular-looking one among them, could pack pounds. as the men gathered around their "smudge" to talk with my party, it was seen that of all the parts of the picturesque costume of the _voyageur_ or _bois-brûlé_ of old--the capote, the striped shirt, the pipe-tomahawk, plumed hat, gay leggins, belt, and moccasins--only the red worsted belt and the moccasins have been retained. these men could recall the day when they had tallow and corn meal for rations, got no tents, and were obliged to carry pounds, lifting one package, and then throwing a second one atop of it without assistance. now they carry only pounds at a time, and have tents and good food given to them. we will not follow them, nor meet, as they did, the york boat coming down from the north with last winter's furs. instead, i will endeavor to lift the curtain from before the great fur country beyond them, to give a glimpse of the habits and conditions that prevail throughout a majestic territory where the rivers and lakes are the only roads, and canoes and dog-sleds are the only vehicles. [footnote : i am indebted to mr. matthew semple, of philadelphia, a grandnephew of the murdered governor, for further facts about that hero. he led a life of travel and adventure, spiced with almost romantic happenings. he wrote ten books: records at travel and one novel. his parents were passengers on an english vessel which was captured by the americans in , and brought to boston, mass., where he was born on february , . he was therefore only years of age when he was slain. his portrait, now in philadelphia, shows him to have been a man of striking and handsome appearance.] vii "talking musquash" concluding the sketch of the history and work of the hudson bay company the most sensational bit of "musquash talk" in more than a quarter of a century among the hudson bay company's employés was started the other day, when sir donald a. smith, the governor of the great trading company, sent a type-written letter to winnipeg. if a cree squaw had gone to the trading-shop at moose factory and asked for a bustle and a box of face-powder in exchange for a beaver-skin, the suggestion of changing conditions in the fur trade would have been trifling compared with the sense of instability to which this appearance of machine-writing gave rise. the reader may imagine for himself what a wrench civilization would have gotten if the world had laid down its goose-quills and taken up the type-writer all in one day. and that is precisely what sir donald smith had done. the quill that had served to convey the orders of alexander mackenzie had satisfied sir george simpson; and, in our own time, while men like lord iddesleigh, lord kimberley, and mr. goschen sat around the candle-lighted table in the board-room of the company in london, quill pens were the only ones at hand. but sir donald's letter was not only the product of a machine; it contained instructions for the use of the type-writer in the offices at winnipeg, and there was in the letter a protest against illegible manual chirography such as had been received from many factories in the wilderness. talking business in the fur trade has always been called "talking musquash" (musk-rat), and after that letter came the turn taken by that form of talk suggested a general fear that from the arctic to our border and from labrador to queen charlotte's islands the canvassers for competing machines will be "racing" in all the posts, each to prove that his instrument can pound out more words in a minute than any other--in those posts where life has hitherto been taken so gently that when one day a factor heard that the battle of waterloo had been fought and won by the english, he deliberately loaded the best trade gun in the storehouse and went out and fired it into the pulseless woods, although it was two years after the battle, and the disquieted old world had long known the greater news that napoleon was caged in st. helena. the only reassuring note in the "musquash talk" to-day is sounded when the subject of candles is reached. the governor and committee in london still pursue their deliberations by candlelight. but rebellion against their fate is idle, and it is of no avail for the old factors to make the point that sir donald found no greater trouble in reading their writing than they encountered when one of his missives had to be deciphered by them. the truth is that the tide of immigration which their ancient monopoly first shunted into the united states is now sweeping over their vast territory, and altering more than its face. not only are the factors aware that the new rule confining them to share in the profits of the fur trade leaves to the mere stockholders far greater returns from land sales and storekeeping, but a great many of them now find village life around their old forts, and railroads close at hand, and law setting up its officers at their doors, so that in a great part of the territory the romance of the old life, and their authority as well, has fled. [illustration: talking musquash] less than four years ago i had passed by qu'appelle without visiting it, but last summer i resolved not to make the mistake again, for it was the last stockaded fort that could be studied without a tiresome and costly journey into the far north. it is on the fishing lakes, just beyond manitoba. but on my way a hudson bay officer told me that they had just taken down the stockade in the spring, and that he did not know of a remaining "palisadoe" in all the company's system except one, which, curiously enough, had just been ordered to be put up around fort hazleton, on the skeena river, in northern british columbia, where some turbulent indians have been very troublesome, and where whatever civilization there may be in saturn seems nearer than our own. this one example of the survival of original conditions is far more eloquent of their endurance than the thoughtless reader would imagine. it is true that there has come a tremendous change in the status and spirit of the company. it is true that its officers are but newly bending to external authority, and that settlers have poured into the south with such demands for food, clothes, tools, and weapons as to create within the old corporation one of the largest of shopkeeping companies. yet to-day, as two centuries ago, the hudson bay company remains the greatest fur-trading association that exists. the zone in which fort hazleton is situated reaches from ocean to ocean without suffering invasion by settlers, and far above it to the arctic sea is a grand belt wherein time has made no impress since the first factory was put up there. there and around it is a region, nearly two-thirds the size of the united states, which is as if our country were meagrely dotted with tiny villages at an average distance of five days apart, with no other means of communication than canoe or dog train, and with not above a thousand white men in it, and not as many pure-blooded white women as you will find registered at a first-class new york hotel on an ordinary day. the company employs between fifteen hundred and two thousand white men, and i am assuming that half of them are in the fur country. we know that for nearly a century the company clung to the shores of hudson bay. it will be interesting to peep into one of its forts as they were at that time; it will be amazing to see what a country that bay-shore territory was and is. there and over a vast territory three seasons come in four months--spring in june, summer in july and august, and autumn in september. during the long winter the earth is blanketed deep in snow, and the water is locked beneath ice. geese, ducks, and smaller birds abound as probably they are not seen elsewhere in america, but they either give place to or share the summer with mosquitoes, black-flies, and "bull-dogs" (_tabanus_) without number, rest, or mercy. for the land around hudson bay is a vast level marsh, so wet that york fort was built on piles, with elevated platforms around the buildings for the men to walk upon. infrequent bunches of small pines and a litter of stunted swamp-willows dot the level waste, the only considerable timber being found upon the banks of the rivers. there is a wide belt called the arctic barrens all along the north, but below that, at some distance west of the bay, the great forests of canada bridge across the region north of the prairie and the plains, and cross the rocky mountains to reach the pacific. in the far north the musk-ox descends almost to meet the moose and deer, and on the near slope of the rockies the wood-buffalo--larger, darker, and fiercer than the bison of the plains, but very like him--still roams as far south as where the buffalo ran highest in the days when he existed. through all this northern country the cold in winter registers °, and even °, below zero, and the travel is by dogs and sleds. there men in camp may be said to dress to go to bed. they leave their winter's store of dried meat and frozen fish out-of-doors on racks all winter (and so they do down close to lake superior); they hear from civilization only twice a year at the utmost; and when supplies have run out at the posts, we have heard of their boiling the parchment sheets they use instead of glass in their windows, and of their cooking the fat out of beaver-skins to keep from starving, though beaver is so precious that such recourse could only be had when the horses and dogs had been eaten. as to the value of the beaver, the reader who never has purchased any for his wife may judge what it must be by knowing that the company has long imported buckskin from labrador to sell to the chippeways around lake nipigon in order that they may not be tempted, as of old, to make thongs and moccasins of the beaver; for their deer are poor, with skins full of worm-holes, whereas beaver leather is very tough and fine. but in spite of the severe cold winters, that are, in fact, common to all the fur territory, winter is the delightful season for the traders; around the bay it is the only endurable season. the winged pests of which i have spoken are by no means confined to the tide-soaked region close to the great inland sea. the whole country is as wet as that orange of which geographers speak when they tell us that the water on the earth's surface is proportioned as if we were to rub a rough orange with a wet cloth. up in what we used to call british america the illustration is itself illustrated in the countless lakes of all sizes, the innumerable small streams, and the many great rivers that make waterways the roads, as canoes are the wagons, of the region. it is a vast paradise for mosquitoes, and i have been hunted out of fishing and hunting grounds by them as far south as the border. the "bull-dog" is a terror reserved for especial districts. he is the sioux of the insect world, as pretty as a warrior in buckskin and beads, but carrying a red-hot sword blade, which, when sheathed in human flesh, will make the victim jump a foot from the ground, though there is no after-pain or itching or swelling from the thrust. [illustration: indian hunters moving camp] having seen the country, let us turn to the forts. some of them really were forts, in so far as palisades and sentry towers and double doors and guns can make a fort, and one twenty miles below winnipeg was a stone fort. it is still standing. when the company ruled the territory as its landlord, the defended posts were on the plains among the bad indians, and on the hudson bay shore, where vessels of foreign nations might be expected. in the forests, on the lakes and rivers, the character and behavior of the fish-eating indians did not warrant armament. the stockaded forts were nearly all alike. the stockade was of timber, of about such a height that a man might look over it on tiptoe. it had towers at the corners, and york fort had a great "lookout" tower within the enclosure. within the barricade were the company's buildings, making altogether such a picture as new york presented when the dutch founded it and called it new amsterdam, except that we had a church and a stadt-house in our enclosure. the hudson bay buildings were sometimes arranged in a hollow square, and sometimes in the shape of a letter h, with the factor's house connecting the two other parts of the character. the factor's house was the best dwelling, but there were many smaller ones for the laborers, mechanics, hunters, and other non-commissioned men. a long, low, whitewashed log-house was apt to be the clerks' house, and other large buildings were the stores where merchandise was kept, the fur-houses where the furs, skins, and pelts were stored, and the indian trading-house, in which all the bartering was done. a powder-house, ice-house, oil-house, and either a stable or a boat-house for canoes completed the post. all the houses had double doors and windows, and wherever the men lived there was a tremendous stove set up to battle with the cold. the abode of jollity was the clerks' house, or bachelors' quarters. each man had a little bedroom containing his chest, a chair, and a bed, with the walls covered with pictures cut from illustrated papers or not, according to each man's taste. the big room or hall, where all met in the long nights and on off days, was as bare as a baldpate so far as its whitewashed or timbered walls went, but the table in the middle was littered with pipes, tobacco, papers, books, and pens and ink, and all around stood (or rested on hooks overhead) guns, foils, and fishing-rods. on wednesdays and saturdays there was no work in at least one big factory. breakfast was served at nine o'clock, dinner at one o'clock, and tea at six o'clock. the food varied in different places. all over the prairie and plains great stores of pemmican were kept, and men grew to like it very much, though it was nothing but dried buffalo beef pounded and mixed with melted fat. but where they had pemmican they also enjoyed buffalo hunch in the season, and that was the greatest delicacy, except moose muffle (the nose of the moose), in all the territory. in the woods and lake country there were venison and moose as well as beaver--which is very good eating--and many sorts of birds, but in that region dried fish (salmon in the west, and lake trout or white-fish nearer the bay) was the staple. the young fellows hunted and fished and smoked and drank and listened to the songs of the _voyageurs_ and the yarns of the "breeds" and indians. for the rest there was plenty of work to do. they had a costume of their own, and, indeed, in that respect there has been a sad change, for all the people, white, red, and crossed, dressed picturesquely. you could always distinguish a hudson bay man by his capote of light blue cloth with brass buttons. in winter they wore as much as a quebec carter. they wore leather coats lined with flannel, edged with fur, and double-breasted. a scarlet worsted belt went around their waists, their breeches were of smoked buckskin, reaching down to three pairs of blanket socks and moose moccasins, with blue cloth leggins up to the knee. their buckskin mittens were hung from their necks by a cord, and usually they wrapped a shawl of scotch plaid around their necks and shoulders, while on each one's head was a fur cap with ear-pieces. [illustration: setting a mink-trap] the french canadians and "breeds," who were the _voyageurs_ and hunters, made a gay appearance. they used to wear the company's regulation light blue capotes, or coats, in winter, with flannel shirts, either red or blue, and corduroy trousers gartered at the knee with bead-work. they all wore gaudy worsted belts, long, heavy woollen stockings--covered with gayly-fringed leggins--fancy moccasins, and tuques, or feather-decked hats or caps bound with tinsel bands. in mild weather their costume was formed of a blue striped cotton shirt, corduroys, blue cloth leggins bound with orange ribbons, the inevitable sash or worsted belt, and moccasins. every hunter carried a powder-horn slung from his neck, and in his belt a tomahawk, which often served also as a pipe. as late as , viscount milton and w. b. cheadle describe them in a book, _the north-west passage by land_, in the following graphic language: "the men appeared in gaudy array, with beaded fire-bag, gay sash, blue or scarlet leggings, girt below the knee with beaded garters, and moccasins elaborately embroidered. the (half-breed) women were in short, bright-colored skirts, showing richly embroidered leggings and white moccasins of cariboo-skin beautifully worked with flowery patterns in beads, silk, and moose hair." the trading-room at an open post was--and is now--like a cross-roads store, having its shelves laden with every imaginable article that indians like and hunters need--clothes, blankets, files, scalp-knives, gun screws, flints, twine, fire-steels, awls, beads, needles, scissors, knives, pins, kitchen ware, guns, powder, and shot. an indian who came in with furs threw them down, and when they were counted received the right number of castors--little pieces of wood which served as money--with which, after the hours of reflection an indian spends at such a time, he bought what he wanted. but there was a wide difference between such a trading-room and one in the plains country, or where there were dangerous indians--such as some of the crees, and the chippeways, blackfeet, bloods, sarcis, sioux, sicanies, stonies, and others. in such places the indians were let in only one or two at a time, the goods were hidden so as not to excite their cupidity, and through a square hole grated with a cross of iron, whose spaces were only large enough to pass a blanket, what they wanted was given to them. that is all done away with now, except it be in northern british columbia, where the indians have been turbulent. farther on we shall perhaps see a band of indians on their way to trade at a post. their custom is to wait until the first signs of spring, and then to pack up their winter's store of furs, and take advantage of the last of the snow and ice for the journey. they hunt from november to may; but the trapping and shooting of bears go on until the th of june, for those animals do not come from their winter dens until may begins. they come to the posts in their best attire, and in the old days that formed as strong a contrast to their present dress as their leather tepees of old did to the cotton ones of to-day. ballantyne, who wrote a book about his service with the great fur company, says merely that they were painted, and with scalp-locks fringing their clothes; but in lewis and clarke's journal we read description after description of the brave costuming of these color-and-ornament-loving people. take the sioux, for instance. their heads were shaved of all but a tuft of hair, and feathers hung from that. instead of the universal blanket of to-day, their main garment was a robe of buffalo-skin with the fur left on, and the inner surface dressed white, painted gaudily with figures of beasts and queer designs, and fringed with porcupine quills. they wore the fur side out only in wet weather. beneath the robe they wore a shirt of dressed skin, and under that a leather belt, under which the ends of a breech-clout of cloth, blanket stuff, or skin were tucked. they wore leggins of dressed antelope hide with scalp-locks fringing the seams, and prettily beaded moccasins for their feet. they had necklaces of the teeth or claws of wild beasts, and each carried a fire-bag, a quiver, and a brightly painted shield, giving up the quiver and shield when guns came into use. the indians who came to trade were admitted to the store precisely as voters are to the polls under the australian system--one by one. they had to leave their guns outside. when rum was given out, each indian had to surrender his knife before he got his tin cup. [illustration: wood indians come to trade] the company made great use of the iroquois, and considered them the best boatmen in canada. sir alexander mackenzie, of the northwest company, employed eight of them to paddle him to the pacific ocean by way of the peace and fraser rivers, and when the greatest of hudson bay executives, sir george simpson, travelled, iroquois always propelled him. the company had a uniform for all its indian employés--a blue, gray, or blanket capote, very loose, and reaching below the knee, with a red worsted belt around the waist, a cotton shirt, no trousers, but artfully beaded leggins with wide flaps at the seams, and moccasins over blanket socks. in winter they wore buckskin coats lined with flannel, and mittens were given to them. we have seen how the half-breeds were dressed. they were long employed at women's work in the forts, at making clothing and at mending. all the mittens, moccasins, fur caps, deer-skin coats, etc., were made by them. they were also the washer-women. perhaps the factor had a good time in the old days, or thought he did. he had a wife and servants and babies, and when a visitor came, which was not as often as snow-drifts blew over the stockade, he entertained like a lord. at first the factors used to send to london, to the head office, for a wife, to be added to the annual consignment of goods, and there must have been a few who sent to the orkneys for the sweethearts they left there. but in time the rule came to be that they married indian squaws. in doing this, not even the first among them acted blindly, for their old rivals and subsequent companions of the northwest and x. y. companies began the custom, and the french _voyageurs_ and _coureurs du bois_ had mated with indian women before there was a hudson bay company. these rough and hardy woodsmen, and a large number of half-breeds born of just such alliances, began at an early day to settle near the trading-posts. sometimes they established what might be called villages, but were really close imitations of indian camps, composed of a cluster of skin tepees, racks of fish or meat, and a swarm of dogs, women, and children. in each tepee was the fireplace, beneath the flue formed by the open top of the habitation, and around it were the beds of brush, covered with soft hides, the inevitable copper kettle, the babies swaddled in blankets or moss bags, the women and dogs, the gun and paddle, and the junks and strips of raw meat hanging overhead in the smoke. this has not changed to-day; indeed, very little that i shall speak of has altered in the true or far fur country. the camps exist yet. they are not so clean (or, rather, they are more dirty), and the clothes and food are poorer and harder to get; that is all. [illustration: a voyageur or canoe-man of great slave lake] the europeans saw that these women were docile, or were kept in order easily by floggings with the tent poles; that they were faithful and industrious, as a rule, and that they were not all unprepossessing--from their point of view, of course. therefore it came to pass that these were the most frequent alliances in and out of the posts in all that country. the consequences of this custom were so peculiar and important that i must ask leave to pause and consider them. in canada we see that the white man thus made his bow to the redskin as a brother in the truest sense. the old _coureurs_ of norman and breton stock, loving a wild, free life, and in complete sympathy with the indian, bought or took the squaws to wife, learned the indian dialects, and shared their food and adventures with the tribes. as more and more entered the wilderness, and at last came to be supported, in camps and at posts and as _voyageurs_, by the competing fur companies, there grew up a class of half-breeds who spoke english and french, married indians, and were as much at home with the savages as with the whites. from this stock the hudson bay men have had a better choice of wives for more than a century. but when these "breeds" were turbulent and murderous--first in the attacks on selkirk's colony, and next during the riel rebellion--the indians remained quiet. they defined their position when, in , they were tempted with great bribes to massacre the red river colonists. "no," said they; "the colonists are our friends." the men who sought to excite them to murder were the officers of the northwest company, who bought furs of them, to be sure, but the colonists had shared with the indians in poverty and plenty, giving now and taking then. all were alike to the red men--friends, white men, and of the race that had taken so many of their women to wife. therefore they went to the colonists to tell them what was being planned against them, and not from that day to this has an indian band taken the war-path against the canadians. i have read general custer's theory that the united states had to do with meat-eating indians, whereas the canadian tribes are largely fish-eaters, and i have seen , references to the better indian policy of canada; but i can see no difference in the two policies, and between the rockies and the great lakes i find that canada had the stonies, blackfeet, and many other fierce tribes of buffalo-hunters. it is in the slow, close-growing acquaintance between the two races, and in the just policy of the hudson bay men towards the indians, that i see the reason for canada's enviable experience with her red men. [illustration: in a stiff current] but even the hudson bay men have had trouble with the indians in recent years, and one serious affair grew out of the relations between the company's servants and the squaws. there is etiquette even among savages, and this was ignored up at old fort st. johns, on the peace river, with the result that the indians slaughtered the people there and burned the fort. they were sicanie indians of that region, and after they had massacred the men in charge, they met a boat-load of white men coming up the river with goods. to them they turned their guns also, and only four escaped. it was up in that country likewise--just this side of the rocky mountains, where the plains begin to be forested--that a silly clerk in a post quarrelled with an indian, and said to him, "before you come back to this post again, your wife and child will be dead." he spoke hastily, and meant nothing, but squaw and pappoose happened to die that winter, and the indian walked into the fort the next spring and shot the clerk without a word. to-day the posts are little village-like collections of buildings, usually showing white against a green background in the prettiest way imaginable; for, as a rule, they cluster on the lower bank of a river, or the lower near shore of a lake. there are not clerks enough in most of them to render a clerks' house necessary, for at the little posts half-breeds are seen to do as good service as europeans. as a rule, there is now a store or trading-house and a fur-house and the factor's house, the canoe-house and the stable, with a barn where gardening is done, as is often the case when soil and climate permit. often the fur-house and store are combined, the furs being laid in the upper story over the shop. there is always a flag-staff, of course. this and the flag, with the letters "h. b. c." on its field, led to the old hunters' saying that the initials stood for "here before christ," because, no matter how far away from the frontier a man might go, in regions he fancied no white man had been, that flag and those letters stared him in the face. you will often find that the factor, rid of all the ancient timidity that called for "palisadoes and swivels," lives on the high upper bank above the store. the usual half-breed or indian village is seldom farther than a couple of miles away, on the same water. the factor is still, as he always has been, responsible only to himself for the discipline and management of his post, and therefore among the factories we will find all sorts of homes--homes where a piano and the magazines are prized, and daughters educated abroad shed the lustre of refinement upon their surroundings, homes where no woman rules, and homes of the french half-breed type, which we shall see is a very different mould from that of the two sorts of british half-breed that are numerous. there never was a rule by which to gauge a post. in one you found religion valued and missionaries welcomed, while in others there never was sermon or hymn. in some, hudson bay rum met the rum of the free-traders, and in others no rum was bartered away. to-day, in this latter respect, the dominion law prevails, and rum may not be given or sold to the red man. when one thinks of the lives of these factors, hidden away in forest, mountain chain, or plain, or arctic barren, seeing the same very few faces year in and year out, with breaches of the monotonous routine once a year when the winter's furs are brought in, and once a year when the mail-packet arrives--when one thinks of their isolation, and lack of most of those influences which we in our walks prize the highest, the reason for their choosing that company's service seems almost mysterious. yet they will tell you there is a fascination in it. this could be understood so far as the half-breeds and french canadians were concerned, for they inherited the liking; and, after all, though most of them are only laborers, no other laborers are so free, and none spice life with so much of adventure. but the factors are mainly men of ability and good origin, well fitted to occupy responsible positions, and at better salaries. however, from the outset the rule has been that they have become as enamoured of the trader's life as soldiers and sailors always have of theirs. they have usually retired from it reluctantly, and some, having gone home to europe, have begged leave to return. the company has always been managed upon something like a military basis. perhaps the original necessity for forts and men trained to the use of arms suggested this. the uniforms were in keeping with the rest. the lowest rank in the service is that of the laborer, who may happen to fish or hunt at times, but is employed--or enlisted, as the fact is, for a term of years--to cut wood, shovel snow, act as a porter or gardener, and labor generally about the post. the interpreter was usually a promoted laborer, but long ago the men in the trade, indians and whites alike, met each other half-way in the matter of language. the highest non-commissioned rank in early days was that of the postmaster at large posts. men of that rank often got charge of small outposts, and we read that they were "on terms of equality with gentlemen." to-day the service has lost these fine points, and the laborers and commissioned officers are sharply separated. the so-called "gentleman" begins as a prentice clerk, and after a few years becomes a clerk. his next elevation is to the rank of a junior chief trader, and so on through the grades of chief trader, factor, and chief factor, to the office of chief commissioner, or resident american manager, chosen by the london board, and having full powers delegated to him. a clerk--or "clark," as the rank is called--may never touch a pen. he may be a trader. then again he may be truly an accountant. with the rank he gets a commission, and that entitles him to a minimum guarantee, with a conditional extra income based on the profits of the fur trade. men get promotions through the chief commissioner, and he has always made fitness, rather than seniority, the criterion. retiring officers are salaried for a term of years, the original pension fund and system having been broken up. sir donald a. smith, the present governor of the company, made his way to the highest post from the place of a prentice clerk. he came from scotland as a youth, and after a time was so unfortunate as to be sent to the coast of labrador, where a man is as much out of both the world and contact with the heart of the company as it is possible to be. the military system was felt in that instance; but every man who accepts a commission engages to hold himself in readiness to go cheerfully to the north pole, or anywhere between labrador and the queen charlotte islands. however, to a man of sir donald's parts no obstacle is more than a temporary impediment. though he stayed something like seventeen years in labrador, he worked faithfully when there was work to do, and in his own time he read and studied voraciously. when the riel rebellion--the first one--disturbed the country's peace, he appeared on the scene as commissioner for the government. next he became chief commissioner for the hudson bay company. after a time he resigned that office to go on the board in london, and thence he stepped easily to the governorship. his parents, whose home was in morayshire, scotland, gave him at his birth, in , not only a constitution of iron, but that shrewdness which is only scotch, and he afterwards developed remarkable fore-sight, and such a grasp of affairs and of complex situations as to amaze his associates. [illustration: voyageur with tumpline] of course his career is almost as singular as his gifts, and the governorship can scarcely be said to be the goal of the general ambition, for it has been most apt to go to a london man. even ordinary promotion in the company is very slow, and it follows that most men live out their existence between the rank of clerk and that of chief factor. there are central posts, and innumerable dependent posts, and the officers are continually travelling from one to another, some in their districts, and the chief or supervising ones over vast reaches of country. in winter, when dogs and sleds are used, the men walk, as a rule, and it has been nothing for a man to trudge miles in that way on a winter's journey. roderick macfarlane, who was cut off from the world up in the mackenzie district, became an indefatigable explorer, and made most of his journeys on snow-shoes. he explored the peel, the liard, and the mackenzie, and their surrounding regions, and went far within the arctic circle, where he founded the most northerly post of the company. by the regular packet from calgary, near our border, to the northernmost post is a -mile journey. macfarlane was fond of the study of ornithology, and classified and catalogued all the birds that reach the frozen regions. i heard of a factor far up on the east side of hudson bay who reads his daily newspaper every morning with his coffee--but of course such an instance is a rare one. he manages it by having a complete set of the london _times_ sent to him by each winter's packet, and each morning the paper of that date in the preceding year is taken from the bundle by his servant and dampened, as it had been when it left the press, and spread by the factor's plate. thus he gets for half an hour each day a taste of his old habit and life at home. there was another factor who developed artistic capacity, and spent his leisure at drawing and painting. he did so well that he ventured many sketches for the illustrated papers of london, some of which were published. the half-breed has developed with the age and growth of canada. there are now half-breeds and half-breeds, and some of them are titled, and others hold high official places. it occurred to an english lord not long ago, while he was being entertained in a government house in one of the parts of newer canada, to inquire of his host, "what are these half-breeds i hear about? i should like to see what one looks like." his host took the nobleman's breath away by his reply. "i am one," said he. there is no one who has travelled much in western canada who has not now and then been entertained in homes where either the man or woman of the household was of mixed blood, and in such homes i have found a high degree of refinement and the most polished manners. usually one needs the information that such persons possess such blood. after that the peculiar black hair and certain facial features in the subject of such gossip attest the truthfulness of the assertion. there is no rule for measuring the character and quality of this plastic, receptive, and often very ambitious element in canadian society, yet one may say broadly that the social position and attainments of these people have been greatly influenced by the nationality of their fathers. for instance, the french _habitants_ and woodsmen far, far too often sank to the level of their wives when they married indian women. light-hearted, careless, unambitious, and drifting to the wilderness because of the absence of restraint there; illiterate, of coarse origin, fond of whiskey and gambling--they threw off superiority to the indian, and evaded responsibility and concern in home management. of course this is not a rule, but a tendency. on the other hand, the scotch and english forced their wives up to their own standards. their own home training, respect for more than the forms of religion, their love of home and of a permanent patch of ground of their own--all these had their effect, and that has been to rear half-breed children in proud and comfortable homes, to send them to mix with the children of cultivated persons in old communities, and to fit them with pride and ambition and cultivation for an equal start in the journey of life. possessing such foundation for it, the equality has happily never been denied to them in canada. [illustration: voyageurs in camp for the night] to-day the service is very little more inviting than in the olden time. the loneliness and removal from the touch of civilization remain throughout a vast region; the arduous journeys by sled and canoe remain; the dangers of flood and frost are undiminished. unfortunately, among the changes made by time, one is that which robs the present factor's surroundings of a great part of that which was most picturesque. of all the prettinesses of the indian costuming one sees now only a trace here and there in a few tribes, while in many the moccasin and tepee, and in some only the moccasin, remain. the birch-bark canoe and the snow-shoe are the main reliance of both races, but the steamboat has been impressed into parts of the service, and most of the descendants of the old-time _voyageur_ preserve only his worsted belt, his knife, and his cap and moccasins at the utmost. in places the _engagé_ has become a mere deck-hand. his scarlet paddle has rotted away; he no longer awakens the echoes of forest or cañon with _chansons_ that died in the throats of a generation that has gone. in return, the horrors of intertribal war and of a precarious foothold among fierce and turbulent bands have nearly vanished; but there was a spice in them that added to the fascination of the service. the dogs and sleds form a very interesting part of the hudson bay outfit. one does not need to go very deep into western canada to meet with them. as close to our centre of population as nipigon, on lake superior, the only roads into the north are the rivers and lakes, traversed by canoes in summer and sleds in winter. the dogs are of a peculiar breed, and are called "huskies"--undoubtedly a corruption of the word esquimaux. they preserve a closer resemblance to the wolf than any of our domesticated dogs, and exhibit their kinship with that scavenger of the wilderness in their nature as well as their looks. to-day their females, if tied and left in the forest, will often attest companionship with its denizens by bringing forth litters of wolfish progeny. moreover, it will not be necessary to feed all with whom the experiment is tried, for the wolves will be apt to bring food to them as long as they are thus neglected by man. they are often as large as the ordinary newfoundland dog, but their legs are shorter, and even more hairy, and the hair along their necks, from their shoulders to their skulls, stands erect in a thick, bristling mass. they have the long snouts, sharp-pointed ears, and the tails of wolves, and their cry is a yelp rather than a bark. like wolves they are apt to yelp in chorus at sunrise and at sunset. they delight in worrying peaceful animals, setting their own numbers against one, and they will kill cows, or even children, if they get the chance. they are disciplined only when at work, and are then so surprisingly obedient, tractable, and industrious as to plainly show that though their nature is savage and wolfish, they could be reclaimed by domestication. in isolated cases plenty of them are. as it is, in their packs, their battles among themselves are terrible, and they are dangerous when loose. in some districts it is the custom to turn them loose in summer on little islands in the lakes, leaving them to hunger or feast according as the supply of dead fish thrown upon the shore is small or plentiful. when they are kept in dog quarters they are simply penned up and fed during the summer, so that the savage side of their nature gets full play during long periods. fish is their principal diet, and stores of dried fish are kept for their winter food. corn meal is often fed to them also. like a wolf or an indian, a "husky" gets along without food when there is not any, and will eat his own weight of it when it is plenty. a typical dog-sled is very like a toboggan. it is formed of two thin pieces of oak or birch lashed together with buckskin thongs and turned up high in front. it is usually about nine feet in length by sixteen inches wide. a leather cord is run along the outer edges for fastening whatever may be put upon the sled. varying numbers of dogs are harnessed to such sleds, but the usual number is four. traces, collars, and backbands form the harness, and the dogs are hitched one before the other. very often the collars are completed with sets of sleigh-bells, and sometimes the harness is otherwise ornamented with beads, tassels, fringes, or ribbons. the leader, or fore-goer, is always the best in the team. the dog next to him is called the steady dog, and the last is named the steer dog. as a rule, these faithful animals are treated harshly, if not brutally. it is a hudson bay axiom that no man who cannot curse in three languages is fit to drive them. the three profanities are, of course, english, french, and indian, though whoever has heard the northwest french knows that it ought to serve by itself, as it is half-soled with anglo-saxon oaths and heeled with indian obscenity. the rule with whoever goes on a dog-sled journey is that the driver, or mock-passenger, runs behind the dogs. the main function of the sled is to carry the dead weight, the burdens of tent-covers, blankets, food, and the like. the men run along with or behind the dogs, on snow-shoes, and when the dogs make better time than horses are able to, and will carry between and pounds over daily distances of from to miles, according to the condition of the ice or snow, and that many a journey of miles has been performed in this way, and some of miles, the test of human endurance is as great as that of canine grit. men travelling "light," with extra sleds for the freight, and men on short journeys often ride in the sleds, which in such cases are fitted up as "carioles" for the purpose. i have heard an unauthenticated account, by a hudson bay man, of men who drove themselves, disciplining refractory or lazy dogs by simply pulling them in beside or over the dash-board, and holding them down by the neck while they thrashed them. a story is told of a worthy bishop who complained of the slow progress his sled was making, and was told that it was useless to complain, as the dogs would not work unless they were roundly and incessantly cursed. after a time the bishop gave his driver absolution for the profanity needed for the remainder of the journey, and thenceforth sped over the snow at a gallop, every stroke of the half-breed's long and cruel whip being sent home with a volley of wicked words, emphasized at times with peltings with sharp-edged bits of ice. kane, the explorer, made an average of miles a day behind these shaggy little brutes. milton and cheadle, in their book, mention instances where the dogs made miles in less than hours, and the bishop of rupert's land told me he had covered miles in a forenoon and in the afternoon of the same day, without causing his dogs to exhibit evidence of fatigue. the best time is made on hard snow and ice, of course, and when the conditions suit, the drivers whip off their snow-shoes to trot behind the dogs more easily. in view of what they do, it is no wonder that many of the northern indians, upon first seeing horses, named them simply "big dog." but to me the performances of the drivers are the more wonderful. it was a white youth, son of a factor, who ran behind the bishop's dogs in the spurt of miles by daylight that i mention. the men who do such work explain that the "lope" of the dogs is peculiarly suited to the dog-trot of a human being. [illustration: "huskie" dogs on the frozen highway] a picture of a factor on a round of his outposts, or of a chief factor racing through a great district, will now be intelligible. if he is riding, he fancies that princes and lords would envy him could they see his luxurious comfort. fancy him in a dog-cariole of the best pattern--a little suggestive of a burial casket, to be sure, in its shape, but gaudily painted, and so full of soft warm furs that the man within is enveloped like a chrysalis in a cocoon. perhaps there are russian bells on the collars of the dogs, and their harness is "frenchified" with bead-work and tassels. the air, which fans only his face, is crisp and invigorating, and before him the lake or stream over which he rides is a sheet of virgin snow--not nature's winding-sheet, as those who cannot love nature have said, but rather a robe of beautiful ermine fringed and embroidered with dark evergreen, and that in turn flecked at every point with snow, as if bejewelled with pearls. if the factor chats with his driver, who falls behind at rough places to keep the sled from tipping over, their conversation is carried on at so high a tone as to startle the birds into flight, if there are any, and to shock the scene as by the greatest rudeness possible in that then vast, silent land. if silence is kept, the factor reads the prints of game in the snow, of foxes' pads and deer hoofs, of wolf splotches, and the queer hieroglyphics of birds, or the dots and troughs of rabbit-trailing. to him these are as legible as the morse alphabet to telegraphers, and as important as stock quotations to the pallid men of wall street. suddenly in the distance he sees a human figure. time was that his predecessors would have stopped to discuss the situation and its dangers, for the sight of one indian suggested the presence of more, and the question came, were these friendly or fierce? but now the sled hurries on. it is only an indian or half-breed hunter minding his traps, of which he may have a sufficient number to give him a circuit of ten or more miles away from and back to his lodge or village. he is approached and hailed by the driver, and with some pretty name very often--one that may mean in english "hawk flying across the sky when the sun is setting," or "blazing sun," or whatever. on goes the sled, and perhaps a village is the next object of interest; not a village in our sense of the word, but now and then a tepee or a hut peeping above the brush beside the water, the eye being led to them by the signs of slothful disorder close by--the rotting canoe frame, the bones, the dirty tattered blankets, the twig-formed skeleton of a steam bath, such as indians resort to when tired or sick or uncommonly dirty, the worn-out snow-shoes hung on a tree, and the racks of frozen fish or dried meat here and there. a dog rushes down to the water-side barking furiously--an indian dog of the currish type of paupers' dogs the world around--and this stirs the village pack, and brings out the squaws, who are addressed, as the trapper up the stream was, by some poetic names, albeit poetic license is sometimes strained to form names not at all pretty to polite senses, "all stomach" being that of one dusky princess, and serving to indicate the lengths to which poesy may lead the untrammelled mind. the sun sinks early, and if our traveller be journeying in the west and be a lover of nature, heaven send that his face be turned towards the sunset! then, be the sky anything but completely storm-draped, he will see a sight so glorious that eloquence becomes a naked suppliant for alms beyond the gift of language when set to describe it. a few clouds are necessary to its perfection, and then they take on celestial dyes, and one sees, above the vanished sun, a blaze of golden yellow thinned into a tone that is luminous crystal. this is flanked by belts and breasts of salmon and ruby red, and all melt towards the zenith into a rose tone that has body at the base, but pales at top into a mere blush. this i have seen night after night on the lakes and the plains and on the mountains. but as the glory of it beckons the traveller ever towards itself, so the farther he follows, the more brilliant and gaudy will be his reward. beyond the mountains the valleys and waters are more and more enriched, until, at the pacific, even san francisco's shabby sand-hills stir poetry and reverence in the soul by their borrowed magnificence. the travellers soon stop to camp for the night, and while the "breed" falls to at the laborious but quick and simple work, the factor either helps or smokes his pipe. a sight-seer or sportsman would have set his man to bobbing for jack-fish or lake trout, or would have stopped a while to bag a partridge, or might have bought whatever of this sort the trapper or indian village boasted, but, ten to one, this meal would be of bacon and bread or dried meat, and perhaps some flapjacks, such as would bring coin to a doctor in the city, but which seem ethereal and delicious in the wilderness, particularly if made half an inch thick, saturated with grease, well browned, and eaten while at the temperature and consistency of molten lava. [illustration: the factor's fancy toboggan] the sled is pulled up by the bank, the ground is cleared for a fire, wood and brush are cut, and the deft laborer starts the flame in a tent-like pyramid of kindlings no higher or broader than a teacup. this tiny fire he spreads by adding fuel until he has constructed and led up to a conflagration of logs as thick as his thighs, cleverly planned with a backlog and glowing fire bed, and a sapling bent over the hottest part to hold a pendent kettle on its tip. the dogs will have needed disciplining long before this, and if the driver be like many of his kind, and works himself into a fury, he will not hesitate to seize one and send his teeth together through its hide after he has beaten it until he is tired. the point of order having thus been raised and carried, the shaggy, often handsome, animals will be minded to forget their private grudges and quarrels, and, seated on their haunches, with their intelligent faces towards the fire, will watch the cooking intently. the pocket-knives or sheath-knives of the men will be apt to be the only table implement in use at the meal. canada had reached the possession of seigniorial mansions of great character before any other knife was brought to table, though the ladies used costly blades set in precious and beautiful handles. to-day the axe ranks the knife in the wilderness, but he who has a knife can make and furnish his own table--and his house also, for that matter. supper over, and a glass of grog having been put down, with water from the hole in the ice whence the liquid for the inevitable tea was gotten, the night's rest is begun. the method for this varies. as good men as ever walked have asked nothing more cosey than a snug warm trough in the snow and a blanket or a robe; but perhaps this traveller will call for a shake-down of balsam boughs, with all the furs out of the sled for his covering. if nicer yet, he may order a low hollow chamber of three sides of banked snow, and a superstructure of crotched sticks and cross-poles, with canvas thrown over it. every man to his quality, of course, and that of the servant calls for simply a blanket. with that he sleeps as soundly as if he were santa claus and only stirred once a year. then will fall upon what seems the whole world the mighty hush of the wilderness, broken only occasionally by the hoot of an owl, the cry of a wolf, the deep thug of the straining ice on the lake, or the snoring of the men and dogs. but if the earth seems asleep, not so the sky. the magic shuttle of the aurora borealis is ofttimes at work up over that north country, sending its shifting lights weaving across the firmament with a tremulous brilliancy and energy we in this country get but pale hints of when we see the phenomenon at all. flashing and palpitating incessantly, the rose-tinted waves and luminous white bars leap across the sky or dart up and down it in manner so fantastic and so forceful, even despite their shadowy thinness, that travellers have fancied themselves deaf to some seraphic sound that they believed such commotion must produce. an incident of this typical journey i am describing would, at more than one season, be a meeting with some band of indians going to a post with furs for barter. though the bulk of these hunters fetch their quarry in the spring and early summer, some may come at any time. the procession may be only that of a family or of the two or more families that live together or as neighbors. the man, if there is but one group, is certain to be stalking ahead, carrying nothing but his gun. then come the women, laden like pack-horses. they may have a sled packed with the furs and drawn by a dog or two, and an extra dog may bear a balanced load on his back, but the squaw is certain to have a spine-warping burden of meat and a battered kettle and a pappoose, and whatever personal property of any and every sort she and her liege lord own. children who can walk have to do so, but it sometimes happens that a baby a year and a half or two years old is on her back, while a newborn infant, swaddled in blanket stuff, and bagged and tied like a bologna sausage, surmounts the load on the sled. a more tatterdemalion outfit than a band of these pauperized savages form it would be difficult to imagine. on the plains they will have horses dragging travoises, dogs with travoises, women and children loaded with impedimenta, a colt or two running loose, the lordly men riding free, straggling curs a plenty, babies in arms, babies swaddled, and toddlers afoot, and the whole battalion presenting at its exposed points exhibits of torn blankets, raw meat, distorted pots and pans, tent, poles, and rusty traps, in all eloquently suggestive of an eviction in the slums of a great city. i speak thus of these people not willingly, but out of the necessity of truth-telling. the indian east of the rocky mountains is to me the subject of an admiration which is the stronger the more nearly i find him as he was in his prime. it is not his fault that most of his race have degenerated. it is not our fault that we have better uses for the continent than those to which he put it. but it is our fault that he is, as i have seen him, shivering in a cotton tepee full of holes, and turning around and around before a fire of wet wood to keep from freezing to death; furnished meat if he has been fierce enough to make us fear him, left to starve if he has been docile; taught, aye, forced to beg, mocked at by a religion he cannot understand, from the mouths of men who apparently will not understand him; debauched with rum, despoiled by the lust of white men in every form that lust can take. ah, it is a sickening story. not in canada, do you say? why, in the northern wilds of canada are districts peopled by beggars who have been in such pitiful stress for food and covering that the hudson bay company has kept them alive with advances of provisions and blankets winter after winter. they are indians who in their strength never gave the government the concern it now fails to show for their weakness. the great fur company has thus added generosity to its long career of just dealing with these poor adult children; for it is a fact that though the company has made what profit it might, it has not, in a century at least, cheated the indians, or made false representations to them, or lost their good-will and respect by any feature of its policy towards them. its relation to them has been paternal, and they owe none of their degradation to it. [illustration: halt of a york boat brigade for the night] i have spoken of the visits of the natives to the posts. there are two other arrivals of great consequence--the coming of the supplies, and of the winter mail or packet. i have seen the provisions and trade goods being put up in bales in the great mercantile storehouse of the company in winnipeg--a store like a combination of a sixth avenue ladies' bazaar and one of our wholesale grocers' shops--and i have seen such weights of canned vegetables and canned plum-pudding and bottled ale and other luxuries that i am sure that in some posts there is good living on high days and holidays if not always. the stores are packed in parcels averaging sixty pounds (and sometimes one hundred), to make them convenient for handling on the portages--"for packing them over the carries," as our traders used to say. it is in following these supplies that we become most keenly sensible of the changes time has wrought in the methods of the company. the day was, away back in the era of the northwest company, that the goods for the posts went up the ottawa from montreal in great canoes manned by hardy _voyageurs_ in picturesque costumes, wielding scarlet paddles, and stirring the forests with their happy songs. the scene shifted, the companies blended, and the centre of the trade moved from old fort william, close to where port arthur now is on lake superior, up to winnipeg, on the red river of the north. then the canadians and their cousins, the half-breeds, more picturesque than ever, and manning the great york boats of the hudson bay company, swept in a long train through lake winnipeg to norway house, and thence by a marvellous water route all the way to the rockies and the arctic, sending off freight for side districts at fixed points along the course. the main factories on this line, maintained as such for more than a century, bear names whose very mention stirs the blood of one who knows the romantic, picturesque, and poetic history and atmosphere of the old company when it was the landlord (in part, and in part monopolist) of a territory that cut into our northwest and alaska, and swept from labrador to vancouver island. northward and westward, by waters emptying into hudson bay, the brigade of great boats worked through a region embroidered with sheets and ways of water. the system that was next entered, and which bore more nearly due west, bends and bulges with lakes and straits like a ribbon all curved and knotted. thus, at a great portage, the divide was reached and crossed; and so the waters flowing to the arctic, and one--the peace river--rising beyond the rockies, were met and travelled. this was the way and the method until after the canadian pacific railway was built, but now the winnipeg route is of subordinate importance, and feeds only the region near the west side of hudson bay. the northern supplies now go by rail from calgary, in alberta, over the plains by the new edmonton railroad. from edmonton the goods go by cart to athabasca landing, there to be laden on a steamboat, which takes them northward until some rapids are met, and avoided by the use of a singular combination of bateaux and tramway rails. after a slow progress of fifteen miles another steamboat is met, and thence they follow the athabasca, through athabasca lake, and so on up to a second rapids, on the great slave river this time, where oxen and carts carry them across a sixteen-mile portage to a screw steamer, which finishes the -mile journey to the north. of course the shorter branch routes, distributing the goods on either side of the main track, are still traversed by canoes and hardy fellows in the old way, but with shabby accessories of costume and spirit. these boatmen, when they come to a portage, produce their tomplines, and "pack" the goods to the next waterway. by means of these "lines" they carry great weights, resting on their backs, but supported from their skulls, over which the strong straps are passed. the winter mail-packet, starting from winnipeg in the depth of the season, goes to all the posts by dog train. the letters and papers are packed in great boxes and strapped to the sleds, beside or behind which the drivers trot along, cracking their lashes and pelting and cursing the dogs. a more direct course than the old lake winnipeg way has usually been followed by this packet; but it is thought that the route _via_ edmonton and athabasca landing will serve better yet, so that another change may be made. this is a small exhibition as compared with the brigade that takes the supplies, or those others that come plashing down the streams and across the country with the furs every year. but only fancy how eagerly this solitary semi-annual mail is waited for! it is a little speck on the snow-wrapped upper end of all north america. it cuts a tiny trail, and here and there lesser black dots move off from it to cut still slenderer threads, zigzagging to the side factories and lesser posts; but we may be sure that if human eyes could see so far, all those of the white men in all that vast tangled system of trading centres would be watching the little caravan, until at last each pair fell upon the expected missives from the throbbing world this side of the border. viii canada's el dorado [illustration] there is on this continent a territory of imperial extent which is one of the canadian sisterhood of states, and yet of which small account has been taken by those who discuss either the most advantageous relations of trade or that closer intimacy so often referred to as a possibility in the future of our country and its northern neighbor. although british columbia is advancing in rank among the provinces of the dominion by reason of its abundant natural resources, it is not remarkable that we read and hear little concerning it. the people in it are few, and the knowledge of it is even less in proportion. it is but partially explored, and for what can be learned of it one must catch up information piecemeal from blue-books, the pamphlets of scientists, from tales of adventure, and from the less trustworthy literature composed to attract travellers and settlers. it would severely strain the slender facts to make a sizable pamphlet of the history of british columbia. a wandering and imaginative greek called juan de fuca told his people that he had discovered a passage from ocean to ocean between this continent and a great island in the pacific. sent there to seize and fortify it, he disappeared--at least from history. this was about . in captain cook roughly surveyed the coast, and in captain vancouver, who as a boy had been with cook on two voyages, examined the sound between the island and the main-land with great care, hoping to find that it led to the main water system of the interior. he gave to the strait at the entrance the nickname of the greek, and in the following year received the transfer of authority over the country from the spanish commissioner bodega of quadra, then established there. the two put aside false modesty, and named the great island "the island of vancouver and quadra." at the time the english sailor was there it chanced that he met that hardy old homespun baronet sir alexander mackenzie, who was the first man to cross the continent, making the astonishing journey in a canoe manned by iroquois indians. the main-land became known as new caledonia. it took its present name from the columbia river, and that, in turn, got its name from the ship _columbia_, of boston, captain gray, which entered its mouth in , long after the spaniards had known the stream and called it the oregon. the rest is quickly told. the region passed into the hands of the fur-traders. vancouver island became a crown colony in , and british columbia followed in . they were united in , and joined the canadian confederation in . three years later the province exceeded both manitoba and prince edward island in the value of its exports, and also showed an excess of exports over imports. it has a lieutenant-governor and legislative assembly, and is represented at ottawa in accordance with the canadian system. its people have been more closely related to ours in business than those of any other province, and they entertain a warm friendly feeling towards "the states." in the larger cities the fourth of july is informally but generally observed as a holiday. british columbia is of immense size. it is as extensive as the combination of new england, the middle states and maryland, the virginias, the carolinas, and georgia, leaving delaware out. it is larger than texas, colorado, massachusetts, and new hampshire joined together. yet it has been all but overlooked by man, and may be said to be an empire with only one wagon road, and that is but a blind artery halting in the middle of the country. but whoever follows this necessarily incomplete survey of what man has found that region to be, and of what his yet puny hands have drawn from it, will dismiss the popular and natural suspicion that it is a wilderness worthy of its present fate. until the whole globe is banded with steel rails and yields to the plough, we will continue to regard whatever region lies beyond our doors as waste-land, and to fancy that every line of latitude has its own unvarying climatic characteristics. there is an opulent civilization in what we once were taught was "the great american desert," and far up at edmonton, on the peace river, farming flourishes despite the fact that it is where our school-books located a zone of perpetual snow. farther along we shall study a country crossed by the same parallels of latitude that dissect inhospitable labrador, and we shall discover that as great a difference exists between the two shores of the continent on that zone as that which distinguishes california from massachusetts. upon the coast of this neglected corner of the world we shall see that a climate like that of england is produced, as england's is, by a warm current in the sea; in the southern half of the interior we shall discover valleys as inviting as those in our new england; and far north, at port simpson, just below the down reaching claw of our alaska, we shall find such a climate as halifax enjoys. british columbia has a length of miles, and averages miles in width. to whoever crosses the country it seems the scene of a vast earth-disturbance, over which mountains are scattered without system. in fact, however, the cordillera belt is there divided into four ranges, the rockies forming the eastern boundary, then the gold range, then the coast range, and, last of all, that partially submerged chain whose upraised parts form vancouver and the other mountainous islands near the main-land in the pacific. a vast valley flanks the south-western side of the rocky mountains, accompanying them from where they leave our north-western states in a wide straight furrow for a distance of miles. such great rivers as the columbia, the fraser, the parsnip, the kootenay, and the finlay are encountered in it. while it has a lesser agricultural value than other valleys in the province, its mineral possibilities are considered to be very great, and when, as must be the case, it is made the route of communication between one end of the territory and the other, a vast timber supply will be rendered marketable. the gold range, next to the westward, is not bald, like the rockies, but, excepting the higher peaks, is timbered with a dense forest growth. those busiest of all british columbian explorers, the "prospectors," have found much of this system too difficult even for their pertinacity. but the character of the region is well understood. here are high plateaus of rolling country, and in the mountains are glaciers and snow fields. between this system and the coast range is what is called the interior plateau, averaging one hundred miles in width, and following the trend of that portion of the continent, with an elevation that grows less as the north is approached. this plateau is crossed and followed by valleys that take every direction, and these are the seats of rivers and watercourses. in the southern part of this plateau is the best grazing land in the province, and much fine agricultural country, while in the north, where the climate is more most, the timber increases, and parts of the land are thought to be convertible into farms. next comes the coast range, whose western slopes are enriched by the milder climate of the coast; and beyond lies the remarkably tattered shore of the pacific, lapped by a sheltered sea, verdant, indented by numberless inlets, which, in turn, are faced by uncounted islands, and receive the discharge of almost as many streams and rivers--a wondrously beautiful region, forested by giant trees, and resorted to by numbers of fish exceeding calculation and belief. beyond the coast is the bold chain of mountains of which vancouver island and the queen charlotte islands are parts. here is a vast treasure in that coal which our naval experts have found to be the best on the pacific coast, and here also are traces of metals, whose value industry has not yet established. it is a question whether this vast territory has yet , white inhabitants. of indians it has but , , and of chinese about . it is a vast land of silence, a huge tract slowly changing from the field and pleasure-ground of the fur-trader and sportsman to the quarry of the miner. the canadian pacific railway crosses it, revealing to the immigrant and the globe-trotter an unceasing panorama of grand, wild, and beautiful scenery unequalled on this continent. during a few hours the traveller sees, across the majestic cañon of the fraser, the neglected remains of the old cariboo stage road, built under pressure of the gold craze. it demonstrated surprising energy in the baby colony, for it connected yale, at the head of short steam navigation on the fraser, with barkerville, in the distant cariboo country, miles away, and it cost $ , . the traveller sees here and there an indian village or a "mission," and now and then a tiny town; but for the most part his eye scans only the primeval forest, lofty mountains, valleys covered with trees as beasts are with fur, cascades, turbulent streams, and huge sheltered lakes. except at the stations, he sees few men. now he notes a group of chinamen at work on the railway; anon he sees an indian upon a clumsy perch and searching the fraser for salmon, or in a canoe paddling towards the gorgeous sunset that confronts the daily west-bound train as it rolls by great shuswap lake. but were the same traveller out of the train, and gifted with the power to make himself ubiquitous, he would still be, for the most part, lonely. down in the smiling bunch-grass valleys in the south he would see here and there the outfit of a farmer or the herds of a cattle-man. a burst of noise would astonish him near by, in the kootenay country, where the new silver mines are being worked, where claims have been taken up by the thousand, and whither a railroad is hastening. here and there, at points out of sight one from another, he would hear the crash of a lumberman's axe, the report of a hunter's rifle, or the crackle of an indian's fire. on the fraser he would find a little town called yale, and on the coast the streets and ambitious buildings and busy wharves of vancouver would astonish him. victoria, across the strait, a town of larger size and remarkable beauty, would give him company, and near vancouver and victoria the little cities of new westminster and nanaimo (lumber and coal ports respectively) would rise before him. there, close together, he would see more than half the population of the province. [illustration: an impression of shuswap lake, british colombia] fancy his isolation as he looked around him in the northern half of the territory, where a few trails lead to fewer posts of the hudson bay company, where the endless forests and multitudinous lakes and streams are cut by but infrequent paddles in the hands of a race that has lost one-third its numerical strength in the last ten years, where the only true homes are within the palisades or the unguarded log-cabin of the fur-trading agents, and where the only other white men are either washing sand in the river bars, driving the stages of the only line that penetrates a piece of the country, or are those queer devil-may-care but companionable davy crocketts of the day who are guides now and then, hunters half the time, placer-miners when they please, and whatever else there is a can for between-times! a very strange sight that my supposititious traveller would pause long to look at would be the herds of wild horses that defy the queen, her laws, and her subjects in the lillooet valley. there are thousands of them there, and over in the nicola and chilcotin country, on either side of the fraser, north of washington state. they were originally of good stock, but now they not only defy capture, but eat valuable grass, and spoil every horse turned out to graze. the newspapers aver that the government must soon be called upon to devise means for ridding the valleys of this nuisance. this is one of those sections which promise well for future stock-raising and agricultural operations. there are plenty such. the nicola valley has been settled twenty years, and there are many cattle there, on numerous ranches. it is good land, but rather high for grain, and needs irrigation. the snowfall varies greatly in all these valleys, but in ordinary winters horses and cattle manage well with four to six weeks' feeding. on the upper kootenay, a valley eight to ten miles wide, ranching began a quarter of a century ago, during the gold excitement. the "cow-men" raise grain for themselves there. this valley is feet high. the okanagon valley is lower, and is only from two to five miles wide, but both are of similar character, of very great length, and are crossed and intersected by branch valleys. the greater part of the okanagon does not need irrigating. a beautiful country is the kettle river region, along the boundary between the columbia and the okanagon. it is narrow, but flat and smooth on the bottom, and the land is very fine. bunch-grass covers the hills around it for a distance of from four hundred to five hundred feet, and there timber begins. it is only in occasional years that the kettle river valley needs water. in the spallumcheen valley one farmer had acres in grain last summer, and the most modern agricultural machinery is in use there. these are mere notes of a few among almost innumerable valleys that are clothed with bunch-grass, and that often possess the characteristics of beautiful parks. in many wheat can be and is raised, possibly in most of them. i have notes of the successful growth of peaches, and of the growth of almond-trees to a height of fourteen feet in four years, both in the okanagon country. the shooting in these valleys is most alluring to those who are fond of the sport. caribou, deer, bear, prairie-chicken, and partridges abound in them. in all probability there is no similar extent of country that equals the valley of the columbia, from which, in the winter of , between six and eight tons of deer-skins were shipped by local traders, the result of legitimate hunting. but the forests and mountains are as they were when the white man first saw them, and though the beaver and sea-otter, the marten, and those foxes whose furs are coveted by the rich, are not as abundant as they once were, the rest of the game is most plentiful. on the rockies and on the coast range the mountain-goat, most difficult of beasts to hunt, and still harder to get, is abundant yet. the "big-horn," or mountain-sheep, is not so common, but the hunting thereof is usually successful if good guides are obtained. the cougar, the grizzly, and the lynx are all plentiful, and black and brown bears are very numerous. elk are going the way of the "big-horn"--are preceding that creature, in fact. pheasants (imported), grouse, quail, and water-fowl are among the feathered game, and the river and lake fishing is such as is not approached in any other part of the dominion. the province is a sportsman's eden, but the hunting of big game there is not a venture to be lightly undertaken. it is not alone the distance or the cost that gives one pause, for, after the province is reached, the mountain-climbing is a task that no amount of wealth will lighten. and these are genuine mountains, by-the-way, wearing eternal caps of snow, and equally eternal deceit as to their distances, their heights, and as to all else concerning which a rarefied atmosphere can hocus-pocus a stranger. there is one animal, king of all the beasts, which the most unaspiring hunter may chance upon as well as the bravest, and that animal carries a perpetual chip upon its shoulder, and seldom turns from an encounter. it is the grizzly-bear. it is his presence that gives you either zest or pause, as you may decide, in hunting all the others that roam the mountains. yet, in that hunter's dream-land it is the grizzly that attracts many sportsmen every year. from the headquarters of the hudson bay company in victoria i obtained the list of animals in whose skins that company trades at that station. it makes a formidable catalogue of zoological products, and is as follows: bears (brown, black, grizzly), beaver, badger, foxes (silver, cross, and red), fishers, martens, minks, lynxes, musk-rat, otter (sea or land), panther, raccoon, wolves (black, gray, and coyote), black-tailed deer, stags (a true stag, growing to the size of an ox, and found on the hills of vancouver island), caribou or reindeer, hares, mountain-goat, big-horn (or mountain-sheep), moose (near the rockies), wood-buffalo (found in the north, not greatly different from the bison, but larger), geese, swans, and duck. the british columbian indians are of such unprepossessing appearance that one hears with comparative equanimity of their numbering only , in all, and of their rapid shrinkage, owing principally to the vices of their women. they are, for the most part, canoe indians, in the interior as well as on the coast, and they are (as one might suppose a nation of tailors would become) short-legged, and with those limbs small and inclined to bow. on the other hand, their exercise with the paddle has given them a disproportionate development of their shoulders and chests, so that, being too large above and too small below, their appearance is very peculiar. they are fish-eaters the year around; and though some, like the hydahs upon the coast, have been warlike and turbulent, such is not the reputation of those in the interior. it was the meat-eating indian who made war a vocation and self-torture a dissipation. the fish-eating indian kept out of his way. these short squat british columbian natives are very dark-skinned, and have physiognomies so different from those of the indians east of the rockies that the study of their faces has tempted the ethnologists into extraordinary guessing upon their origin, and into a contention which i prefer to avoid. it is not guessing to say that their high check-bones and flat faces make them resemble the chinese. that is true to such a degree that in walking the streets of victoria, and meeting alternate chinamen and siwash, it is not always easy to say which is which, unless one proceeds upon the assumption that if a man looks clean he is apt to be a chinaman, whereas if he is dirty and ragged he is most likely to be a siwash. you will find that seven in ten among the more intelligent british columbians conclude these indians to be of japanese origin. the japanese current is neighborly to the province, and it has drifted japanese junks to these shores. when the first traders visited the neighborhood of the mouth of the columbia they found beeswax in the sand near the vestiges of a wreck, and it is said that one wreck of a junk was met with, and , pounds of this wax was found on her. whalers are said to have frequently encountered wrecked and drifting junks in the eastern pacific, and a local legend has it that in remnants of a junk with three japanese and a cargo of pottery were found on the coast south of cape flattery. nothing less than all this should excuse even a rudderless ethnologist for so cruel a reflection upon the japanese, for these indians are so far from pretty that all who see them agree with captain butler, the traveller, who wrote that "if they are of the mongolian type, the sooner the mongolians change their type the better." [illustration: the tschummum, or tool used in making canoes] the coast indians are splendid sailors, and their dugouts do not always come off second best in racing with the boats of white men. with a primitive yet ingeniously made tool, like an adze, in the construction of which a blade is tied fast to a bent handle of bone, these natives laboriously pick out the heart of a great cedar log, and shape its outer sides into the form of a boat. when the log is properly hollowed, they fill it with water, and then drop in stones which they have heated in a fire. thus they steam the boat so that they may spread the sides and fit in the crossbars which keep it strong and preserve its shape. these dugouts are sometimes sixty feet long, and are used for whaling and long voyages in rough seas. they are capable of carrying tons of the salmon or oolachan or herring, of which these people, who live as their fathers did, catch sufficient in a few days for their maintenance throughout a whole year. one gets an idea of the swarms of fish that infest those waters by the knowledge that before nets were used the herring and the oolachan, or candle-fish were swept into these boats by an implement formed by studding a ten-foot pole with spikes or nails. this was swept among the fish in the water, and the boats were speedily filled with the creatures that were impaled upon the spikes. salmon, sea-otter, otter, beaver, marten, bear, and deer (or caribou or moose) were and still are the chief resources of most of the indians. once they sold the fish and the peltry to the hudson bay company, and ate what parts or surplus they did not sell. now they work in the canneries or fish for them in summer, and hunt, trap, or loaf the rest of the time. however, while they still fish and sell furs, and while some are yet as their fathers were, nearly all the coast indians are semi-civilized. they have at least the white man's clothes and hymns and vices. they have churches; they live in houses; they work in canneries. what little there was that was picturesque about them has vanished only a few degrees faster than their own extinction as a pure race, and they are now a lot of longshoremen. what mr. duncan did for them in metlakahtla--especially in housing the families separately--has not been arrived at even in the reservation at victoria, where one may still see one of the huge, low, shed-like houses they prefer, ornamented with totem poles, and arranged for eight families, and consequently for a laxity of morals for which no one can hold the white man responsible. they are a tractable people, and take as kindly to the rudiments of civilization, to work, and to co-operation with the whites as the plains indian does to tea, tobacco, and whiskey. they are physically but not mentally inferior to the plainsman. they carve bowls and spoons of stone and bone, and their heraldic totem poles are cleverly shapen, however grotesque they may be. they still make them, but they oftener carve little ones for white people, just as they make more silver bracelets for sale than for wear. they are clever at weaving rushes and cedar bark into mats, baskets, floor-cloths, and cargo covers. in a word, they were more prone to work at the outset than most indians, so that the present longshore career of most of them is not greatly to be wondered at. to anyone who threads the vast silent forests of the interior, or journeys upon the trafficless waterways, or, gun in hand, explores the mountains for game, the infrequency with which indians are met becomes impressive. the province seems almost unpeopled. the reason is that the majority of the indians were ever on the coast, where the water yielded food at all times and in plenty. the natives of the interior were not well fed or prosperous when the first white men found them, and since then small-pox, measles, vice, and starvation have thinned them terribly. their graveyards are a feature of the scenery which all travellers in the province remember. from the railroad they may be seen along the fraser, each grave apparently having a shed built over it, and a cross rising from the earth beneath the shed. they had various burial customs, but a majority buried their dead in this way, with queerly-carved or painted sticks above them, where the cross now testifies to the work at the "missions." some indians marked a man's burial-place with his canoe and his gun; some still box their dead and leave the boxes on top of the earth, while others bury the boxes. among the southern tribes a man's horse was often killed, and its skin decked the man's grave; while in the far north it was the custom among the stickeens to slaughter the personal attendants of a chief when he died. the indians along the skeena river cremated their dead, and sometimes hung the ashes in boxes to the family totem pole. the hydahs, the fierce natives of certain of the islands, have given up cremation, but they used to believe that if they did not burn a man's body their enemies would make charms from it. polygamy flourished on the coast, and monogamy in the interior, but the contrast was due to the difference in the worldly wealth of the indians. wives had to be bought and fed, and the woodsmen could only afford one apiece. to return to their canoes, which most distinguish them. when a dugout is hollowed and steamed, a prow and stern are added of separate wood. the prow is always a work of art, and greatly beautifies the boat. it is in form like the breast, neck, and bill of a bird, but the head is intended to represent that of a savage animal, and is so painted. a mouth is cut into it, ears are carved on it, and eyes are painted on the sides; bands of gay paint are put upon the neck, and the whole exterior of the boat is then painted red or black, with an ornamental line of another color along the edge or gunwale. the sailors sit upon the bottom of the boat, and propel it with paddles. upon the water these swift vessels, with their fierce heads uplifted before their long, slender bodies, appear like great serpents or nondescript marine monsters, yet they are pretty and graceful withal. while still holding aloof from the ethnologists' contention, i yet may add that a bookseller in victoria came into the possession of a packet of photographs taken by an amateur traveller in the interior of china, and on my first visit to the province, nearly four years ago, i found, in looking through these views, several chinese boats which were strangely and remarkably like the dugouts of the provincial indians. they were too small in the pictures for it to be possible to decide whether they were built up or dug out, but in general they were of the same external appearance, and each one bore the upraised animal-head prow, shaped and painted like those i could see one block away from the bookseller's shop in victoria. but such are not the canoes used by the indians of the interior. from the kootenay near our border to the cassiar in the far north, a cigar-shaped canoe seems to be the general native vehicle. these are sometimes made of a sort of scroll of bark, and sometimes they are dugouts made of cotton-wood logs. they are narrower than either the cedar dugouts of the coast or the birch-bark canoes of our indians, but they are roomy, and fit for the most dangerous and deft work in threading the rapids which everywhere cut up the navigation of the streams of the province into separated reaches. the rev. dr. gordon, in his notes upon a journey in this province, likens these canoes to horse-troughs, but those i saw in the kootenay country were of the shape of those cigars that are pointed at both ends. [illustration: the first of the salmon run, fraser river] whether these canoes are like any in tartary or china or japan, i do not know. my only quest for special information of that character proved disappointing. one man in a city of british columbia is said to have studied such matters more deeply and to more purpose than all the others, but those who referred me to him cautioned me that he was eccentric. "you don't know where these indians came from, eh?" the _savant_ replied to my first question. "do you know how oyster-shells got on top of the rocky mountains? you don't, eh? well, i know a woman who went to a dentist's yesterday to have eighteen teeth pulled. do you know why women prefer artificial teeth to those which god has given them? you don't, eh? why, man, you don't know anything." while we were--or he was--conversing, a laboring-man who carried a sickle came to the open door, and was asked what he wanted. "i wish to cut your thistles, sir," said he. "thistles?" said the _savant_, disturbed at the interruption. "---- the thistles! we are talking about indians." nevertheless, when the laborer had gone, he had left the subject of thistles uppermost in the _savant's_ mind, and the conversation took so erratic a turn that it might well have been introduced hap-hazard into _tristram shandy_. "about thistles," said the _savant_, laying a gentle hand upon my knee. "do you know that they are the scotchmen's totems? many years ago a scotchman, sundered from his native land, must needs set up his totem, a thistle, here in this country; and now, sir, the thistle is such a curse that i am haled up twice a year and fined for having them in my yard." but nearly enough has been here said of the native population. though the indians boast dozens of tribal names, and almost every island on the coast and village in the interior seems the home of a separate tribe, they will be found much alike--dirty, greasy, sore-eyed, short-legged, and with their unkempt hair cut squarely off, as if a pot had been upturned over it to guide the operation. the british columbians do not bother about their tribal divisions, but use the old traders' chinook terms, and call every male a "siwash" and every woman a "klootchman." since the highest canadian authority upon the subject predicts that the northern half of the cordilleran ranges will admit of as high a metalliferous development as that of the southern half in our pacific states, it is important to review what has been done in mining, and what is thought of the future of that industry in the province. it may almost be said that the history of gold-mining there is the history of british columbia. victoria, the capital, was a hudson bay post established in , and vancouver, queen charlotte's, and the other islands, as well as the main-land, were of interest to only a few white men as parts of a great fur-trading field with a small indian population. the first nugget of gold was found at what is now called gold harbor, on the west coast of the queen charlotte islands, by an indian woman, in . a part of it, weighing four or five ounces, was taken by the indians to fort simpson and sold. the hudson bay company, which has done a little in every line of business in its day, sent a brigantine to the spot, and found a quartz vein traceable eighty feet, and yielding a high percentage of gold. blasting was begun, and the vessel was loaded with ore; but she was lost on the return voyage. an american vessel, ashore at esquimault, near victoria, was purchased, renamed the _recovery_, and sent to gold harbor with thirty miners, who worked the vein until the vessel was loaded and sent to england. news of the mine travelled, and in another year a small fleet of vessels came up from san francisco; but the supply was seen to be very limited, and after $ , in all had been taken out, the field was abandoned. in gold was found by a hudson bay company's employé at fort colville, now in washington state, near the boundary. some thompson river (b. c.) indians who went to walla walla spread a report there that gold, like that discovered at colville, was to be found in the valley of the thompson. a party of canadians and half-breeds went to the region referred to, and found placers nine miles above the mouth of the river. by the news and the authentication of it stirred the miners of california, and an astonishing invasion of the virgin province began. it is said that in the spring of more than twenty thousand persons reached victoria from san francisco by sea, distending the little fur-trading post of a few hundred inhabitants into what would even now be called a considerable city; a city of canvas, however. simultaneously a third as many miners made their way to the new province on land. but the land was covered with mountains and dense forests, the only route to its interior for them was the violent, almost boiling, fraser river, and there was nothing on which the lives of this horde of men could be sustained. by the end of the year out of nearly thirty thousand adventurers only a tenth part remained. those who did stay worked the river bars of the lower fraser until in five months they had shipped from victoria more than half a million dollars' worth of gold. from a historical point of view it is a peculiar coincidence that in , when the attention of the world was thus first attracted to this new country, the charter of the hudson bay company expired, and the territory passed from its control to become like any other crown colony. [illustration: indian salmon-fishing in the thrasher] in the gold-miners, seeking the source of the "flour" gold they found in such abundance in the bed of the river, pursued their search into the heart and almost the centre of that forbidding and unbroken territory. the quesnel river became the seat of their operations. two years later came another extraordinary immigration. this was not surprising, for miners had in one year ( ) taken out $ , , in gold-dust from certain creeks in what is called the cariboo district, and one can imagine (if one does not remember) what fabulous tales were based upon this fact. the second stampede was of persons from all over the world, but chiefly from england, canada, australia, and new zealand. after that there were new "finds" almost every year, and the miners worked gradually northward until, about , they had travelled through the province, in at one end and out at the other, and were working the tributaries of the yukon river in the north, beyond the th parallel. mr. dawson estimates that the total yield of gold between and was $ , , ; the average number of miners employed each year was , and the average earnings per man per year were $ . in his report, published by order of parliament, mr. dawson says that while gold is so generally distributed over the province that scarcely a stream of any importance fails to show at least "colors" of the metal, the principal discoveries clearly indicate that the most important mining districts are in the systems of mountains and high plateaus lying to the south-west of the rocky mountains and parallel in direction with them. this mountain system next to and south-west of the rockies is called, for convenience, the gold range, but it comprises a complex belt "of several more or less distinct and partly overlapping ranges"--the purcell, selkirk, and columbia ranges in the south, and in the north the cariboo, omenica, and cassiar ranges. "this series or system constitutes the most important metalliferous belt of the province. the richest gold fields are closely related to it, and discoveries of metalliferous lodes are reported in abundance from all parts of it which have been explored. the deposits already made known are very varied in character, including highly argentiferous galenas and other silver ores and auriferous quartz veins." this same authority asserts that the gold range is continued by the cabinet, coeur d'alene, and bitter root mountains in our country. while there is no single well-developed gold field as in california, the extent of territory of a character to occasion a hopeful search for gold is greater in the province than in california. the average man of business to whom visitors speak of the mining prospects of the province is apt to declare that all that has been lacking is the discovery of one grand mine and the enlistment of capital (from the united states, they generally say) to work it. mr. dawson speaks to the same point, and incidentally accounts for the retarded development in his statement that one noteworthy difference between practically the entire area of the province and that of the pacific states has been occasioned by the spread and movement of ice over the province during the glacial period. this produced changes in the distribution of surface materials and directions of drainage, concealed beneath "drifts" the indications to which prospectors farther south are used to trust, and by other means obscured the outcrops of veins which would otherwise be well marked. the dense woods, the broken navigation of the rivers, in detached reaches, the distance from the coast of the richest districts, and the cost of labor supplies and machinery--all these are additional and weighty reasons for the slowness of development. but this was true of the past and is not of the present, at least so far as southern british columbia is concerned. railroads are reaching up into it from our country and down from the transcontinental canadian railway, and capital, both canadian and american, is rapidly swelling an already heavy investment in many new and promising mines. here it is silver-mining that is achieving importance. [illustration: going to the potlatch--big canoe, north-west coast] other ores are found in the province. the iron which has been located or worked is principally on the islands--queen charlotte, vancouver, texada, and the walker group. most of the ores are magnetites, and that which alone has been worked--on texada island--is of excellent quality. the output of copper from the province is likely soon to become considerable. masses of it have been found from time to time in various parts of the province--in the vancouver series of islands, on the main-land coast, and in the interior. its constant and rich association with silver shows lead to be abundant in the country, but it needs the development of transport facilities to give it value. platinum is more likely to attain importance as a product in this than in any other part of north america. on the coast the granites are of such quality and occur in such abundance as to lead to the belief that their quarrying will one day be an important source of income, and there are marbles, sandstones, and ornamental stones of which the same may be said. one of the most valuable products of the province is coal, the essential in which our pacific coast states are the poorest. the white man's attention was first attracted to this coal in by some indians who brought lumps of it from vancouver island to the hudson bay post on the main-land, at milbank sound. the _beaver_, the first steamship that stirred the waters of the pacific, reached the province in , and used coal that was found in outcroppings on the island beach. thirteen years later the great trading company brought out a scotch coal-miner to look into the character and extent of the coal find, and he was followed by other miners and the necessary apparatus for prosecuting the inquiry. in the mean time the present chief source of supply at nanaimo, seventy miles from victoria and about opposite vancouver, was discovered, and in mining was begun in earnest. from the very outset the chief market for the coal was found to be san francisco. the original mines are now owned by the vancouver coal-mining and land company. near them are the wellington mines, which began to be worked in . both have continued in active operation from their foundation, and with a constantly and rapidly growing output. a third source of supply has very recently been established with local and american capital in what is called the comox district, back of baynes sound, farther north than nanaimo, on the eastern side of vancouver island. these new works are called the union mines, and, if the predictions of my informants prove true, will produce an output equal to that of the older nanaimo collieries combined. in the coal shipped from nanaimo amounted to tons for every day of the year, and in the total shipment had reached , tons. as to the character of the coal, i quote again from mr. dawson's report on the minerals of british columbia, published by the dominion government: "rocks of cretaceous age are developed over a considerable area in british columbia, often in very great thickness, and fuels occur in them in important quantity in at least two distinct stages, of which the lower and older includes the coal measures of the queen charlotte islands and those of quatsino sound on vancouver island, with those of crow nest pass in the rocky mountains; the upper, the coal measures of nanaimo and comox, and probably also those of suquash and other localities. the lower rocks hold both anthracite and bituminous coal in the queen charlotte islands, but elsewhere contain bituminous coal only. the upper have so far been found to yield bituminous coal only. the fuels of the tertiary rocks are, generally speaking, lignites, but include also various fuels intermediate between these and true coals, which in a few places become true bituminous coals." it is thought to be more than likely that the comox district may prove far more productive than the nanaimo region. it is estimated that productive measures underlie at least square miles in the comox district, exclusive of what may extend beyond the shore. the nanaimo area is estimated at square miles, and the product is no better than, if it equals, that of the comox district. specimens of good coal have been found on the main-land in the region of the upper skeena river, on the british columbia water-shed of the rockies near crow nest pass, and in the country adjacent to the peace river in the eastern part of the province. anthracite which compares favorably with that of pennsylvania has been found at cowgitz, queen charlotte islands. in a mining company began work upon this coal, but abandoned it, owing to difficulties that were encountered. it is now believed that these miners did not prove the product to be of an unprofitable character, and that farther exploration is fully justified by what is known of the field. of inferior forms of coal there is every indication of an abundance on the main-land of the province. "the tertiary or laramie coal measures of puget sound and bellingham bay" (in the united states) "are continuous north of the international boundary, and must underlie nearly , square miles of the low country about the estuary of the fraser and in the lower part of its valley." it is quite possible, since the better coals of nanaimo and comox are in demand in the san francisco market, even at their high price and with the duty added, that these lignite fields may be worked for local consumption. already the value of the fish caught in the british columbian waters is estimated at $ , , a year, and yet the industry is rather at its birth than in its infancy. all the waters in and near the province fairly swarm with fish. the rivers teem with them, the straits and fiords and gulfs abound with them, the ocean beyond is freighted with an incalculable weight of living food, which must soon be distributed among the homes of the civilized world. the principal varieties of fish are the salmon, cod, shad, white-fish, bass, flounder, skate, sole, halibut, sturgeon, oolachan, herring, trout, haddock, smelts, anchovies, dog-fish, perch, sardines, oysters, crayfish shrimps, crabs, and mussels. of other denizens of the water, the whale, sea-otter, and seal prove rich prey for those who search for them. [illustration: the salmon cache] the main salmon rivers are the fraser, skeena, and nasse rivers, but the fish also swarm in the inlets into which smaller streams empty. the nimkish, on vancouver island, is also a salmon stream. setting aside the stories of water so thick with salmon that a man might walk upon their backs, as well as that tale of the stage-coach which was upset by salmon banking themselves against it when it was crossing a fording-place, there still exist absolutely trustworthy accounts of swarms which at their height cause the largest rivers to seem alive with these fish. in such cases the ripple of their back fins frets the entire surface of the stream. i have seen photographs that show the fish in incredible numbers, side by side, like logs in a raft, and i have the word of a responsible man for the statement that he has gotten all the salmon needed for a small camp, day after day, by walking to the edge of a river and jerking the fish out with a common poker. there are about sixteen canneries on the fraser, six on the skeena, three on the nasse, and three scattered in other waters--river inlet and alert bay. the total canning in was , cases, each of one-pound tins. the fish are sold to europe, australia, and eastern canada. the american market takes the columbia river salmon. around $ , , is invested in the vessels, nets, trawls, canneries, oil-factories, and freezing and salting stations used in this industry in british columbia, and about men are employed. "there is no difficulty in catching the fish," says a local historian, "for in some streams they are so crowded that they can readily be picked out of the water by hand." however, gill-nets are found to be preferable, and the fish are caught in these, which are stretched across the streams, and handled by men in flat-bottomed boats. the fish are loaded into scows and transported to the canneries, usually frame structures built upon piles close to the shores of the rivers. in the canneries the tins are made, and, as a rule, saw-mills near by produce the wood for the manufacture of the packing-cases. the fish are cleaned, rid of their heads and tails, and then chopped up and loaded into the tins by chinamen and indian women. the tins are then boiled, soldered, tested, packed, and shipped away. the industry is rapidly extending, and fresh salmon are now being shipped, frozen, to the markets of eastern america and england. my figures for (obtained from the victoria _times_) are in all likelihood under the mark for the season of . the coast is made ragged by inlets, and into nearly every one a watercourse empties. all the larger streams are the haven of salmon in the spawning season, and in time the principal ones will be the bases of canning operations. the dominion government has founded a salmon hatchery on the fraser, above new westminster. it is under the supervision of thomas mowat, inspector of fisheries, and millions of small fry are now annually turned into the great river. whether the unexampled run of was in any part due to this process cannot be said, but certainly the salmon are not diminishing in numbers. it was feared that the refuse from the canneries would injure the "runs" of live fish, but it is now believed that there is a profit to be derived from treating the refuse for oil and guano, so that it is more likely to be saved than thrown back into the streams in the near future. the oolachan, or candle-fish, is a valuable product of these waters, chiefly of the fraser and nasse rivers. they are said to be delicious when fresh, smoked, or salted, and i have it on the authority of the little pamphlet "british columbia," handed me by a government official, that "their oil is considered superior to cod-liver oil, or any other fish-oil known." it is said that this oil is whitish, and of the consistency of thin lard. it is used as food by the natives, and is an article of barter between the coast indians and the tribes of the interior. there is so much of it in a candle-fish of ordinary size that when one of them is dried, it will burn like a candle. it is the custom of the natives on the coast to catch the fish in immense numbers in purse-nets. they then boil them in iron-bottomed bins, straining the product in willow baskets, and running the oil into cedar boxes holding fifteen gallons each. the nasse river candle-fish are the best. they begin running in march, and continue to come by the million for a period of several weeks. codfish are supposed to be very plentiful, and to frequent extensive banks at sea, but these shoals have not been explored or charted by the government, and private enterprise will not attempt the work. similar banks off the alaska coast are already the resorts of california fishermen, who drive a prosperous trade in salting large catches there. the skil, or black cod, formerly known as the "coal-fish," is a splendid deep-water product. these cod weigh from eight to twenty pounds, and used to be caught by the indians with hook and line. already white men are driving the indians out by superior methods. trawls of hooks are used, and the fish are found to be plentiful, especially off the west coast of the queen charlotte islands. the fish is described as superior to the cod of newfoundland in both oil and meat. the general market is not yet accustomed to it, but such a ready sale is found for what are caught that the number of vessels engaged in this fishing increases year by year. it is evident that the catch of skil will soon be an important source of revenue to the province. [illustration: an ideal of the coast] herring are said to be plentiful, but no fleet is yet fitted out for them. halibut are numerous and common. they are often of very great size. sturgeon are found in the fraser, whither they chase the salmon. one weighing pounds was exhibited in victoria a few years ago, and those that weigh more than half as much are not unfrequently captured. the following is a report of the yield and value of the fisheries of the province for : +--------------------------+------------+-----------------+ | kind of fish. | quantity. | value. | | | | | +--------------------------+------------+-----------------+ | | | | | salmon in cans lbs. | , , | $ , , | | " fresh lbs. | , , | , | | " salted bbls. | , | , | | " smoked lbs. | , | , | | sturgeon, fresh | , | , | | halibut, " | , | , | | herring, " | , | , | | " smoked | , | , | | oolachans, " | , | , | | " fresh | , | , | | " salted bbls. | | , | | trout, fresh lbs. | , | , | | fish, assorted | , | , | | smelts, fresh | , | , | | rock cod | , | , | | skil, salted bbls. | , | , | | fooshqua, fresh | , | , | | fur seal-skins no. | , | , | | hair " " | , | , | | sea-otter skins " | | , | | fish oil gals. | , | , | | oysters sacks | , | , | | clams " | , | , | | mussels " | | | | crabs no. | , | , | | abelones boxes | | | | isinglass lbs. | , | , | +--------------------------+------------+ | | estimated fish consumed in province | , | | shrimps, prawns, etc. | , | | estimated consumption by indians-- | | | salmon | , , | | halibut | , | | sturgeon and other fish | , | | fish oils | , | +---------------------------------------+-----------------+ | approximate yield | $ , , | +---------------------------------------+-----------------+ when it is considered that this is the showing of one of the newest communities on the continent, numbering only the population of what we would call a small city, suffering for want of capital and nearly all that capital brings with it, there is no longer occasion for surprise at the provincial boast that they possess far more extensive and richer fishing-fields than any on the atlantic coast. time and enterprise will surely test this assertion, but it is already evident that there is a vast revenue to be wrested from those waters. i have not spoken of the sealing, which yielded $ , in , and may yet be decided to be exclusively an american and not a british columbian source of profit. nor have i touched upon the extraction of oil from herrings and from dog-fish and whales, all of which are small channels of revenue. i enjoyed the good-fortune to talk at length with a civil engineer of high repute who has explored the greater part of southern british columbia--at least in so far as its main valleys, waterways, trails, and mountain passes are concerned. having learned not to place too high a value upon the printed matter put forth in praise of any new country, i was especially pleased to obtain this man's practical impressions concerning the store and quality and kinds of timber the province contains. he said, not to use his own words, that timber is found all the way back from the coast to the rockies, but it is in its most plentiful and majestic forms on the west slope of those mountains and on the west slope of the coast range. the very largest trees are between the coast range and the coast. the country between the rocky mountains and the coast range is dry by comparison with the parts where the timber thrives best, and, naturally, the forests are inferior. between the rockies and the kootenay river cedar and tamaracks reach six and eight feet in diameter, and attain a height of feet not infrequently. there are two or three kinds of fir and some pines (though not very many) in this region. there is very little leaf-wood, and no hard-wood. maples are found, to be sure, but they are rather more like bushes than trees to the british columbian mind. as one moves westward the same timber prevails, but it grows shorter and smaller until the low coast country is reached. there, as has been said, the giant forests occur again. this coast region is largely a flat country, but there are not many miles of it. to this rule, as here laid down, there are some notable exceptions. one particular tree, called there the bull-pine--it is the pine of lake superior and the east--grows to great size all over the province. it is a common thing to find the trunks of these trees measuring four feet in diameter, or nearly thirteen feet in circumference. it is not especially valuable for timber, because it is too sappy. it is short-lived when exposed to the weather, and is therefore not in demand for railroad work; but for the ordinary uses to which builders put timber it answers very well. [illustration: the potlatch] there is a maple which attains great size at the coast, and which, when dressed, closely resembles bird's-eye-maple. it is called locally the vine-maple. the trees are found with a diameter of two-and-a-half to three feet, but the trunks seldom rise above forty or fifty feet. the wood is crooked. it runs very badly. this, of course, is what gives it the beautiful grain it possesses, and which must, sooner or later, find a ready market for it. there is plenty of hemlock in the province, but it is nothing like so large as that which is found in the east, and its bark is not so thick. its size renders it serviceable for nothing larger than railway ties, and the trees grow in such inaccessible places, half-way up the mountains, that it is for the most part unprofitable to handle it. the red cedars--the wood of which is consumed in the manufacture of pencils and cigar-boxes--are also small. on the other hand, the white cedar reaches enormous sizes, up to fifteen feet of thickness at the base, very often. it is not at all extraordinary to find these cedars reaching feet above the ground, and one was cut at port moody, in clearing the way for the railroad, that had a length of feet. when fire rages in the provincial forests, the wood of these trees is what is consumed, and usually the trunks, hollow and empty, stand grimly in their places after the fire would otherwise have been forgotten. these great tubes are often of such dimensions that men put windows and doors in them and use them for dwellings. in the valleys are immense numbers of poplars of the common and cottonwood species, white birch, alder, willow, and yew trees, but they are not estimated in the forest wealth of the province, because of the expense that marketing them would entail. this fact concerning the small timber indicates at once the primitive character of the country, and the vast wealth it possesses in what might be called heroic timber--that is, sufficiently valuable to force its way to market even from out that unopened wilderness. it was the opinion of the engineer to whom i have referred that timber land which does not attract the second glance of a prospector in british columbia would be considered of the first importance in maine and new brunswick. to put it in another way, river-side timber land which in those countries would fetch fifty dollars the acre solely for its wood, in british columbia would not be taken up. in time it may be cut, undoubtedly it must be, when new railroads alter its value, and therefore it is impossible even roughly to estimate the value of the provincial forests. a great business is carried on in the shipment of ninety-foot and one-hundred-foot douglas fir sticks to the great car-building works of our country and canada. they are used in the massive bottom frames of palace cars. the only limit that has yet been reached in this industry is not in the size of the logs, but in the capacities of the saw-mills, and in the possibilities of transportation by rail, for these logs require three cars to support their length. except for the valleys, the whole vast country is enormously rich in this timber, the mountains (excepting the rockies) being clothed with it from their bases to their tops. vancouver island is a heavily and valuably timbered country. it bears the same trees as the main-land, except that it has the oak-tree, and does not possess the tamarack. the vancouver island oaks do not exceed two or two-and-a-half feet in diameter. the douglas fir (our oregon pine) grows to tremendous proportions, especially on the north end of the island. in the old offices of the canadian pacific railway at vancouver are panels of this wood that are thirteen feet across, showing that they came from a tree whose trunk was forty feet in circumference. tens of thousands of these firs are from eight to ten feet in diameter at the bottom. other trees of the province are the great silver-fir, the wood of which is not very valuable; englemann's spruce, which is very like white spruce, and is very abundant; balsam-spruce, often exceeding two feet in diameter; the yellow or pitch pine; white pine; yellow cypress; crab-apple, occurring as a small tree or shrub; western birch, common in the columbia region; paper or canoe birch, found sparingly on vancouver island and on the lower fraser, but in abundance and of large size in the peace river and upper fraser regions; dogwood, arbutus, and several minor trees. among the shrubs which grow in abundance in various districts or all over the province are the following: hazel, red elder, willow, barberry, wild red cherry, blackberry, yellow plum, choke-cherry, raspberry, gooseberry, bearberry, currant, and snowberry, mooseberry, bilberry, cranberry, whortleberry, mulberry, and blueberry. i would have liked to write at length concerning the enterprising cities of the province, but, after all, they may be trusted to make themselves known. it is the region behind them which most interests mankind, and the government has begun, none too promptly, a series of expeditions for exploiting it. as for the cities, the chief among them and the capital, victoria, has an estimated population of , . its business district wears a prosperous, solid, and attractive appearance, and its detached dwellings--all of frame, and of the distinctive type which marks the houses of the california towns--are surrounded by gardens. it has a beautiful but inadequate harbor; yet in a few years it will have spread to esquimault, now less than two miles distant. this is now the seat of a british admiralty station, and has a splendid haven, whose water is of a depth of from six to eight fathoms. at esquimault are government offices, churches, schools, hotels, stores, a naval "canteen," and a dry-dock feet long, feet deep, and feet wide at its entrance. the electric street railroad of victoria was extended to esquimault in the autumn of . of the climate of victoria lord lorne said, "it is softer and more constant than that of the south of england." vancouver, the principal city of the main-land, is slightly smaller than victoria, but did not begin to displace the forest until . after that every house except one was destroyed by fire. to-day it boasts a hotel comparable in most important respects with any in canada, many noble business buildings of brick or stone, good schools, fine churches, a really great area of streets built up with dwellings, and a notable system of wharves, warehouses, etc. the canadian pacific railway terminates here, and so does the line of steamers for china and japan. the city is picturesquely and healthfully situated on an arm of burrard inlet, has gas, water, electric lights, and shows no sign of halting its hitherto rapid growth. of new westminster, nanaimo, yale, and the still smaller towns, there is not opportunity here for more than naming. in the original settlements in that territory a peculiar institution occasioned gala times for the red men now and then. this was the "potlatch," a thing to us so foreign, even in the impulse of which it is begotten, that we have no word or phrase to give its meaning. it is a feast and merrymaking at the expense of some man who has earned or saved what he deems considerable wealth, and who desires to distribute every iota of it at once in edibles and drinkables among the people of his tribe or village. he does this because he aspires to a chieftainship, or merely for the credit of a "potlatch"--a high distinction. indians have been known to throw away such a sum of money that their "potlatch" has been given in a huge shed built for the feast, that hundreds have been both fed and made drunk, and that blankets and ornaments have been distributed in addition to the feast. the custom has a new significance now. it is the white man who is to enjoy a greater than all previous potlatches in that region. the treasure has been garnered during the ages by time or nature or whatsoever you may call the host, and the province itself is offered as the feast. ix dan dunn's outfit at revelstoke, miles from the pacific ocean, in british columbia, a small white steamboat, built on the spot, and exposing a single great paddle-wheel at her stern, was waiting to make another of her still few trips through a wilderness that, but for her presence, would be as completely primitive as almost any in north america. her route lay down the columbia river a distance of about one hundred and thirty miles to a point called sproat's landing, where some rapids interrupt navigation. the main load upon the steamer's deck was of steel rails for a railroad that was building into a new mining region in what is called the kootenay district, just north of our washington and idaho. the sister range to the rockies, called the selkirks, was to be crossed by the new highway, which would then connect the valley of the columbia with the kootenay river. there was a temptation beyond the mere chance to join the first throng that pushed open a gateway and began the breaking of a trail in a brand-new country. there was to be witnessed the propulsion of civilization beyond old confines by steam-power, and this required railroad building in the rockies, where that science finds its most formidable problems. and around and through all that was being done pressed a new population, made up of many of the elements that produced our old-time border life, and gave birth to some of the most picturesque and exciting chapters in american history. it should be understood that here in the very heart of british columbia only the watercourses have been travelled, and there was neither a settlement nor a house along the columbia in that great reach of its valley between our border and the canadian pacific railway, except at the landing at which this boat stopped. over all the varying scene, as the boat ploughed along, hung a mighty silence; for almost the only life on the deep wooded sides of the mountains was that of stealthy game. at only two points were any human beings lodged, and these were wood-choppers who supplied the fuel for the steamer--a chinaman in one place, and two or three white men farther on. in this part of its magnificent valley the columbia broadens in two long loops, called the arrow lakes, each more than two miles wide and twenty to thirty miles in length. their prodigious towering walls are densely wooded, and in places are snow-capped in midsummer. the forest growth is primeval, and its own luxuriance crowds it beyond the edge of the grand stream in the fretwork of fallen trunks and bushes, whose roots are bedded in the soft mass of centuries of forest débris. early in the journey the clerk of the steamer told me that wild animals were frequently seen crossing the river ahead of the vessel; bear, he said, and deer and elk and porcupine. when i left him to go to my state-room and dress for the rough journey ahead of me, he came to my door, calling in excited tones for me to come out on the deck. "there's a big bear ahead!" he cried, and as he spoke i saw the black head of the animal cleaving the quiet water close to the nearer shore. presently bruin's feet touched the bottom, and he bounded into the bush and disappeared. the scenery was superb all the day, but at sundown nature began to revel in a series of the most splendid and spectacular effects. for an hour a haze had clothed the more distant mountains as with a transparent veil, rendering the view dream-like and soft beyond description. but as the sun sank to the summit of the uplifted horizon it began to lavish the most intense colors upon all the objects in view. the snowy peaks turned to gaudy prisms as of crystal, the wooded summits became impurpled, the nearer hills turned a deep green, and the tranquil lake assumed a bright pea-color. above all else, the sky was gorgeous. around its western edge it took on a rose-red blush that blended at the zenith with a deep blue, in which were floating little clouds of amber and of flame-lit pearl. a moonless night soon closed around the boat, and in the morning we were at sproat's landing, a place two months old. the village consisted of a tiny cluster of frame-houses and tents perched on the edge of the steep bank of the columbia. one building was the office and storehouse of the projected railroad, two others were general trading stores, one was the hotel, and the other habitations were mainly tents. i firmly believe there never was a hotel like the hostlery there. in a general way its design was an adaptation of the plan of a hen-coop. possibly a box made of gridirons suggests more clearly the principle of its construction. it was two stories high, and contained about a baker's dozen of rooms, the main one being the bar-room, of course. after the framework had been finished, there was perhaps half enough "slab" lumber to sheathe the outside of the house, and this had been made to serve for exterior and interior walls, and the floors and ceilings besides. the consequence was that a flock of gigantic canaries might have been kept in it with propriety, but as a place of abode for human beings it compared closely with the brooklyn bridge. [illustration: an indian canoe on the columbia] they have in our west many very frail hotels that the people call "telephone houses," because a tenant can hear in every room whatever is spoken in any part of the building; but in this house one could stand in any room and see into all the others. a clergyman and his wife stopped in it on the night before i arrived, and the good woman stayed up until nearly daylight, pinning papers on the walls and laying them on the floor until she covered a corner in which to prepare for bed. i hired a room and stored my traps in it, but i slept in one of the engineers' tents, and met with a very comical adventure. the tent contained two cots, and a bench on which the engineer, who occupied one of the beds, had heaped his clothing. supposing him to be asleep, i undressed quietly, blew out the candle, and popped into my bed. as i did so one pair of its legs broke down, and it naturally occurred to me, at almost the same instant, that the bench was of about the proper height to raise the fallen end of the cot to the right level. "broke down, eh?" said my companion--a man, by-the-way, whose face i have never yet seen. "yes," i replied. "can i put your clothing on the floor and make use of that bench?" "aye, that you can." so out of bed i leaped, put his apparel in a heap on the floor, and ran the bench under my bed. it proved to be a neat substitute for the broken legs, and i was quickly under the covers again and ready for sleep. the engineer's voice roused me. "that's what i call the beauty of a head-piece," he said. presently he repeated the remark. "are you speaking to me?" i asked. "yes; i'm saying that's what i call the beauty of a head-piece. it's wonderful; and many's the day and night i'll think of it, if i live. what do i mean? why, i mean that that is what makes you americans such a great people--it's the beauty of having head-pieces on your shoulders. it's so easy to think quick if you've got something to think with. here you are, and your bed breaks down. what would i do? probably nothing. i'd think what a beastly scrape it was, and i'd keep on thinking till i went to sleep. what do you do? why, as quick as a flash you says, 'hello, here's a go!' 'may i have the bench?' says you. 'yes,' says i. out of bed you go, and you clap the bench under the bed, and there you are, as right as a trivet. that's the beauty of a head-piece, and that's what makes america the wonderful country she is." never was a more sincere compliment paid to my country, and i am glad i obtained it so easily. there was a barber pole in front of the house, set up by a "prospector" who had run out of funds (and everything else except hope), and who, like all his kind, had stopped to "make a few dollars" wherewith to outfit again and continue his search for gold. he noted the local need of a barber, and instantly became one by purchasing a razor on credit, and painting a pole while waiting for custom. he was a jocular fellow--a born new yorker, by-the-way. "don't shave me close," said i. "close?" he repeated. "you'll be the luckiest victim i've slashed yet if i get off any of your beard at all. how's the razor?" "all right." "oh no, it ain't," said he; "you're setting your nerves to stand it, so's not to be called a tender-foot. i'm no barber. i expected to 'tend bar when i bumped up agin this place. if you could see the blood streaming down your face you'd faint." in spite of his self-depreciation, he performed as artistic and painless an operation as i ever sat through. while i was being shaved the loungers in the barber-shop entered into a conversation that revealed, as nothing else could have disclosed it, the deadly monotony of life in that little town. a hen cackled out-of-doors, and the loungers fell to questioning one another as to which hen had laid an egg. "it must be the black one," said the barber. "yet it don't exactly sound like old blacky's cackle," said a more deliberate and careful speaker. "'pears to me 's though it might be the speckled un," ventured a third. "she ain't never laid no eggs," said the barber. "could it be the bantam?" another inquired. thus they discussed with earnestness this most interesting event of the morning, until a young man darted into the room with his eyes lighted by excitement. "say, bill," said he, almost breathlessly, "that's the speckled hen a-cackling, by thunder! she's laid an egg, i guess." [illustration: "you're setting your nerves to stand it"] in sproat's landing we saw the nucleus of a railroad terminal point. the queer hotel was but little more peculiar than many of the people who gathered on the single street on pay-day to spend their hard-earned money upon a great deal of illicit whiskey and a few rude necessaries from the limited stock on sale in the stores. there never had been any grave disorder there, yet the floating population was as motley a collection of the riffraff of the border as one could well imagine, and there was only one policeman to enforce the law in a territory the size of rhode island. he was quite as remarkable in his way as any other development of that embryotic civilization. his name was jack kirkup, and all who knew him spoke of him as being physically the most superb example of manhood in the dominion. six feet and three inches in height, with the chest, neck, and limbs of a giant, his three hundred pounds of weight were so exactly his complement as to give him the symmetry of an apollo. he was good-looking, with the beauty of a round-faced, good-natured boy, and his thick hair fell in a cluster of ringlets over his forehead and upon his neck. no knight of arthur's circle can have been more picturesque a figure in the forest than this "jack." he was as neat as a dandy. he wore high boots and corduroy knickerbockers, a flannel shirt and a sack-coat, and rode his big bay horse with the ease and grace of a skobeleff. he smoked like a fire of green brush, but had never tasted liquor in his life. in a dozen years he had slept more frequently in the open air, upon pebble beds or in trenches in the snow, than upon ordinary bedding, and he exhibited, in his graceful movements, his sparkling eyes and ruddy cheeks, his massive frame and his imperturbable good-nature, a degree of health and vigor that would seem insolent to the average new yorker. now that the railroad was building, he kept ever on the trail, along what was called "the right of way"--going from camp to camp to "jump" whiskey peddlers and gamblers and to quell disorder--except on pay-day, once a month, when he stayed at sproat's landing. [illustration: jack kirkup, the mountain sheriff] the echoes of his fearless behavior and lively adventures rang in every gathering. the general tenor of the stories was to the effect that he usually gave one warning to evil-doers, and if they did not heed that he "cleaned them out." he carried a revolver, but never had used it. even when the most notorious gambler on our border had crossed over into "jack's" bailiwick the policeman depended upon his fists. he had met the gambler and had "advised" him to take the cars next day. the gambler, in reply, had suggested that both would get along more quietly if each minded his own affairs, whereupon kirkup had said, "you hear me: take the cars out of here to-morrow." the little community (it was donald, b. c., a very rough place at the time) held its breathing for twenty-four hours, and at the approach of train-time was on tiptoe with strained anxiety. at twenty minutes before the hour the policeman, amiable and easy-going as ever in appearance, began a tour of the houses. it was in a tavern that he found the gambler. "you must take the train," said he. "you can't make me," replied the gambler. there were no more words. in two minutes the giant was carrying the limp body of the ruffian to a wagon, in which he drove him to the jail. there he washed the blood off the gambler's face and tidied his collar and scarf. from there the couple walked to the cars, where they parted amicably. "i had to be a little rough," said kirkup to the loungers at the station, "because he was armed like a pin-cushion, and i didn't want to have to kill him." we made the journey from sproat's landing to the kootenay river upon a sorry quartet of pack-horses that were at other times employed to carry provisions and material to the construction camps. they were of the kind of horses known all over the west as "cayuses." the word is the name of a once notable tribe of indians in what is now the state of washington. to these indians is credited the introduction of this small and peculiar breed of horses, but many persons in the west think the horses get the nickname because of a humorous fancy begotten of their wildness, and suggesting that they are only part horses and part coyotes. but all the wildness and the characteristic "bucking" had long since been "packed" out of these poor creatures, and they needed the whip frequently to urge them upon a slow progress. kirkup was going his rounds, and accompanied us on our journey of less than twenty miles to the kootenay river. on the way one saw every stage in the construction of a railway. the process of development was reversed as we travelled, because the work had been pushed well along where we started, and was but at its commencement where we ended our trip. at the landing half a mile or more of the railroad had been completed, even to the addition of a locomotive and two gondola cars. beyond the little strip of rails was a long reach of graded road-bed, and so the progress of the work dwindled, until at last there was little more than the trail-cutters' path to mark what had been determined as the "right of way." for the sake of clearness, i will first explain the steps that are taken at the outset in building a railroad, rather than tell what parts of the undertaking we came upon in passing over the various "contracts" that were being worked in what appeared a confusing and hap-hazard disorder. i have mentioned that one of the houses at the landing was the railroad company's storehouse, and that near by were the tents of the surveyors or civil engineers. the road was to be a branch of the canadian pacific system, and these engineers were the first men sent into the country, with instructions to survey a line to the new mining region, into which men were pouring from the older parts of canada and from our country. it was understood by them that they were to hit upon the most direct and at the same time the least expensive route for the railroad to take. they went to the scene of their labors by canoes, and carried tents, blankets, instruments, and what they called their "grub stakes," which is to say, their food. then they travelled over the ground between their two terminal points, and back by another route, and back again by still another route, and so back and forth perhaps four and possibly six times. in that way alone were they enabled to select the line which offered the shortest length and the least obstacles in number and degree for the workmen who were to come after them. [illustration: engineer on the preliminary survey] at sproat's landing i met an engineer, mr. b. c. stewart, who is famous in his profession as the most tireless and intrepid exponent of its difficulties in the dominion. the young men account it a misfortune to be detailed to go on one of his journeys with him. it is his custom to start out with a blanket, some bacon and meal, and a coffee-pot, and to be gone for weeks, and even for months. there scarcely can have been a hardier scotchman, one of more simple tastes and requirements, or one possessing in any higher degree the quality called endurance. he has spent years in the mountains of british columbia, finding and exploring the various passes, the most direct and feasible routes to and from them, the valleys between the ranges, and the characteristics of each section of the country. in a vast country that has not otherwise been one-third explored he has made himself familiar with the full southern half. he has not known what it was to enjoy a home, nor has he seen an apple growing upon a tree in many years. during his long and close-succeeding trips he has run the whole gamut of the adventures incident to the lives of hunters or explorers, suffering hunger, exposure, peril from wild beasts, and all the hair-breadth escapes from frost and storm and flood that nature unvanquished visits upon those who first brave her depths. such is the work and such are the men that figure in the foremost preliminaries to railroad building. whoever has left the beaten path of travel or gone beyond a well-settled region can form a more or less just estimate of that which one of these professional pioneers encounters in prospecting for a railroad. i had several "tastes," as the irish express it, of that very kootenay valley. i can say conscientiously that i never was in a wilder region. in going only a few yards from the railroad "right of way" the difficulties of an experienced pedestrianism like my own instantly became tremendous. there was a particularly choice spot for fishing at a distance of three-quarters of a mile from dan dunn's outfit, and i travelled the road to it half a dozen times. bunyan would have strengthened the _pilgrim's progress_ had he known of such conditions with which to surround his hero. between rocks the size of a city mansion and unsteady bowlders no larger than a man's head the ground was all but covered. among this wreckage trees grew in wild abundance, and countless trunks of dead ones lay rotting between them. a jungle as dense as any i ever saw was formed of soft-wood saplings and bushes, so that it was next to impossible to move a yard in any direction. it was out of the question for anyone to see three yards ahead, and there was often no telling when a foot was put down whether it was going through a rotten trunk or upon a spinning bowlder, or whether the black shadows here and there were a foot deep or were the mouths of fissures that reached to china. i fished too long one night, and was obliged to make that journey after dark. after ten minutes crowded with falls and false steps, the task seemed so hopelessly impossible that i could easily have been induced to turn back and risk a night on the rocks at the edge of the tide. it was after a thorough knowledge of the natural conditions which the railroad men were overcoming that the gradual steps of their progress became most interesting. the first men to follow the engineers, after the specifications have been drawn up and the contracts signed, are the "right-of-way" men. these are partly trail-makers and partly laborers at the heavier work of actually clearing the wilderness for the road-bed. the trail-cutters are guided by the long line of stakes with which the engineers have marked the course the road is to take. the trail-men are sent out to cut what in general parlance would be called a path, over which supplies are to be thereafter carried to the workmen's camps. the path they cut must therefore be sufficiently wide for the passage along it of a mule and his load. as a mule's load will sometimes consist of the framework of a kitchen range, or the end boards of a bedstead, a five-foot swath through the forest is a trail of serviceable width. the trail-cutters fell the trees to right and left, and drag the fallen trunks out of the path as they go along, travelling and working between a mile and two miles each day, and moving their tents and provisions on pack-horses as they advance. they keep reasonably close to the projected line of the railway, but the path they cut is apt to be a winding one that avoids the larger rocks and the smaller ravines. great distortions, such as hills or gullies, which the railroad must pass through or over, the trail men pay no heed to; neither do the pack-horses, whose tastes are not consulted, and who can cling to a rock at almost any angle, like flies of larger growth. this trail, when finished, leads from the company's storehouse all along the line, and from that storehouse, on the backs of the pack-animals, come all the food and tools and clothing, powder, dynamite, tents, and living utensils, to be used by the workmen, their bosses, and the engineers. slowly, behind the trail-cutters, follow the "right-of-way" men. these are axemen also. all that they do is to cut the trees down and drag them out of the way. it is when the axemen have cleared the right of way that the first view of the railroad in embryo is obtainable. and very queer it looks. it is a wide avenue through the forest, to be sure, yet it is little like any forest drive that we are accustomed to in the realms of civilization. [illustration: falling monarchs] every succeeding stage of the work leads towards the production of an even and level thoroughfare, without protuberance or depression, and in the course of our ride to dan dunn's camp on the kootenay we saw the rapidly developing railroad in each phase of its evolution from the rough surface of the wilderness. now we would come upon a long reach of finished road-bed on comparatively level ground all ready for the rails, with carpenters at work in little gullies which they were spanning with timber trestles. next we would see a battalion of men and dump-carts cutting into a hill of dirt and carting its substance to a neighboring valley, wherein they were slowly heaping a long and symmetrical wall of earth-work, with sloping sides and level top, to bridge the gap between hill and hill. again, we came upon places where men ran towards us shouting that a "blast" was to be fired. here was what was called "rockwork," where some granite rib of a mountain or huge rocky knoll was being blown to flinders with dynamite. and so, through all these scenes upon the pack-trail, we came at last to a white camp of tents hidden in the lush greenery of a luxuriant forest, and nestling beside a rushing mountain torrent of green water flecked with the foam from an eternal battle with a myriad of sunken rocks. it was dunn's headquarters--the construction camp. evening was falling, and the men were clambering down the hill-side trails from their work. there was no order in the disposition of the tents, nor had the forest been prepared for them. their white sides rose here and there wherever there was a space between the trees, as if so many great white moths had settled in a garden. huge trees had been felled and thrown across ravines to serve as aerial foot-paths from point to point, and at the river's edge two or three tents seemed to have been pushed over the steep bluff to find lodgement on the sandy beach beside the turbulent stream. there were other camps on the line of this work, and it is worth while to add a word about their management and the system under which they were maintained. in the first place, each camp is apt to be the outfit of a contractor. the whole work of building a railroad is let out in contracts for portions of five, ten, or fifteen miles. even when great jobs of seventy or a hundred miles are contracted for in one piece, it is customary for the contractor to divide his task and sublet it. but a fairly representative bit of mountain work is that which i found dan dunn superintending, as the factotum of the contractor who undertook it. if a contractor acts as "boss" himself, he stays upon the ground; but in this case the contractor had other undertakings in hand. hence the presence of dan dunn, his walking boss or general foreman. dunn is a man of means, and is himself a contractor by profession, who has worked his way up from a start as a laborer. the camp to which we came was a portable city, complete except for its lack of women. it had its artisans, its professional men, its store and workshops, its seat of government and officers, and its policeman, its amusement hall, its work-a-day and social sides. its main peculiarity was that its boss (for it was like an american city in the possession of that functionary also) had announced that he was going to move it a couple of miles away on the following sunday. one tent was the stableman's, with a capacious "corral" fenced in near by for the keeping of the pack horses and mules. his corps of assistants was a large one; for, besides the pack-horses that connected the camp with the outer world, he had the keeping of all the "grade-horses," so called--those which draw the stone and dirt carts and the little dump-cars on the false tracks set up on the levels near where "filling" or "cutting" is to be done. another tent was the blacksmith's. he had a "helper," and was a busy man, charged with all the tool-sharpening, the care of all the horses' feet, and the repairing of all the iron-work of the wagons, cars, and dirt-scrapers. near by was the harness-man's tent, the shop of the leather-mender. in the centre of the camp, like a low citadel, rose a mound of logs and earth bearing on a sign the single word "powder," but containing within its great sunken chamber a considerable store of various explosives--giant, black, and judson powder, and dynamite. [illustration: dan dunn on his works] more tremendous force is used in railroad blasting than most persons imagine. in order to perform a quick job of removing a section of solid mountain, the drill-men, after making a bore, say, twenty feet in depth, begin what they call "springing" it by exploding little cartridges in the bottom of the drill hole until they have produced a considerable chamber there. the average amount of explosive for which they thus prepare a place is or kegs of giant powder and kegs of black powder; but dunn told me he had seen kegs of black powder and pounds of dynamite used in a single blast in mountain work. another tent was that of the time-keeper. he journeyed twice a day all over the work, five miles up and five down. on one journey he noted what men were at labor in the forenoon, and on his return he tallied those who were entitled to pay for the second half of the day. such an official knows the name of every laborer, and, moreover, he knows the pecuniary rating of each man, so that when the workmen stop him to order shoes or trousers, blankets, shirts, tobacco, penknives, or what not, he decides upon his own responsibility whether they have sufficient money coming to them to meet the accommodation. the "store" was simply another tent. in it was kept a fair supply of the articles in constant demand--a supply brought from the headquarters store at the other end of the trail, and constantly replenished by the pack-horses. this trading-place was in charge of a man called "the book-keeper," and he had two or three clerks to assist him. the stock was precisely like that of a cross-roads country store in one of our older states. its goods included simple medicines, boots, shoes, clothing, cutlery, tobacco, cigars, pipes, hats and caps, blankets, thread and needles, and several hundred others among the ten thousand necessaries of a modern laborer's life. the only legal tender received there took the shape of orders written by the time-keeper, for the man in charge of the store was not required to know the ratings of the men upon the pay-roll. [illustration: the supply train over the mountain] the doctor's tent was among the rest, but his office might aptly have been said to be "in the saddle." he was nominally employed by the company, but each man was "docked," or charged, seventy-five cents a month for medical services whether he ever needed a doctor or not. when i was in the camp there was only one sick man--a rheumatic. he had a tent all to himself, and his meals were regularly carried to him. though he was a stranger to every man there, and had worked only one day before he surrendered to sickness, a purse of about forty dollars had been raised for him among the men, and he was to be "packed" to sproat's landing on a mule at the company's expense whenever the doctor decreed it wise to move him. of course invalidism of a more serious nature is not infrequent where men work in the paths of sliding rocks, beneath caving earth, amid falling forest trees, around giant blasts, and with heavy tools. another one of the tents was that of the "boss packer." he superintended the transportation of supplies on the pack-trail. this "job of men," as dunn styled his camp, employed thirty pack horses and mules. the pack-trains consisted of a "bell-horse" and boy, and six horses following. each animal was rated to carry a burden of pounds of dead weight, and to require three quarts of meal three times a day. another official habitation was the "store-man's" tent. as a rule, there is a store-man to every ten miles of construction work; often every camp has one. the store-man keeps account of the distribution of the supplies of food. he issues requisitions upon the head storehouse of the company, and makes out orders for each day's rations from the camp store. the cooks are therefore under him, and this fact suggests a mention of the principal building in the camp--the mess hall, or "grub tent." this structure was of a size to accommodate two hundred men at once. two tables ran the length of the unbroken interior--tables made roughly of the slabs or outside boards from a saw-mill. the benches were huge tree-trunks spiked fast upon stumps. there was a bench on either side of each table, and the places for the men were each set with a tin cup and a tin pie plate. the bread was heaped high on wooden platters, and all the condiments--catsup, vinegar, mustard, pepper, and salt--were in cans that had once held condensed milk. the cooks worked in an open-ended extension at the rear of the great room. the rule is to have one cook and two "cookees" to each sixty men. while i was a new arrival just undergoing introduction, the men, who had come in from work, and who had "washed up" in the little creeks and at the river bank, began to assemble in the "grub tent" for supper. they were especially interesting to me because there was every reason to believe that they formed an assembly as typical of the human flotsam of the border as ever was gathered on the continent. very few were what might be called born laborers; on the contrary, they were mainly men of higher origin who had failed in older civilizations; outlaws from the states; men who had hoped for a gold-mine until hope was all but dead; men in the first flush of the gold fever; ne'er-do-wells; and here and there a working-man by training. they ate as a good many other sorts of men do, with great rapidity, little etiquette, and just enough unselfishness to pass each other the bread. it was noticeable that they seemed to have no time for talking. certainly they had earned the right to be hungry, and the food was good and plentiful. [illustration: a sketch on the work] dan dunn's tent was just in front of the mess tent, a few feet away on the edge of the river bluff. it was a little "a" tent, with a single cot on one side, a wooden chest on the other, and a small table between the two at the farther end, opposite the door. "are ye looking at my wolverenes?" said he. "there's good men among them, and some that ain't so good, and many that's worse. but railroading is good enough for most of 'em. it ain't too rich for any man's blood, i assure ye." over six feet in height, broad-chested, athletic, and carrying not an ounce of flesh that could be spared, dan dunn's was a striking figure even where physical strength was the most serviceable possession of every man. from never having given his personal appearance a thought--except during a brief period of courtship antecedent to the establishment of a home in old ontario--he had so accustomed himself to unrestraint that his habitual attitude was that of a long-bladed jack-knife not fully opened. his long spare arms swung limberly before a long spare body set upon long spare legs. his costume was one that is never described in the advertisements of city clothiers. it consisted of a dust-coated slouch felt hat, which a dealer once sold for black, of a flannel shirt, of homespun trousers, of socks, and of heavy "brogans." in all, his dress was what the æsthetes of mr. wilde's day might have aptly termed a symphony in dust. his shoes and hat had acquired a mud-color, and his shirt and trousers were chosen because they originally possessed it. yet dan dunn was distinctly a cleanly man, fond of frequent splashing in the camp toilet basins--the kootenay river and its little rushing tributaries. he was not shaven. as a rule he is not, and yet at times he is, as it happens. i learned that on sundays, when there was nothing to do except to go fishing, or to walk over to the engineer's camp for intellectual society, he felt the unconscious impulse of a forgotten training, and put on a coat. he even tied a black silk ribbon under his collar on such occasions, and if no one had given him a good cigar during the week, he took out his best pipe (which had been locked up, because whatever was not under lock and key was certain to be stolen in half an hour). then he felt fitted, as he would say, "for a hard day's work at loafing." [illustration: the mess tent at night] if you came upon dan dunn on broadway, he would look as awkward as any other animal removed from its element; yet on a forest trail not even davy crockett was handsomer or more picturesque. his face is reddish-brown and as hard-skinned as the top of a drum, befitting a man who has lived out-of-doors all his life. but it is a finely moulded face, instinct with good-nature and some gentleness. the witchery of quick irish humor lurks often in his eyes, but can quickly give place on occasion to a firm light, which is best read in connection with the broad, strong sweep of his massive under-jaw. there you see his fitness to command small armies, even of what he calls "wolverenes." he is willing to thrash any man who seems to need the operation, and yet he is equally noted for gathering a squad of rough laborers in every camp to make them his wards. he collects the money such men earn, and puts it in bank, or sends it to their families. "it does them as much good to let me take it as to chuck it over a gin-mill bar," he explained. as we stood looking into the crowded booth, where the men sat elbow to elbow, and all the knife blades were plying to and from all the plates and mouths, dunn explained that his men were well fed. "the time has gone by," said he, "when you could keep an outfit on salt pork and bacon. it's as far gone as them days when they say the hudson bay company fed its laborers on rabbit tracks and a stick. did ye never hear of that? why, sure, man, 'twas only fifty years ago that when meal hours came the bosses of the big trading company would give a workman a stick, and point out some rabbit tracks, and tell him he'd have an hour to catch his fill. but in railroading nowadays we give them the best that's going, and all they want of it--beef, ham, bacon, potatoes, mush, beans, oatmeal, the choicest fish, and game right out of the woods, and every sort of vegetable (canned, of course). oh, they must be fed well, or they wouldn't stay." he said that the supplies of food are calculated on the basis of three-and-a-half pounds of provisions to a man--all the varieties of food being proportioned so that the total weight will be three-and-a-half pounds a day. the orders are given frequently and for small amounts, so as to economize in the number of horses required on the pack-trail. the amount to be consumed by the horses is, of course, included in the loads. the cost of "packing" food over long distances is more considerable than would be supposed. it was estimated that at dunn's camp the freighting cost forty dollars a ton, but i heard of places farther in the mountains where the cost was double that. indeed, a discussion of the subject brought to light the fact that in remote mining camps the cost of "packing" brought lager-beer in bottles up to the price of champagne. at one camp on the kootenay bacon was selling at the time i was in the valley at thirty cents a pound, and dried peaches fetched forty cents under competition. as we looked on, the men were eating fresh beef and vegetables, with tea and coffee and pie. the head cook was a man trained in a lumber camp, and therefore ranked high in the scale of his profession. every sort of cook drifts into camps like these, and that camp considers itself the most fortunate which happens to eat under the ministrations of a man who has cooked on a steamboat; but a cook from a lumber camp is rated almost as proudly. [illustration: "they gained erectness by slow jolts"] "ye would not think it," said dunn, "but some of them men has been bank clerks, and there's doctors and teachers among 'em--everything, in fact, except preachers. i never knew a preacher to get into a railroad gang. the men are always changing--coming and going. we don't have to advertise for new hands. the woods is full of men out of a job, and out of everything--pockets, elbows, and all. they drift in like peddlers on a pay-day. they come here with no more clothing than will wad a gun. the most of them will get nothing after two months' work. you see, they're mortgaged with their fares against them (thirty to forty dollars for them which the railroad brings from the east), and then they have their meals to pay for, at five dollars a week while they're here, and on top of that is all the clothing and shoes and blankets and tobacco, and everything they need--all charged agin them. it's just as well for them, for the most of them are too rich if they're a dollar ahead. there's few of them can stand the luxury of thirty dollars. when they get a stake of them dimensions, the most of them will stay no longer after pay-day than john brown stayed in heaven. the most of them bang it all away for drink, and they are sure to come back again, but the 'prospectors' and chronic tramps only work to get clothes and a flirting acquaintance with food, as well as money enough to make an affidavit to, and they never come back again at all. out of men we had in one big work in canada, to knocked off every month. ninety per cent. came back. they had just been away for an old-fashioned drunk." it would be difficult to draw a parallel between these laborers and any class or condition of men in the east. they were of every nationality where news of gold-mines, of free settlers' sections, or of quick fortunes in the new world had penetrated. i recognized greeks, finns, hungarians, danes, scotch, english, irish, and italians among them. not a man exhibited a coat, and all were tanned brown, and were as spare and slender as excessively hard work can make a man. there was not a superfluity or an ornament in sight as they walked past me; not a necktie, a finger-ring, nor a watch-chain. there were some very intelligent faces and one or two fine ones in the band. two typical old-fashioned prospectors especially attracted me. they were evidently of gentle birth, but time and exposure had bent them, and silvered their long, unkempt locks. worse than all, it had planted in their faces a blended expression of sadness and hope fatigued that was painful to see. it is the brand that is on every old prospector's face. a very few of the men were young fellows of thirty, or even within the twenties. their youth impelled them to break away from the table earlier than the others, and, seizing their rods, to start off for the fishing in the river. but those who thought of active pleasure were few indeed. theirs was killing work, the most severe kind, and performed under the broiling sun, that at high mountain altitudes sends the mercury above on every summer's day, and makes itself felt as if the rarefied atmosphere was no atmosphere at all. after a long day at the drill or the pick or shovel in such a climate, it was only natural that the men should, with a common impulse, seek first the solace of their pipes, and then of the shake-downs in their tents. i did not know until the next morning how severely their systems were strained; but it happened at sunrise on that day that i was at my ablutions on the edge of the river when dan dunn's gong turned the silent forest into a bedlam. it was called the seven-o'clock alarum, and was rung two hours earlier than that hour, so that the men might take two hours after dinner out of the heat of the day, "else the sun would kill them," dunn said. this was apparently his device, and he kept up the transparent deception by having every clock and watch in the camp set two hours out of time. with the sounding of the gong the men began to appear outside the little tents in which they slept in couples. they came stumbling down the bluff to wash in the river, and of all the pitiful sights i ever saw, they presented one of the worst; of all the straining and racking and exhaustion that ever hard labor gave to men, they exhibited the utmost. they were but half awakened, and they moved so painfully and stiffly that i imagined i could hear their bones creak. i have seen spavined work-horses turned out to die that moved precisely as these men did. it was shocking to see them hobble over the rough ground; it was pitiful to watch them as they attempted to straighten their stiffened bodies after they had been bent double over the water. they gained erectness by slow jolts, as if their joints were of iron that had rusted. of course they soon regained whatever elasticity nature had left them, and were themselves for the day--an active, muscular force of men. but that early morning sight of them was not such a spectacle as a right-minded man enjoys seeing his fellows take part in. the end interesting works of travel and exploration. =allen's blue-grass region=. the blue-grass region of kentucky, and other kentucky articles. by james lane allen. illustrated. vo, cloth, ornamental, $ . =miss edwards's egypt=. pharaohs, fellahs, and explorers. by amelia b. edwards. profusely illustrated. vo, cloth, $ . =hearn's west indies=. two years in the french west indies. by lafcadio hearn. illustrated. post vo, cloth, ornamental, $ . =miss scidmore's japan=. jinrikisha days in japan. by eliza ruhamah scidmore. illustrated. post vo, cloth, ornamental, $ . =child's south america=. spanish-american republics. by theodore child. profusely illustrated. square vo, cloth, $ . =the tsar and his people=. the tsar and his people; 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[illustration: lord strathcona and mount royal _present governor of the hudson's bay company_.] the great company being a history of the honourable company of merchants-adventurers trading into hudson's bay by beckles willson with an introduction by lord strathcona and mount royal present governor of the hudson's bay company with original drawings by arthur heming and maps, plans and illustrations new york dodd, mead & company entered according to act of the parliament of canada, in the year one thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine, by the copp, clark company, limited, toronto, in the office of the minister of agriculture. to the right honourable sir wilfrid laurier, g.c.m.g., to whose generous suggestion and continued encouragement is so largely due the compilation of these annals. preface. praiseworthy as the task is of unifying the scattered elements of our canadian story, yet it will hardly be maintained that such historical studies ought not to be preceded by others of a more elementary character. herein, then, are chronicled the annals of an institution coherent and compact--an isolated unit. the hudson's bay company witnessed the french dominion in northamerica rise to its extreme height, decline and disappear; it saw new colonies planted by britain; it saw them quarrel with the parent state, and themselves become transformed into states. wars came and passed--european powers on this continent waxed and waned, rose and faded away; remote forests were invaded by loyal subjects who erected the wilderness into opulent provinces. change, unceasing, never-ending change, has marked the history of this hemisphere of ours; yet there is one force, one institution, which survived nearly all conditions and all _régimes_. for two full centuries the hudson's bay company existed, unshorn of its greatness, and endures still--the one enduring pillar in the new world mansion. in pondering the early records of the company, one truth will hardly escape observation. it did not go forth amongst the savages with the bible in its hand. elsewhere, an old axiom, and true--first the missionary, then the soldier, then the trader. in the case of the company, this order has been reversed. the french associations in canada for the collection and sale of furs were preceded by the jesuits--brave, fearless, self-denying--whose deeds form the theme of some of parkman's most thrilling pages. a few years since, in the solitudes of the west, two european tourists were struck by the frequency with which they encountered a certain mystic legend. eager to solve its meaning, they addressed a half-breed lounger at a small station on the canadian pacific railway. "tell us, my friend," they said, "what those three letters yonder signify. wherever we travel in this country we encounter 'h. b. c.' we have seen the legend sewn on the garments of indians; we have seen it flying from rude forts; it has been painted on canoes; it is inscribed on bales and boxes. what does 'h. b. c.' mean?" "that's _the company_," returned the native grimly, "here before christ." might not the first missionary who, in , reached york factory contemplate his vast cure, and say: here, bartering, civilizing, judging, corrupting, revelling, slaying, marching through the trackless forest, making laws and having dominion over a million souls--_here before christ!_ it is probable a day is at hand when all this area will be dotted with farms, villages and cities, a time when its forests will be uprooted and the plains of rupert's land and the north-west territory tilled by the husbandman, its hills and valleys exploited by the miner; yet, certain spots in this vast region must ever bear testimony to the hunter of furs. remote, solitary, often hungry and not seldom frozen--the indomitable servant of the great fur company lived here his life and gave his name to mountain, lake and river. whatsoever destiny has in store for this country, it can never completely obliterate either the reverence and admiration we have for brave souls, or those deeper feelings which repose in the bosoms of so many canadian men and women whose forefathers lent their arms and their brains to the fur-trade. the beaver and the marten, the fox and the mink, may soon be as extinct as the bison, or no more numerous than the fox and the beaver are to-day in the british isles; but this volume, imperfect as it is, may serve as a reminder that their forbears long occupied the minds and energies of a hardy race of men, the like of whose patience, bravery and simple honest careers may not soon again be seen. he who would seek in these pages the native romance, the vivid colour, the absorbing drama of the great north-west, will seek, i fear, in vain. my concern has been chiefly with the larger annals of the hudson's bay company, its history proper, which until now has not been compiled. toronto, th june, . introduction. mr. beckles willson has asked me to write a short introduction for his forthcoming book on the hudson's bay company, and it gives me great pleasure to comply with his request. it is gratifying to know that this work has been undertaken by a young canadian, who has for some years had a laudable desire to write the history of what he appropriately calls "the great company," with whose operations the development of the western parts of canada has been so closely connected. the history of the company during the two centuries of its existence must bring out prominently several matters which are apt now to be lightly remembered. i refer to the immense area of country--more than half as large as europe--over which its control eventually extended, the explorations conducted under its auspices, the successful endeavours, in spite of strenuous opposition, to retain its hold upon what it regarded as its territory, its friendly relations with the indians, and, finally, the manner in which its work prepared the way for the incorporation of the "illimitable wilderness" within the dominion. it is not too much to say that the fur-traders were the pioneers of civilization in the far west. they undertook the most fatiguing journeys with the greatest pluck and fortitude; they explored the country and kept it in trust for great britain. these fur-traders penetrated to the rocky mountains, and beyond, into what is now known as british columbia, and even to the far north and northwest, in connection with the extension of trade, and the establishment of the famous "h. b. c." posts and forts, which were the leading features of the maps of the country until comparatively recent times. the names of many of these early explorers are perpetuated in its rivers and lakes; and many important arctic discoveries are associated with the names of officers of the company, such as hearne, dease, and simpson, and, in later times, dr. john rae. the american and russian companies which were seeking trade on the pacific coast, in the early days of the present century, were not able to withstand the activity and enterprise of their british rivals, but for whose discoveries and work even british columbia might not have remained british territory. for many years the only civilized occupants of both banks of the columbia river were the fur-traders, and it is not their fault that the region between it and the international boundary does not now belong to canada. alaska was also leased by the hudson's bay company from russia, and one cannot help thinking that if that country had been secured by great britain, we should probably never have heard of the boundary question, or of disputes over the seal fisheries. however, these things must be accepted as they are; but it will not, in any case, be questioned that the work of the company prepared the way for the consolidation of the dominion of canada, enabling it to extend its limits from the atlantic to the pacific, and from the international boundary to the far north. the principal business of the company in the early days was, of course, the purchasing of furs from the indians, in exchange for arms, ammunition, clothes and other commodities imported from the united kingdom. naturally, therefore, the prosperity of the company depended largely upon good relations being maintained with the indians. the white man trusted the indians, and the indians trusted the white man. this mutual confidence, and the friendly relations which were the result, made the transfer of the territory to canada comparatively easy when the time for the surrender came. it is interesting to note also, that while intent upon trading with the indians, the company did not neglect the spread of civilizing influences among them. the result of their wise policy is seen in the relations that have happily existed since between the government and the indians. there has been none of the difficulties which gave rise to so many disasters in the western parts of the united states. even in the half-breed disturbance in - , and in that of , the indians (with very few exceptions) could not be induced to take arms against the forces of law and order. although the red river settlement was inaugurated and carried out under its auspices, it has been stated, and in terms of reproach, that the company did not encourage settlement or colonization. the statement may have an element of truth in it, but the condition of the country at the time must be borne in mind. of course, the fur trade and settlement could not go on side by side. on the other hand, until the country was made accessible, colonization was not practicable. settlers could not reach it without the greatest difficulty, even for many years after the transfer of the territory took place, or get their produce away. indeed, until the different provinces of canada became federated, and were thus in a position to administer the country and to provide it with the necessary means of communication, the opening up of its resources was almost an impossibility. no single province of canada could have undertaken its administration or development, and neither men nor money were available, locally, to permit of its blossoming out separately as a colony, or as a series of provinces. the work of the company is still being continued, although, of course, under somewhat different conditions. the fur trade is quite as large as ever it was, and the relations of the company are as cordial as of old with the indians and other inhabitants in the districts remote from settlement, in which this part of the business is largely carried on. it has also adapted itself to the times, and is now one of the leading sources of supplies to the settlers in manitoba, the north-west territories, and british columbia, and to the prospectors and miners engaged in developing the resources of the pacific province. besides, it has a very large stake in the north-west, in the millions of acres of land handed over to it, according to agreement, as the country is surveyed. in fact, it may be stated that the hudson's bay company is as inseparably bound up with the future of western canada as it has been with its past. there are, of course, many other things that might be mentioned in an introduction of this kind, and there is room especially for an extended reference to the great and wonderful changes that have been apparent in manitoba, the north-west territories, and british columbia, since, in the natural order of things, those parts of canada passed out of the direct control of the company. the subject is so fascinating to me, having been connected with the company for over sixty years, that the tendency is to go on and on. but the different details connected with it will doubtless be dealt with by mr. beckles willson himself much better than would be possible in the limited time at my disposal, and i shall therefore content myself with stating, in conclusion, that i congratulate the author on the work he has undertaken, and trust that it will meet with the success it deserves. it cannot fail to be regarded as an interesting contribution to the history of canada, and to show, what i firmly believe to be the case, that the work of the hudson's bay company was for the advantage of the empire. [illustration: signature of lord strathcona and mount royal.] london, june rd, . contents. page. chapter i.-- - . effect of the restoration on trade -- adventurers at whitehall -- the east india company monopoly -- english interest in north america -- prince rupert's claims -- the fur trade of canada -- aim of the work. chapter ii.-- - . groseilliers and radisson -- their peregrinations in the north-west -- they return to quebec and lay their scheme before the governor -- repulsed by him they proceed to new england -- and thence sail for france, where they endeavour to interest m. colbert. chapter iii.-- - . prince rupert -- his character -- serves through the civil war -- his naval expedition in the west indies -- residence in france -- and ultimately in london -- he receives groseilliers and introduces him to the king. chapter iv.-- - . the prince visits the _nonsuch_ -- arrival in the bay -- previous voyages of exploration -- a fort commenced at rupert's river -- gillam's return -- dealing with the nodwayes -- satisfaction of the company -- a royal charter granted. chapter v.-- - . danger apprehended to french dominion -- intendant talon -- fur trade extended westward -- news of the english expedition reaches quebec -- sovereign rights in question -- english priority established. chapter vi.-- . first public sale at garraway's -- contemporary prices of fur -- the poet dryden -- meetings of the company -- curiosity of the town -- aborigines on view. chapter vii.-- - . mission of the père albanel -- apprehension at fort charles -- bailey's distrust of radisson -- expedition to moose river -- groseilliers and the savages -- the bushrangers leave the company's service -- arrival of governor lyddal. chapter viii.-- - . progress of the company -- confusion as to the names and number of the tribes -- radisson goes to paris -- his efforts to obtain support there, and from prince rupert, in england, fail -- arrival of m. de la chesnaye -- with his help radisson secures support -- and sails for quebec -- thence proceeds with two ships to attack the english ports in hudson's bay -- his encounters with gillam's expedition from london, and his son's, from new england. chapter ix.-- - . death of prince rupert -- the company's difficulty in procuring proper servants -- radisson at port nelson -- the two gillams -- their meeting -- capture of the new england party -- the first scotchman in the bay -- governor bridgar carried off prisoner -- indian visitors to the fort -- disasters to the ships -- the french burn the island fort -- radisson's harangue to the indians -- return to france. chapter x.-- - . hays writes to lord preston -- godey sent to radisson's lodgings -- la barre's strenuous efforts -- radisson returns to the english -- he leaves for the bay -- meets his nephew, chouart -- fort bourbon surrendered to the company -- radisson's dramatic return to london. chapter xi.-- - . feigned anger of lewis -- he writes to la barre -- importance attached to indian treaties -- duluth's zeal -- gauthier de comportier -- denonville made governor -- capture of the _merchant of perpetuana_ -- expedition of troyes against the company's posts in the bay -- moose fort surrendered. chapter xii.-- - . the french attack upon fort rupert -- governor sargeant apprised -- intrepidity of nixon -- capture of fort albany -- disaster to the _churchill_ -- the company hears the ill news -- negotiations for colonial neutrality -- destruction of new severn fort -- loss of the _hampshire_ -- the revolution. chapter xiii.-- - . company's claims mentioned in declaration of war -- parliament grants company's application for confirmation of its charter -- implacability of the felt-makers -- fort albany not a success in the hands of the french -- denonville urges an attack upon fort nelson -- lewis despatches tast with a fleet to canada -- iberville's jealousy prevents its sailing to the bay -- governor phipps burns fort nelson -- further agitation on the part of the french to possess the west main -- company makes another attempt to regain fort albany -- fort nelson surrendered to iberville -- its re-conquest by the company. chapter xiv.-- - . imprisoned french fur-traders reach paris -- a fleet under iberville despatched by lewis to the bay -- company's four ships precede them through the straits -- beginning of a fierce battle -- the _hampshire_ sinks -- escape of the _dering_ and capture of the _hudson's bay_ -- dreadful storm in the bay -- losses of the victors -- landing of iberville -- operations against fort nelson -- bailey yields -- evacuation by the english. chapter xv.-- - . petition presented to parliament hostile to company -- seventeenth century conditions of trade -- _coureurs de bois_ -- price of peltries -- standard of trade prescribed -- company's conservatism -- letters to factors -- character of the early governors -- henry kelsey -- york factory under the french -- massacre of jérémie's men -- starvation amongst the indians. chapter xvi.-- - . company seriously damaged by loss of port nelson -- send an account of their claims to lords of trade -- definite boundary propositions of trade -- lewis anxious to create boundaries -- company look to outbreak of war -- war of spanish succession breaks out -- period of adversity for the company -- employment of orkneymen -- attack on fort albany -- desperate condition of the french at york fort -- petition to anne. chapter xvii.-- - . queen anne espouses the cause of the company -- prior's view of its wants -- treaty of utrecht -- joy of the adventurers -- petition for act of cession -- not pressed by the british government -- governor knight authorized to take possession of port nelson -- "smug ancient gentlemen" -- commissioners to ascertain rights -- their meeting in paris -- matters move slowly -- bladen and pulteney return to england. chapter xviii.-- - . the south sea bubble -- nation catches the fever of speculation -- strong temptation for the company -- pricking of the bubble -- narrow escape of the adventurers -- knight and his expedition -- anxiety as to their fate -- certainty of their loss -- burnet's scheme to cripple the french -- it forces them westward into rupert's land. chapter xix.-- - . hudson's bay tribes peaceful -- effect of the traders' presence -- depletion of population -- the crees and assiniboines -- their habits and customs -- their numbers -- no subordination amongst them -- spirituous liquors -- effect of intemperance upon the indian. chapter xx.-- - . errant tribes of the bay -- the goose hunt -- assemblage at lake winnipeg -- difficulties of the voyage -- arrival at the fort -- ceremony followed by debauch -- gifts to the chief -- he makes a speech to the governor -- ceremony of the pipe -- trading begun. chapter xxi.-- - . system of licenses re-adopted by the french -- verandrye sets out for the pacific -- his son slain -- disappointments -- he reaches the rockies -- death of verandrye -- forts in rupert's land -- peter the great and the hudson's bay company -- expeditions of bering -- a north-west passage -- opposition of the company to its discovery -- dobbs and middleton -- ludicrous distrust of the explorer -- an anonymous letter. chapter xxii.-- - . war again with france -- company takes measures to defend its forts and property -- "keep your guns loaded" -- prince "charlie" -- his stock in the company confiscated -- further instructions to the chief factors -- another expedition to search for a north-west passage -- parliament offers twenty thousand pounds reward -- cavalier treatment from governor norton -- expedition returns -- dobbs' enmity -- privy council refuse to grant his petition -- press-gang outrages -- voyage of the _seahorse_. chapter xxiii.-- - . parliamentary committee of enquiry appointed -- aim of the malcontents -- lord strange's report -- testimony of witnesses -- french competition -- lords of plantations desire to ascertain limits of company's territory -- defeat of the labrador company -- wolfe's victory -- "locked up in the strong box" -- company's forts -- clandestine trade -- case of captain coats. chapter xxiv.-- - . effect of the conquest on the fur-trade of the french -- indians again seek the company's factories -- influx of highlanders into canada -- alexander henry -- mystery surrounding the _albany_ cleared up -- astronomers visit prince of wales' fort -- strike of sailors -- seizure of furs -- measures to discourage clandestine trade. chapter xxv.-- - . reports of the "great river" -- company despatch samuel hearne on a mission of discovery -- norton's instructions -- saluted on his departure from the fort -- first and second journeys -- matonabee -- results of the third journey -- the company's servants in the middle of the century -- death of governor norton. chapter xxvi.-- - . company suffers from the rivalry of canadians -- cumberland house built -- debauchery and license of the rivals -- frobisher intercepts the company's indians -- the smallpox visitation of -- la pérouse appears before fort prince of wales -- hearne's surrender -- capture of york fort by the french -- the post burned and the company's servants carried away prisoners. chapter xxvii.-- - . disastrous effects of the competition -- montreal merchants combine -- the north-westers -- scheme of the association -- alexander mackenzie -- his two expeditions reach the pacific -- emulation difficult -- david thompson. chapter xxviii.-- - . captain vancouver -- la pérouse in the pacific -- the straits of anian -- a fantastic episode -- russian hunters and traders -- the russian company -- dissensions amongst the northmen -- they send the _beaver_ to hudson's bay -- the scheme of mackenzie a failure -- a ferocious spirit fostered -- abandoned characters -- a series of outrages -- the affair at bad lake. chapter xxix.-- - . crisis in the company's affairs -- no dividend paid -- petition to lords of the treasury -- factors allowed a share in the trade -- canada jurisdiction act -- the killing of macdonnell -- mowat's ill-treatment -- lord selkirk -- his scheme laid before the company -- a protest by thwaytes and others -- the project carried -- emigrants sent out to red river -- northmen stirred to reprisal. chapter xxx.-- - . the bois-brulés -- simon mcgillivray's letter -- frightening the settlers -- a second brigade -- governor mcdonnell's manifesto -- defection of northmen to the company -- robertson's expedition to athabasca -- affairs at red river -- cameron and mcdonell in uniform -- cuthbert grant -- miles mcdonnell arrested -- fort william -- news brought to the northmen -- their confiscated account-books -- war of concluded. chapter xxxi.-- - . a new brigade of immigrants -- robert semple -- cuthbert grant's letter -- the de meuron regiment -- assembling of the bois-brulés -- tragedy at seven oaks -- selkirk at fort william -- mcgillivray arrested -- arrest of the northmen -- selkirk proceeds to red river. chapter xxxii.-- - . the english government intervenes -- selkirk at red river -- makes a treaty with the indians -- hostilities at peace river -- governor williams makes arrests -- franklin at york factory -- the duke of richmond interferes -- trial of semple's murderers -- death of selkirk -- amalgamation. chapter xxxiii.-- - . the deed poll -- a governor-in-chief chosen -- a chaplain appointed -- new license from george iv. -- trade on the pacific coast -- the red river country claimed by the states -- the company in california -- the oregon question -- anglo-russian treaty of -- the _dryad_ affair -- lieutenant franklin's two expeditions -- red river territory yielded to company -- enterprise on the pacific. chapter xxxiv.-- - . the oregon treaty -- boundary question settled -- company proposes undertaking colonization of north america -- enmity and jealousy aroused -- attitude of earl grey -- lord elgin's opinion of the company -- amended proposal for colonization submitted -- opposition of mr. gladstone -- grant of vancouver island secured, but allowed to expire in -- dr. rae's expedition -- the franklin expedition and its fate -- discovery of the north-west passage -- imperial parliament appoints select committee -- toronto board of trade petitions legislative council -- trouble with indians -- question of buying out the company -- british government refuses help -- "pacific scheme" promoters meet company in official interview -- international financial association buys company's rights -- edward ellice, the "old bear." chapter xxxv.-- - . indignation of the wintering-partners -- distrust and misgivings arise -- proposals of governor dallas for the compensation of the wintering-partners in exchange for their abrogation of deed poll -- threatened deadlock -- position of those in authority rendered untenable -- failure of duke of newcastle's proposals for surrender of territorial rights -- the russo-american alaskan treaty -- the hon. w. mcdougall's resolutions -- deputation goes to england -- sir stafford-northcote becomes governor -- opinion of lord granville as to the position of affairs -- lack of military system company's weakness -- cession now inevitable -- terms suggested by lord granville accepted -- first riel rebellion -- wolseley at fort garry. chapter xxxvi.-- - . the company still king in the north-west -- its forts described -- fort garry -- fort vancouver -- franklin -- walla walla -- yukon -- kamloops -- samuel black -- mountain house -- fort pitt -- policy of the great company. the hudson's bay posts. appendix. royal charter incorporating the hudson's bay company the alaska boundary governors of the hudson's bay company deputy-governors of the hudson's bay company index list of illustrations. full page illustrations. lord strathcona and mount royal frontispiece. facing page prince rupert original charter of the great company capt. godey and radisson marching out of the english garrison the massacre of jérémie's men the bushranger and the indians dog brigade in the far north tracking canoes up the rapids murder of governor semple sir george simpson sir george simpson receiving a deputation interior hudson's bay post illustrations in the text. page early map of north america radisson chart of hudson's straits prince rupert english map of the beaver arms of the hudson's bay co. type of early trading post bark canoe of indians on hudson's bay landing of iberville's men at port nelson ships on hudson's bay french encampment capture of port nelson by the french trading with the indians a coureur des bois an early river pioneer facsimile of the company's standard of trade french map of the bay and vicinity indian tepee an assiniboine indian indian with tomahawk esquimau with dogs modern type of indian type of cree indian an old chief maldonado's strait of anian lapie's map of plans of york and prince of wales forts map showing the hays river fort prince of wales a blackfoot brave alexander henry dobbs' map, visit to an indian encampment indian trappers ruins of fort prince of wales sir alexander mackenzie a portage de l'isle's map, the rival traders york factory lord selkirk stornaway a bois-brulé fort george (astoria) arrival of the upland indians on the way to fort william the company's ships in fort douglas, red river scene of red river tragedy vicinity of fort douglas board room, hudson's bay house red river cart fur train from the far north sir george back, r.n. thomas simpson hudson's bay company's trade tokens hudson's bay employees on their annual expedition opening of cairn on point victory discovery of relics of franklin expedition fort prince of wales fort garry arrival of hudson's bay ships at york factory fort pelly fort simpson york factory father lacombe gateway to fort garry sketch map of south-east alaska the great company. chapter i. - . effect of the restoration on trade -- adventurers at whitehall -- the east india company monopoly -- english interest in north america -- prince rupert's claims -- the fur trade of canada -- aim of the work. that page in the nation's history which records the years immediately following the restoration of the stewarts to the english throne, has often been regarded as sinister and inauspicious. crushed and broken by the long strain of civil war, apparently bankrupt in letters, commerce and arms, above all, sick of the restraints imposed upon them by the roundheads, the nation has too often been represented as abandoning itself wholly to the pursuit of pleasure, while folly and license reigned supreme at court. the almost startling rapidity with which england recovered her pride of place in the commercial world has been too little dwelt upon. hardly had charles the second settled down to enjoy his heritage when the spirit of mercantile activity began to make itself felt once more. the arts of trade and commerce, of discovery and colonization, which had languished under the puritan ascendancy, revived; the fever of "imperial expansion" burst out with an ardour which no probability of failure was able to cool; and the court of the "merry monarch" speedily swarmed with adventurers, eager to win his favour for the advancement of schemes to which the chiefs of the commonwealth would have turned but a deaf ear. of just claimants to the royal bounty, in the persons of ruined cavaliers and their children, there was no lack. with these there also mingled, in the throng which daily beset the throne with petitions for grants, charters, patents and monopolies,--returned free-booters, buccaneers in embryo, upstarts and company-promoters. every london tavern and coffee-house resounded with projects for conquest, trade, or the exploitation of remote regions. from the news-letters and diaries of the period, and from the minutes of the council of trade and the royal society, one may form an excellent notion of the risks which zealous capital ran during this memorable decade. for two centuries and more mercantile speculation had been busy with the far east. there, it was believed, in the realms of cathay and hindustan, lay england's supreme market. a large number of the marine expeditions of the sixteenth century were associated with an enterprise in which the english nation, of all the nations in europe, had long borne, and long continued to bear, the chief part. from the time of cabot's discovery of the mainland in , our mariners had dared more and ventured oftener in quest of that passage through the ice and barren lands of the new world which should conduct them to the sunny and opulent countries of the east. [sidenote: english right to hudson's bay.] the mercantile revival came; it found the orient robbed of none of its charm, but monopoly had laid its hand on east india. for over half a century the east india company had enjoyed the exclusive right of trading in the pacific between the cape of good hope and cape horn, and the merchants of london therefore were forced to cast about for other fields of possible wealth. as far as north america was concerned, the merest reference to a map of this period will reveal the very hazy conception which then prevailed as to this vast territory. few courtiers, as yet, either at whitehall or versailles, had begun to concern themselves with nice questions of frontier, or the precise delimitation of boundaries in parts of the continent which were as yet unoccupied, still less in those hyperborean regions described by the mariners frobisher, button and fox. to these voyagers, themselves, the northern half of the continent was merely a huge barrier to the accomplishment of their designs. [illustration: early map of north america.] yet in spite of this destructive creed, it had long been a cardinal belief in the nation that the english crown had by virtue of cabot's, and of subsequent discoveries, a right to such territories, even though such right had never been actively affirmed.[ ] in the year the king granted the territory now comprised in the states of new york, new jersey and delaware to his brother, the duke of york, and the courtiers became curious to know what similar mark of favour would be bestowed upon his majesty's yet unrewarded cousin, prince rupert, duke of cumberland and count palatine of the rhine.[ ] the duke of york succeeded in wresting his new transatlantic possession from the dutch, and the fur-trade of new amsterdam fell into english hands. soon afterwards the first cargo of furs from that region arrived in the thames. naturally, it was not long before some of the keener-sighted london merchants began to see behind this transaction vast possibilities of future wealth. the extent of the fur-trade driven in canada by the french was no secret.[ ] twice annually, for many years, had vessels anchored at havre, laden with the skins of fox, marten and beaver, collected and shipped by the company of the hundred associates or their successors in the quebec monopoly. a feeling was current that england ought by right to have a larger share in this promising traffic, but, it was remarked, "it is not well seen by those cognizant of the extent of the new plantations how this is to be obtained, unless we dislodge the french as we have the dutch, which his present majesty would never countenance." charles had little reason to be envious of the possession by his neighbour lewis, of the country known as new france. [sidenote: french fur-trade.] those tragic and melancholy narratives, the "relations des jesuites," had found their way to the english court. from these it would seem that the terrors of cold, hunger, hardships, and indian hostility, added to the cost and difficulties of civil government, and the chronic prevalence of official intrigue, were hardly compensated for by the glories of french ascendancy in canada. the leading spirits of the fur-trade then being prosecuted in the northern wilds, were well aware that they derived their profits from but an infinitesimal portion of the fur-trading territory; the advantages of extension and development were perfectly apparent to them; but the difficulties involved in dealing with the savage tribes, and the dangers attending the establishment of further connections with the remote interior, conspired to make them content with the results attained by the methods then in vogue. the security from rivalry which was guaranteed to them by their monopoly did not fail to increase their aversion to a more active policy. any efforts, therefore, which were made to extend the french company's operations were made by jesuit missionaries, or by individual traders acting without authority. such, in brief, was the state of affairs in the year when two intrepid bushrangers, employees of the old company,[ ] dissatisfied with their prospects under the new _régime_, sought their way out from the depths of the wilderness to quebec, and there propounded to the intendant, jean talon, a scheme for the extension of the fur-trade to the shores of hudson's bay. this enterprising pair saw their project rejected, and as a sequel to this rejection came the inception and establishment of an english association,[ ] which subsequently obtained a charter from the king, under the name and title of "the governor and company of merchants-adventurers trading into hudson's bay." to narrate the causes which first led to the formation of this company, the contemporary interest it excited, the thrilling adventures of its early servants, of the wars it waged with the french and drove so valiantly to a victorious end; its vicissitudes and gradual growth; the fierce and bloody rivalries it combated and eventually overbore; its notable expeditions of research by land and sea; the character of the vast country it ruled and the indians inhabiting it; and last but not least, the stirring and romantic experiences contained in the letters and journals of the great company's factors and traders for a period of above two centuries--such will be the aim and purpose of this work. footnotes: [ ] "the great maritime powers of europe," said chief justice marshall, "discovered and visited different parts of this continent at nearly the same time. the object was too immense for any of them to grasp the whole; and the claimants were too powerful to submit to the exclusive or unreasonable pretensions of any single potentate. to avoid bloody conflicts, which might terminate disastrously to all, it was necessary for the nations of europe to establish some principle which all would acknowledge and which would decide their respective rights as between themselves. this principle, suggested by the actual state of things, was, 'that discovery gave title to the government by whose subjects or by whose authority it was made, against all other european governments, which title might be consummated by possession.'" [ ] "prince rupert, we hear, is of no mind to press his plantation claims until this dutch warre is over. a jamaica pattent is spoke of."--_pleasant passages_, . [ ] as early as , quebec had been established, and had become an important settlement; before , the beaver and several other companies had been organized, at quebec, for carrying on the fur-trade in the west, near and around the great lakes and in the north-west territory; that the enterprise and trading operations of these french companies, and of the french colonists generally, extended over vast regions of the northern and the north-western portions of the continent; that they entered into treaties with the indian tribes and nations, and carried on a lucrative and extensive fur-trade with the natives. in the prosecution of their trade and other enterprises these adventurers evinced great energy, courage and perseverance. they had, according to subsequent french writers, extended their hunting and trading operations to the athabasca country. it was alleged that some portions of the athabasca country had before been visited and traded in, and to some extent occupied by the french traders in canada and their beaver company. from to these discoveries and trading settlements had considerably increased in number and importance. [ ] in the charter of the compagnie des cents assocés, granted by richelieu in , was ceded to the crown. in the new association "la compagnie des indes occidentals" received its charter. [ ] "several noblemen and other public-spirited englishmen, not unmindful of the discovery and right of the crown of england to those parts in america, designed at their own charge to adventure the establishing of a regular and constant trade in hudson's bay, and to settle forts and factories, whereby to invite the indian nations (who live like savages, many hundred leagues up the country), down to their factories, for a constant and yearly intercourse of trade, which was never attempted by such settlements, and to reside in that inhospitable country, before the aforesaid english adventurers undertook the same."--_company's memorial_, . chapter ii. - . groseilliers and radisson -- their peregrinations in the north-west -- they return to quebec and lay their scheme before the governor -- repulsed by him they proceed to new england -- and thence sail for france, where they endeavour to interest m. colbert. the year , notable in england as the last of the puritan ascendancy and the herald of a stirring era of activity, may be reckoned as the first with which the annals of the great company are concerned. it is in this year that we first catch a glimpse of two figures who played an important part in shaping its destinies. little as they suspected it, the two intrepid fur-traders, groseilliers and radisson, who in the spring of that year pushed their way westward from quebec to the unknown shores of lake superior, animated in this, as in all their subsequent exploits, by a spirit of adventure as well as a love of gain, were to prove the ancestors of the great company. [sidenote: groseilliers' first marriage.] medard chouart, the first of this dauntless pair, was born in france, near meaux, and had emigrated to quebec when he was a little over sixteen years old. his father had been a pilot, and it was designed that the son should succeed him in the same calling. but long before this intention could be realized he fell in with a jesuit, returned from canada, who was full of thrilling tales about the new france beyond the seas; and so strongly did these anecdotes, with their suggestion of a rough and joyous career in the wilderness, appeal to his nature, that he determined to take his own part in the glowing life which the priest depicted. in he was one of the fifty-two _emigrés_ who sailed with the heroic maissoneuve from rochelle. five years later we find him trading amongst the hurons, the tribe whose doom was already sealed by reason of the enmity and superior might of the iroquois; and at the close of another year comes the record of his first marriage. the bride is etienne, the daughter of a pilot, abraham martin of quebec, the "eponymous hero" of that plateau adjoining quebec where, a century later, was to take place the mortal struggle between wolfe and montcalm. it was probably soon after this marriage that chouart adopted the title "des groseilliers," derived from a petty estate which his father had in part bequeathed to him. not long did his wife survive the marriage; and she died without leaving any legacy of children to alleviate his loss. but the young adventurer was not destined to remain for any length of time disconsolate. within a year of his wife's death, there arrived in the colony a brother and sister named pierre and marguerite radisson, huguenots of good family, who had been so persistently hounded in france by the persecution which sought to exterminate their community, that the one key to happiness had seemed to them to lie beyond the seas. no sooner had their father died than they bade farewell to france and sailed for canada, there to start a new life amidst new and more tranquil surroundings. with this couple young groseilliers soon struck up an acquaintance; and so rapidly did the intimacy ripen that before long he was united, to the sister in matrimony, and to the brother in a partnership for the pursuit of commercial adventure. the double union proved doubly fortunate; for marguerite seems to have made a well-suited wife, and pierre, though in birth and education superior to groseilliers, was no whit less hardy and adventurous, nor in any respect less fitted for the arduous tasks which their rough life imposed upon them. the two speedily became fast friends and associates in enterprise, and thus united they soon took their place as the leading spirits of the settlement at three rivers. here, in , radisson married for the first time, his bride being a mlle. elizabeth herault, one of the few protestant young women in the whole of canada. groseilliers, who had been long disgusted at the priestly tyranny of which he had seen so much in canada, probably needed but little inducement to embrace the protestant religion, if indeed this had not been stipulated upon at the time of his marriage. at all events, we now find him reputed to be among the protestants of the colony; some of whom were, in spite of the bitter prejudice against them, the boldest and most successful spirits the fur-trading community of that period had to show. [illustration: radisson. (_after an old print._)] [sidenote: radisson weds miss kirke.] radisson, like groseilliers,[ ] had the misfortune to lose his wife soon after their marriage; but, like his comrade, he too sought consolation in a fresh marriage. this time he allied himself with the daughter of a zealous english protestant, who afterwards became sir john kirke. it was to the brothers of this kirke that the great champlain, thirty years before, had surrendered quebec. with this introduction to the characters of the two remarkable men whose fortunes were to become so closely entwined with that of the hudson's bay company, we may pass to their early efforts to extend the fur-trade beyond those limits which the distracted and narrow-minded officers of the compagnie des cent assocés, thought it necessary to observe. reaching the shore of lake superior in the early summer of , radisson and groseilliers travelled for six days in a south-westerly direction, and then came upon a tribe of indians incorporated with the hurons, known as the tionnontates, or the tobacco nation. these people dwelt in the territory between the sources of the black and chippeway rivers, in what is now the state of wisconsin, whence, in terror of the bloody enmity of the iroquois, they afterwards migrated to the small islands in lake michigan at the entrance of green bay. during their temporary sojourn with this branch of the unhappy hurons the two pioneering traders heard constant mention of a deep, wide, and beautiful river--comparable to the st. lawrence--to the westward, and for a time they were half tempted by their ever-present thirst for novelty to proceed in that direction. other counsels, however, seem to have prevailed; for instead of striking out for the unknown river of the west they journeyed northward, and wintered with the nadouechiouecs or sioux, who hunted and fished among the innumerable lakes of minnesota. soon afterwards they came upon a separate band of war-like sioux, known as the assiniboines, a prosperous and intelligent tribe, who lived in skin and clay lodges and were "familiar with the use of charcoal." [sidenote: a route to the bay.] from these assiniboines, radisson and groseilliers first heard of the character and extent of that great bay to the north, named by the english marine explorers "hudson's bay," which was to be the scene of their later labours; and not only did they glean news of its nature, but they also succeeded in obtaining information as to the means of reaching it. in august, , the two adventurers found their way back to montreal, after over a year's absence. they were accompanied by three hundred indians, and in possession of sixty canoes laden with furs, which they undertook to dispose of to the advantage of the savages and themselves. as they had anticipated, they found the little colony and its leaders deeply interested in their reports of the extent and richness of the fur-producing countries to the westward, as well as in their description of the unfamiliar tribes inhabiting that region. the sale of the furs having resulted in a handsome profit, groseilliers announced to his brother-in-law his intention of making the journey on his own account. there was no dearth of volunteers eager to embark in the enterprise, and from those who offered their services he chose six frenchmen--_coureurs des bois_ or bushrangers; and having provided himself with an ample outfit, turned his footsteps once more to the prairies of the west, while radisson went to rejoin his wife and sister at three rivers. on the eve of his departure the jesuit fathers, distrusting groseilliers' religious proclivities and suspecting that he might attempt to influence the assiniboines, insisted upon one of their number accompanying him. the priest chosen for this arduous mission was the aged missionary réné ménard, who, in spite of his physical frailty was still undaunted by any prospect of peril; though he was, on this occasion, prevailed upon to allow his servant guérin to accompany him. it was the priest's last journey. when groseilliers again reached montreal, after a season in the wilderness as prosperous as its forerunner, he bore the mournful news that ménard had been massacred and his body, beyond question, devoured by a fierce band of indians. this voyage, besides showing lucrative results, also proved a memorable one for groseilliers, inasmuch as it was during his winter's sojourn with the distant assiniboines that he acquired information which affected his whole subsequent career. there can be no question that it was the knowledge he obtained from this tribe of a convenient route to hudson's bay, by way of lake superior, and of a system of trade with the tribes dwelling on or in proximity to that unknown sea, that caused him to set out once again in may, , for the west. he was accompanied by ten men, all of whom were disaffected towards the powers which then controlled the fur-trade in new france, and the combination of good fortune and _esprit de corps_ among his followers proved so successful that when, after a year's absence, he returned to the eastern colonies, the number of furs he brought back was sufficiently great to render a simultaneous disposal of all the packs inadvisable. he adopted the wise course of dividing them into three consignments, and these were sold respectively at montreal, three rivers, and quebec. henceforward, but one idea possessed groseilliers--a journey to the great fur-lands of the north. it should be his life's work to exploit the fur-trade of hudson's bay. already he saw himself rich--richer even than the merchant-princes of old rochelle. [sidenote: a new fur company.] but alas for his plans, the official laxity and dissensions which had made it possible for himself and others thus to infringe with impunity, the general monopoly granted by the king came to a sudden end. a fresh patent for a new company was issued by the crown; a new governor, m. d'avagour, entered upon the scene, and the rigorous measures enacted against private traders drove many of these over to the english and the dutch. a commission from m. d'avagour, dated the th of may, , conveyed permission to one m. couture to remove with five men to the bottom of the great bay to the north of canada, consequent upon the requisition of some indians, who had returned to quebec to ask for aid to conduct and assist them in their affairs. this same couture afterwards certified, or the french government certified in his stead, that he really undertook this voyage, and "erected anew upon the lands at the bottom of the said bay a cross and the arms of the king engraved on copper, and placed between two plates of lead at the foot of a large tree." much justifiable doubt has been cast upon this story, and at a much later period, when french and english interests were contesting hotly for the sovereignty of the territory surrounding hudson's bay, an expedition was sent in search of the boasted memorials, but no trace of the cross or the copper escutcheon could be found. there seems every probability that the allegation, or the subsequent statement of an allegation of this description, was false. groseilliers had thus to reckon with the new fur-trading proprietors of quebec, who were to prove themselves less complaisant than the old. they instantly interdicted traders from going in search of peltries; reasoning that the produce would ultimately find its way into their hands, without the need of any such solicitation. and though groseilliers persistently explained to them that their policy of interdiction was really a short-sighted one; that the indians could not be always depended upon to bring their own furs to the company's mart; and that no great time would elapse before the english or dutch would push their way westward to lake superior, and so acquire an unequalled opportunity of developing the resources of the northern regions; neither his criticism and advice (founded on personal knowledge of the unstable indian character) nor the apprehensions of rivalry, which he showed good grounds for entertaining, had any power to move the officials of the hundred associates. neither argument, entreaty, nor prognostications of danger would induce them to look with any favour upon groseilliers' project, or even entertain his proposals. [sidenote: groseilliers in boston.] groseilliers afterwards hinted that it was prejudice against his adopted religion which really lay at the bottom of this complete rejection of his scheme, and also accounted for the company's refusal to avail themselves of his services, otherwise than as a mere salaried servant. it was at this juncture that he sought the advice of radisson, and it is not unlikely that it was the counsels of his brother-in-law which induced him to resolve upon a bold step in the furtherance of his cherished project. it was well-known that the english colonists settled in new england were putting forth the strongest efforts to secure a share of the fur-trade of the north. their allies, the redoubtable iroquois, had upon several occasions way-laid and plundered the huron tribes, who were conveying their cargoes to quebec and montreal, and had delivered these into the hands of the english. farther westward, the dutch were indefatigable in their endeavours to divert the fur-traffic of the north from the st. lawrence to the hudson. but the dutch had been vanquished by the english; new amsterdam was now new york; and it was english brains and english money which now controlled the little colony and the untravelled lands which lay beyond it. it was to the english, therefore, that the indomitable adventurer now determined to apply. madame radisson had relatives in boston; her father was an intimate friend of the governor. relying on such influences as these, but still more on the soundness of his project, groseilliers made his way to boston by way of acadia. [illustration: a chart of hudson's streights and bay of davis streights, and baffin's bay; as published in the year . ] early in we find the mother superior of the ursuline nuns at quebec writing thus of groseilliers: "as he had not been successful in making a fortune, he was seized with a fancy to go to new england to better his condition. he excited a hope among the english that he had found a passage to the sea of the north." the good mother superior was deceived. it was no part of groseilliers' plan to seek a passage to the sea of the north; but one can hardly doubt that he found it highly politic that such a report should obtain currency in quebec. the fur-trade of the north, and the fur-trade alone, was groseilliers' lode-stone; but in spite of all it had cost him to acquire the knowledge he already possessed, he was ready to abandon the land and fresh water route, and seek the shores of hudson's bay from the side of the atlantic ocean. doubtless many causes operated to alter his original plan; but there can be little question that the most potent was the opposition of the canadian company. yet had the sea route not existed, even the opposition of the company would not have sufficed to baulk him of a fulfilment of his designs. he would not have been the first french trader, even at that early day in the history of the rival colonies, to circumvent his countrymen, and, taking advantage of their confined area of activity, to conduct negotiations with the indians surrounding the most distant outposts of their territory. the proceeding would have been hazardous had the company possessed the force necessary to assert its rights to the trade of the whole northern and north-western country; but the new company would not as yet possess the force. the most real danger groseilliers had to fear was that, if he persisted in his endeavours to draw away the trade of the northern tribes, he might be outlawed and his property, and that of his brother-in-law radisson, confiscated. groseilliers had left his wife and his son in canada, and he therefore went to work with considerable caution. it has been asserted, and perhaps with excellent point, that groseilliers may have been very powerfully influenced in the abandonment of his land and fresh water route by obtaining an entirely new idea of the configuration of northern north america. in the maps which were likely at that time to have found their way to quebec, the northern regions are but very dimly defined; and with the knowledge of geography gained only from these maps groseilliers could hardly have realized the accessibility of the approach by sea. it seems likely therefore that the change of route was not even thought of until groseilliers had had his interview with radisson; it was probably radisson--with his superior geographical knowledge and more thorough comprehension (through his kinship with the kirkes, all famous mariners) of the discoveries made by the english in the northern parts--who advocated the sea-route. the idea must have grown upon him gradually. his countrymen took it for granted that the whole northern country was theirs, apparently assuming the sole mode of access to be by land. the sea route never seems to have occurred to them, or if they thought of it at all, it was dismissed as dangerous and impracticable for purposes of commerce. the configuration of the northern country, the form and extent of the seas, certainly the character of the straits and islands, were to them little known. secure in what they regarded as nominal possession, forgetful that english mariners had penetrated and named these northern waters, the officials of the canada company were content to pursue a policy of _laissez faire_ and to deprecate all apprehensions of rivalry. singular coincidence! more than a century was to elapse and another company with ten times the wealth, the power, the sovereignty wielded by this one: not french--for france had then been shorn of her dominion and authority--but english, scorning the all-conquering, all-pervading spirit of mercantile england, was to pursue the same policy, and to suffer the loss of much blood and treasure in consequence of such pursuit. [sidenote: groseilliers finds no patrons.] in boston, the main difficulty which groseilliers encountered was a scarcity of wealth. his scheme was approved by many of the leading spirits there, and his assertions as to the wealth of the fur-bearing country were not doubted. but at that period the little puritan colony was much put to it to carry out projects for its own security and maintenance, not to mention plans for enrichment much nearer home. and it was pointed out to him that so long as schemes which were regarded as essential to safety could only be with difficulty supported, no pecuniary assistance could be rendered for an extraneous project, however promising its nature.[ ] [illustration: prince rupert. (_after the painting by sir p. lely._)] there were in boston at this time, however, four personages whom the king had sent as envoys, in , to force the dutch to evacuate manhattan, and who were also a kind of commission instructed to visit the english colonies, and to hear and rule their complaints. they were richard nichols, robert carr, george cartwright and samuel maverick. one of these, colonel carr, it is said, strongly urged groseilliers to proceed to england and offer his services to the king. [sidenote: zachary gillam.] although, therefore, he was unable to secure there the patronage he desired, groseilliers' visit to boston was not quite barren of profit. he fell in besides with an intelligent sea-faring man, zachary gillam, who was then captain and part-owner of a small vessel, the _nonsuch_, with which he plied a trade between the colony and the mother country. gillam expressed himself eager to assist in the project as far as lay in his power, and offered his services in case an equipment could be found. a long correspondence passed between groseilliers and his brother-in-law in canada, the latter very naturally urging that as the new england project had failed, it would be advisable not to seek further aid from the english, but that, as nothing was to be expected from the canada company, or the merchants of canada, it would be as well to journey to france, and put the matter before the french court. groseilliers seems to have agreed to this; and he wrote back begging radisson to join him in boston with the object of accompanying him to france. in june, , both the adventurers set sail in the _nonsuch_ for plymouth, whence in all likelihood they proceeded direct to havre. it would be unprofitable, and at best but a repetition, to describe the difficulties groseilliers and his brother-in-law met with in paris, the petitions they presented and the many verbal representations they made. in the midst of their ill-success colonel carr came to paris. there is extant a letter of his to lord arlington. "having heard," says he, "by the french in new england of a great traffic in beavers" to be got in the region of hudson's bay, and "having had proofs of the assertions" of the two adventurers, he thought "the finest present" he could make to his majesty was to despatch these men to him. the ambassador pondered on this and at last decided to entrust groseilliers with a letter to a certain prince--a friend of his--and a patron of the arts and sciences. leaving radisson despondent in paris, therefore, the other adventurer crossed the channel and found himself, with a beating heart, for the first time in the english capital. footnotes: [ ] each writer seems to have followed his own fancy in spelling our hero's name, i find groiseliez, grozeliers, groseliers, groiziliers, grosillers, groiseleiz, and groseillers. charlevoix spells it groseilliers. dr. dionne, following radisson's chouard, writes chouart. but as dr. brymner justly observes "he is as little known by that name as voltaire by his real name of arouet, he being always spoken of by the name of des groseilliers, changed in one affidavit into 'gooseberry.'" the name literally translated is, of course, gooseberry-bushes. [ ] for example, the adjoining colony of connecticut had appealed to them for help in their laudable enterprise of despoiling the dutch of their possessions. raids upon the territory and trading-posts controlled by the dutch were a constantly recurring feature in the history of those times, and nearly the whole of the zeal and substance remaining to the english colonists in connecticut and virginia, after their periodical strifes with the indians, were devoted to forcing the unhappy hollanders to acknowledge the sovereignty of king charles of england. chapter iii. - . prince rupert -- his character -- serves through the civil war -- his naval expedition in the west indies -- residence in france -- and ultimately in london -- he receives groseilliers and introduces him to the king. it was a fortunate chance for medard chouart des groseilliers that threw him, as we shall see, into the hands of such a man as rupert, prince of england and bohemia. a dashing soldier, a daring sailor, a keen and enlightened student, a man of parts, and at the age of forty-seven still worshipping adventure as a fetish and irresistibly attracted by anything that savoured of novelty, there was perhaps no other noble in england more likely to listen to such a project as the canadian was prepared to pour into his ear, no prince in the whole of europe more likely to succumb to its charm. rupert may, on good grounds, be considered one of the most remarkable men of that age. he was the third son of the king of bohemia by the princess elizabeth stuart, eldest daughter of james i. in common with most german princes he had been educated for the army; and, as he used to observe himself in after years, there was no profession better fitted for a prince provided he could be allowed to fight battles. it was a maxim of his that the arts of patience, of strategy, and parleying with the enemy should be left to statesmen and caitiffs; and it can be said with truth of rupert that no one could possibly have acted more completely in accordance with his rule than himself. "than prince rupert," wrote a chronicler at his death, "no man was more courageous or intrepid. he could storm a citadel but, alas, he could never keep it. a lion in the fray, he was a very lamb, tho' a fuming one, if a siege was called for." [illustration: prince rupert. (_after a painting by vandyke._)] youthful, high-spirited and of comely appearance, rupert found his way to england during his twentieth year to offer his services to his royal uncle, king charles i. the country was then on the brink of a civil war. parliament had proved refractory. the puritan forces had already assembled; and in a few months the first blow was struck. the young prince placed himself at the head of a troop of cavaliers and soon all england was ringing with the fame of his exploits. on more than one occasion did cromwell have reason to remember the prowess of "fiery prince rupert." [sidenote: the great company's founder.] such dashing tactics and spontaneous strategy, however, could not always prevail. he was charged with the defence of bristol, with what result is a matter of common historical knowledge. his own observation on this episode in his career is an admirable epitome of his character, as comprehensive as it is brief, "i have no stomach for sieges." charles wrote him a letter of somewhat undue severity, in which he exhibited all the asperity of his character as well as his ignorance of the situation. perhaps if he had realized that the circumstances would have rendered the retention of bristol impossible even to a caesar or a turenne, he might have written in a more tolerant strain; but it is not very probable. in any case the letter cut rupert to the heart. before his final overthrow charles, indeed, relented from his severity, and created his nephew earl of holdernesse and duke of cumberland, granting him also a safe conduct to france, which was honoured by the parliamentary leaders. thenceforward for a few years rupert's career is directly associated with the high seas. on the revolt of the fleet from the control of the commonwealth he made his way on board of one of the king's vessels, and figured in several naval battles and skirmishes. but even here the result was a foregone conclusion. the bulk of the ships and crews still remaining loyal were rapidly captured or sunk, and the remnant, of which rupert assumed command, was exceedingly small. he began by sailing to ireland, whither he was pursued by popham and blake, who very quickly blocked him up in the harbour of kinsale. but the puritan captains were deceived if, as it appears, they fancied the prince an easy prey. rupert was no more the sailor than he had been the soldier to brook so facile a capture. he effected a bold escape, just under their guns. but realizing his helplessness to engage the puritan fleet in open combat, he inaugurated a series of minor conflicts, a kind of guerilla warfare, which, to our modern notions, would best be classified under the head of privateering, to use no harsher term. [sidenote: a resemblance to piracy.] the spanish main was at that period an excellent ground for operations of this kind, and with very little delay rupert was soon very busy with his small but gallant fleet in those waters. here the commander of the little _reformation_ and his convoys spent three years with no little pecuniary profit to himself and crew. on more than one occasion his exploits in the neighbourhood of the west indies bore no distant resemblance to piracy, as he boarded impartially not only english, dutch and spanish ships, but also those flying the english colours. howbeit on one occasion, being advised that the master of one craft was a frenchman, he generously forebore to reap the profits of his valour out of respect to the monarch with whom both his cousins, charles and james, had found a refuge. he insisted that the plunder should be restored. on the whole, however, rupert seems to have had little conscience in the matter. the mere excitement of such adventures alone delighted him, although it would scarce have satisfied his crews. there is reason to suppose that he himself was not actuated primarily by the mere love of gain. it is known that several of his captains returned with large fortunes; rupert's own profits were long a matter for conjecture. even at his death they could not be approximately ascertained; for while he left a goodly fortune, comprising jewels valued at twenty thousand pounds, much of this fortune was acquired legitimately since these stirring days of his youth; and no small part was derived from his share in the hudson's bay company. the exiled prince, in whose name rupert was always extremely careful to conduct his depredations on the prosperous commerce of the west indies, does not appear himself to have derived much material advantage therefrom. it was true the terror of his name was already industriously spread in those waters, and this perhaps was some consolation for the contempt with which it was regarded by the insolent and usurping puritans. in a newspaper of the period, "pleasant passages," i find under date of october , , the following quaint comment: "prince rupert hath lately seized on some good prizes and he keeps himself far remote; and makes his kinsman, charles stuart, make a leg for some cullings of his windfalls." [sidenote: loss of the "reformation."] rupert after a time transferred the scene of his operations to the azores, where after some collisions with the portuguese, he met with a catastrophe so severe as to compel him to permanently desist from his predatory operations. a violent storm came on, and the _reformation_ and his entire fleet perished, no fewer than souls being lost on the flagship. it was with difficulty that the prince and twelve of his companions, including his brother maurice, escaped with a portion of the treasure. a contemporary news-writer records that rupert had landed at nantes with ten thousand pounds or so, "'tis said by those best informed. the king hath sent his carriage to meet him at orleans." charles, who was of course the king mentioned, was then in high hopes of obtaining funds from his cousin rupert, which might enable him to make an effort for the recovery of his crown. but the king, minus a throne, was destined to be disappointed. rupert did not yet seem prepared to disgorge, acting, it is easy to see, on advice.[ ] "no money for his majesty out of all this," forms the burden of numerous letters written by the faithful edward hyde, afterwards to become the lord chancellor clarendon. "the money the king should have received!" he complains, in an epistle addressed to sir richard browne. "why, rupert is so totally governed by the lord keeper, sir edward herbert, that the king knows him not. the king hasn't had a penny, and rupert pretends the king owes him more than ever i was worth." hyde had no love for the lord keeper of the exiled court; but according to several contemporary writers, the buccaneering prince looked upon herbert as "an oracle," (to quote the diarist evelyn) and chose for a time at least to spend most of his gains in his own way. but rupert did not persist in the course suggested by his friend herbert. soon afterwards he is announced to have made charles a present of two thousand pounds, for which the king expressed his profound satisfaction by attaching him immediately to the royal household. a little later, in , there is recorded the following, printed in the "loyal gentleman at court." "prince rupert flourishes highly here, with his troop of blackamoors; and so doth his cousin charles, they having shared the money made of his prize goods at nantz." [sidenote: rupert's secretary.] it was in this year that rupert seems to have engaged one william strong, a cavalier who had lost all he possessed, to replace john holder as his private secretary, a circumstance worthy of mention, inasmuch as it was strong who was to figure later as the intermediary between his master and the adventurer groseilliers in london. there is a passage of this period which describes rupert as he appeared in paris, "a straight and comely man, very dark-featured," probably owing to exposure in warm climates, "with jet black hair and a great passion for dress." he is often referred to in news-letters and diaries of the time under the sobriquet of the "black prince." "our black prince ruperte" records one, "has had a narrow escape from drowning in the seine; but by the help of one of his blackamoors escaped." this was perhaps the period of the closest friendship between charles and his bohemian cousin; inasmuch as a decided coolness had already arisen on the part of the exiled monarch and his brother, the duke of york. this coolness at length terminated in a quarrel, and a separation in the ensuing year at bruges. indeed, the duke advised rupert to have no further dealings with his royal brother, a proposition which the prince wisely, and fortunately for himself, neglected to entertain, for had he acted otherwise, it is extremely doubtful if at the restoration he would have been in a position to demand any favours at the monarch's hands. james, probably on this score, never afterwards professed much cordiality towards his kinsman, rupert. [sidenote: a patron of commerce.] in the years between and , rupert spent much of his time in cultivating science and the arts. there are a hundred evidences of his extraordinary ingenuity. a mere list of his devices and inventions, as printed at his decease in , almost entitles him to be considered the edison of his day, a day in which inventors were rare. yet in the period before the outbreak of the dutch war his activity was by no means limited to the laboratory which he had constructed for himself in kings' bench walk, temple, or to his study at windsor. none could have exhibited greater versatility. in april, , he was sworn a member of the privy council; he also became a member of the tangier commission; and in december of the same year he was unanimously elected a fellow of the royal society. he already cut a prominent figure as a patron of commerce, being appointed a member of the council of trade, and taking an active part in the promotion of commerce with africa as a member of the royal african company. with all his sympathies and activities, however, it is very clear that rupert did not enjoy very great favour at court. he was suspected of holding his royal cousin in not very high esteem, and of entertaining pronounced opinions on the subject of the royal prerogative; whatever the cause, his influence at whitehall was not always fortunate. seeing his councils neglected on several occasions, he kept aloof, and the courtiers, taking as they supposed their cue from their master, made light of his past achievements, finding in his surrender of the city of bristol, a specially suitable subject for their derision. in we find in pepys' diary that rupert had been "sent to command the guinny fleet. few pleased, as he is accounted an unhappy [_i.e._, unlucky] man." as a consequence of these sentiments, which rupert was soon destined by his valour to alter, one captain holmes was sent instead. nevertheless it was known at court that rupert desired a naval employment, and as the authorities found that their estimate of his abilities was not mistaken, he was in selected to command the fleet against the dutch, in conjunction with the duke of albemarle. his conduct was most exemplary. on one occasion he wrested a victory from the dutch, and again in the month of june beat them soundly, pursuing them into their own harbour. returning to england on the cessation of hostilities, he found himself in much higher favour at court. but with a single exception, which i will proceed to relate, rupert sought no favours at the hands of his royal relations from this moment until the day of his death. he was content to pursue an even career in comparative solitude, a circumstance for which a serious physical ailment, which soon overtook and for a time threatened his life, was no doubt in some measure responsible. the fire which distinguished his youth was exchanged, we are told, for good temper and sedateness. he was credited with writing an autobiography, but if the report be true, it is a pity there remains no tangible evidence of such an intention. it is certain that his correspondence was so large as to entail the continuous employment of a secretary, william strong; but prior to the inception of the hudson's bay project, it probably related almost entirely to his chemical and scientific researches and achievements. in may, , the prince's secretary opened a letter from lord preston, then english ambassador at paris, intimating that one m. des groseilliers, a canadian fur-trader, would be the bearer of an introductory letter from himself to his highness. he was convinced that the french were managing the fur-trade of new france very clumsily, and he added that monsieur des groseilliers seemed as much disaffected towards the new company lately chartered by the french king as towards the old. there is no reason, in the writer's opinion, why english men of commerce should not avail themselves of opportunities and instruments, such as the weak policy of their rivals now afforded, for obtaining a share in the northern fur-trade. [sidenote: rupert sends for groseilliers.] unfortunately rupert was at first unable to see the adventurer who had travelled so far. the cause of the delay is not quite clear, but it appears plausible to suppose that it was due to the prince's illness. he had already undergone the operation of trepanning, and it was found necessary to still continue treatment for the disease to which he had been subject. at any rate it was a fortnight or three weeks before the first interview took place, and the prince and the french trader did not meet until the th of june. the result of this interview was that prince rupert promised his credit for the scheme. three days later he sent for groseilliers, who found on his arrival in the prince's apartments several gentlemen, among whom lord craven, sir john robinson and mr. john portman appear to have been numbered. in a week from this conference both radisson, groseilliers and portman travelled to windsor castle at the request of the prince. there is no record of what then passed, but there is mention of a further meeting in a letter written by oldenburgh, the secretary of the royal society to robert boyle, in america. "surely i need not tell you from hence" he wrote, "what is said here with great joy of the discovery of a north-west passage by two englishmen and one frenchman, lately represented by them to his majesty at oxford and, answered by the grant of a vessel to sail into hudson's bay and channel into the south sea." from this it would appear that radisson was then popularly supposed to be an englishman, probably on account of his being sir john kirke's son-in-law, and also that the matter was not settled at windsor, but at oxford. then came a long delay--during which there is nothing worthy of record. it was too late to attempt a voyage to the bay in , but during the autumn and winter groseilliers and radisson could console themselves with the assurance that their scheme had succeeded. for at last the adventurers had met with a tangible success. a ship was engaged and fitted out for them; and it was none other than that commanded by their boston friend, captain zachary gillam. footnote: [ ] "we have another great officer," records "pleasant passages" in another budget of news from paris, "prince ruperte, master of the horse." chapter iv. - . the prince visits the _nonsuch_ -- arrival in the bay -- previous voyages of exploration -- a fort commenced at rupert's river -- gillam's return -- dealing with the nodwayes -- satisfaction of the company -- a royal charter granted. early in the morning of the rd of june, , without attracting undue attention from the riparian dwellers and loiterers, a small skiff shot out from wapping old stairs. the boatman directed its prow towards the _nonsuch_, a ketch of fifty tons, then lying at anchor in mid-thames, and soon had the satisfaction of conveying on board in safety his highness prince rupert, lord craven, and mr. hays, the distinguished patrons of an interesting expedition that day embarking for the new world. radisson was to have accompanied the expedition but he had met with an accident and was obliged to forego the journey until the following year. all hands being piped on deck, a salute was fired in honour of the visitors. captain zachary gillam and the sieur des groseilliers received the prince, and undertook to exhibit, not without a proper pride, their craft and its cargo. subsequently a descent was made to the captain's cabin, where a bottle of madeira was broached, and the success of the voyage toasted by rupert and his companions. the party then returned to wapping, amidst a ringing cheer from captain and crew. by ten o'clock the _nonsuch_ had weighed anchor and her voyage had begun. the passage across the atlantic was without any incident worthy of record. the vessel was fortunate in encountering no gales or rough seas. the leisure of groseilliers and captain gillam was employed chiefly in discussing the most advantageous landfall, and in drawing up plans for a settlement for fort-building and for trade with the tribes. by the th of august they sighted resolution isle, at the entrance of hudson's straits. they continued fearlessly on their course. during their progress the shores on either hand were occasionally visible; and once a squall compelled them to go so near land as to descry a band of natives, the like of whom for bulk and singularity of costume, groseilliers and the captain had never clapped eyes upon. they were right in judging these to be esquimaux. [sidenote: the "nonsuch" in the bay.] on the seventh day of their passage amongst those narrow channels and mountains of ice which had chilled the enthusiasm and impeded the progress of several daring navigators before them, the forty-two souls on board the _nonsuch_ were rewarded with a sight of hudson's bay.[ ] already, and long before the advent of the _nonsuch_, hudson's bay had a history and a thrilling one. in sir martin frobisher made his first voyage for the discovery of a passage to china and cathay by the north-west, discovering and entering a strait to which he gave his name. in the following year he made a second voyage, "using all possible means to bring the natives to trade, or give him some account of themselves, but they were so wild that they only studied to destroy the english." frobisher remained until winter approached and then returned to england. a further voyage of his in - made no addition to the knowledge already derived. six years later captain john davis sailed from dartmouth, and in that and succeeding voyages reached the arctic circle through the straits bearing his name. he related having found an open sea tending westward, which he hoped might be the passage so long sought for; but the weather proved too tempestuous, and, the season being far advanced, he likewise returned to a more hospitable clime. after this there were no more adventures in this quarter of the world until , when captain hudson explored as far north as degrees minutes. on his third voyage, two years later, he proceeded a hundred leagues farther along the strait, and arriving at the bay resolved to winter there. hudson was preparing for further exploration when henry green, a profligate youth, whom he had taken into his house and preserved from ruin by giving him a berth on board without the knowledge of the owners, conspired with one robert ivett, the mate, whom captain hudson had removed, to mutiny against hudson's command. these turned the captain, with his young son john, a gentleman named woodhouse, who had accompanied the expedition, together with the carpenter and five others, into a long-boat, with hardly any provisions or arms. the inhuman crew suffered all the hardships they deserved, for in a quarrel they had with the savages green and two of his companions were slain. as for ivett, who had made several voyages with hudson, and was the cause of all the mischief, he died on the passage home. habbakuk prickett, one of the crew, who wrote all the account we have of the latter part of the voyage, was a servant of sir dudley diggs. probably his master's influence had something to do with his escape from punishment. [sidenote: henry hudson's fate.] this was the last ever seen or heard, by white men, of henry hudson, and there is every likelihood that he and the others drifted to the bottom of the bay and were massacred by the savages. in the year of hudson's death sir thomas button, at the instigation of that patron of geographical science, prince henry, pursued the dead hero's discoveries. he passed hudson's straits and, traversing the bay, settled above two hundred leagues to the south-west from the straits, bestowing upon the adjacent region the name of new wales. wintering in the district afterwards called port nelson, button made an investigation of the boundaries of this huge inland sea, from him named button's bay. in came the expedition of baffin; and in captain james sailed westward to find the long-sought passage to china, spending the winter at charlton island, which afterwards became a depot of the company. captain luke fox went out in the same year, but his success was no greater than his predecessors in attaining the object of his search. he landed at port nelson and explored the country round about, without however much advantage either to himself or to his crew. when the _nonsuch_ arrived a quarter of a century had passed since an european had visited hudson's bay. after much consultation, the adventurers sailed southward from cape smith, and on sept. decided to cast anchor at the entrance to a river situated in degrees latitude. the journey was ended; the barque's keel grated on the gravel, a boat was lowered and gillam and groseilliers went promptly ashore. the river was christened rupert's river,[ ] and it being arranged to winter here, all hands were ordered ashore to commence the construction of a fort and dwellings, upon which the name of king charles was bestowed. thus our little ship's-load of adventurers stood at last on the remotest shores of the new world; all but two of them strangers in a strange land. [sidenote: the first fort.] for three days after their arrival groseilliers and his party beheld no savages. the work of constructing the fort went on apace. it was, under groseilliers' direction, made of logs, after the fashion of those built by the traders and jesuits in canada; a stockade enclosing it, as some protection from sudden attack. the experienced bushranger deemed it best not to land the cargo until communication had been made with the natives; and their attitude, friendly or otherwise, towards the strangers ascertained. no great time was spent in waiting; for on the fourth day a small band of the tribe called nodwayes appeared, greatly astonished at the presence of white settlers in those parts. after a great deal of parleying, the indians were propitiated by groseilliers with some trifling gifts, and the object of their settlement made known. the indians retired, promising to return before the winter set in with all the furs in their possession, and also to spread the tidings amongst the other tribes. the autumn supply proved scanty enough; but the adventurers being well provisioned could afford to wait until the spring. groseilliers' anticipations were realized; but not without almost incredible activity on his part. he spent the summer and autumn, and part of the ensuing winter, in making excursions into the interior. he made treaties with the nodwayes, the kilistineaux, the ottawas, and other detachments of the algonquin race. solemn conclaves were held, in which the bushranger dwelt--with that rude eloquence of which he was master, and which both he and radisson had borrowed from the indians--on the superior advantages of trade with the english. nor did his zeal here pause; knowing the indian character as he did, he concocted stories about the english king and prince rupert; many a confiding savage that year enriched his pale-face vocabulary by adding to it "charles" and "rupert," epithets which denoted that transcendent twain to whom the french bushranger had transferred his labours and his allegiance. the winter of - dragged its slow length along, and in due course the ground thawed and the snow disappeared. no sooner had the spring really arrived than strange natives began to make their appearance, evincing a grotesque eagerness to strike bargains with the whites for the pelts which they brought from the bleak fastnesses. by june it was thought fit that captain gillam should return with the _nonsuch_, leaving groseilliers and others at the fort. gillam accordingly sailed away with such cargo as they had been able to muster, to report to the prince and his company of merchants the excellent prospects afforded by the post on rupert's river, provided only the indians could be made aware of its existence, and the french trade intercepted. [illustration: the original charter of the great company. (_from a photograph._)] [sidenote: groseilliers' presence of mind.] chouart des groseilliers in all his transactions with the natives exhibited great hardihood of speech and action; and few indeed were the occasions which caught him unawares. it happened more than once, for instance, that some of the wandering algonquins or hurons recognized in this smooth-tongued leader of the english fort the same french trader they had known at montreal, and the french posts on the western lakes, and marvelled much that he who had then been loudly crying "up king lewis and the fleur-de-lis," should now be found surrounded by pale-faces of a different speech, known to be the allies of the terrible iroquois. groseilliers met their exclamations with a smile; he represented himself as profoundly dissatisfied with the manner in which the french traders treated his friends the indians, causing them to travel so far and brave such perils to bring their furs, and giving them so little in return. "tell all your friends to come hither," he cried, "and king charles will give you double what king lewis gives." in august, , a gun was heard by groseilliers and his english and native companions. with great joy the bushranger ran from the fort to the point of land commanding the bay, thinking to welcome back gillam and the expected _nonsuch_. but as the vessel came nearer he saw it was not the _nonsuch_, and for a moment he was dismayed, uncertain whether or not to make himself known. but the colour of the flag she carried reassured him; he caused a fire to be made, that the attention of those on board might be attracted by the smoke; and was soon made aware that his signal had been seen. the sloop headed up rupert's river, and a boat containing three men was lowered from her side. greater still was groseilliers' joy when he recognized amongst the approaching party in the boat his brother-in-law, pierre radisson. these two sturdy children of the wilderness embraced one another with great affection and set to work diligently to barter. the _nonsuch_ arrived safely in the thames in the month of august. [sidenote: satisfaction of the adventurers.] it would be difficult to exaggerate the satisfaction of the company of london merchants at hearing the results of their first venture. they had taken counsel together, and considering the importance of securing a charter of monopoly from the king to be paramount, prince rupert was persuaded to use his good offices to this end. charles was doubtless relieved to hear that his cousin rupert desired no greater favour. he expressed himself ready to grant such a patent, provided the lord chancellor approved. a charter was accordingly drawn up forthwith at the instance of the prince, in the usual form of such charters; but the winter of - elapsed without its having received the royal assent. indeed it was not until the second day of may that prince rupert, presenting himself at whitehall, received from the king's own hands one of the most celebrated instruments which ever passed from monarch to subject, and which, though almost incessantly in dispute, was perpetuated in full force throughout two centuries.[ ] [sidenote: the charter.] this document was granted to prince rupert and seventeen nobles and gentlemen, comprising the duke of albemarle,[ ] earls craven and arlington, lord ashley,[ ] sir john robinson, sir robert vyner, sir peter colleton, sir edward hungerford, sir paul neele, sir john griffith, sir philip carteret, knights and baronets; james hays, john kirke, francis wellington, william prettyman, john fenn, esquires, and john portman, "citizen and goldsmith," incorporated into a company, with the exclusive right to establish settlements and carry on trade at hudson's bay. the charter recites that those adventurers having, at their own great cost, undertaken an expedition to hudson's bay in order to discover a new passage into the south sea, and to find a trade for furs, minerals and other commodities, and having made such discoveries as encouraged them to proceed in their design, his majesty granted to them and their heirs, under the name of "the governor and company of merchants-adventurers trading into hudson's bay," the power of holding and alienating lands, and the sole right of trade in hudson's strait, and with the territories upon the coasts of the same. they were authorized to get out ships of war, to erect forts, make reprisals, and send home all english subjects entering the bay without their license, and to declare war and make peace with any prince or people not christian. the territory described as rupert's land consisted of the whole region whose waters flowed into hudson's bay. it was a vast tract--perhaps as vast as europe--how much vaster was yet to be made known, for the breadth of the continent of north america had not yet been even approximately ascertained. for all the adventurers knew the pacific ocean was not distant more than one hundred miles west of the bay. in the same merry month of may the _prince rupert_ set sail from gravesend, conveying a new cargo, a new crew, and a newly appointed overseer of trade, to the company's distant dominions. footnotes: [ ] the proportions of this inland sea are such as to give it a prominent place among the geographical features of the world. one thousand three hundred miles in length, by six hundred miles in breadth, it extends over twelve degrees of latitude, and covers an area not less than half a million square miles. of the five basins into which canada is divided, that of hudson's bay is immeasurably the largest, the extent of country draining into it being estimated at three million square miles. to swell the mighty volume of its waters there come rivers which take their rise in the rocky mountains on the west, and the labrador wilderness on the east; while southward its river roots stretch far down below the forty-ninth parallel, reaching even to the same lake source whence flows a stream into the gulf of mexico. a passing breath of wind may determine whether the ultimate destiny of the rain drop falling into the little lake be the bosom of the mexican gulf or the chilly grasp of the arctic ice-floe. [ ] known afterwards as nemiscau by the french. [ ] see appendix. [ ] the second duke, charles' old friend, general george monk, known to all the leaders of english history as the brave restorer of the king, afterwards created duke of albemarle, died in the year the charter was granted. [ ] lord ashley, the ancestor of the present earl of shaftsbury, and one of the ruling spirits of the reign of charles ii., will also be remembered as the achitophel of dryden. "a man so various that he seemed to be not one; but all mankind's epitome." arlington, another of the honourable adventurers, was also a member of the celebrated cabal. chapter v. - . danger apprehended to french dominion -- intendant talon -- fur trade extended westward -- news of the english expedition reaches quebec -- sovereign rights in question -- english priority established. [sidenote: french activity.] although neither the governor, the fur company nor the officials of the most christian king at quebec, had responded favourably to the proposals of groseilliers, yet they were not long in perceiving that a radical change in their trade policy was desirable. representations were made to m. colbert and the french court. it was even urged that france's north american dominions were in danger, unless a more positive and aggressive course were pursued with regard to extension. these representations, together with the knowledge that the dutch on the south side of the st lawrence and in the valley of the hudson had unexpectedly acknowledged allegiance to the king of england, determined lewis to evince a greater interest in canadian affairs than he had done hitherto. mezy was recalled, to die soon afterwards; and daniel de remin, seigneur de courcelles, was despatched as provincial governor. a new office was created, that of intendant of justice, police and finance; and jean talon--a man of ability, experience and energy--was made the first intendant. immediately upon his arrival, he took steps to confirm the sovereignty of his master over the vast realms in the west; and to set up the royal standard in the region of the great lakes. in talon returned to france, taking with him one of those hardy bushrangers (_coureurs de bois_) who passed nearly the whole of their lives in the interior and in the company of the hurons. this man seems to have cut a very picturesque figure. he had been scalped, and bore about his person many grim mutilations and disfigurements, to bear witness to his adventures amongst unfriendly tribes. he accompanied talon in the capacity of servant or bodyguard, and appears to have had little difficulty in making himself an object of infinite interest to the lackeys and concierges of paris. on the intendant's return to canada, this daring personage, peray by name, is alluded to as talon's most trusted adviser with regard to the western country and the tribes inhabiting it. in one of the intendant's letters, dated february th, , he writes that peray had "penetrated among the western nations farther than any frenchman; and had seen the copper mine on lake huron. this man offers to go to that mine and explore either by sea, or by the lake and river--such communication being supposed to exist between canada and the south sea--or to the hudson's bay." french activity had never been so great in the new world as in the years between groseilliers' departure from quebec and the period when the english fur-traders first came in contact with the french on the shores of hudson's bay, thirteen years later. in the summer of , the active and intelligent louis joliet, with an outfit of , livres, supplied him by the intendant, penetrated into an unknown region and exhibited the white standard of france before the eyes of the astonished natives. this also was the period which witnessed the exploits of la salle, and of saint lusson. trade followed quickly on their heels. in march, , five weeks before the charter was granted to the great company, a party of jesuits arriving at sault ste. marie found twenty-five frenchmen trading there with the indians. these traders reported that a most lucrative traffic had sprung up in that locality. coincident with the tidings they thus conveyed to talon, the intendant learnt from some algonquins who had come to quebec to trade, that two european vessels had been seen in hudson's bay. [sidenote: colbert and the company.] "after reflecting," he wrote to colbert, "on all the nations that might have penetrated as far north as that, i can only fall back on the english, who, under the conduct of one named groseilliers, in former times an inhabitant of canada, might possibly have attempted that navigation, of itself not much known and not less dangerous. i design to send by land some men of resolution to invite the kilistinons,[ ] who are in great numbers in the vicinity of that bay, to come down to see us as the ottawas do, in order that we may have the first handling of what the savages bring us, who, acting as retail dealers between ourselves and those natives (_i.e._, the kilistinons), make us pay for this roundabout way of three or four hundred leagues." the rivalry of french and english north of the st. lawrence had begun. with that rivalry began also from this moment that long series of disputes concerning the sovereignty of the whole northern territories, which has endured down to our own generation. [sidenote: a much vexed controversy.] few historical themes have ever been argued at greater length or more minutely than this--the priority of discovery, occupation, and active assumption of sovereignty over those lands surrounding hudson's bay, which for two centuries were to be held and ruled by the hudson's bay company. the wisest jurists, the shrewdest intellects, the most painstaking students were destined to employ themselves for over a century in seeking to establish by historical evidence, by tradition and by deduction, the "rights" of the english or of the french to those regions. a great deal of importance has been attached to the fact that in a charter had been granted by lewis xiii. to a number of adventurers sent to discover new lands to the north of the river of st. lawrence. the clause of the charter reads as follows:--"le fort et habitation de quebec, avec tout le pays de la nouvelle france dite canada, tant le long des cotes depuis la floride que les predecesseurs rois de sa majeste ont fait habiter en rangeant les cotes de la mer jusqu'au cercle artique pour latitude, et de longitude depuis l'ile de terreneuve tirant a l'ouest au grand lac dit la mer douce et au dela que de dans les terres, et le long des rivieres qui y passant et se dechargent dans le fleuve dit st. laurent, ou autrement la grande riviere du canada, et dans tous les autres fleuves qui se portent a la mer." but most writers have omitted to verify the fact that in this charter to the french company, the only portions of land granted to the french company are the lands or portions of lands which had already been occupied by the kings of france, and the object of the charter was simply to give them an exclusive right of trade therein. thus it was clearly indicated that the charter did not go further than the land occupied by the predecessors of lewis xiv. "new france was then understood to include the whole region of hudson's bay, as the maps and histories of the time, english and french, abundantly prove." this is a broad assertion, which is not supported by the early discoverers nor by the historians of that time. charlevoix in his history described new france as being an exceedingly limited territory. there is in l'escarbot a description which shows that at that time the whole territory known as new france extended but a few miles on each side of the st. lawrence. charlevoix says regretfully at that time that the giving up of this territory did not amount to much, as new france was circumscribed by very narrow limits on either side of the st lawrence. when an examination is made into the facts of the voyages and expeditions alleged to have been undertaken by the french prior to , it is difficult to arrive at any but a certain conclusion--that the french claims had no foundation in fact. it was then asserted, and long afterwards repeated, that jean bourdon, the attorney-general in , explored the entire coast of labrador and entered hudson's bay. for this assertion one is unable to find any historical support; certainly no record of any kind exists of such a voyage. there is a record in , it is true, that sieur bourdon, then attorney-general, was authorized to make a discovery of _mer du nord_; and in order to comply with that _arrét_ of the sovereign council at quebec, he actually made an attempt at such discovery. bourdon left quebec on may nd, , and an entry in the records proves his return on august th of the same year. it is manifestly impossible that such a voyage could have been accomplished between these dates. but a reference to this business in the jesuit relations of the succeeding year is sufficiently convincing.[ ] it is there recorded that on the " th of august, there appeared the barque of m. bourdon, which having descended the grand river on the north side, sailed as far as the th degree, where it encountered a great bank of ice, which caused it to return, having lost two hurons that it had taken as guides. the esquimaux savages of the north massacred them and wounded a frenchman with three arrows and one cut with a knife." another statement employed to strengthen the french claim to sovereignty was, that father dablon and sieur de valiere were ordered in to proceed to the country about hudson's bay, and that they accordingly went thither. all accounts available to the historian agree that the worthy father never reached the bay. [sidenote: la couture's mythical voyage.] another assertion equally long-lived and equally ill-founded, was to the effect that one sieur la couture, with five men, proceeded overland to the bay, and there took possession of it in the king's name. there is no account of this voyage in _charlevoix_, or in the "relations des jesuites," or in the memoir furnished by m. de callieres to the marquis de denonville. this memoir, which was penned in , or twenty-one years after the time of which it treated, set forth that la couture made the journey for purposes of discovery. under the circumstances, particularly owing to the strong necessity under which the french were placed to find some shadow of right for their pretensions, m. de callieres' memoir has been declared untrustworthy by competent authorities. [illustration: english map of .] in , sieur duquet, the king's attorney for quebec, and jean l'anglois, a canadian colonist, are said to have gone to hudson's bay by order of sieur d'argenson, and to have renewed possession by setting up the king's arms there a second time. such an order could hardly have been given by d'argenson, because he had left canada on september th, , two years before this pretended order was given to sieur duquet. [sidenote: french falsehoods and fallacies.] it has been attempted to explain the silence of the "relations of the jesuits" concerning bourdon's voyage, by asserting that they were naturally anxious that members of their own society should be the pioneers in discovery, and that therefore many important discoveries were never brought to light in their relations because they were not made by jesuits. it is enough to say that such an argument cannot apply to the voyage of dablon. he was a jesuit, a man in whom the interests of the society were centred, and if a voyage had been made by him, no doubt a great deal of prominence would have been given to it. on the contrary, in the third volume of the "jesuit relations," , we find this jesuit, father dablon, describing an unsuccessful voyage that he made. there can be no doubt that he attempted a voyage. a portion of this relation is written by himself, and he calls it, "journal du premier voyage fait vers la mer du nord." the first portion of it is most important and conclusive, as showing that de callieres, in his memoir to m. de seignely, twenty-one years afterwards, must have been speaking from hearsay, and without any authentic documents on which to base his assertions. dablon says that the highest point which he did reach was nekauba, a hundred leagues from tadoussac, and that subsequently he returned; and this is from a report of this journey written by himself. some have attempted to raise a doubt as to the identity of the dablon in de callieres' memoir, with the dablon of the "relations des jesuites." but at the end of one of the volumes is a complete list of all the jesuits, pioneers both of the faith and in the way of discovery, and there is only one dablon mentioned. another inaccuracy of this memoir is as to the trip of duquet, under an order said to have been given by sieur d'argenson. there can be no doubt that at the time this pretended order was given, d'argenson had left canada. on the whole it may be as well for the reader to dismiss the french pretensions. they are no longer of interest, save to the hair-splitting student of the country's annals: but in their day they gave rise to a wilderness of controversy, through which we in the twentieth century may yet grope vainly for the light. for all practical purposes the question of priority was settled forever by the ontario boundary commission of . let us turn rather to behold to what account the honourable adventurers turned their new property. footnotes: [ ] kristineaux, crees. [ ] jean bourdon was of the province of quebec; he was well known to the jesuits and trusted by them. he subsequently accompanied father jacques on an embassy to governor dongan, the governor of the province of new york. in shea's _charlevoix_, vol. iii, pp. , , it is stated that père dablon attempted to penetrate to the northern ocean by ascending the saguenay. early in june, two months after they set out, they found themselves at the head of the nekauba river, miles from lake st. john. warned of the approach of the iroquois, they dared not proceed farther. in the new york historical documents (p. ) there is an account of dablon from the time of his arrival in canada in . he was immediately sent missionary to onondaga, where he continued with a brief interval until . in he set out overland for hudson's bay, but succeeded only in reaching the head waters of the nekauba, miles from lac st. jean. chapter vi. . first public sale at garraway's -- contemporary prices of fur -- the poet dryden -- meetings of the company -- curiosity of the town -- aborigines on view. on the seventeenth day of november, , the wits, beaux and well-to-do merchants who were wont to assemble at garraway's coffee-house, london, were surprised by a placard making the following announcement:--"on the fifth of december, ensuing, there will be sold, in the greate hall of this place, , weight of beaver skins,[ ] comprised in thirty lotts, belonging to the honourable, the governour and company of merchants-adventurers trading into hudson's bay." [illustration: the beaver.] such was the notice of the first official sale of the company. up to this date, the peltries brought back in their ships had been disposed of by private treaty, an arrangement entrusted chiefly to mr. john portman and mr. william prettyman, both of whom appear to have had considerable familiarity with the european fur-trade. the immediate occasion of this sale is a trivial matter. the causes lying behind it are of interest. among the numerous houses which cured and dealt in furs at this period, both in london and bristol, there were none whose business seems to have been comparable, either in quantity or quality, to that of the great establishments which flourished in leipsic and amsterdam, paris and vienna. indeed, it was a reproach continually levelled at the english fur-dressers that such furs as passed through their hands were vastly inferior to the foreign product; and it is certain that it was the practice of the nobles and wealthier classes, as well as the municipal and judicial dignitaries, for whose costume fur was prescribed by use and tradition, to resort not to any english establishment, but to one of the cities above-mentioned, when desirous of replenishing this department of their wardrobe. hitherto, then, the company had had but little opportunity of extending its trade, and but little ground to show why an intending purchaser should patronize its wares. but the superiority both in the number and quality of the skins which now began to arrive seems to have encouraged the directors to make a new bid for public custom; and as the purchasing public showed no disposition to visit their warehouses they determined to take their wares to the public. [sidenote: first sale well attended.] this sale of the company, however, the first, as it subsequently proved, of a series of great transactions which during the past two centuries have made london the centre of the world's fur-trade, did not take place until the twenty-fourth of january. it excited the greatest interest. garraway's was crowded by distinguished men, and both the prince of wales and the duke of york, besides dryden, the poet, were among the spectators. there are some lines attributed to him, under date of , which may have been improvised on this occasion. "friend, once 'twas fame that led thee forth to brave the tropic heat, the frozen north, late it was gold, then beauty was the spur; but now our gallants venture but for fur." a number of purchases seem to have been made by private parties; but the bulk of the undressed beaver-skins probably went to fur merchants, and there is good reason to believe that the majority found their way into the hands of portman and prettyman. beaver seems on this occasion to have fetched from thirty-five to fifty-five shillings--a high figure, which for a long time was maintained. but the company showed considerable sagacity by not parting with its entire stock of furs at once. only the beaver-skins were disposed of at this sale; the peltries of moose, marten, bear and otter were reserved for a separate and subsequent auction. [sidenote: meeting at john horth's.] prior to its incorporation, and for a year afterwards, the company does not seem to have pursued any formal course with regard to its meetings. at first, they met at the tower, at the mint, or at prince rupert's house in spring garden. once or twice they met at garraway's. but at a conclave held on november th, , it was resolved that a definite procedure should be established with regard both to the time and place of meeting, and to the keeping of the minutes and accounts. these latter, it was ordered, were forthwith to be rendered weekly to the general court, so that the adventurers might be conversant with all sales, orders and commissions included in the company's dealings. employees' accounts were also to be posted up; and the same regulation was applied to the lists of goods received for the two ships then lying in the thames. it was further decreed that the weekly meetings should take place at mr. john horth's office, "the excise office," in broad street, pending the building of a "hudson's bay house." soon afterwards, a "general court" of the adventurers was held, at which the prince, lord ashley, sir john robinson, sir peter colleson, sir robert viner, mr. kirke and mr. portman were in attendance. we catch a thoroughly typical glimpse of prince rupert at this meeting; sober business was not at all to his taste, and at a very early stage in the proceedings he feigned either indisposition or another appointment, and took his departure. a hint, however, may possibly have been given to him to do so, for, no sooner was the door closed behind him, than his friend lord ashley introduced a very delicate topic which was entered into by all those present. it concerned nothing less than prince rupert's profits, which up to this time seem to have been very vaguely defined. lord ashley spoke for the prince and he seems to have demanded some definite payment besides a share in the enterprise; but there is no record of an agreement or of any exact sum, nor is there any basis for the conjecture that his share was ten thousand pounds. the charter of monopoly was an important one, and the king certainly not the man to fail in appreciating its value; but how much he did out of good will to his kinsman, and how much out of consideration for his own profit, will never be known. a perusal of the vast quantity of manuscript matter which exists relating to this arrangement leads to the conclusion that charles sold the charter out of hand. and indeed one pamphleteer, intent on defaming the company in , even goes so far as to profess actual knowledge of the sum paid to his majesty by the adventurers. upon a consideration of all the speculations advanced, i have come to the conclusion that it is highly improbable that the king received any immediate pecuniary advantage whatever on account of the charter. there is no shadow of evidence to support the charge; and there is at least some presumptive evidence against it. charters were both commonly and cheaply given in those days. even where consideration was given, the amount was insignificant. in , for example, charles transferred the province of bombay, which had come to the british crown as portion of the dower of catherine of braganza, to the east india company for an annual rent of no more than £ . on the whole then the data, such as they are, strongly favour the belief that he granted the charter simply in the cause of friendship and at the urgent instance of his cousin; while, as an additional motive, it was probably also urged upon him that a charter boasting the royal signature would be a virtual assertion of his dominion over territory which was always somewhat in dispute. prince rupert himself in any case was paid a lump sum by the adventurers, but the amount will probably never be known. the early meetings of the company seem to have been largely occupied in considering the question of cargoes. this was, no doubt, a very important business. the company appear to have had two precedents which, in part, they naturally adopted, those of the dutch (or west india company) and the french company. the east india company's practice could have afforded them little assistance. they also struck out a line for themselves, and in their selection of goods for the purposes of barter they were greatly guided by the advice of radisson, who had a very sound conception of the indian character. from the first the company rejected the policy of seeking to exchange glass beads and gilded kickshaws for furs. not that they found it inexpedient to include these trifles in their cargoes: for we read in one of the news-letters of , speaking of the doings at garraway's:-- "hither came mr. portman, to whom, reports says, is entrusted the purchase of beads and ribbons for the american savages by the new adventurers, and who is charged with being in readiness to bargain for sackfuls of child's trinkets as well as many outlandish things, which are proper for barter. he takes the rallying in great good-humour." [sidenote: solid character of the merchandise.] long before the company was thought of, the manufacture of beads and wampum for the new england trade had been going on in london. but beads and jewellery, it was argued, were better suited for the african and east indian trade. it was radisson who pointed out with great propriety that the northern tribes would become most useful to the company if they were provided with weapons for killing or ensnaring the game, as well as with the knives, hatchets and kettles, which were indispensable for dressing it, and for preparing pemmican. and his advice was taken on this, as on most other points. thus for the _prince rupert_ and the _imploy_, which were to sail in the following spring, the following cargo was prescribed by radisson and captain gillam:-- fowling pieces, and powder and shot in proportion. brass kettles, to gallons apiece. gross of knives. , hatchets. but it is curious to note how this list of exports was continually added to. for instance, one of the company on one occasion rose at the weekly meeting and stated that he had been told by an experienced indian trader that scarlet cloth was very highly esteemed among the indians. "i hear," said he, "that an indian will barter anything he possesses for a couple of yards of scarlet cloth and a few dyed feathers." whereupon, the chairman turned to the original adventurer in the region controlled by the company. "what does mr. radisson say to this?" "i think," said mr. radisson, "that the honourable adventurer does not understand the indian trade as well as i do. he forgets that indians are of many races; and that what will suit the case and attract the cupidity of an indian far to the south, will have little effect on the northern tribes. an iroquois would think more of a brass nail than of twenty yards of scarlet cloth. in the north, where we have built a factory, the indians are more peaceful; but they do not care much for kickshaws and coloured rags. they, too, esteem powder and shot and the means of discharging them. but they are just as fond, particularly eskimaux, of knives and kettles and hatchets." on a subsequent occasion, a third as many again of these implements were taken as cargo. [sidenote: ships besieged by peddlers.] in the meantime, it was not to be supposed that the rumours of the great value put upon petty merchandise by the hyperborean savages, could fail to excite the cupidity of london merchants and dealers in these things. the ships that sailed in the spring of were besieged by peddlers and small dealers, who were prepared to adventure their property in the wilds. not only the ships, but the houses selected for the company's meetings were beset with eager throngs, praying the adventurers, collectively and individually, to act as middlemen for their trumpery merchandise. not only did the ships and the place of meeting suffer siege, but as many as thirty persons shipped out to hudson's bay in the first two voyages after the granting of the charter, while twenty-one of them returned in the next two vessels fully determined, apparently, to repeat a journey which had proved so lucrative. to abate this nuisance, it was enacted that no persons would "hereafter be employed to stay in the country or otherwise but by consent of the committee, nor any goods be put aboard the ships but with their knowledge and consent, to the end that the ships be not hereafter pestered as they were the last voyage." this enactment may have had its rise in the dishonesty of these self-appointed adventurers. on several occasions on unshipping the cargo, boxes and barrels containing valuable furs would be found missing, or their loss would coincide with the disappearance of a reprobate who had joined the ship without a character. thus we read in the minutes that at one meeting it was ordered that enquiry be made as to sixty beaver skins, "very good and large, packed up with the others, in one of the casks, which were not found." one jeremiah walker, a second mate and supercargo was required to state which cask they were taken in, and his cross-examination reveals the loose and unbusiness-like methods then in vogue. nothing could be more entertaining than the character of these meetings, as compared with a modern board-meeting of a joint stock enterprise. a great air of mystery was kept up. the novelty of the undertaking was so great as to imbue the committee with a high sense of the importance and interest of their weekly conclaves. the length of the speeches bears witness to this spirit. a member had been known to speak for a whole hour on the edifying theme as to whether the furs should be placed in barrels or boxes. [illustration: arms of the hudson's bay company.] vague rumours of these secret proceedings permeated the town. they became a standing topic at the places where men foregathered. to the popular imagination, the north was a land of fable. the denizens of those countries were invested with strange attributes and clothed in weird and wonderful garments. the hudson's bay company dealt with picturesque monarchs and a fierce, proud and noble people, whose ordinary attire was the furs of sable, of ermine, of fox, and of otter; who made treaties and exacted tributes after the fashion of the ceremonial east. petty chiefs and sachems were described as kings and emperors; the wretched squaws of a redskin leader as queens. it was, perhaps, only natural for a generation which banqueted its imagination on the seductive fable of a north-west passage to confuse the red indians of north america with the inhabitants of the east; a very long period was to pass away before the masses were able to distinguish between the tawny-skinned indian of the north american continent and the swarthy servants of the east india company. nor were the masses alone sinners in this respect. the indians of dryden, of congreve, of steele, and even of writers so late as goldsmith no more resembled the real red-men than the bison of the western prairies was akin to the buffalo of the himalayas. for such reasons as these, the adventurers kept their ways and their superior knowledge with superior discretion to themselves. [sidenote: capital of the company.] it was never known in the seventeenth century what actually constituted the original capital of the adventurers. so small was it that when, in the course of the parliamentary committee of enquiry in , nearly eighty years after the company had received its charter, the figures were divulged, the pettiness of the sum occasioned universal surprise. each adventurer was apparently required to pay £ , sterling; and the gross sum was divided into thirty-four equal shares. besides prince rupert's "sundry charges" (the euphemism employed to describe the sum paid him for his interest in obtaining the charter), his highness was offered a share amounting to one equal share. "he having graciously signified his acceptance thereof," says the secretary in the minute-book, "credit given him for three hundred pounds." the capital thus stood at £ , . footnote: [ ] the beaver, amphibious and intelligent, had for centuries a considerable place in commerce: and also a celebrity of its own as the familiar synonym for the common covering of a man's head, and here the animal becomes historic. by royal proclamation in , charles i., of england, prohibited the use of any material in the manufacture of hats "except beaver stuff or beaver wool." this proclamation was the death-warrant of beavers innumerable, sacrificed to the demands of the trade. chapter vii. - . mission of the père albanel -- apprehension at fort charles -- bailey's distrust of radisson -- expedition to moose river -- groseilliers and the savages -- the bushrangers leave the company's service -- arrival of governor lyddal. while the honourable company of adventurers was holding its meetings in mr. alderman horth's house, and gravely discussing its huge profits and its motley wares, an event was happening some thousands of miles away which was to decide the fate, for some years at least, of the two picturesque figures to whom the inception of the whole enterprise was due. in august, , m. talon, the intendant of new france, sent for a certain father albanel and a young friend of his, the sieur de st. simon, and after embracing them sent both forth on a perilous mission to the north. they were directed to "penetrate as far as the mer du nord; to draw up a memoir of all they would discover, drive a trade in fur with the indians, and especially reconnoitre whether there be any means of wintering ships in that quarter." such were the injunctions bestowed upon these hardy spirits on the eve of their errand. to recur to a theme already touched upon, if the french government of the day had previously caused visits to be made to hudson's bay in the manner described several years later, all this knowledge would have been already acquired; and there would have been no necessity to despatch either priest or layman thither to make that discovery anew. [sidenote: father albanel's journey.] in the "jesuit relations" for is found father albanel's own narration of his journey: "hitherto this voyage had been considered impossible for frenchmen, who, after having undertaken it three times and not having been able to surmount the obstacles, had seen themselves to abandon it in despair of success. what appears as impossible is found not to be so when it pleases god. the conduct of it was reserved to me after eighteen years' prosecution that i had made, and i have very excellent proofs that god reserved the execution of it for me, after the singular favour of a sudden and marvellous, not to say miraculous, recovery that i received as soon as i devoted myself to this mission at the solicitation of my superior; and in fact i have not been deceived in my expectation; i have opened the road, in company with two frenchmen and six savages." thus it is made apparent that so far as the jesuits, pioneers of this country, were concerned, no knowledge of any of their compatriots having penetrated to hudson's bay had ever reached them. the letter that m. talon was writing to his royal master is proof that he, too, was unaware of any prior discovery. no doubt remains that the worthy priest and the young chevalier, his servant, were the first party travelling overland from quebec to penetrate into those regions and to behold that vast expanse of water. the little band of english at fort charles, under charles bailey, who had been sent out as governor of rupert's land by the company, were soon made aware of the proximity of the french, and no one seems to have been more affected by the news than radisson and groseilliers. the two brothers-in-law indulged in many anxious surmises. radisson offered to go and find out who the intruders were, but the governor by no means favoured the idea. in those days, when national rivalries and prejudices were so intense, and especially so among the english middle classes, bailey seems to have felt a great deal of distrust with regard to the two frenchmen; and he early made up his mind to let them know his opinion and feel his authority. the two parties were continually at loggerheads; the frenchmen naturally resenting the governor's unjust suspicions, and the governor retorting by a ponderous irony and a surly and continual surveillance of their speech and movements. [sidenote: rivals on the scene.] in the following year, , the occupants of the company's post, at rupert's river, were made aware of the neighbourhood of their trade rivals in no pleasant manner. the indians of the country round about began to show signs of disaffection. on being questioned, some of the more friendly ones were induced to betray the cause. they had been informed by the frenchmen, who in that and the previous years had reached the shores of the bay, distant some twenty or thirty leagues, that the english were not to be trusted, that their firearms were bewitched, and their religion was that of the evil one. peaceably inclined, the nodwayes, who were the principal inhabitants of that region, fell an easy prey to the proselytism of the indomitable jesuits, and many of their younger braves had journeyed to quebec and taken part in the mission services there, and at montreal, before the arrival of dablon in their midst. but they were readily adaptable to the racial and commercial antagonisms of their teachers; and late in governor bailey was informed that they contemplated an attack on the fort. [illustration: type of early trading post. (_from an old print._)] on this, the company's servants began the task of strengthening their frail defences. the governor alleged that he had received instructions from england to despatch groseilliers to the other side of the bay, called the "west main." radisson sought to accompany his kinsman, but was met with a peremptory refusal. this action by no means increased the amity between him and his rather stupid and choleric superior. nevertheless the winter passed without any open exhibition of hostility between the two men; and it seemed likely that no difficulties would arise while the cold weather continued. the ground was, however, still covered with snow when several indians appeared and asked to be allowed to take up their abode at the east end of the fort, that they might be ready for trade in the spring. bailey, with his customary sagacity in such matters, suspected some treachery in this; but on the active expostulations of radisson the simple request was granted, and the indians immediately proceeded to erect their wigwams. on the th of march, when the thaw commenced, six savages, announcing themselves as ambassadors from kas-kidi-dah, the chief of the tribe, (referred to by bailey's secretary as "king cusciddidah,") came to herald the approach of that potentate. it so chanced that both the governor and radisson were absent, having gone out to reconnoitre and to obtain an addition to their now slender stock of meat. in all these little expeditions the governor and radisson were inseparable. the former swore privately he could never bring himself to trust the fort in the hands of a frenchman; and, although there was no reason whatever to apprehend such consequences, the governor constantly acted as if any such show of confidence on his part would emphatically jeopardize the interests of the company. [sidenote: governor bailey's distrust.] king cusciddidah arrived on the following day. "his majestie brought a retinue with him," records thomas gorst, the governor's secretary, "but very little beaver, the indians having already sent their best to canada." in the absence of the governor, the occupants of the fort regarded captain cole as their superior. cole did not place much confidence in the pacific mien of the savages surrounding the fort, and a guard was kept up night and day. under cover of darkness two sailors were despatched to find the governor; but scarcely had they departed on their quest than cusciddidah proposed that two of his indians should go on the same errand. the acting commandant of the fort could not well decline this offer, and on the st of march the second party returned, bringing with them the governor. to the surprise of all radisson did not accompany him. no explanation was offered; but the next day the rumour ran that they had quarrelled in the wilderness, that from words they came to blows, and that finally radisson had attempted to shoot the governor. filled with a natural alarm, groseilliers made several attempts to obtain from bailey the true story of the affair, but the governor declined to affirm or confirm anything, saying that he had no doubt groseilliers knew quite as much of the matter as himself. groseilliers' anxiety, however, was considerably lessened when at a formal conference with the indian king, held at the latter's wigwams near the fort, he learnt that the french had made a settlement not above eight days' journey from rupert's river. hither, in effect, radisson had repaired; and afterwards from thence made his way back to quebec. of his subsequent adventures mention will be made later in the narrative. [sidenote: first french rivalry.] cusciddidah openly demanded the english protection. he declared his apprehension of being attacked by other indians, whom the french had animated against the english and all who dealt with them. he even gave a description of the fort the french had erected on the banks of moose river, and the contents of its store-house. already the french were resorting to many artifices to hinder the natives from trading with the heretic pale-faces; they gave higher value for the furs brought them, and lost no opportunity of instilling into the minds of the indians a far from flattering opinion of their trade rivals, the english. one hearer received these tidings with complete equanimity. that which surprised and confounded his companions, filled the bosom of chouart des groseilliers with a secret joy. the governor's high-handed deportment had oppressed, if it had not angered him; and he had, together with his brother-in-law, begun to suspect that this policy of enmity was dictated by a desire to rid himself and the company of them both. but in the proximity of the french he found a weapon of great utility in his relations with the governor, his superior officer. on the third of april a council was held, to debate upon the advisability of the company's agents removing from rupert's to moose river, thus to prevent their traffic being intercepted by the french. the governor adopted a tone of great cordiality towards groseilliers, and listened with deference to his advice. groseilliers boldly counselled giving up the present fort and establishing themselves close to the french. bailey, much to captain cole's astonishment, instantly approved of the plan. in vain did cole protest against the course as dangerous; the governor professed his confidence in groseilliers' wisdom, and ordered the sloop to be got ready for the journey. [illustration: bark canoe of indians on hudson's bay.] in the meantime the indians in the neighbourhood of fort charles continued building their wigwams. they raised their wauscohegein or fort so near the english that the palisades joined. as their numbers increased, groseilliers advised putting off their own expedition until the savages were gone hunting, so that fort charles and those left in charge might not be surprised in their absence. on the th of may, seven canoes containing more subjects of cusciddidah arrived, bringing the news to the english that few, if any, upland indians might be expected to visit them that season, the french having persuaded them to journey with their goods to canada instead. indeed, said they, the tribes had already left, so that even if the english expedition were made, it would be fruitless. at this depressing intelligence bailey again sought groseilliers' advice, and this being still in favour of advancing to moose river, it was adopted. before the departure, on the th of may, a band of about fifty men, women and children appeared, anxious to trade; but instead of furs they offered wampum, feathers, and a few small canoes, for none of which merchandise the company's agents had need. they were of the nation called pishapocanoes, a tribe allied to the esquimaux, and like them, a "poor, beggarly people; by which," adds one of the party, "we may perceive the french ran away with the best of the trade." everything being now in readiness, the expedition started, but without bailey. the governor, at the last moment, decided to remain behind at fort charles and await their return. [sidenote: first visit to moose river.] the voyage across the bay was made in safety, and on the very day of landing at the mouth of moose river, a band of tabiti indians were encountered, from whom they obtained about two hundred pelts. the chief of this band denied that the french had bribed them or the other indians not to trade with the english. they declared that as yet their intercourse had been almost entirely with the jesuits, one of whom was father albanel, who had merely urged them to live on terms of friendship with the nations in league with the french. the chief blamed the english for trading with such pitiful tribes as cusciddidah's and the pishapocanoes, advising them instead to settle at moose river, where, he asserted, the upland indians would come and trade with them. one curious incident occurred in the course of this parley. the tabiti chief, who had been for some time looking rather sharply at groseilliers, suddenly broke off the intercourse. when captain cole demanded the reason, the chief declared that it was on groseilliers' account, whom he had recognized as the frenchman with whom he had had dealings many years before. groseilliers, nothing loth, stepped forward, and declared that the chief might possess himself in easiness on that score, as he was now to all intents and purposes an englishman; and that he would always trade with the tabitis as such. "but you drove hard bargains," returned the chief. "you took our silkiest, softest and richest furs, and you gave us but beads and ribbons. you told us the skins of the sable, and marten, and beaver were of little account to you, whereas the english give us, and the french traders as well, guns and hatchets in exchange." this harangue does not seem to have particularly disconcerted groseilliers; he was an old indian trader; he returned a polite answer, renewing his expressions of amity. nevertheless, it made a profound impression upon the other members of the party, who reported to bailey on their return that the indians thought groseilliers too hard on them, and refused to deal with him. indeed, they did not scruple to assert that the comparative failure of their expedition was owing to groseilliers' presence; that both the tabitis and the shechittiwans, hard by, were really possessed of peltries which they chose to conceal. [sidenote: bailey at moose river.] on hearing this intelligence, bailey himself was induced to set out for moose river. by rare good fortune, he found the tabitis reinforced by a numerous band of shechittiwans, who had journeyed thither some fifty leagues and were eager to trade. from this tribe, the governor procured no fewer than fifteen hundred skins on very good terms. charmed with his adventure, he decided to pursue his course, discover the chechouan river, and thence coast along the west shore of the bay, to port nelson, where there was, as yet, no fort. on the th of july, he arrived at chechouan river, "where no englishman had been before," but secured little or no beaver. he treated with the chief of the tribe he found there and with his son, who exacted from him a promise that he would come with a ship and trade the next year. in return, they assured him they would provide a quantity of beaver and induce the upland tribes to travel thence. hardly had the sloop departed than, on the th, it ran upon a mass of floating ice and narrowly escaped foundering. this catastrophe precipitated the governor's return to rupert's river. he arrived to find groseilliers and his protégé gorst at daggers drawn, and the factors, traders and sailors almost at the point of mutiny, and all this because they objected to serve under a frenchman. [sidenote: jesuit priest at fort charles.] bailey now seems to have made up his mind what course to pursue with regard to groseilliers; but if anything were wanting to complete his decision, he had not long to wait. on the next day but one, that is to say the th of august, a messenger came to him to announce the arrival of a canoe. in it was a jesuit missionary, accompanied by one of cusciddidah's own sons. the worthy priest was in a sorry condition with regard to his apparel, most of which he had either been robbed of or been compelled to barter for food during his long sojourn in the wilderness. he had left quebec during the preceding october, but had been detained for many months owing to the impassability of the route. he bore with him letters; one of them for mr. bailey from the governor of quebec. this epistle seems to have given bailey a great deal of pleasure, and as a communication from one great man to another, he caused it to be publicly read out in the fort. the french governor desired bailey to treat the priest civilly "on account of the amity between the two crowns"; and the bearer of this letter had no reason to complain of a lack of hospitality. he was clothed and entertained with great kindness. unhappily, on the very evening of his arrival, the governor was made aware that the jesuit had brought other letters, and that these had been delivered into the hands of groseilliers. always suspicious, he now became convinced of treachery. he saw in this harmless visit of a pious missionary a deep-laid plot to capture the fort and allow it to be pillaged by the hostile indians. he ordered groseilliers to appear before him. but groseilliers was not to be found, and gorst returned to say that both the frenchmen were out walking together. bailey, taking several men with him, now went himself in search of the pair; he confronted groseilliers, and hurled a host of accusations at his head. to these accusations, all ill-founded and ill-advised, groseilliers very promptly responded by knocking the governor down. he then returned calmly to the fort, demanded his wages and possessions, and calling three of the indians to his side, including the young brave who had accompanied the priest, set off valiantly into the wilderness. in due time he reached quebec, where he rendered a faithful account to the authorities of what had transpired. he also forwarded to england, by way of new england, a minute account of his experiences, which was duly read out at one of the meetings of the company. the jesuit, who had offered to proceed with groseilliers, had been detained. he seems to have made himself very useful to the english in their dealings with the indians, although he was thoroughly distrusted, as was to be expected, by the governor. [sidenote: arrival of the "prince rupert."] on the th of september, a sloop was descried in the river, which, with joy, they soon made out to be the _prince rupert_, just arrived from england. she was commanded by captain gillam, and with her came the new governor, william lyddal, to supersede bailey. captain gillam reported that the sister-ship, the _shaftesbury_, commanded by captain shepherd, was likewise at the mouth of the river. the new governor's commission and instructions being read, all hands were immediately put to work, with the intention of unloading and reloading the ships for the return voyage immediately. bailey seems to have expressed the greatest anxiety to proceed to london without delay; but at length he was induced to listen to reason. it was pointed out to him that the season would be far spent before the work of equipment could be properly concluded. after several councils, it was resolved that they should winter at rupert's river; and no effort was made to unload the vessels until the following spring. in the meantime, the crews were not idle. under lyddal's direction they found employment in cutting timber and building houses, more particularly a bake-house and a brew-house, which latter added greatly to the comfort of the fort. chapter viii. - . progress of the company -- confusion as to the names and number of the tribes -- radisson goes to paris -- his efforts to obtain support there, and from prince rupert, in england, fail -- arrival of m. de la chesnaye -- with his help radisson secures support -- and sails for quebec -- thence proceeds with two ships to attack the english ports in hudson's bay -- his encounters with gillam's expedition from london, and his son's, from new england. rapidly advancing in prosperity and reputation, and possessed of a basis of credit which gave it a welcome sense of solidity, the company now renewed its efforts to extend its trade and settlements. the weekly meetings in mr. john horth's house, which were so full of mystery to the public, continued to bear fruit; and at length a regular system was determined for the organization and government of its distant dependencies. [sidenote: ignorance of the geography of hudson's bay.] all ships bound for hudson's bay were now ordered to visit charlton island, which lies about forty miles from the mouth of rupert's river, in the extreme south of the bay; and the island was also made a rendezvous whither all factors were to bring all their merchandise for the purpose of loading the company's ships. the geography of the district had hitherto, in spite of the researches of a long series of explorers, beginning with frobisher, and ending with fox, remained obscure. but the company's servants had not been idle, and the adventurers were soon in possession of carefully drawn charts, and maps of the straits, the bay itself, and the lands surrounding it. they kept themselves also well-advised by lists, drawings, and detailed descriptions, of the tribes inhabiting the territories granted to them under the charter; and the discussions which went on over this subject were not lacking in humour. it is worth observing that for a great many years during the early history of the company, its governors, captains, chief factors, chief traders, and the rank and file of its employees could never by any chance agree, either as to the number or the characteristics of the aborigines. in concocting their reports many were animated purely by love of romance: others relied too implicitly on the tales told by the indians themselves; others may be credited with being the victims of their own imaginations. nor could the lists enumerating the tribes boast more consistency. extracts from those of two governors may be given here for purposes of comparison:-- nations visiting hudson's bay. bailey, : lyddal, : esquemos, askimows, nodwayes, odwayes, twegwayes, twagions, pankeshones, paggarshows, noridgewelks, narchuels, abenekays, penkayes, micmacks, micmackes, kilistinons, crilistinons, assinapoils, ossa-poets, cuchneways, kitchenayes, algonkins, algonkings, outaways, otawayes, outagamis. wattagamais. no wonder, therefore, that the adventurers in england were puzzled, and that at one of their later meetings prince rupert was forced to exclaim: "gentlemen, these indians" (each member had been supplied with governor nixon's list) "are not our indians. 'fore god, out of the nineteen i see only five we have dealt with before." another worthy member declared, on a similar occasion that the tribes frequenting the bay were more volatile than the bedouins. "these are not men, but chameleons"--was the remark of another adventurer. [sidenote: confusion of tribes.] the chief cause of the confusion lay in the variations of spelling. more than a century was to elapse before a common orthography was adopted, and in the interval it was impossible to fix the tribes by name with certainty. the name of no tribe perhaps underwent such vicissitudes of spelling and pronunciation as that described by the earliest jesuit pioneers as the ossa-poiles, which in our own day are known as the assiniboines. they were in process of time the poeles, poets, the pedlas, the semplars, oss-semplars, essapoils and the simpoils.[ ] at a general court held to consider the action of governor bailey, the majority of the adventurers professed themselves rejoiced at having been quit of the services of the sieurs groseilliers and radisson; yet there were not wanting others to openly regret the treatment these two men had received. as may be supposed, the most fervent of their advocates and defenders was sir john kirke, whose daughter had married radisson, and who himself had lately been knighted by the king. he predicted some disaster to the company from having dismissed these two faithful servants, and he was loud and persistent in asserting the bad faith and unjust suspicions of bailey. while the affairs of the company were proceeding tranquilly at home, the conduct and employment of one of these two bushrangers was more enlivening. chouart was passing his time in inactivity at three rivers. but his brother-in-law, after several ineffectual endeavours to establish a northern rivalry to the company, had offered his services to the french navy. this career, which at that period must have been, even for him, sufficiently eventful and exciting, was cut short by ship-wreck in . losing all his property, even to his clothing, radisson made his way first to brest and then to paris. the vice-admiral and intendant of the fleet having written in his favour, the court was pleased to grant him a sum of one hundred crowns, and hope was also held out to him that he would be honoured by the command of a frigate. in the meantime he was accorded leave to go to england to fetch his wife. [sidenote: radisson in france.] madame radisson, otherwise mistress mary kirke, appears to have caused her husband a great deal of mortification and numerous disappointments. there is no doubt that her continued residence in england, in spite of her husband's return to the french service, made him an object of suspicion to the french court. once when he endeavoured, in a memorable interview with colbert, to press upon that minister his scheme for ousting the english from hudson's bay, the minister responded coldly: "m. radisson, you are suspected of being in league with the english, your father-in-law is one of the members of the english company; and your wife resides under his roof." "i made him understand," declared radisson long afterwards, "that, though married, i was not master of my wife. her father would by no means consent to my bringing her to france with me." these rebuffs determined him to make an attempt to better his worldly condition elsewhere. a true soldier of fortune, patriotism appears to have had little weight with him; he was as ready to serve under the english as the french. he returned to find his father-in-law more placable. sir john had at this time certain claims against the french; and he doubtless fancied that radisson might assist him in preferring these at the french court. he took occasion to ask his father-in-law what chance there remained to him of again securing employment under the company. "none, sir," replied kirke, "both bailey, lyddal and others are against you and have poisoned the minds of their employers. prince rupert is, however, your friend, and also captain gillam; but one dislikes to speak openly, and the other dare not." acting on this intelligence, radisson resolved to see rupert. the prince received him kindly enough; he took pains to show him his collection of mezzotints, and to explain some of his scientific curiosities. he even went so far as to condole with radisson on the treatment he had received. but he had to point out that the temper of the company was such that he feared it would be in vain for him to exercise his interest for his visitor's reinstatement. [sidenote: plan to dislodge the company.] radisson, disappointed of his hopes, and frustrated in his desire to return with his wife, did not meet with a warm welcome on the other side of the channel. colbert received him with black looks; and the suspicions which gathered about him were now strengthened rather than dissipated. in this extremity he repaired to the marquis de seignely, to whom he set forth substantially the same plan which he had cherished for years, of opening out the trade of the north, with the additional attraction now of dislodging the english from a commerce which had already proved vastly profitable. seignely listened with interest, and requested time to reflect on the matter. at the second interview radisson was not overwhelmed with disappointment, for he had expected no other issue; he was told flatly that he was regarded by the king as little better than a traitor; and that his canadian project met with universal distrust. the outlook seemed discouraging indeed, when happily at this juncture there arrived in paris m. de la chesnaye, who was in charge of the fur-trade in canada, as the head of the compagnie du nord. this event proved radisson's salvation. he learned with great rejoicing that la chesnaye's visit to france was actuated by a desire to report upon the intrusion of the english company. la chesnaye proved a true friend; he evinced himself most heartily in favour of the government securing the services of radisson in establishing a rival establishment, on the principle of those of the company to which he had formerly been attached. many consultations took place, both seignely and chesnaye listening with great interest while radisson explained the equipment and merchandise of the hudson's bay company, which he strongly advised should be taken as a pattern in all practical extensions of the french fur-trade in those regions. [sidenote: radisson assisted by the jesuits.] the only difficulty now presenting itself was to find money for the enterprise. the exchequer of the court was at a low ebb; and it had a thousand calls upon its charity and liberality. radisson must wait even for the few hundred crowns he so sadly needed for his passage to new france and his personal needs. there was, however, one force in france which could always be approached with a good courage when any enterprise in a new country required support, and always with success. it was the power which, though it had endured a thousand disappointments and sacrificed a thousand lives, and as many fortunes, in the attempt to teach the gospel of jesus in the wilderness, had adhered without wavering to its faith in the ultimate victory of the cross over the savage nature of the indians. no adventurer, if he had but a sufficiently plausible story, need turn away empty-handed from the door of the jesuits. to the jesuits of paris radisson presented himself as a good catholic seeking to subvert the designs of the heretic english. he applied for assistance, and he was at length rewarded for his pains by a sum of five hundred crowns. but nearly two years had passed before this assistance was procured. radisson's debts had accumulated; his creditors were clamouring about him, threatening him with the sponging-house; no effort to elude them met with success, and at length he found himself at rochelle, with scarce twenty crowns in his pocket over and above the cost of his passage. it was then that he made the resolve to reimburse the jesuits, "if he should live to be worth so great a sum," and it is interesting to discover that two years later he kept his word. at present he could only trust to la chesnaye, who was anxiously awaiting his arrival in quebec. thither radisson arrived on the th of september, . la chesnaye showed much joy at seeing his friend; for in truth his own plans for seeking to share the northern trade of the english were nearly ripe. he declared that there was no time to be lost; but that in spite of the urgency of the matter the greatest circumspection would have to be observed, as frontenac by no means desired to compromise the king without first seeing his way clear. but if the governor whose career was about to close was punctilious, the intendant duchesneau was not. he had already dispatched a memoir to his superior relating to hudson's bay, and to what he believed to be the french rights there. [sidenote: duchesneau protests against english encroachments.] "they" (the english) he wrote, "are still on hudson's bay on the north and do great damage to our fur-trade. the farmers [of the revenue] suffer in consequence by this diminution of the trade at tadoussac, and throughout the entire country, because the english drive off the outaoua nations. for the one and the other design they have two forts on the said bay--the one towards tadoussac and the other at cape henrietta marie, on the side of the assinibonetz. the sole means to prevent them succeeding in what is prejudicial to us in this regard would be to drive them by main force from that bay, which belongs to us. or, if there would be an objection in coming to that extremity, to construct forts on the rivers falling into the lakes, in order to stop the indians at these points." the zealous intendant declared that should king lewis adopt the resolution to arrange with the duke of york for his possessions in that quarter, "in which case boston could not resist," canada would be ruined, "the french being naturally inconsistent and fond of novelty." finding, however, that they could obtain no official recognition of the enterprise, la chesnaye at length resorted to a transparent fiction in order to account for radisson's departure--a subterfuge which was the more necessary since many had begun to suspect his destination and urged the governor to do nothing which would bring down on them the enmity of the english and their allies, the iroquois. he requested the governor, if he would not countenance an expedition with license to trade on the shores of the bay, to grant radisson formal permission to return to france by way of new england in a vessel belonging to the government of acadia, which at that moment lay in the st. lawrence ready to sail. it was arranged privately that after his departure radisson should proceed in this vessel only as far as isle percée in the gulf, near the mouth of the river, and there await his kinsmen groseilliers, his nephew chouart, and the two ships which la chesnaye was even then busily fitting out. thus all official cognizance of the expedition would be avoided. [sidenote: company's enemies leave quebec.] the terms agreed upon were, that in return for la chesnaye's equipment, radisson and groseilliers were, provided certain conditions were carried out, to receive jointly half the profits of the venture, and la chesnaye the other half. what these conditions were can only be guessed; but beyond all question, they concerned the capture or spoliation of the english trading posts on the bay. radisson took with him his nephew, jean baptiste, who had passed nearly the whole of his life among the indians as a _coureur de bois_; the pilot, pierre allemand, and an old bushranger named godefrey, who was well acquainted with the indians of the northern regions. groseilliers was to remain behind until the spring, when he was to have the command of the smaller of the two vessels. on the th of november the advance guard of the expedition directed against the company's establishment in hudson's bay left quebec. in the following spring the rendezvous was kept at the island named. radisson is found complaining bitterly of the character of the vessels _st. pierre_ and _st. anne_. the former he describes as an old craft of tons only, "with twelve men of a crew, including those with me. there were goods enough for the trade aboard her," he adds, "but so scanty a supply of provisions that if i had not been so deeply engaged i should not venture on the enterprise." [sidenote: rejected advice of radisson and groseilliers.] if his case was scarcely hopeful, that of his brother-in-law was far worse. the latter's vessel could boast but little more than half the tonnage, and while her crew was larger by three men, she carried even fewer supplies. but radisson and groseilliers were not men to shrink from any enterprise because it seemed hazardous. they had led bold, reckless lives, and their spirits rose at the prospect of danger. it was afterwards alleged of this pair that one great cause of their disagreement with the company was their absolute inability to remain quiet and content in the enjoyment of a regular traffic. such a career seemed to their bold, energetic dispositions worthier of drapers' apprentices. it is said they counselled the company not to think of establishing one or two trading posts and expect the indians to come to them for trade, but to push on in the wilderness to the north and west, building new depots and stirring up the hunters to greater activity and more profitable results. had this advice been followed, the exploration of the great north-west would not only have been anticipated by almost a century; but by the occupation of its territory, the great evils of a later day would have been averted; nor would anyone in england have challenged the company's right to an exclusive trade in the regions granted by its charter. but the company was soon to learn that its earliest pioneers and forerunners were not to be cast off with impunity. the two bushrangers experienced considerable difficulty at the outset in propitiating and calming the fears of their crews, who were terrified, and not without reason, at the prospect of a voyage of leagues in such craft as the _st. pierre_ and the _st. anne_, and amidst rough water and ice. but they at length succeeded and effected a start. after nineteen days the crew of groseilliers' ship mutinied. groseilliers' attempts to appease them seemed about to end in signal failure when the man on watch cried out that a vessel was in sight to windward. groseilliers seized his opportunity; "see!" he cried, pointing to the distant barque, "yonder is one of the english company, laden with the profits of their trade in the bay. every man has his pocket full of gold and his stomach full of rum; and we shall have the same if we are not cowards enough to abandon our voyage." after innumerable episodes, some of which almost ended in tragic consequences, radisson at last, on the th of august, arrived on the west coast of hudson's bay. on the following day he was joined by his brother-in-law in the _st. anne_ at the mouth of a river named by the indians ka-kirka-kiouay, translated by radisson as "who goes, who comes." twelve days before their arrival another ship had entered this same river, commanded by none other than captain gillam, and having on board john bridgar, commissioned as governor of the new settlement at port nelson. having thus entered the river, they advanced fifteen miles up stream, and radisson then left groseilliers to build a fort, while he himself departed in search of savages with whom to trade. with him he took his nephew and godefrey, all three being well armed with muskets and pistols. in the course of eight days they accomplished forty leagues and attained the upper part of the river, though without meeting a single savage. on the eighth day, however, their eyes were rejoiced by the sight of a large encampment of indians, who, while not especially rich in furs, were eager to conclude a treaty with the french, and to encourage their settlement in the country. radisson now decided to return, accompanied by some of the savages, and on the th day of september rejoined his brother-in-law, whose fort he found pretty well advanced. [sidenote: the younger gillam discovered.] hardly had he returned when the sudden booming of a cannon startled the settlement. it was the first time the indians had ever heard the sound, and they expressed much astonishment and apprehension. while the two adventurers hastened to re-assure their allies, they were themselves hardly less disturbed. radisson made up his mind to immediately ascertain whence the firing came and with this intention he embarked in a canoe and went to the mouth of the river. in passing to the opposite bank of the stream, and while in the vicinity of a small island, they perceived signs of european habitation. a tent had been erected, and at that moment a log house was being built. after a stealthy reconnoitre, lasting the whole night, radisson and his companions advanced boldly in the morning from the opposite shore in their canoe. the islanders were engaged in making a repast when radisson attracted their attention. speaking first to them in french, and finding that none of them understood, he thereupon addressed them in english. he asked them what was their business in those parts. their leader quickly responded: "we are english, and come for the beaver trade." "by whose authority," asked radisson; "do you possess a commission?" the other replied that he did not himself possess such a document, but that his father did, and that he and his companions hailed from new england. whereupon radisson, still seated in his canoe at some distance from the shore, informed them that they had not a shadow of right to be in those regions, which he himself had discovered and settled for the french some years before. he drew upon his imagination so far as to intimate that he was at that moment in command of a large force of frenchmen near at hand, who would effectually maintain the sovereignty of king lewis and his exclusive trading right in this territory; and he concluded his harangue, which was delivered almost at the top of his voice, by advising the party of new englanders to embark as soon as possible and to return from whence they came. before any reply could be made, a cry broke from the lips of both the leaders. the canoe had touched the bank, and they recognized one another. the new englander was the son of radisson's old friend gillam; and, as may be supposed, he possessed a very high admiration for a man of whom he had heard so much. they speedily embraced, but radisson is careful to inform us that he did not entirely trust his young friend. when young gillam's ship appeared at the mouth of the river, and he was invited to go on board, he did so, but he took the precaution of insisting upon two englishmen being left as hostages on shore. it was not without misgivings that, as he neared the vessel in their canoe, he observed the captain posting the english emblem and likewise discharging a number of cannon shots. "i told him," says radisson, "that it was not necessary to fire any more, for fear of causing jealousy amongst our people, who might show themselves hostile. he proposed that we should negotiate together. i promised that i would persuade our other officers to consent that, since the season was already too far advanced for them to withdraw, he should pass the winter where he was without their doing him any mischief." in short radisson was resolved at all costs to keep up appearances. he even went so far as to grant gillam formal permission to continue building his house, "barring fortifications," and to guarantee him against insults from the indians, over whom he professed to have absolute power. the two men parted on good terms; and perhaps gillam's complaisance was well-advised. radisson confesses that had the english shown themselves refractory or exhibited any disposition to assert rights over the country, it was his firm intention to concert a plan for seizing their ship, which he observes, was an "excellent prize" inasmuch it held no commission or warrant to trade from any power. it afterwards appeared that this enterprise of the new england ship was set on foot by gillam senior, who, dissatisfied with his profits under the company, sought to adventure an expedition on his own account from boston. he was destined to pay the penalty for this indiscretion. happy at having come out of this encounter so easily, radisson and his party re-embarked in their canoe and struck out northwards. another surprise was in store for them. a ship under full sail was on the point of entering the river. more strategy was necessary. the party regained the shore and instantly kindled a huge bonfire, upon which they cast grass and leaves so as to produce a thick column of smoke. their purpose was to attract the attention and arrest the progress of the vessel and in this they succeeded. believing they had come upon an indian settlement, and anxious to reconnoitre before proceeding farther, the parties aboard the ship cast anchor immediately and so remained motionless in the channel all night. [sidenote: arrival of bridgar.] early in the morning they saw that a boat was being lowered from the ship, and while it was filling with occupants radisson made ready to receive them. each of his party was posted, armed, at the entrance to the wood, while radisson himself walked down to the shore to greet the strangers. they were soon within hail. radisson set up a loud cry, indian fashion, for the purpose of eliciting a response. he was disappointed in this; for the boat approached steadily and silently; there was a movement of the oars, but most of the figures appeared stern and motionless. the boat grounded ten yards from where radisson stood with folded arms, and a general attitude of defiance. one of the crew had got a leg over the side of the boat when our bushranger cried out in a loud voice: "hold, in the king's name." and then presenting his carbine, "i forbid you to land." the occupants of the boat were astonished. "who are you?" they asked, "and what is your business?" "i am a frenchman," was the answer, delivered in english; "and i hold this country for his most christian majesty, king lewis!" radisson signalled to his followers, who emerged from their retreat, making a brave show of their weapons. the coup seemed destined to be successful. the leader of the boat party, visibly impressed, remained standing up in his craft without any attempt on the part of his followers to land. "i beg to inform you, gentlemen, that we hail from london. our ship yonder is the _prince rupert_, belonging to the honourable hudson's bay company and commanded by captain zachary gillam." "you arrive too late. this country is already in the possession of the king of france, and its trade belongs to the northern company of canada." a short dispute succeeded. suddenly changing his tactics, governor bridgar, for it was no other, feigned acquiescence, admitted that after all radisson might be right, and requested the privilege of landing and saluting him. [sidenote: the bushranger's mendacity.] the two leaders now conversed amicably. radisson took occasion to elaborate the narrative to which he had recently treated young gillam, without, however, mentioning the circumstance of his having met the latter. he did not scruple to allege a lengthy residence in the region, detailing his forces, both french and indian, with a fine display of exactitude. commenced on shore, the interview was transferred to the ship; radisson, while accepting bridgar's hospitality, took care to keep, as before, two or three hostages on land. on board the _prince rupert_ he embraced gillam, and listened with a real interest to the tidings he had to convey of what had been happening in europe, and of the affairs of the company. for himself, he readily volunteered the information that he and his brother-in-law groseilliers had two fine large vessels in the vicinity, while the third was shortly expected. he likewise made no secret of the fact that a huge fort was being constructed hard by in the interests of the french company. in all of these statements governor bridgar professed absolute credence, whatever may have been his private opinion of their value. in reality, however, he was not deceived; and if it had not been for radisson's precaution as to the hostages, there is some reason to believe he would have detained his guest on board the company's ship to ruminate for a while on his treachery to the company. even allowing for the truth of radisson's assertions regarding the occupation by the french of port nelson and the surrounding neighbourhood in large numbers, bridgar was not to be dissuaded by mere words from his intention to establish a factory there. he had every confidence in the company's rights; and he determined to carry out his instructions to the letter. no sooner had radisson departed, therefore, than a majority of the people on board the _prince rupert_ landed and commenced building a fort. the french party hiding in the woods spied on their movements; and before rejoining their comrades at their own settlement they had the privilege of seeing the erection of fort nelson, the fourth establishment of the company in the hudson's bay territories, well under way. footnote: [ ] also known to-day as the stone indians. chapter ix. - . death of prince rupert -- the company's difficulty in procuring proper servants -- radisson at port nelson -- the two gillams -- their meeting -- capture of the new england party -- the first scotchman in the bay -- governor bridgar carried off prisoner -- indian visitors to the fort -- disasters to the ships -- the french burn the island fort -- radisson's harangue to the indians -- return to france. [sidenote: death of prince rupert.] on the th of november, , at his house in spring garden, died the first governor of the hudson's bay company. the prince had been in ill-health for some time, he was in his sixty-third year; and he had lived a stirring and adventurous life. his demise occasioned general regret, more amongst the people than at court; for, as a writer of that day observed, "he had of late years proved a faithful counsellor to the king, but a greater patriot to english liberty; and therefore was towards his latter end neglected by the court to that degree that nothing passed between him and his great relations but bare civilities in the common forms." on the sixth of the ensuing month his body was privately interred among others of the royal family in a vault in westminster abbey. a week later there was held a general court of the company, at which the duke of york was chosen to succeed rupert in the governorship. besides the duke himself, his royal highness the duke of albemarle, lord arlington and mr. hays, all delivered enthusiastic panegyrics on the deceased prince, rightly attributing to his zeal, judgment and enterprise, the successful establishment of the company. and the meeting then adjourned out of regret for the dead governor without proceeding to further business. more than fifteen years had elapsed since medard chouart des groseilliers had first fired prince rupert with his project of founding a great fur-traffic in the unknown and unexplored regions of the new world. the prince had lived to see that project succeed even beyond his most sanguine expectations. now, at his death, the company owned four ships; and after all the cost of its plant, its ships and its equipment had been paid, it was returning an annual profit of two hundred per cent. on its capital. it was well-known that his highness favoured greater activity, and one of his last acts had been to sign the commission of john bridgar as governor of the new settlement at port nelson. but during his own governorship, the company, feeling, no doubt, that they must balance the prince's zeal for adventure with considerable caution, opposed the policy of rapid expansion with somewhat excessive prudence; and it was only after his death that they felt confident in pursuing a more vigorous and enterprising plan of commerce. under date of april th, , while the drama between the french and english was being enacted at port nelson, the following instructions were addressed to governor sargeant, regarding trade with the interior: "you are to choose out from amongst our servants such as are best qualified with strength of body and the country language to travel and to penetrate into the country, and to draw down the indians by fair and gentle means to trade with us." but the company was to learn that the parsimony which then characterized its policy was not calculated to foster the success of its aims. the majority of the men it sent out from england could not be classified under the head of adventurous spirits, ready to dare all for mere excitement and the prospect of gain. they were for the most part young men gifted with no more aptitude for the work in the wilderness than a disinclination to pursue their callings at home. no small number were dissatisfied apprentices; one william evans had been a drawer at the rainbow inn; portman had sent his scullion. even at that early day the staffs employed on the plantations were recruited from amongst the very class least competent to exploit those regions. the majority of the applicants for employment in the company's service in the seventeenth century were not men of character and vigour, or even of robust physique, but rather hare-brained artisans of the wild, dare-devil type, whose parents and friends foresaw for them, if london or bristol formed the sphere of their talents, a legal and violent rather than a natural termination of their respective careers. [sidenote: company's encouragement requested.] sargeant's response to the foregoing injunction certainly served to enlighten his superiors. "i shall not be neglectful," he wrote, "as soon as i can find any man capable and willing to send up into the country with the indians, to endeavour to penetrate into what the country will and may produce, and to effect their utmost in bringing down the indians to our factory; but your honours should give good encouragement to those who undertake such extraordinary service; or else i fear that there will be but few that will embrace such employment." the rebuke may have been just; but it seems to have given offence to some of the more pompous members of the company; and sargeant was desired not to cast any further reflection on his employers in his communications to them. nevertheless, the company was soon to learn the value of a less niggardly policy. meanwhile for ten days the two ex-employees, radisson and groseilliers, gave no further evidence to the english at the new settlement on nelson river of their presence. but on the tenth day their curiosity and uneasiness regarding the conduct of the english governor, bridgar, and the other servants of the company, had reached such a pitch that it was decided without further consideration that radisson should start off at once to reconnoitre their behaviour. the actual distance between fort bourbon, on the hays river, and the company's factory on nelson river was not above fifty miles; but owing to the dangerous character of the river, and the necessity for delay before an attempt could be made to cross it, radisson and his party consumed fourteen days on the journey. [sidenote: bridgar's credulity.] on their arrival on the rd of february, one of the first objects to attract their attention was the _prince rupert_, stuck fast in the ice and mud about a mile from where the factory was being erected. at the same time they met the governor, who was out on a hunting expedition with the chief mate of the vessel. satisfying himself that no treachery was intended, radisson accepted bridgar's invitation to enter the log-house which he had caused to be built for his own occupation. radisson introduced one of the frenchmen who accompanied him as the captain of an imaginary ship, which he averred had arrived from france in his behalf. "mr. b. believed it and anything else i chose to tell him," remarks radisson naively, "i aiming always to prevent him from having any knowledge of the english interloper." while engaged in the pleasing diversion of drinking each other's health, a number of musket shots were fired. the crew of the vessel not taking any notice of this, the bushranger concluded that those on board were not on their guard and might readily be surprised. with this condition uppermost in his mind, the frenchman quitted bridgar, having first allayed any suspicion which might have naturally arisen as to the intention of the party. the latter went boldly on board the ship, and no hindrance being offered, their leader had a colloquy with captain gillam. the latter, while he received the visit civilly enough, found occasion to let radisson know that he was far from entirely trusting him. when his visitor suggested that he was running a great risk in allowing the _prince rupert_ to remain grounded, gillam bluntly requested radisson to mind his own business, adding that he knew perfectly well what he was doing--a boast which, as the sequel showed, was certainly not well founded. radisson was determined not to be put out of temper, and so run risk of spoiling his plans. winter, even in all its rigour, seems to have had no terrors for our indomitable bushranger. for the next two months, as we shall see, he continued to scour backwards and forwards through the country, inspiring his followers and urging them onward to the prosecution of a plan which was obvious to them all. after parting from gillam the elder, who had not the faintest suspicion that his son was in the locality, radisson at once started to parley with gillam, the younger. when he had regained the island which he had left, he was instantly made aware that the new englanders had been considerably less idle than the company's servants; having completed a very creditable fort and mounted it with six pieces of cannon. with benjamin gillam, our bushranger passed off the same subterfuge with which he had hoodwinked zachary. he spoke fluently of his newly arrived ship and her cargo and crew, and to cap his narrative, proceeded to introduce her captain, who was none other than the old pilot, pierre allemand, who, from the description still extant of his appearance, looked every inch the bold, fierce and uncompromising mariner. he had a great deal to tell benjamin likewise of the company's post near by, which he said contained forty soldiers. "let them be forty devils," exclaimed gillam, junior, "we have built a good fort and are afraid of nothing." whereupon radisson gently reminded him that according to his agreement he was to have built no fort whatever. in reply to this benjamin begged his visitor not to take umbrage at such a matter, as he never intended to dispute the rights of the french in the region; and the fort was merely intended as a defence against the indians. [sidenote: a manoeuvre of radisson's.] as the evening wore on, a manoeuvre suggested itself to radisson. he resolved to bring father and son together. no sooner had he formed this amiable resolve than he revealed to benjamin gillam the proximity of the _prince rupert_ and her commander, and described the means by which an encounter might be effected without eliciting the suspicions of governor bridgar or any of the company's servants. it consisted briefly in young benjamin's disguising himself as a frenchman and a bushranger. the scheme met with the young man's hearty approbation and the details were settled as radisson had designed. on the following day the party set out through the snow. arriving at the point of land opposite to which the company's ship lay, radisson posted two of his best men in the woods on the path which led to the factory. he instructed them to allow the governor to pass should he come that way, but that if he returned from the ship unaccompanied or prior to their own departure they were to seize and overpower him on the spot. with such precautions as these, radisson felt himself safe and went on board the _prince rupert_ accompanied by gillam. he introduced his two companions into the captain's room without any notice on the part of gillam the elder, and the mate and another man he had with him. leaning across the table, upon which was deposited a bulky bottle of rum, radisson whispered to the honest captain that he had a secret of the highest importance to communicate if he would but dismiss the others. gillam readily sent away the mate, but would not dismiss his second attendant until radisson, again in a whisper, informed him that the black-bearded man in the strange head-gear was his son. [sidenote: meeting of father and son.] after communicating this intelligence the pair had their own way. the next few moments were devoted to embraces and to an interchange of news, for captain gillam and benjamin had not met for two years. the sire could not refrain from imparting to his son that he was running a great risk; he declared it would be ruinous to him if it got to the governor's ears that there was any collusion between them. radisson again professed his friendship, but added that in his opinion neither of the parties had any right to be where they were, he having taken possession for the king of france. "this territory is all his most christian majesty's," he said. "the fort we have built yonder we call fort bourbon, and none have any right here but such as own allegiance to lewis xiv." he observed that nothing would cause a rupture of the friendly relations now subsisting between french and english but the trade in peltries, trade which he had too great reason to fear they hoped to initiate with the indians in the spring. the elder gillam coolly responded that the ship he commanded, and the spot on which they were then assembled, luckily belonged not to himself, but to the hudson's bay company. "with regard to the trade, gentlemen," said he, "you have nothing to fear from me. even though i don't carry a solitary beaver back to the thames, i shall not trouble myself, being sure of my wages." [sidenote: gillam nearly betrayed.] this interview was prolonged. the healths of the kings of france and england, prince rupert and m. colbert (quite in ignorance of the death of the two last named) were drunk with zeal and enthusiasm. in the midst of all this, that which radisson had anticipated, occurred. governor bridgar, notified of radisson's return, came to the ship in hot haste. on his joining the group, he remarked meaningly that the fort the french had constructed must be nearer than he had been given to think, since its commandant could effect so speedy a return. he evinced himself very uneasy in mind concerning the frenchman's intentions. before their departure, young gillam came very near being betrayed. he was partially recognized by one of the traders who accompanied the governor. but the matter passed off without serious consequences. none too soon did the party return to young gillam's fort on the island, for a tremendous blizzard ensued, sweeping the whole country, and forcing radisson to remain for some days within doors. as soon as the storm had subsided, however, radisson started off, declining gillam's offer of his second mate to accompany him back to the french settlement. "i managed to dissuade him," he writes, "having my reasons for wishing to conceal the road we should take. on leaving we went up from the fort to the upper part of the river, but in the evening we retraced our steps and next morning found ourselves in sight of the sea, into which it was necessary to enter in order to pass the point and reach the river in which was our habitation. but everything was so covered with ice that there was no apparent way of passing farther. we found ourselves, indeed, so entangled in the ice that we could neither retreat nor advance towards the shore to make a landing. it was necessary, however, that we should pass through the ice or perish. we remained in this condition for four hours without being able to advance or retire and in great danger of our lives. our clothes were frozen on us and we could only move with difficulty; but at last we made so strong an attempt that we arrived at the shore, our canoe being all broken up. each of us took our baggage and arms, and marched in the direction of our habitation without finding anything to eat for three days, except crows and birds of prey, which are the last to leave these countries." fort bourbon was reached at length. after reporting to his brother-in-law all that had passed, groseilliers was not long in counselling what was best to be done. in his opinion the first thing necessary was to secure possession of young gillam's ship. time pressed and the spring would soon be upon them, bringing with it the advent of the indians. he argued that delay might prove fatal, inasmuch as bridgar might at any moment learn of the presence of the new england interlopers; and in that event he would probably make an effort to capture their fort and add their forces to his own. if this were done, the success of the french in overpowering the english traders would be slight and their voyage would have been undertaken for nothing. [sidenote: calamity to the company's ship.] it was therefore agreed that groseilliers should remain in charge of the fort, while his kinsman should immediately return to nelson river. in a few days they parted once more, radisson setting out with a fresh party and thoroughly resolved upon action. the first discovery he made, on arriving at the scene of his proposed operations, was that the company's ship, the _prince rupert_, was frozen fast in the ice, and must inevitably perish when the spring floods came. he also speedily ascertained that the governor, by no means relishing his presence in the vicinity, was already planning measures to thwart, if not to capture, his rivals, for he had sent out two sailors charged with the task of discovering the exact whereabouts of the french and the extent of their strength and equipment. these two spies radisson promptly captured--no difficult task indeed, for they had lost their way and were half-frozen and almost famished. the anticipated fate of the _prince rupert_ was not long delayed. the tidings shortly reached radisson that she was a total wreck, and with it came also the news of the loss of her captain, the mate and four sailors. a subsequent report, however, declared that gillam had escaped with his life. receiving this intelligence, radisson presented himself before the governor to see how he was affected by such a calamity. he found bridgar drinking heavily, but resolved to keep up appearances and to withhold from the french any knowledge of what had happened. he affected to believe the ship safe, merely observing that she had shifted her position a few leagues down the river. radisson asserts that at this time the company's factory was short of provisions. it is impossible that this could have been the case. the assertion was probably made to cover his own depredations on the stores of the company. parting from the governor, radisson presented himself before gillam the younger, to whom he did not as yet choose to say anything concerning his father and the loss of his ship. under various pretences he induced gillam to pay him a visit at fort bourbon. the latter does not seem at this time to have been aware of the intention of the french towards him. but he was soon to be undeceived. [sidenote: radisson's threats.] "i remained quiet for a month," says radisson, in the course of his extraordinary narrative, "treating young gillam, my new guest, well and with all sorts of civilities, which he abused on several occasions. for having apparently perceived that we had not the strength i told him, he took the liberty of speaking of me in threatening terms behind my back, treating me as a pirate and saying that in spite of me he would trade in spring with the indians. he had even the hardihood to strike one of my men, which i pretended not to notice; but, having the insolence later, when we were discussing the privileges of new england, to speak against the respect due the best of kings, i treated him as a worthless dog for speaking in that way and told him that, having had the honour to eat bread in his service, i would pray to god all my life for his majesty. he left me, threatening that he would return to his fort and that when he was there i would not dare to speak to him as i had done. i could not expect to have a better opportunity to begin what i had resolved to do. i told this young brute then that i had brought him from his fort, that i would take him back myself when i pleased, not when he wished. he answered impertinently several times, which obliged me to threaten that i would put him in a place of safety if he was not wiser. he asked me then if he was a prisoner. i said i would consider it and that i would secure my trade since he threatened to interrupt it. i then withdrew to give him time to be informed by the englishmen how his father's life was lost with the company's ship, and the bad situation of mr. bridgar. i left in their company a frenchman who understood english, unknown to them. when i had left, young gillam urged the englishman to fly, and to go to his master and assure him that he would give him six barrels of powder and other supplies if he would undertake to deliver him out of my hands. the englishman made no answer, but he did not inform me of the proposition that had been made him (i had learned that from the frenchman, who had learned everything and thought it was time to act for my security)." in the evening radisson said nothing of what he knew of the plot. he asked those in his train if the muskets were in their places, which he had put around to act as guarantee against surprise. at the word _musket_ young gillam, who did not know what was meant, grew alarmed and, according to radisson, wished to fly, believing that it was intended to kill him. but his flight was arrested by his captor, who took occasion to free him from his apprehension. the next morning, however, the bushranger's plans were openly divulged. he told gillam that he was about to take his fort and ship. "he answered haughtily that even if i had a hundred men i could not succeed, and that his people would have killed more than forty before they could reach the palisades. this boldness did not astonish me, being very sure that i would succeed in my design." [sidenote: hays' island fort.] having secured gillam the younger, it was now necessary to secure the fort of which he was master. the intrepid frenchman started for hays' island with nine men, and gaining an entrance by strategy, he cast off the mask of friendship and boldly demanded the keys of the fort and the whole stock of arms and powder. he added that in the event of their refusal to yield he would raze the fort to the ground. no resistance seems to have been attempted, and radisson took formal possession of the place in the name of the king of france. this ceremony being concluded, he ordered jenkins, the mate, to conduct him to the ship, and here formal possession was taken in the same fashion, without any forcible objection on the part of the crew. some explanation of this extraordinary complaisance, if radisson's story of the number of men he took with him be true, may be found in the commander's unpopularity, he having recently killed his supercargo in a quarrel. nevertheless, benjamin gillam was not to be altogether without friends. a certain scotchman, perchance the first of his race in those regions, which were afterwards to be forever associated with scottish zeal and labours, wishing to show his fidelity to his chief, escaped, and eluding the efforts of the fleetest of the french bushrangers to catch him, he arrived at fort nelson and told his tale. the governor's astonishment may be imagined. he had hitherto no inkling of the presence of the new england interlopers, and although his captain and fellow-servant was not equally ignorant, gillam had kept his counsel well. the governor decided at once to head a party of relief, in which he was seconded by the elder gillam, who was at the moment only just recovering from illness caused by exposure during the shipwreck. the _susan_ was their first point of attack. under the cover of night they made a determined effort to recapture her for the company. it is possible that the attempt might have succeeded had not radisson, suspecting the move, despatched his entire available force at the same time and completely overpowered the governor's men. he thought at first sight that bridgar himself was among his prisoners, but the governor was not to be caught in that fashion; he had not himself boarded the ship. the scotchman who accompanied him, however, was not so fortunate; he fell into radisson's hands and suffered for his zeal. he was tied to a post and informed that his execution would take place without ceremony on the morrow. the sentence was never carried out. for radisson, after exposing his prisoner to the cold all night in an uncomfortable position, seems to have thought better of his threat, and after numerous vicissitudes the scot at length regained his liberty. reinforcements for the french now arrived from groseilliers. believing himself now strong enough to beard the lion in his lair, radisson decided to lose no more time in rounding off his schemes. first, however, he saw fit to address a letter to the governor asking him if he "approved the action of the company's people whom he held prisoners, who had broken two doors and the storeroom of his ship, in order to carry off the powder." bridgar's reply was that he owed no explanation to a renegade employee of the company. radisson had not been sincere in his professions, and he had dealt basely and deceitfully with him in preserving silence on the subject of the interlopers. "as i had proper instructions," concluded bridgar, in a more conciliatory strain, "on setting sail from london to seize all ships coming to this quarter, i would willingly have joined hands with you in capturing this vessel. if you wish me to regard you as sincere you will not keep this prize for your own use." the other's response was rapid and masterly. he marched upon fort nelson with twelve men, and by the following nightfall was master of the english establishment. this feat nearly drove the unhappy governor to despair, and he sought solace by applying himself to the rum cask with greater assiduity than ever. in the frame of mind thus superinduced, john bridgar, the first governor of port nelson, was carried off a prisoner to fort bourbon. this post was built of logs, as the others had been, but there was a bastion of stone at one end facing the river. it occupied, as nearly as one may now ascertain, the site upon which was afterwards reared york factory. but in the course of the seventy years following the post was shifted slightly from site to site, when the exigencies of fire and other causes of destruction demanded a new building. a few days after the governor's arrival at fort bourbon, the first indians began to appear with provisions, which were now beginning to be very sorely required. to the chief of this band radisson related the story, properly garnished, of his exploits, realizing well how such things appeal to the savage heart. while the indians were pondering upon his valour, great was their surprise to behold about the fort, a number of english, whom radisson had made prisoners; and upon learning that there were others at york factory and hays' island, they very handsomely offered beavers for permission to go thither and massacre them. this offer radisson wisely declined; but it seems clear that he did his best to stir up enmity amongst his indian friends against the english. in this he was not entirely successful. good news travels fast, too; and the indians had got wind of bridgar's boast that rather than see the trade pass into the hands of the french it was his intention to offer six axes for a beaver and as much merchandise in proportion. they had, besides, reason to believe in the superior generosity of the english traders as compared with the french. [sidenote: destruction of la chesnaye's vessels.] it was now april, . on the nd a disaster little foreseen by radisson or groseilliers occurred, which involved the destruction of their own frail ships. the _st. pierre_ and the _st. anne_ had been hauled into a small stream as far as possible in the woods and there sheltered by a knoll. at ten o'clock on the night named all at fort bourbon were awakened by a frightful noise, caused by the breaking up of the ice. the occupants of the fort rushed outside to find the waters everywhere rising with almost incredible rapidity; and the masses of ice blocking up the mouth of the creek caused a complete general submersion. la chesnaye's two vessels offered no strong resistance to the flood, and presently began to crack and splinter in all parts. in a few hours all that remained sound were the bottoms, clinging fast to the ice and mud. a similar fate was apprehended for the new england ship, and radisson made all haste thither. she was saved only by his adopting the suggestion of bridgar, that the ice be carefully cut all about the _susan_, as he had heard of governor bailey doing on a previous occasion. the ice once cut, the vessel was only pushed by the strength of the floes to one side, where she remained aground with little damage. the chief concern of the leaders of the french now was to get the english safely out of the country as soon as possible, before the arrival of the company's ships. to this end radisson and groseilliers offered them the hull of the _st. anne_ which, they believed, could with industry be patched up with new timber sufficiently well to withstand a voyage. when the english saw that these were the best terms they could expect, and that if they were left at the mercy of the indians a much worse fate might be in store for them, they set to work with a will. the labour proved arduous, and they had suffered terribly. four had died from cold and hunger, and two had been poisoned from having rashly drunk of a liquor they had found in the medicine-room chest, without knowing its nature; another had had his arm broken quite recently by a musket shot while out hunting. the governor felt that his sole hope lay in the expected ships of the company. he seems to have always adopted a high tone in dealing with the french, even to the last. he declared to radisson that it was only one of three things that could oblige him to abandon the place, "the order of his masters, force, or famine." groseilliers now counselled burning the island fort, in order to do away with the necessity of keeping perpetual guard there, and of always taking precautions to protect themselves against the governor's intrigues. this advice was acted upon forthwith; the fort was burned and a small lodge erected to accommodate such of the new englanders as had not been carried to fort bourbon, or were not at work on the hull of the wrecked ship. [sidenote: arrival of the indians.] early in may the indians began to appear in great numbers. bridgar--who, divested of his command and robbed of his stores, was now allowed at large--heard of their arrival with joy. he seems to have believed that their chiefs would not repudiate their treaties with the company. he hoped in any case to be granted the privilege of a conference with them, but in this he was quickly undeceived. radisson went forward to meet the indians, who had come well loaded with peltries and who were much perturbed at discovering the helpless state of the governor and the ascendancy of the french. but they showed no disinclination to trade with the latter, in spite of their solemn covenant, provided groseilliers and his brother-in-law would do so on the same terms as the english. both the bushrangers, however, seem to have been determined to put an immediate stop to what they termed folly. let the company give six axes for a beaver if it chose; for themselves they would countenance no such wantonness; two would suffice. the tribe being assembled and having spread out their customary gifts, consisting of beaver tails, smoked moose tongues and pemmican, one of the leading braves arose and said:-- "men who pretend to give us life, do you wish us to die? you know what beaver is worth and the trouble we have to take it. you call yourselves our brothers and yet will not give us what those give who make no such profession. accept our gifts, and let us barter, or we will visit you no more. we have but to travel a hundred leagues and we will encounter the english, whose offers we have heard." on the conclusion of this harangue, silence reigned for some moments. all eyes were turned on the two white traders. feeling that now or never was the time to exhibit firmness, radisson, without rising to his feet, addressed the whole assemblage in haughty accents. "whom dost thou wish i should answer? i have heard a dog bark; when a man shall speak he will see i know how to defend my conduct and my terms. we love our brothers and we deserve their love in return. for have we not saved them all from the treachery of the english?" [sidenote: radisson overawes the indians.] uttering these words fearlessly, he leapt to his feet and drew a long hunting knife from his belt. seizing by the scalp-lock the chief of the tribe, who had already adopted him as his son, he asked, "who art thou?" to which the chief responded, as was customary, "thy father." "then," cried radisson, "if that is so, and thou art my father, speak for me. thou art the master of my goods; but as for that dog who has spoken, what is he doing in this company? let him go to his brothers, the english, at the head of the bay. or he need not travel so far: he may, if he chooses, see them starving and helpless on yonder island: answering to my words of command." "i know how to speak to my indian father," continued radisson, "of the perils of the woods, of the abandonment of his squaws and children, of the risks of hunger and the peril of death by foes. all these you avoid by trading with us here. but although i am mightily angry i will take pity on this wretch and let him still live. go," addressing the brave with his weapon outstretched, "take this as my gift to you, and depart. when you meet your brothers, the english, tell them my name, and add that we are soon coming to treat them and their factory yonder as we have treated this one." the speaker knew enough of the indian character, especially in affairs of trade, to be aware that a point once yielded them is never recovered. and it is but just to say that the terms he then made of three axes for a beaver were thereafter adopted, and that his firmness saved the company many a cargo of these implements. his harangue produced an immediate impression upon all save the humiliated brave, who declared that if the assiniboines came hither to barter he would lay in ambush and kill them. the french trader's reply to this was to the indian mind a terrible one. "i will myself travel into thy country," said he, "and eat sagamite in thy grandmother's skull." while the brave and his small circle of friends were livid with fear and anger, radisson ordered three fathoms of tobacco to be distributed; observing, contemptuously, to the hostile minority that as for them they might go and smoke women's tobacco in the country of the lynxes. the barter began, and when at nightfall the indians departed not a skin was left amongst them. [sidenote: departure of the english.] it was now time to think of departure. as absent men tell no tales, it was decided to despatch bridgar and his companions first. but at the last moment some trouble seems to have arisen as to which vessel the english should have to convey them to more hospitable shores. bridgar himself would have preferred to go in the ship, and at first his passage had been arranged for in that craft; but it was at length settled that he should be carried with the brothers-in-law in their barque. after numerous vicissitudes, which would need a volume to describe, the _st. anne_ arrived at the mouth of the st. lawrence. at tadoussac was a trading post belonging to the french: and the sight of it seems to have inspired either one or both of these conscienceless adventurers with the idea of lightening their load of furs, which consisted of above two thousand skins, though this cargo only represented about one-third of the number they had actually secured by cheating, robbery and intrigue in the country of the bay. having in this nefarious manner disposed of about half of la chesnaye's property jointly with themselves, they again set sail and arrived at quebec on the th of october. immediately on their arrival they went to report themselves to m. de la barre, the governor, la chesnaye being fortunately, or unfortunately, absent in montreal. the governor thought proper to return the _susan_ to the new england merchants, with a warning not to send again to the place from which she had just come, and the company's ill-starred governor, bridgar, together with young gillam, sailed on board her for new england. "we parted," says radisson with that matchless audacity of statement for which his narrative deserves to be famous, "on friendly terms; and he (bridgar) could testify that i let him know at the time my attachment; and yet, that i wished still to act as heartily in the service of the king and the nation as i wished to do for france." this hardly tallies with bridgar's evidence before the company, that radisson was "a cheat, a swindler, and a black-hearted, infamous scoundrel," and that he was "a born intriguing traitor." as for the elder gillam, he was heard to declare, when he had at length arrived on the frail and half-rotten craft which bore him and his unhappy comrades to new england, that he would not die happy until his "hangar had dipped into the blood of the french miscreant, radisson." [sidenote: radisson and groseilliers leave quebec.] quebec soon got too hot for both of the brothers-in-law. between the unfortunate la chesnaye, who saw himself some thousand crowns out of pocket, and the governor, who had received orders from france to despatch to the court the two adventurers who seemed bent on making trouble between the two crowns, radisson and groseilliers decided to leave quebec, which they did in about a fortnight after their arrival. the exact date of their departure was the th of november, , and it was effected on board a french frigate which had brought troops to the colony. but though the captain of the frigate made all haste, the frail and shattered _st. anne_, with captain gillam on board, arrived in europe before them; and soon england was ringing with his story of the dastardly encroachment of the french into the realms of the company at port nelson.[ ] footnote: [ ] the material for the two last chapters has been derived chiefly from a pamphlet entitled "french villainy in hudson's bay"; radisson's own narrative, and the "journal" of gillam, the elder, supplied to dongan. radisson's narrative, divided into two parts, is written in a clear, legible character, and evinces that its author was a person of some education. the first part is in english, and was long the property of samuel pepys. some years after pepys' death, the manuscript was purchased for a trifle by rawlinson, the bibliophile. the second part, recounting the voyages to hudson's bay in - , is half in french and half in english; it is now in the bodleian library. chapter x. - . hays writes to lord preston -- godey sent to radisson's lodgings -- la barre's strenuous efforts -- radisson returns to the english -- he leaves for the bay -- meets his nephew chouart -- fort bourbon surrendered to the company -- radisson's dramatic return to london. [sidenote: lord preston informed of the return of radisson and groseilliers.] lord preston, who, in the year , held the post of ambassador extraordinary of king charles ii. at the court of versailles, was advised of the return to paris of the bushranger radisson in these terms:-- "my lord: it has just reached our ears and that of his royal highness the duke of york, governor of the honourable hudson's bay company, that the person who has caused all the recent trouble in the hudson's bay regions whereby our merchants have suffered so much at the hands of the french, is at this moment in paris. as it is much in the interests of the nation as of the company that there should be no repetition of these encroachments and disturbances, it might be advantageous for your lordship to see this mr. radisson who, it is believed, could be brought over again to our service if he were so entreated by your lordship. his royal highness, together with the other honourable partners, are convinced from his previous conduct that it matters little to mr. radisson under whose standard he serves; and that, besides, he is secretly well disposed toward us, and this in spite of his late treacherous exploits which have given great offence to the nation and damage to the company." [illustration: captain godey's visit to radisson. (_see page ._)] this private note was signed by sir john hays and mr. young on behalf of the company. on its receipt by lord preston, he at once sent his attaché, captain godey, to seek out radisson and make overtures to him. on the third floor of a house in the faubourg st. antoine, surrounded by a number of his relations and boon companions, the dual traitor was discovered, deeply engaged in drinking healths and in retailing his adventures to the applause of an appreciative circle. upon the walls and mantelpiece of the apartment, and such meagre furniture as it boasted, were disposed numerous relics and trophies, bespeaking a thirty years' career in the transatlantic wilderness. [sidenote: radisson's appearance in paris.] "radisson himself," remarks godey, "was apparelled more like a savage than a christian. his black hair, just touched with grey, hung in a wild profusion about his bare neck and shoulders. he showed a swart complexion, seamed and pitted by frost and exposure in a rigorous climate. a huge scar, wrought by the tomahawk of a drunken indian, disfigured his left cheek. his whole costume was surmounted by a wide collar of marten's skin; his feet were adorned by buckskin moccasins. in his leather belt was sheathed a long knife." such was the picture presented by this uncouth, adventurous huguenot, not merely in the seclusion of his own lodgings, but to the polished and civilized folk of paris of the seventeenth century. what were the projects harboured in this indomitable man's mind? in spite of his persistent intrigues it is to be doubted if he, any more than médard chouart des groseilliers, was animated by more than a desire to pursue an exciting and adventurous career. habitually holding out for the best terms, he does not appear to have saved money when it was acquired, but spent it freely. when he died he was in receipt of a pension from the company, so far insufficient to provide for his manner of living that they were forced to pay his remaining debts. unabashed by the surroundings thus presented to him, captain godey announced himself, shook hands with the utmost cordiality with radisson, and pleaded to be allowed to join in the convivial proceedings then in progress. the better to evince his sincerity, without further ceremony he accepted and drank as full a bumper of bad brandy and applauded with as much heartiness as any man of the party the truly astonishing tales of their host. godey was the last of the guests to depart. "look you," said he, when he and radisson were alone together, "you, monsieur, are a brave man, and it does not become the brave to harbour vengeance. nor does it become a brave nation to think hardly of any man because of his bravery, even though that nation itself be a sufferer. you know," he pursued, "what is said about you in england?" radisson interrupted his guest by protesting with warmth that he neither knew nor cared anything about such a matter. "it is said, then," answered godey, "that you have been a traitor to the king, and that there is no authority or defence for your conduct. you and groseilliers, whilst professing friendship for the english company have done them great injury, and endangered the peace between the two crowns." "i am sorry," rejoined radisson, "but all that i and my brother-in-law have done, is to be laid at the door of the hudson's bay company. we wished honestly to serve them, but they cast us away as being no longer useful, when now they see what it is they have done, and how foolishly they have acted in listening to the counsels of governor bridgar. we really bear them no ill-will, neither the company nor his royal highness."[ ] [sidenote: godey's report.] the gallant emissary reported the tenor of this conversation forthwith to his master, and both were agreed as to the sort of man they had to deal with. godey expressed himself convinced that there would be little difficulty in inducing radisson to return to the company's service. on this advice preston at once wrote off to mr. young, telling him not to further press the company's memorial to the king, nor to seek to have the french court take cognizance of, and award recompense for, the wrongs done the english interests. "radisson has done this thing out of his own head, and he is the one man competent to undo it. he is, i learn, well-disposed to the english, and there is no reason, if proper overtures be made him, why he should not do more for the english interests in that region than he has yet done." at the same time la barre, the french governor, was urged to make the most strenuous efforts to retain the advantages for the french by the two adventurers. a royal despatch of august th, , and signed by lewis himself, had already been sent, in these words:-- "i recommend you to prevent the english as much as possible from establishing themselves in hudson's bay, possession whereof was taken in my name several years ago; and as colonel d'unguent,[ ] appointed governor of new york by the king of england, has had precise orders on the part of the said king to maintain good correspondence with us and carefully to avoid whatever may interrupt it, i doubt not the difficulties you have experienced will cease for the future." lewis was by no means desirous of rendering the position of his fellow monarch over the channel uncomfortable. he was disposed to yield in a small matter when he had his own way in most of the large ones. had charles yielded to french representations about port nelson he would have given great offence to his brother the duke of york. indeed, there is little doubt that had the company not boasted members of such distinction, or the patronage of royalty, the french would have at this juncture forced their demands and overwhelmed the english possession. radisson appears to have got wind of the situation and this was, perhaps, to him a greater argument for returning to the service of the power likely to be most permanent in hudson's bay. he, however, hung about idle in paris for some weeks, in a state of indecision. had m. de seignely exerted his full powers of persuasion, he might have induced our bushranger to remain in the service of lewis. but no such inducement was offered. there is some reason to believe that m. de seignely undervalued radisson; but in any case the apathy of the court influenced his actions. the bushranger was, on the other hand, exhorted to return to his first engagement with the english, lord preston assuring him that if he could in reality execute what he proposed, he would receive in england from his majesty, from his royal highness, from the company, and from the nation, "every sort of good treatment and entire satisfaction." the duke's especial protection was also guaranteed. radisson, none too punctilious, at length made up his mind as to the course he would pursue. "i yielded," says he, "to these solicitations and determined to go to england forever, and so strongly bind myself to his majesty's service, and to that of those interested in the nation, that no other cause could ever detach me from it." [sidenote: radisson decides to join the english.] but in order that he might have an excuse for his conduct, the very day that he arrived at this decision he is found writing to the french minister demanding a certain grant in the north-west of canada as an alternative to a former proposal that "in consideration of his discoveries, voyages and services he should be given every fourth beaver, trapped or otherwise caught in those territories." m. de seignely had no suspicion of the depth of radisson's duplicity. the minister thought him "a vain man, much given to boasting, who could do much harm, and had therefore best have his vanity tickled at home." up to the very eve of his departure, april , , he was a daily attendant on the minister or his subordinates of the department of marine and commerce. he was not always favoured with an audience; but when listened to spoke vaguely of fitting out and equipping vessels for trade on voyages similar to those he had already undertaken. his _naiveté_, to use no harsher term, is remarkable. "in order," says he, "that they should not suspect anything by my sudden absence, i told them i was obliged to take a short trip into the country on friendly family matters. _i myself made good use of this time to go to london._" he arrived in the english capital on the th of may, and immediately paid his respects to mr. young. the project for regaining possession of york factory was canvassed. radisson estimated that there would be between fifteen and twenty thousands beaver skins in the hands of his nephew, awaiting shipment. the partners appeared more than satisfied, and radisson met with a most cordial reception. he was assured that the company had entire confidence in him, and that their greatest regret was that there had been any misunderstanding between them. they would, it was declared on their behalf, make all amends in their power. for a few weeks the hudson's bay bushranger found himself a lion. he was presented to the king in the course of a _levee_. charles listened with the greatest assumption of interest to the adventurer's account of himself, and to his asseverations of loyalty and good will. radisson in the evening was taken to the play-house in the suite of his royal highness, and there by his bizarre attire attracted almost as much attention amongst the audience as the play itself. "to the duke's play-house," writes john selwyn to his wife, "where radisson, the american fur-hunter, was in the royal box. never was such a combination of french, english and indian savage as sir john kirke's son-in-law. he was not wont to dress so when he was last here, but he has got him a new coat with much lace upon it, which he wears with his leather breeches and shoes. his hair is a perfect tangle. it is said he has made an excellent fortune for himself." [sidenote: radisson's departure for hudson's bay.] after a number of conferences with the partners, radisson finally departed from gravesend on may . three ships set sail, that in which radisson was embarked being named the _happy return_. the elements being favourable, the little fleet reached the straits more speedily than usual. the chief figure of this expedition, who had never borne a part in any joint enterprise without being animated by jealousy and distrust, found here ample scope for the exercise of his characteristic vices. during nearly the entire period of the voyage he evinced a perpetual and painful apprehension that one of the other ships carrying officials and servants of the company would, with malicious intentions, arrive before him. his first concern on awaking in the morning was to be assured that the companion vessels were in sight, and although the _happy return_ was the most sluggish sailor of the trio, yet to such good purpose were plied the bushranger's energies and promises that her commander's seamanship made her a capital match for the others. but just before their destination was reached contrary winds, currents and masses of floating ice brought about a separation, and radisson began to be assailed more than ever by the fear that the english servants would arrive on the ground, overwhelm his nephew and the other french without his assistance, and thus frustrate all his plans for claiming sole credit. and in truth this fear was very nearly justified. twenty leagues from port nelson the ship got blocked amidst the masses of ice, and progress, except at a raft's pace, became out of the question. in this dilemma, radisson demanded of the captain a small boat and seven men. his request being granted, it was launched, and after undergoing forty-eight hours' fatigue, without rest or sleep, the entrance to nelson river was reached. imagine radisson's surprise, as well as that of his companions, on beholding two ships at anchor, upon one of which, a complete stranger to them, floated the royal standard of england. [sidenote: the presence of the french made known.] it was the english frigate which had entered at port nelson. the other ship was the _alert_, commanded by captain outlaw, having brought out the company's new governor, william phipps, the previous season. radisson boldly headed his boat for this vessel, and when he drew near, perceived bridgar's successor, with all his people in arms, on the quarter-deck. the governor, in a loud voice, instantly demanded to know who radisson was. upon his making himself and his allegiance known, they decided to permit him to board the company's ship. the bushranger first made it his care to be informed how the land lay, and he was inwardly rejoiced to learn that the governor and his men had not dared to land, out of fear for the french and indians, who were considered hostile to the english interests. this was precisely the situation radisson most desired; a thought seems to have struck him that after all, his nephew, chouart, might prove intractable, and by no means so easily won over as he had anticipated. it therefore behooved him to act with adroitness and circumspection. taking with him two men, radisson proceeded up country in the direction of the abandoned york factory, hourly hoping that they might discover something, or at least they should make someone hear, or see a friendly indian, by firing musket shots or making a smoke. the attempt was not fruitless, as he tells us, for after a while they perceived ten canoes with indians coming down the river. "at first," he says, "i thought some frenchmen might be with them, whom my nephew might have sent to discover who the new arrivals were." upon this supposition radisson severed himself from his comrades, and going to meet the savages he made the usual signs to them from the bank, which the indians at first seemed to respond to in no amiable spirit. albeit, on addressing them in their own tongue, he was immediately recognized, the indians testifying by shouts and playful postures to their joy at his arrival. he quickly learned from them that his nephew and the other frenchmen were above the rapids, four leagues from the place where they then were. they had expected groseilliers would accompany radisson, and when they expressed surprise that this was not the case, radisson did not scruple to tell them that groseilliers awaited him at a short distance. "but what," asked radisson, "are you doing here? what brings you into this part of the country and in such numbers?" the savage leader's sudden confusion betrayed him to radisson. the circumstance of the indians voluntarily seeking trade with the english greatly simplified the situation. "look you," said he, heartily, at the same time calling to captain geyer, who was in ambush hard by, "i am glad to find you seeking trade with the english. i have made peace with the english for the love of our indian brothers; you, they and i are to be henceforth only one. embrace us, therefore, in token of peace; this (pointing to geyer) is your new brother. go immediately to your son at the fort yonder and carry him these tidings and the proofs of peace. tell him to come and see me at this place, while the others will wait for me at the mouth of the river." it should be mentioned that the chief of this band had previously announced himself as young chouart's sire, according to the indian custom. he now readily departed on his mission. radisson passed an anxious night. the sun had been risen some hours before his eyes were gladdened by the sight of a canoe, in which he descried chouart. the young man's countenance bore, as well it might, an expression of profound amazement; and at first hardly the bare civilities of relationship passed between the pair. chouart waited patiently for his uncle to render an explanation of the news which had reached him. silently and slowly they walked together, and after a time the prince of liars, traitors, adventurers and bushrangers began his account of his position. radisson states that his nephew immediately acquiesced in his scheme. a memoir penned in , the year of radisson's death, by m. barthier, of quebec, asserts that the young man received with the utmost disgust, and flatly declined to entertain, his relative's proposals. he expressed, on the other hand, the greatest grief on hearing the news; for he had begun to believe that it was through their efforts that the dominion of the king had been extended in that region. now it appeared that this labour had all been in vain. it was only his love for his mother, radisson's sister, which prevented an open rebellion on the part of chouart against the proposed treachery. [sidenote: chouart surrenders to radisson.] no rupture took place; the stronger and more crafty spirit prevailed. chouart surrendered on the following day his command of the fort. he had, he complained, expected a far different fate for the place and his men. the tattered old _fleur de lis_ standard brought by the _st. anne's_ captain from quebec was lowered and the english emblem, with the device of the company, run up in its stead. all the forces were assembled and amidst cheers for king charles and the honourable adventurers, the company's governor took formal possession. but the french bushrangers and sailors watched these proceedings with melancholy dissatisfaction, not, perhaps, as much from patriotic motives as from the frailty of their own tenure. they could no longer be assured of a livelihood amongst so many english, who bore themselves with so haughty a mien. radisson proceeded to make an inventory of all the skins on hand, together with all those concealed in _caches_ in the woods. the results showed packages of beaver, or about , skins, together with merchandise sufficient to barter for seven or eight thousand more. instructions were now given by radisson, the governor remaining passive, to have all these goods taken in canoes to the ships. it now only remained for the bushranger to accomplish one other object before setting sail with the cargo for england. radisson speaks of himself as having a secret commission, but no authority can be found for his statement. it involved the retention in the company's service of his nephew and the other frenchmen; but even assuming that radisson were armed with any such instructions, the plan was not likely to enjoy the approval of governor phipps, who, if he were at the outset of his term of office determined upon any one thing, it was that fort nelson should be cleared of frenchmen. exactly how this was to be arranged was not quite clear, especially as there was yet no open rupture between the two authorities. but for such a rupture they had not long to wait. they were destined on the very eve of his departure to be involved in a quarrel. [sidenote: dispute between radisson and the governor.] some years before an assiniboine chief named ka-chou-touay had taken radisson to his bosom and adopted him as his son with all the customary ceremonies. this formidable chief, who had been at war with a neighbouring tribe at the time of his adopted son's arrival in the country, now put in an appearance. instead of the joy radisson expected it was with reproaches that he was greeted. ka-chou-touay informed him that a brother chief of his, named la barbé, with one of his sons, had been killed while expostulating with a party of english. the consequences of this rash action might be so grave that radisson felt it to be his duty to resort to the governor and demand that his servants should be punished for the crime, or else he would not be answerable for the consequences. the governor does not appear to have taken radisson's demand in good part, declining altogether to intervene in the matter. the other now proceeded to commands and threats. he asserted that as long as he remained in the country the governor was his subordinate, which greatly angered that official and high words passed. the task the governor had set himself was by no means easy, especially if he wished to avoid bloodshed. but the plan of overpowering and disarming the french was finally accomplished through strategy. all were escorted aboard the ship, even to chouart himself, and on the fourth of september sail was set. on this voyage radisson's state of mind rivalled that which he had experienced when outward bound. his late anxiety to be the first upon the scene at port nelson was paralleled now by his desire to be the first in london. if happily, the company should first hear an account of what had transpired from himself, he felt convinced full measure of justice would be done him. if, on the other hand, governor phipps' relation were first received there was no knowing how much prejudice might be raised against him. great as was his impatience, he managed to hide it with adroitness, so that none save his nephew suspected the intention he shortly executed. the captain, crew and company's servants left the ship leisurely at portsmouth. those going up to london lingered for the coach, but not so with radisson, who instantly made his way to the post-house, where he hired a second-rate steed, mounted it and, without the courtesy of an adieu to his late comrades, broke into a gallop, hardly restrained until london bridge was reached. [sidenote: phipps' letter to the company.] his arrival took place close upon midnight, but late as was the hour, he took no thought of securing lodging or of apprising his wife of his advent. he spurred on his stumbling horse to the dwelling of mr. young, in wood street, cheapside. the honourable adventurer had retired for the night, but, nevertheless, in gown and night-cap welcomed radisson with great cordiality. he listened, we are told, with the greatest interest and satisfaction to the bushranger's tale, garnished with details of his own marvellous prowess and zeal for the company. nor, perhaps, was radisson less satisfied when, on attaining his own lodging, he pondered on the day's exploits. he slumbered little, and at eleven o'clock young was announced, and was ushered in, declaring that he had already been to whitehall and apprised the court of the good news. his majesty and his royal highness had expressed a wish to see radisson, the hero of these great doings, and young was accordingly brought to escort the bushranger into the royal presence. it was a triumph, but a short-lived one. radisson had hardly left the precincts of the court, his ears still ringing with the praises of king and courtiers, than the deputy-governor, mr. dering, received phipps' account of the affair, which was almost as unfair to radisson and the part he had played in the re-capture of port nelson, as radisson's own account was flattering. on the receipt of the report, a general court of the adventurers was held on september th. by the majority of members the bushranger was hardly likely to be accorded full justice, for great offence had been given by his presentation at court and the extremely informal manner of his arrival. despite the friendliness of hays, young and several other partners, radisson was not again granted a position of authority in the company's service. in the meanwhile young chouart, being detained in england against his wish, decided to write to denonville and propose to accompany his uncle to port nelson and make his escape and gain quebec by land. the governor forwarded this letter to paris and demanded permission to promise fifty pistoles to those who would seize the traitor radisson and bring him to quebec. the minister complied. but in march, , he had had no success. "the misfortune," says the minister, "that the man radisson has done to the colony, and that he is still capable of doing if he remains longer amongst the english, should oblige denonville and champagne to make every effort to seize him and so judgment will be held out." radisson did, it is true, make another voyage to hudson's bay, but his sojourn was of brief duration, and a plot set on foot to seize him failed. not long afterwards, "peter raddison" is found to be in receipt of a pension of ten pounds a month from the company, which he continued to enjoy for many years to the time of his death at islington, in . footnotes: [ ] as an example of the absurd legends current some years later, and perpetuated, i am sorry to say, to a later day, it would be hard to match this, from la potherie: "he (preston) promised to godey, one of his domestics, to create him perpetual secretary of the embassy, providing he engaged radisson in his party. godey, the better to succeed, promised radisson his daughter in marriage, whom he (radisson) espoused." (la potherie, vol. i, p. .) godey was _aide-de-camp_ to preston; he may have had a daughter, but radisson certainly did not espouse her, inasmuch as he was already married to sir john kirke's daughter, who was still living. [ ] this is m. de la barre's quaint fashion of spelling dongan. chapter xi. - . feigned anger of lewis -- he writes to la barre -- importance attached to indian treaties -- duluth's zeal -- gauthier de comportier -- denonville made governor -- capture of the _merchant of perpetuana_ -- expedition of troyes against the company's posts in the bay -- moose fort surrendered. when the news of the expedition of reached the court of versailles, lewis professed anger that the peace between the two crowns should be broken even in that remote corner of the world. he related the discussion which had taken place between the english ambassador and himself with regard to radisson's treachery. he had been happy, he said, to inform king charles's representative that he was unwilling to afford his "brother of england" any cause of complaint. nevertheless, as he thought it important to prevent the english from establishing themselves in that river, it would be well to make a proposal to the commandant at hudson's bay that neither french nor english should have power to make any new establishments. long before that he had written to governor la barre, in no measured terms, demanding of him what he meant by releasing the boston vessel, the _susan_, without calling on the intendant, or consulting the sovereign council. "you have herein done," said he, "just what the english would be able to make a handle of, since in virtue of your ordinance you caused a vessel to be surrendered which ought strictly to be considered a pirate, as it had no commission; and the english will not fail to say that you so fully recognized the regularity of the ship's papers as to surrender it." [sidenote: duluth in the west.] simultaneously with the receipt of this letter from his monarch, there came to the perplexed governor a letter from the sieur duluth, stating that at great expense of presents he had prevented the western tribes from further carrying their beaver trade to the english. he had, it appeared, met the sieur de la croix with his two comrades, who had presented the despatches in which the governor had urged him to use every endeavour in forwarding letters to chouart, at nelson river. "to carry out your instructions," wrote duluth, "there was only monsieur péré, who would have to go himself, the savages having all at that time withdrawn into the interior." he added that péré had left during the previous month, and doubtless at that time had accomplished his mission. duluth invariably expressed himself with great confidence on the subject of the implicit trust which the savages reposed in him. more than once in his letters, as well as in verbal messages forwarded to his superiors, he boasted that before a couple of years were out not a single savage would visit the english at hudson's bay. to this end they had bound themselves by the numerous presents they had received at his hands; and he was assured that they would not go back on their word. as with duluth so with the other officials, pioneers and emissaries amongst the french, great importance was attached to treaties and compacts with the aborigines. every endeavour was made to obtain the good-will and amity of the indians. [sidenote: french and english relations with the indians.] perhaps nothing exhibits so powerfully the totally differing attitude and motives of the company, compared with the french traders, than the manner in which, in those early times, the red man was trusted and believed by the one and distrusted and contemned by the other. one may peruse neither the narratives of the jesuits nor of the traders without an emotion of awe at the simple faith of those pioneers in the honesty and probity of the red men. to the very end, when disaster succeeding disaster overwhelmed the propaganda of loyola amongst the northern tribes and exterminated its disciples, we read of the frenchman trusting to the word and deferring to the prejudices of his indian brother. it was as if the latter were indeed of a common steadfastness and moral nature with his own. contrast that trait in the english character which is exhibited in his early dealings with inferior and black peoples in india and africa, to that he has retained to the present day. never was the contrast greater than during the acute conflict of english and french interests in hudson's bay at this time. the early governors and traders almost without exception openly despised the indian and secretly derided his most solemn counsels. august treaties were set aside on the most flimsy pretexts, and if the virtues of the savages were too highly esteemed by the french, they were on the other hand perhaps much too cheaply held by their rivals. but to whatever extent they may have held themselves bound by compacts of this kind, the company's officials were not so foolish as to doubt their potency amongst savages. thus we find that from the years to the company regularly instructed its servants to enact the strongest treaties with the "captains and kings of the rivers and territories where they had settlements." "these compacts," observes one of the company's servants, "were rendered as firm and binding as the indians themselves could make them. ceremonies of the most solemn and sacred character accompanied them." duluth had already built a fort near the river à la maune, at the bottom of lake nepigon, and thither he expected at least six of the northern nations to resort in the spring. lest this should not be sufficient for the purpose he designed building another in the christineaux river, which would offer an effectual barrier to the expansion of the english trade. with characteristic zeal duluth, in a letter written at this time, concluded with these words: "finally, sir, i wish to lose my life if i do not absolutely prevent the savages from visiting the english." but with every good will to serve his monarch and stifle in infancy the growing trade of the hudson's bay company in the northern regions, duluth vastly undervalued the forces of circumstance as well of enterprise at the command of the enemy. the plans of the french were destined to be confounded by the unforeseen and treacherous action of radisson and chouart in the following year. "what am i to do?" now became the burden of la barre's appeals to the king. the young priest who acted as his secretary at quebec was kept perpetually writing to versailles for instructions. his letters are long, and filled with explanations of the situation, which only served to confuse his superiors. fearful of offending the english on one hand and thereby precipitating new france in a war with new england, and on the other of arousing the resentment of the colonists by a supine behaviour, the unhappy denonville was in an unpleasant dilemma. "am i to oppose force to force?" he asks in one letter. "am i to venture against those who have committed these outrages against your majesty's subjects at sea? it is a matter in which your majesty will please to furnish me with some precise and decisive orders whereunto i shall conform my conduct and actions." [sidenote: lewis unwilling to oppose the english.] but the most christian king was by no means anxious to quarrel with his cousin charles either for the dominion of, or the fur-trade monopoly in, the north. charles was in possession of a handsome subsidy paid out of the exchequer of lewis. europe was spectator of the most cordial relations between these two monarchs, relations which are described by more than one candid historian as those commonly subsisting between master and vassal. that tempest of indignation which was to break over england in the reign of charles's successor would have not so long been deferred had but a real knowledge of the "good understanding and national concord" been known to englishmen at large. under the circumstances it is not surprising that lewis concluded to do nothing. it was not that opportunities to regain what was lost were lacking. an old soldier, gauthier de comportier, who with a number of other patriots had learned of the jeopardy in which french interests lay in the north, presented a memoir to the king offering, if a grant were made him, to win all back from the english and to establish three posts on the bourbon river. the grant was refused. a change then came which altered the aspect of affairs. in february, , charles ii. died, and the duke of york, second governor of the hudson's bay company, ascended the throne of england. lewis was not the last to perceive that the accession of james would cause but little real difference, as the latter and himself were bound together by ties as strong as had bound charles, yet saw at the same time that full advantage might safely be reaped from the change of monarchs. proceedings were instantly therefore set on foot to retrieve the fortunes of the french in the fur countries. the conduct of groseilliers and radisson had deeply offended the inhabitants of quebec. an excited populace burnt the pair in effigy, and a decree was issued for their arrest should they at any time be apprehended, and for their delivery to those whom they had betrayed. but it was the anger of la chesnaye and his associates of the company which was especially strong. an expedition which they had sent out to port nelson, with the intention of collecting the wealth in peltries, returned to the st. lawrence without so much as a single beaver. the success of the english made some decided action on the part of the french inevitable. la barre was recalled and his successor, the marquis de denonville, determined to take matters into his own hands, rather than see the interests of new france in the bay suffer. he relied upon the success of the expedition to atone for the boldness of the initiative, but his action was not taken without repeated warnings addressed to the minister. "all the best of our furs, both as to quality and quantity, we must expect to see shortly in the hands of the english." if the english were not expelled they would secure all the fat beaver from an infinite number of tribes in the north who were being discovered every day; besides abstracting the greater portion of the peltries that ordinarily reached them at montreal through the ottawas, assiniboines and other tribes.[ ] [sidenote: the french capture a company's ship.] in the month of july, , two ships belonging to the french company, returning in disappointment to canada from port nelson, met, at the mouth of the straits, one of the hudson's bay company's vessels named the _merchant of perpetuana_, commanded by one edward humes. she was bound for york fort with a cargo of merchandise and provisions. no time was lost on the part of the french in intercepting her. captain humes not surrendering with sufficient alacrity to please the enemy, the _merchant of perpetuana_ was boarded and forcibly possessed in the name of king lewis. several english sailors lost their lives. the vessel having been seized in this manner, her prow was headed for quebec, where her master and crew were summarily cast into gaol. after a miserable confinement, lasting eleven months, the sufferings of captain humes ended with his death, and the other prisoners, exposed to the insults and indignities of the quebec populace, were ultimately sent away to martinique on board their own ship, and there sold as slaves. the mate, richard smithsend by name, managed to escape. upon reaching london the tale he unfolded to his employers excited general indignation. a memorial of the outrage, couched in vigorous language, was presented to the king, but james, resolved not to give offence to his friend and ally the most christian king, took no notice of the matter. amongst the french in canada there were not wanting bold spirits to follow up this daring stroke. chief amongst them, not merely for the character of his achievements, but for his uncommon and romantic personality, was the chevalier de troyes. this canadian nobleman, who was of advanced years, was a retired captain in the army. he believed he now saw an opportunity to win a lasting distinction, and to rival, and perhaps surpass, the exploits of champlain, lusson, frontenac and the other hero-pioneers of new france. scholarly in his tastes, and frail of body, though by profession a soldier, he emerged from privacy on christmas eve, , and asked of the governor a commission to drive the english utterly from the northern bay. the authority the old soldier sought for was granted. he was empowered to "search for, seize and occupy the most advantageous posts, to seize the robbers, bushrangers and others whom we know to have taken and arrested several of our french engaged in the indian trade, whom we order him to arrest, especially the said radisson and his adherents wherever they may be found, and bring them to be punished as deserters, according to the rigour of the ordinances." the rigour of the ordinances was death. fourscore canadians were selected to form part of the expedition against the hudson's bay company's posts by the chevalier de troyes. for his lieutenants, the leader chose the three sons of a nobleman of new france named charles le moine. one, the eldest, a young man of only twenty-five, was to bear an enduring distinction in the annals of france as one of her most able and intrepid naval commanders. this was the sieur d'iberville. his brothers, taking their names, as he had done, from places in their native land, were called the sieurs de sainte hèlène and de marincourt. thirty soldiers were directly attached to the chevalier's command, veterans who had, almost to a man, seen service in one or other of the great european wars. that they might not be without the ministrations of religion, father sylvie, a jesuit priest, accompanied the expedition. [sidenote: expedition of de troyes.] "the rivers," writes a chronicler of the troyes expedition, "were frozen and the earth covered with snow when that small party of vigorous men left montreal in order to ascend the ottawa river as far as the height of land and thence to go down to james' bay." at the beginning of april they arrived at the long sault, where they prepared some canoes in order to ascend the ottawa river. from lake temiscamingue they passed many portages until they reached lake abbitibi, at the entrance or most southern extremity of which they built a small fort of stockades. after a short halt they continued their course towards james' bay. the establishment first doomed to conquest by troyes and his companions was moose factory, a stockade fort having four bastions covered with earth. in the centre was a house forty feet square and as many high, terminating in a platform. the fort was escaladed by the french late at night and the palisades made short work of by the hatchets of their bushrangers. amongst the garrison none appears to have attempted a decent defence save the chief gunner, who perished bravely at his post of duty.[ ] a cry for quarter went up and the english were made prisoners on the spot. they were sixteen in number, and as the attack was made at night they were in a state of almost complete undress. troyes found in the fort twelve cannon, chiefly six and eight-pounders, three thousand pounds of powder and ten pounds of lead. [sidenote: capture of moose factory.] it is worthy of record that the capture was effected with an amount of pomp and ceremony calculated to strike the deepest awe into the hearts of those fifteen unhappy and not too intelligent company's apprentices, who knew nothing of fighting nor had bargained for anything so perilous. for so small a conquest it was both preceded and followed by almost as much circumstance as would have sufficed for the grand monarque himself in one of his theatrical sieges. the chevalier announced in a loud voice that he took possession of the fort and island "in the name of his most christian majesty the most high, most mighty, most redoubtable monarch lewis xiv. of the most christian name, king of france and navarre." in obvious imitation of lusson, a sod of earth was thrice raised in the air, whilst a cry of "vive le roi" rang out over those waters wherein were sepultured the bodies of henry hudson and his men. * * * * * note.--the career of the chevalier de troyes ended abruptly and tragically in , when he and all his men, to the number of ninety, were massacred at niagara. footnotes: [ ] our frenchmen have seen quite recently from port nelson some indians who were known to have traded several years ago at montreal. the posts at the head of the bay abbitibi and nemisco can be reached through the woods and seas; our frenchmen are acquainted with the road. but in regard to the posts occupied by the english in the river bourbon or port nelson it is impossible to hold any posts below them and convey merchandise thither except by sea. some pretend that it is feasible to go thence overland; but the river to reach that quarter remains yet to be discovered, and when discovered could only admit the conveyance of a few men and not of any merchandise. in regard to hudson's bay, should the king not think proper for enforcing the reasons his majesty has for opposing the usurpation of the english on his lands, by the just titles proving his majesty's possession long before the english had any knowledge of the country, nothing is to be done but to find means to support the company of the said bay, formed in canada, by the privilege his majesty has been pleased this year to grant to all his subjects of new france; and to furnish them for some years with a few vessels of tons, well armed and equipped. i hope with this aid our canadians will support this business, which will otherwise perish of itself; whilst the english merchants, more powerful than our canadians, will with good ships continue their trade, whereby they will enrich themselves at the expense of the colony and the king's revenue.--despatch of denonville, th november, . [ ] iberville declares that he split his head into fragments. chapter xii. - . the french attack upon fort rupert -- governor sargeant apprised -- intrepidity of nixon -- capture of fort albany -- disaster to the _churchill_ -- the company hears the ill news -- negotiations for colonial neutrality -- destruction of new severn fort -- loss of the _hampshire_ -- the revolution. undecided whether to next attack fort rupert or fort albany, the chevalier de troyes was prompted to a decision through learning that a boat containing provisions had left moose factory on the previous day bound for rupert's river. iberville was therefore sent with nine men and two bark canoes to attack a sloop belonging to the company then lying at anchor at the mouth of the latter river with fourteen souls aboard, including the governor. to accomplish this stroke it was necessary to travel forty leagues along the sea coast. the road was extremely difficult and in places almost impassable. a shallop was constructed to carry a couple of small cannon, and on the th of june troyes left for fort rupert. st. hèlène was sent on in advance to reconnoitre the establishment. he returned with the information that it was a square structure, flanked by four bastions, but that all was in a state of confusion owing to repairs and additions then being made to the fort. the cannon had not yet been placed, being temporarily accommodated outside on the slope of a redoubt. before the attack, which could only have one issue, was made by the land forces, iberville had boarded the company's sloop, surprised captain and crew, and made all, including governor bridgar, prisoners. four of the english were killed. after this exploit iberville came ashore, rejoined his superior and overpowered the almost defenceless garrison of fort rupert. the french forces now united, and st hèlène having been as successful as his brother in securing the second of the company's ships, all embarked and sailed for the remaining post of the company in that part of the bay. * * * * * neither troyes nor iberville knew its precise situation; but a little reconnoitring soon discovered it. fort albany was built in a sheltered inlet forty yards from the borders of the bay. two miles to the north-east was an _estrapade_ on the summit of which was placed a seat for a sentinel to sight the ships expected from england and to signal them if all was well. but on this morning, unhappily, no sentinel was there to greet with a waving flag the company's ship, on the deck of which young iberville stood. [sidenote: attack on fort albany.] two indians, however, brought governor sargeant tidings of the approach of the enemy, and his previous successes at moose and rupert rivers. the governor immediately resolved upon making a bold stand; all was instantly got in readiness to sustain a siege, and the men were encouraged to behave with fortitude. two hours later the booming of cannon was heard, and soon afterwards a couple of skirmishers were sighted at a distance. despite the governor's example, the servants at the fort were thrown into the greatest confusion. two of their number were deputed by the rest to inform the governor that they were by no means disposed to sacrifice their lives without provision being made for themselves and families in case of a serious issue. they were prevailed upon by the governor to return to their posts, and a bounty was promised them. bombardment by the french soon afterwards began, and lasted for two days, occasionally replied to by the english. but it was not until the evening of the second day that the first fatality occurred, when one of the servants was killed, and this brought about a mutiny. elias turner, the chief gunner, declared to his comrades that it was impossible for the governor to hold the place and that, for his part, he was ready to throw himself on the clemency of the french. sargeant overhearing this declaration, drew his pistol and threatened to blow out the gunner's brains if he did not return to his post, and this form of persuasion proved effective. the french now profited by the darkness to bring their cannon through the wood closer to the fort; and by daybreak a series of heavy balls struck the bastions, causing a breach. bridgar and captain outlaw, then at fort albany, were convinced that the enemy was undermining the powder magazine, in which case they would certainly be blown up. the french from the ship had thrown up a battery, which was separated from the moat surrounding the fort by less than a musket shot. none ventured to show himself above ground at a moment of such peril. a shell exploded at the head of the stairway and wounded the cook. the cries of the french could now be distinctly heard outside the fort--"vive le roi, vive le roi." in their fright and despair the english echoed the cry "vive le roi," thinking thereby to propitiate their aggressors. but the latter mistook the cry for one of defiance, as a token of loyalty to an altogether different monarch, and the bullets whistled faster and thicker. sargeant desired to lower the flag floating above his own dwelling, but there was none to undertake so hazardous a task. finally dixon, the under-factor, offered to show himself and propitiate the french. he first thrust a white cloth from a window and waved a lighted torch before it. he then called in a loud voice, and the firing instantly ceased. the under-factor came forth, fully dressed, and bearing two huge flagons of port wine. walking beyond the parapets he encountered both troyes and iberville, and by the light of a full moon the little party of french officers and the solitary englishman sat down on the mounted cannon, or on the ground beside it, broached the two flagons and drank the health of the two kings, their masters. "and now, gentlemen," said dixon, "what is it you want?" "possession of your fort in the name of his most christian majesty, king lewis xiv." dixon, explaining that he was not master there, offered to conduct this message to sargeant, and in a very short time the french commanders were seated comfortably within the house of the governor. the demand was again preferred, it being added that great offence had been given by the action of the english in taking captive three french traders, the previous autumn, and keeping them prisoners on ground owned and ruled by the king of france. for this reason reparation was demanded, and sargeant was desired at once to surrender the fort. the governor was surprised at such extreme measures, for which he was totally unprepared, but was willing to surrender upon terms of capitulation. on the following morning these were arranged. [sidenote: capitulation of the fort.] it was agreed that sargeant should continue to enjoy all his personal effects; and further, that his deputy, dixon, three domestics and his servant, should accompany him out of the fort. it was also agreed that troyes should send the clerks and servants of the company to charlton island, there to await the arrival of the company's ships from england. in case of their non-arrival within a reasonable time, troyes promised to assist them to such vessel as he could command for the purpose. the frenchman also gave sargeant the provisions necessary to keep him and his companions from starvation. all quitted the fort without arms, save sargeant and his son, whose swords and pistols hung at their sides. the governor and his suite were provided with passage to hays island, where he afterwards made his escape to port nelson. the others were distributed between forts moose and albany, and were treated with considerable severity and hardship. having attended to the disposition of his prisoners and their property, troyes, accompanied by iberville, departed on th august for montreal. the gallant chevalier and his associates would have been glad to have pursued their successes, by crossing the bay and capturing york factory. but although two ships belonging to the company had fallen to their lot, yet they could find none competent to command them. the distance between albany and port nelson was by water two hundred and fifty leagues, and the road overland was as yet unknown to the french. but it was not their purpose that it should long remain so. in a letter to his official superior at quebec, denonville, pursuing his way amongst the tribes of the upper mississippi region, boasted that the next year would not pass without their becoming acquainted with it. wherefore troyes suffered himself to be prevailed upon by iberville, and be content with the victories already won. they carried with them in their journey more than , beaver as a trophy of their arms. many of the hudson's bay company's servants were employed in bearing the spoils. along the dreary march several of these unhappy captives were killed through the connivance of the french with the indians; and the survivors reached quebec in a dreadfully emaciated and halt condition. troyes' victories were ludicrously exaggerated: his return, therefore, was attended with much pomp. [sidenote: french prisoners taken by the "churchill."] ignorant of troyes and his conquests, the company sent out its annual expedition as usual in . in the autumn of this year the _churchill_ was caught in the ice near charlton island. iberville was quickly apprised of this mishap, and sent a party of four across the ice to reconnoitre. they appear to have been somewhat careless, for, while one sank down from utter exhaustion, the others were surprised by the company's crew, seized and bound. one of the three, however, managed to escape the fate of his companions, who were manacled and placed in the bottom of the ship's hold, where they passed the winter. but the three frenchmen enjoyed no monopoly of misfortune. the captain of the ship, while hunting on the island in the early days of spring, lost his life by drowning; and there were numerous minor calamities. in may, preparation was made for departure, and as the english were short-handed the two frenchmen were forced to lend their aid. this they did willingly, glad to exchange the open air of heaven for that of the hold of the ship. one day, while most of the crew were aloft, one of the frenchmen, perceiving only two of his captors on deck, furtively secured an axe. with this implement he silently split the skulls of both men, and then ran to release his comrade temporarily chained below. the pair seized fire-arms which they came upon in a corner of the hold, and brandishing these in skilful fashion, they suddenly changed from captives into masters. in opprobrious terms and with violent gesticulations they dared the crew to come down from the rigging, or indeed to lay a hand upon the fringe of a shroud; and while one watched with two drawn pistols in hand the shivering seamen in the shrouds and rigging, the other steered the ship towards rupert's river. how long this drama might have lasted it is hard to say, for within a few hours iberville and his ship hove in sight. he had fitted out an expedition to rescue his men as soon as the ice would permit, and now came and took charge of the _churchill_ and all on board. [sidenote: news of the disaster reaches england.] the tidings of this expedition of the chevalier troyes, following close upon the harrowing tale of smithsend, the mate of the _merchant of perpetuana_, excited the adventurers to a pitch of fury. an extraordinary general meeting was held and london was placarded with an account of the outrages. a news-letter was issued at the company's expense detailing the events, and carrying them into the remotest parts of the kingdom. lord churchill, who had succeeded king james in the governorship of the company, personally presented a petition of the outraged company of adventurers to the king, wherein it was prayed "that james would be pleased to afford them his royal assistance and protection and that your majesty will demand and procure satisfaction to be made them for all losses and damages they have suffered as well formerly as by this last invasion." it is now necessary to mention what had been happening between the two crowns between and . in the first named year, in response to the pressure brought to bear upon both by their subjects, james had agreed with lewis to appoint a joint commission to examine into the disputes between the two nations and, if possible, effect a pacific settlement. their respective possessions in america were giving the two crowns so much trouble and expense that they were ready to welcome any arrangement which would reduce the burden. war between england and france in the old days had been a simple matter, confined to contiguous territory of whose geography and physical features they knew something. but now the mother countries could not offer each other hostilities without a score or so of their offspring colonies springing at each other's throats. if war between france and england could only be confined to war between france and england, and not be allowed to spread itself over innumerable savage tribes and dependencies in north america, it was felt that a great end would thereby be gained. [sidenote: negotiations for colonial neutrality.] the point sought by both kings was to make america neutral. such a thing would have been excellent, had it but been possible. but the futility of such an arrangement was instantly made manifest. both races in america were too eager and too anxious to reap the advantages of war. it was not likely that the colonial english would allow a rich prize to pass them, only to be seized a hundred leagues farther east by the home authorities. the colonial french were not to be expected in time of war to suffer tamely from competition in the fur-trade, when the very principles of their allegiance urged them to forcible retaliation. even without the episode of the _merchant of perpetuana_ the rivalry between the two nations for the fur-trade was so bitter as to be a perpetual danger to peace. for this reason, and in order to mark some delimitation to the trade of the two countries, the joint commission had sat and examined into the matter. on the sixth of november, , a treaty of neutrality had been concluded between the two kings. it stipulated for a "firm peace, union and concord, and good understanding between the subjects" of james and lewis. no vessels of either sovereign were thereafter to be employed in attacking the subjects of the other in any of the colonies. no soldiers of either king stationed in any of the colonies were to engage in any act of hostility such as giving aid or succour to men, or provisions to savages, at war with one another. but the fourth article of this treaty was productive of much confusion and misunderstanding. "it has been agreed," it ran, "that each of the said kings shall hold the domains, rights, pre-eminences in the seas, straits and other waters of america which, and in the same extent, of right belongs to them; and in the same manner which they enjoy at present." now, at the very moment this treaty was signed, the french, by the victory of troyes, were in possession of fort albany and the english still held port nelson. as the liberty of navigation was not disturbed by the treaty it would appear that the french retained the right to sail in the bay. commissioners were appointed to consider the carrying out of the treaty, the sieurs barillon and bonrepas acting on behalf of france, and lords sutherland, middleton and godolphin for james. to these commissioners the company presented a further memorial, which dwelt upon their grievances "for five years past, in a time of peace and good correspondence between the two crowns." [sidenote: impracticability of the treaty.] these commissioners appear to have done their best to arrange matters satisfactorily; but such a result was impossible under the conditions. they were privately instructed by their respective masters to agree to hold the trade of port nelson in common. such a proposal was extremely impracticable, as that well-informed subject, denonville, made haste to inform his royal master. the proximity of the english, he declared, in such a remote part would be a certain source of hostility on both sides, and a dangerous temptation for numbers of "libertines," whom the least dissatisfaction would induce to take refuge at port nelson. the "libertines" he thus alluded to were the bushrangers, who were already giving the french great trouble and uneasiness through their wild, undisciplined habits and their freedom from restraint. denonville added that the hudson's bay company, paying higher prices for beaver than the french could do, would always have a preference, and consequently would almost monopolize the trade. it was therefore better, in his opinion, to effect a compromise in the bay, restoring the three forts troyes had taken in exchange for port nelson, which, so he stated, was worth more than the other three together for trading purposes. besides, on the first rupture, it would be very easy to retake them by an overland march, as troyes had done. but such proposals on the part of the french were indignantly rejected by the english company. there was, therefore, nothing for it but a _modus vivendi_, under which no further encroachments in the bay were to be made by either party. but whatever the intent of the negotiations, there was nothing to compel the parties directly interested to observe them. the elated french company was too much inclined to retain what troyes had wrested from the english to adhere to sophistries and weak-kneed arguments. it engaged iberville to return to fort albany, upon which establishment it had bestowed the name of st. anne, and repulse the english should their ships arrive and endeavour to land. captain moon, returning from port nelson, did make an attempt with twenty-four men to surprise the french. he built a station some eight miles distant; but iberville heard of it, marched thither with great despatch, and pursued them for twenty miles. he then made preparations for seizing captain moon's ship, embarking upwards of forty men in canoes and small boats for this purpose. but those aboard her defeated his intention in the night, by setting her on fire and making their escape to the shore, where they rejoined their companions and made the best of their way overland to new severn, a fort which had been erected in the previous year as a means of drawing trade away from the french conquerors in the eastern parts of the bay. iberville was not long ignorant of the retreat of those who had escaped him; nor of the prosperity which attended the new factory. he arrived before new severn in october, , obtained its surrender and took the company's governor prisoner. amongst the governor's papers which he seized was a letter from the secretary of the company, ordering him, on behalf of the partners, to proclaim the prince and princess of orange king and queen of england, showing that the chief spirits of the company were not unfriendly to those who precipitated the revolution. glorying in this new exploit, iberville now returned to fort st. anne, just in time to behold the spectacle of two strange ships standing off in the bay. the presence of these vessels was explained by the company having sent out an expedition, comprising eighty-three men of both crews, with instructions to land on an island close to the chechouan river and establish a fort, from whence they could sally forth to the re-conquest of fort albany. but already the winter had overtaken them, and the two vessels were locked in the ice. their fort was, however, pretty well advanced, and they had landed a number of pieces of cannon. iberville lay in ambush and, watching his opportunity, when twenty-one of the english were proceeding for a supply of stores to the ship, intercepted them. the whole party fell into the hands of the french; and marincourt, with fourteen men, now began to reconnoitre the forces on the island. a brisk cannonading ensued between the two parties. after this had lasted some days iberville found means to summon the company's commander to surrender, threatening him with no quarter if he deferred compliance. [sidenote: surrender of the company's ships to the french.] [sidenote: iberville's treacherous plan.] to this the governor responded that he had been given to understand on his departure from london that there was a treaty in force between the two crowns, and that it occasioned him much astonishment that the french paid so little heed to it. iberville's response was not exactly truthful, for he declared that whether a treaty existed or not he had not been the first to invade it; and that in any case he could waste no time in parley. the governor replied that his force was still a strong one; but that he would not be averse to surrender if iberville would agree to reimburse the company's officers out of the proceeds of their store of furs; and also accord them a vessel wherewith to sail away. this stipulation was granted; iberville grimly remarking that it was extraordinary what a large number of officers there were for so small a company of men. he had already captured the captain of one of the vessels and the surgeon; and there now remained thirteen others who thus escaped scot-free from the clutches of the french. the amount of wages demanded was close upon two thousand pounds. all the others were made prisoners, including the pilots, of whom it is said there were a number who had been despatched by the admiralty to acquire a knowledge of the bay and straits. all were carried off by iberville to quebec, and marincourt left behind with thirty-six men to guard the two posts. the young commander did not this time proceed overland, but having got possession of the company's ship, the _hampshire_, he sailed northward for the straits. he had scarcely reached the latitude of southampton island when an english ship hove in sight, proceeding in his direction. they came so close together as to exchange speech. iberville had taken the precaution to hoist the english flag, and the presence of the prisoners caused implicit belief in his friendly pretensions. he learned that young chouart, radisson's nephew, was on board, and declares that he longed to attack openly the company's ship, but the insufficiency of his force to guard the prisoners prevented him taking this course. he had, however, recourse to a stratagem which nearly succeeded. the captain of the other ship agreed to sail together in company through the straits, and on the first clear weather to pay a visit to iberville's ship. it was, it is almost needless to observe, the frenchman's intention to seize the guileless englishman and his companions the moment they had reached his deck. but storms intervening, this project fell through. the ships separated and did not meet again. the hudson's bay company was not a little puzzled at the non-arrival of the _hampshire_, which had been spoken thus happily in hudson's straits. for a long time the vessel was believed to be lost; as, indeed, she was, but not quite in the manner apprehended by her owners. possession was not regained for some years; and when the _hampshire_ sailed again for the bay it was to encounter there complete destruction in battle. as has been foreshadowed, in an event occurred which had been brewing ever since james had relinquished the governorship of the company for the governorship of his subjects at large. william of orange landed at plymouth, and the revolution in england put a new king on the english throne. chapter xiii. - . company's claims mentioned in declaration of war -- parliament grants company's application for confirmation of its charter -- implacability of the felt-makers -- fort albany not a success in the hands of the french -- denonville urges an attack upon fort nelson -- lewis despatches tast with a fleet to canada -- iberville's jealousy prevents its sailing to the bay -- governor phipps burns fort nelson -- further agitation on the part of the french to possess the west main -- company makes another attempt to regain fort albany -- fort nelson surrendered to iberville -- its re-conquest by the company. upon william the third's accession to the throne, the company renewed its claims to its property, and for reparation for the damages it had suffered at the hands of the french in time of peace. "as to the article of the company's losses, it will appear," it said, "by a true and exact estimate, that the french took from the company, in full peace between and , seven ships with their cargoes, and six forts and factories, from which they carried away great stores of goods laid up for trading with the indians. the whole amounts to £ , s." to such effect was this memorial presented to the king that william caused the hostile proceedings of lewis in the company's territory to be inserted in one of the articles of his declaration of war, in these words:-- "but that the french king should invade our caribbee islands and possess himself of our territories of the province of new york and hudson's bay, in hostile manner, seizing our forts, burning our subjects' houses and enriching his people with the spoil of our goods and merchandises, detaining some of our subjects under the hardships of imprisonment, causing others to be inhumanly killed, and driving the rest to sea in a small vessel without food or necessaries to support them, are actions not even becoming an enemy; and yet he was so far from declaring himself so, that at that very time he was negotiating here in england, by his ministers, a treaty of neutrality and good correspondence in america." much has been made by later writers, hostile to the company, of a circumstance which soon afterwards took place. [sidenote: the company's charter confirmed.] owing to the state of public feeling in england towards the stewarts at the time of the revolution, the company, keenly alive to the fact of the exiled king's having been so recently its governor, sought at the beginning of william's reign to strengthen its position by an act of parliament for the charter granted by charles ii. why, have asked its enemies, if the company had the utmost confidence in its charter did it resort to the lords and commons to have it confirmed? and why was this confirmation limited to but seven years? i have already answered the first question; as to the second, the company itself asked for no longer period. the proceeding was no secret; it was done openly. parliament made but one stipulation, and that at the instance of the felt-makers' company; that the adventurers "should be obliged to make at least two sales of 'coat beaver' annually, and not exceeding four. these should be proportioned in lotts of about £ sterling each, and not exceeding £ . in the intervals of public sales the company should be debarred from selling beaver by private contract, or at any price than was sett up at the last publick sale." the company asked for a confirmation of its charter by parliament as a prudent course in uncertain times; and also in order to more firmly establish its claim to reparation for damages. the nation's representatives saw no reason why they should not issue a confirmation; there being none, save the felt-makers, to oppose it. [sidenote: the company increases its capital.] the charter being confirmed, it was decided that the nominal capital of the company should be increased to £ , , several good reasons being put forward in committee for thus trebling the stock. these reasons are quaintly enumerated as follows: i--that the company have actually in warehouse above the value of their first original stock. ii--that they have set out an expedition this yeare in their shipps and cargoe to more than the value of their first stock again; the trading of which goods may well be estimated, in expectation as much more. iii--that our factories at port nelson river and new severne are under an increasing trade; and that our returns in beavers this yeare (by god's blessing) are modestly expected to be worth , _l._ iv--our forts, factories, guns and other materials, the prospect of new settlements and further trade, are also reasonably to be estimated at a considerable intrinsic value. v--and lastly, our just expectancy of a very considerable reparation and satisfaction from the french and the close of this war and the restoring our places and trade at the bottom of the bay; which upon proof, hath been made out above , _l._ some years later the treaty of ryswick, in securing to the french the fruits of iberville's victory, powerfully affected for ill the fortunes of the company. nevertheless, the whole nation was then in sympathy with its cause, knowing that but for the continued existence of the honourable adventurers as a body corporate the chances of the western portion of the bay reverting to the english were small. but the felt-makers were implacable. they would like to have seen the beaver trade in their own hands. at the expiration of the seven years for which the confirmation was allowed, they again, as will be shown, evinced, yet vainly, their enmity. because this parliamentary confirmation was limited to so short a period, some writers have conjectured that at the expiration of that period the charter ceased to be valid. so absurd a conclusion would scarcely appear to stand in need of refutation. could those who pretend to draw this inference have been ignorant that if some of the rights conferred by the charter required the sanction of parliament, there were other rights conferred by it which required no such sanction, because they were within the prerogative of the crown? even assuming that at the end of the term for which the act of william and mary was passed, such of the provisions of the charter (if there could be found any such) as derived their efficacy only from parliamentary support should be considered inefficient, still all the rights similar to those of the charters for former governments and plantations in america would continue to exist. that they were so regarded as existing is made evident by the repeated references to them in various subsequent international treaties and acts of parliament. king george and his advisers completely recognized the company as proprietors of a certain domain. in establishing the limits of the newly-acquired province of canada, it was enacted that it should be bounded on the north by "the territory granted to the merchants-adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay," a boundary which by statute was long to subsist. fort albany did not prove a success in the hands of the french. the quebec company were losing money, and they had no ships. they were, besides, severely handicapped by physical conditions, owing to the inaccessibility of the bay by land and the impracticability of carrying merchandise by the overland route. it seemed clear that, after all, the trade of the bay could only be made profitable by sea.[ ] the french were consequently most anxious to exchange the forts on james' bay for fort nelson, because they were aware that better furs were to be had in the north; and because it would enable them to intercept the tribes who hunted about lake nepigon. [sidenote: denonville plans the capture of fort nelson.] denonville is now found writing long despatches to seignely, assuring him that their affairs at hudson's bay would prosper if the northern company continued to co-operate with and second the designs of iberville, whose fixed resolve was to go and seize fort nelson. for that purpose denonville regarded it as necessary that the minister should inform m. de lagny that the king desired the capture of that fort, and to "furnish iberville with everything he requires to render his designs successful." the governor himself thought one ship added to those they had captured in from the english would suffice. he sought to obtain for iberville some honourable rank in the navy, as this would, he urged, excite honourable emulation amongst the canadians who were ready to follow the sea. denonville suggested a lieutenancy, adding his opinion that his young friend was "a very fine fellow, capable of rendering himself expert and doing good service." the plea of the governor was successful and lewis was pleased to confer upon iberville the rank of lieutenant in the french royal navy, the first distinction of the kind then on record. it fired the blood and pride of not a few of the canadian youth, one peter gauthier de varennes amongst the rest. many years later he, under the name of verandrye, was the first of the great pioneers through the territories of the great company. all negotiations for an exchange of forts having fallen through, the _compagnie du nord_ determined to make a valiant attempt to obtain their desires by force. for this purpose they made powerful application to the court; and in the autumn of their petition resulted in the arrival at quebec of admiral tast with no fewer than fourteen ships. it was said in quebec that while lewis xiv. surprised his enemies by his celerity in taking the field in europe, the vessels sent out to america by his order always started two or three months too late for canada and the bay. this tardiness, it was declared, was the sole cause of all the losses and want of success attending french enterprises in that part of the new world.[ ] however this may be, there was beyond question another and not less potent reason for the failure which overtook the proposed expedition of tast on behalf of the northern company. iberville's successes had up to this moment tended to bolster up the waning popularity of the company in canada. this popular hero had just returned from the bay with , francs value in beaver skins, and , livres in small furs, but he now refused point blank to have anything to do with the expedition. he did not care to share such glory and profit as he might obtain with his own followers, with the company and admiral tast. without this powerful auxiliary and the support of the populace, tast's fleet abandoned its expedition to the bay, and sailed away to acadia and newfoundland. [sidenote: burning of fort nelson.] nevertheless, while governor phipps was in charge of fort nelson this year, a french frigate belonging to the enemy appeared at the entrance of bourbon river. as it chanced that nearly the whole of his garrison were absent from the fort on a hunting expedition, it seemed to the governor that armed resistance would be futile. rather, therefore, than allow the fort to pass again into the hands of the french under circumstances so humiliating, he resolved to burn it, together with a large part of its merchandise, valued at about £ , , well knowing that without the merchandise the french could not procure furs from the indians. whilst the flames of the fort were ascending, phipps and three men he had with him retreated into ambush and established themselves with some indians in the interior. the frenchman landed, saw the perdition of his hopes in the ruin of the fort and its contents, and returned to the ship with a few hatchets and knives as the sole trophy of his enterprise. on the arrival of the company's ship in the spring however, york factory was re-built stronger and on a larger scale than before. iberville at this time finds great cause of complaint in the fact of the french company's poverty, and its inability to occupy the region after it had been won for them. more than a single ship was required; and a larger number of men in the vicinity of fort nelson would have served to keep the english off perpetually. in the northern company petitioned pontchartrain, who had succeeded seignely at court, respecting operations in the bay. the company declared that it could hold everything if it were only enabled to seize fort nelson; but that continued hostilities and losses had so weakened it as to oblige it to have recourse to his excellency to obtain sufficient force in a suitable time to drive out the english. in another petition it is alleged that this "single fort which remains in the possession of the english is of so much importance that the gain or loss of everything in hudson's bay depends upon it. the company's establishment in quebec, to carry on this commerce, claims anew the protection of your excellency, that you may give it a sufficient force to enable it to become master of fort nelson, which the english took by an act of treason against this company in time of peace. this they hope from the strong desire which you have for the aggrandizement of the kingdom, and from your affection for this colony." iberville crossed over to france, and met with a warm reception at versailles. he unfolded his plans for the capture of fort nelson, stated what force he would require for this desirable purpose, and was promised two ships in the following spring.[ ] highly gratified with his success, he departed for home in the _envieux_. [sidenote: the english regain fort albany.] the hudson's bay company now made another effort to regain its fort at albany. three powerfully armed ships wintered at fort nelson and sailed thither in the spring of .[ ] from all accounts that had been received, it was not believed that the rival french company was in a position to maintain a very strong force for an all-winter defence, especially since the alienation of iberville. forty men were landed, and approaching the post were met by a brisk fire, which failed to check the english advance. much to their own astonishment, they were permitted to close upon the fort without check, and a ruse was suspected. a cautious entrance was therefore made: the premises were found apparently deserted. but at length, in a corner of the cellar, emaciated and covered with rags, a human being a victim to scurvy was discovered. his arms and legs were fastened together, and a heavy chain kept him close to the wall. while they were marvelling at this discovery, some of the sailors came to inform the captain that three frenchmen had been seen at a distance flying as fast as their legs would carry them. captain grimington was not long left in doubt as to the facts: these three frenchmen had formed the garrison of the fort st anne. the unlucky wretch they now beheld was a bushranger who, in a paroxysm of rage, had murdered the surgeon at the fort. horrified, on recovering his reason, at what he had done, and fearing that the only witness of the deed, father dalmas, would betray him to the rest, he slew the priest also. the latter, with his expiring breath, disclosed his murderer, and the french, then ten in number, had chained the criminal in the cellar, not themselves relishing the task of his summary execution. iberville did not leave quebec until the tenth[ ] of august, and arrived at fort nelson, september th. almost immediately he disembarked with all his people, also with cannons, mortars and a large quantity of ammunition. batteries were thrown up about five hundred yards from the palisades, and upon these guns were mounted.[ ] a bombardment now took place, lasting from the th of september to the th of october, when the governor was forced to surrender, owing to the danger of a conflagration as well as to the loss of several of his best men. on this occasion young henry kelsey[ ] showed great bravery, and a report of his gallantry being forwarded to the company, he was presented with the sum of forty pounds as a token of their appreciation. this youth was destined to be long in the service of the company, as first in command at fort nelson. [illustration: landing of iberville's men at port nelson. (_from an old print._)] [sidenote: iberville takes fort nelson.] iberville accomplished his entry on the fifteenth of october. the french standard was hoisted and the fort christened bourbon, and it being st. theresa's day, the river was given the name of that saint. the enemy did not come out of this business unscathed; they having lost several of their men, including a brother of iberville. some of the english were kept prisoners, while others made their way as best they could to new severn and albany. at the time of the surrender, the fort was well furnished with merchandise and provisions, and this circumstance induced the french to remain for the winter, before returning to france. on the th of the following july, iberville departed for the straits in his two vessels, the _poli_ and _salamandre_. he left sixty-seven men under the command of la forest. martigny became lieutenant, and jérémie was appointed ensign, with the additional functions of interpreter and "director of commerce." la forest and his men were not long to enjoy security of trade and occupation however. a meeting of the hudson's bay company was held the moment these outrages were reported. the king was besought to send a fleet of four ships to the rescue and recapture of fort nelson. but it was too late to sail that year. news of the proposed despatch of an english fleet having reached france, serigny was sent in june, , with two of the best craft procurable at rochelle. sailing three days before the english, the two french ships arrived two hours too late. it was instantly perceived that they were no match for the english, and accordingly they discreetly withdrew. as the company's vessels occupied the mouth of the river, there was no safe landing place at hand. both ships set sail again for france; but one, the _hardi_, was destined never to reach her destination. she probably ran against ice at the mouth of the straits and went to the bottom with all on board. [sidenote: fort nelson surrenders to the english fleet.] the english commenced the attack on the fort august th. on the following day it was decided to land, and the french, seeing the strength of their force, had no alternative but surrender. perchance by way of retaliation for the affairs of albany and new severn, the provisions of capitulation[ ] were disregarded; all the french were made prisoners and carried to england. possession was taken of a vast quantity of furs, and the english returned, well satisfied with their exploit; but not ignorant of the difficulties which surrounded the maintenance of such a conquest. footnotes: [ ] it has been truly observed that the protracted and bloody contest between the french and english for the possession of the bay was the result of a desire of the governor to have access to those waters, and the resolve of the latter to defeat this purpose. "the truth is," says mr. lindsay, "the fur trade was only profitable when carried on by water." at quebec or three rivers forty beaver skins made a canoe load. a single canoe load of northern furs was worth six of the southern. [ ] charlevoix. [ ] although by this action the french court directly participated in and lent its support to the hostilities against the english, yet to all intents and purposes the war was between two commercial corporations. the ruling spirits of the northern company were not unaware of the importance and power of the enemy they had to deal with. in a pamphlet published in france in there is amusing testimony to the consideration in which the london company was held by the french. "it is composed," says this authority, "of opulent merchants and noblemen of the first quality; and it is known that the king himself is part proprietor, having succeeded to that emolument with the other belongings to king james ii. so great are its profits that each member is worth at least £ , english sterling above what he was before he embarked in the fur traffic. there can be no secrecy about its intention, which is to subvert and subjugate the whole northern country to its sway." [ ] the expedition which thus wrested away from the french all the forts at the bottom of the bay was in charge of captain grimington, an experienced naval officer, who had seen service in the late wars. i have not been able to ascertain grimington's fate, but in the company's minute-book, under date of th of may, , i find the following entry:-- "mrs. ann grimington, widow of captain michael grimington, deceased, having delivered in her petition to the company, the same was read, and considering her poverty and the faithful services her husband performed for the company, the committee agreed to allow the said mrs. grimington twelve shillings per month for her subsistence, which the secretary is ordered to pay her every first monday in the month, to commence the first monday in june next. interim, the secretary is ordered to pay her twenty shillings as charity, which is afterwards to be taken out of the poor-box." this is sufficiently strong evidence of the state into which the company had fallen. [ ] to illustrate the divergence of authorities in such matters, i may mention that while jérémie, who took part in this expedition, calls the two ships the _poli_ and _charente_, in which he is followed by abbé ferland. father marest, the aumonier of the crew, refers to the second ship as the _salamandre_. his relation is entitled "le voyage du _poli_ et _salamandre_." in the letter of frontenac to the french minister (november , ) it is stated that serigny commanded the _salamandre_. _la potherie_ observes that the ships sent out in were the _poli_ and _salamandre_. furthermore, he declares, they sailed the th of august; frontenac states the th, and jérémie the th (_jour de st. laurent_). _la potherie_ and jérémie agree on the date of their arrival, september th, although ferland says it was the th. [ ] jérémie gives us a detailed description of the fort in his "relation." he says it was composed of four bastions, which formed a square of thirty feet, with a large stone house above and below. in one of these bastions was the storeroom for furs and merchandise, another served for provisions; a third was used by the garrison. all were built of wood. in a line with the first palisade there were two other bastions, in one of which lodged the officers, the other serving as a kitchen and forge. between these two bastions was a crescent-shaped earthworks sheltering eight cannon, firing eight-pound balls, and defending the side of the fort towards the river. at the foot of this earthworks was a platform, fortified by six pieces of large cannon. there was no butt-range looking out upon the wood, which was a weak point; all the cannon and swivel-guns were on the bastions. in all, the armament consisted of thirty-two cannon and fourteen swivel-guns outside the fort and fifty-three inside; on the whole, calculated to make a stalwart defence. [ ] kelsey was the earliest english explorer in the north-west. mention of his achievements will be found in the course of chapter xv. [ ] allen sent home to his superiors a copy of the capitulation proposals of the french commandant. this document is not without interest. it is headed:-- capitulation of fort york, . articles of capitulation between william allen, commandant-in-chief at hays, or st. therese river, and sieur g. de la forest, commandant at fort york or bourbon, august , . i consent to give up to you my fort on the following conditions:-- . that i and all my men, french as well as indians, and my english servant, shall have our lives and liberty granted to us, and that no wrong or violence shall be exercised upon us or whatever belongs to us. . we shall march out of the fort without arms, to the beat of the drum, match lighted, ball in mouth, flags unfurled, and carry with us the two cannon which we brought from france. . we shall be transported altogether, in our own vessel, to plaisance, a french port in new newfoundland. we do not wish to give up the fort till we have embarked, and we shall keep the french flag over the fort till we march out. . if we meet with our vessels there shall be a truce between us, and it shall be permitted to transport us with whatever belongs to us. . we shall take with us all the beaver skins and other merchandise obtained in trade this year, which shall be embarked with us upon our vessels. . all my men shall embark their clothes and whatever belongs to them without being subject to visitation, or robbed of anything. . in case of sickness during the voyage, you shall furnish us with all the remedies and medicines which we may require. . the two frenchmen, who ought to return with the indians, shall be received in the fort on their return, where they shall be treated the same as the english, and sent to europe during the same year, or they shall be furnished with everything necessary to take them to rochelle. we shall have the full exercise of our religion, and the jesuit priest, our missionary, shall publicly perform the functions of his ministry. chapter xiv. - . imprisoned french fur-traders reach paris -- a fleet under iberville despatched by lewis to the bay -- company's four ships precede them through the straits -- beginning of a fierce battle -- the _hampshire_ sinks -- escape of the _dering_ and capture of the _hudson's bay_ -- dreadful storm in the bay -- losses of the victors -- landing of iberville -- operations against fort nelson -- bailey yields -- evacuation by the english. the french prisoners captured in the company's expedition of suffered an incarceration of nearly four months at portsmouth. no sooner had their liberty been regained than they boarded a french brig bound for havre, and on arrival in paris lost little time in making known the condition of affairs at hudson's bay. lewis and his ministers, gazing upon this emaciated band of traders and bushrangers, could hardly refrain from taking immediate action to retrieve the situation. precisely following the tactics of their enemy in the previous year, they engaged four men-of-war; which fleet was despatched to join iberville, then at the port of placentia in newfoundland. the court was well aware that there was no one man so thoroughly equipped at all points in knowledge of the bay, and the conditions there of life and warfare, as this hero. consequently, although numerous enough, all other offers to lead the expedition were rejected. on the arrival of the french ships at placentia, iberville took command, embarking in the _pelican_, of fifty guns. the others were the _palmier_, the _weesph_, the _pelican_, and the _violent_.[ ] but fort nelson was not to be captured without a struggle. [sidenote: meeting of the french and english ships.] at almost the very moment the french fleet sailed, there departed from plymouth four of the company's ships, the _hampshire_, the _hudson's bay_, the _dering_, and _owner's love_, a fire-ship, the two former having been participants in the conquest of the previous year. the company's fleet entered the straits only forty hours before the ships of the french; and like them was much impeded by the ice, which was unusually troublesome. passage was made by the enemy in the english wake. the _profound_, commanded by duqué, pushed past the currents, taking a northerly course, which brought her commander into full view of two of the company's ships. shots were exchanged; but owing to the difficulties engendered by the ice, it was impossible to manoeuvre with such certainty as to cut off the frenchman's escape. while this skirmish was in progress, iberville in the _pelican_ succeeded in getting past the english unknown to them, and reached the mouth of the nelson river in sight of the fort. his presence, as may be imagined, greatly surprised and disturbed the governor and the company's servants; for they had believed their own ships would have arrived in season to prevent the enemy from entering the straits. several rounds of shot were fired as a signal, in the hope that a response would be made by the company's ships which they hourly expected in that quarter. on his part the french commander was equally disturbed by the non-arrival of his three consorts, which the exigencies of the voyage had obliged him to forsake. two days were passed in a state of suspense. at daybreak on the fifth of september three ships[ ] were distinctly visible; both parties joyfully believed they were their own. so certain was iberville, that he immediately raised anchor and started to join the newcomers. he was soon undeceived, but the perception of his mistake in no way daunted him. the company's commanders were not prepared either for the daring or the fury of the frenchman's onslaught. it is true the _pelican_ was much superior to any of their own craft singly, being manned by nearly two hundred and fifty men, and boasting forty-four pieces of cannon. the company's ships lined up, the _hampshire_ in front, the _dering_ next, with the _hudson's bay_ bringing up the rear. [illustration: "hampshire." "hudson's bay." "dering."] [sidenote: a fierce battle in the bay.] the combatants being in close proximity the battle began at half-past nine in the morning. the french commander came straight for the _hampshire_, whose captain, believing it was his enemy's design to board, instantly lowered his mainsheet and put up his fore-top-sail. contact having been by these means narrowly evaded, the scene of battle suddenly shifted to the _pelican_ and the _dering_, whose mainsail was smitten by a terrific volley. at the same time the _hudson's bay_, veering, received a damaging broadside. the company's men could distinctly hear the orders shouted by iberville to both ships to discharge a musket fire into the _dering's_ forecastle, but in this move he was anticipated by the english sailors, who poured a storm of bullets in upon the frenchman, accompanied by a broadside of grape, which wrought havoc with her sails. while the cries of the wounded on the _pelican_ could be distinctly heard, all three of the company's ships opened fire, with the design of disabling her rigging. but the captain of the _hudson's bay_, seeing that he could not engage the _pelican_, owing to iberville's tactics, determined to run in front of her and give her the benefit of a constant hull fire, besides taking the wind from her sails. iberville observed the movement; the two english vessels were near; he veered around, and by a superb piece of seamanship came so near to the _hampshire_ that the crew of the latter saw that boarding was intended. every man flew out on the main deck, with his pistol and cutlass, and a terrific broadside of grape on the part of the englishman alone saved him. [illustration: the evacuation of fort nelson. (_see page ._)] the battle raged hotter and fiercer. the _hampshire's_ salvation had been only temporary; at the end of three hours and a half she began to sink, with all sails set. when this occurred, iberville had ninety men wounded, forty being struck by a single broadside. notwithstanding this, he decided at once to push matters with the _hampshire's_ companions, although the _pelican_ was in a badly damaged state, especially the forecastle, which was a mass of splinters. the enemy made at once for the _dering_, which, besides being the smallest ship, had suffered severely. she crowded on all sail and managed to avoid an encounter, and iberville being in no condition to prosecute the chase, returned to the _hudson's bay_, which soon surrendered. iberville was not destined, however, to reap much advantage from his prize, the _hampshire_. the english flag-ship was unable to render any assistance to her and she soon went down with nearly all on board.[ ] to render the situation more distressing, no sooner had some ninety prisoners been made, than a storm arose; so that it became out of the question to approach the shore with design of landing. they were without a long-boat and each attempt to launch canoes in the boiling surf was attended with failure. [sidenote: a great storm.] night fell; the wind instead of calming, grew fiercer. the sea became truly terrible, seeking, seemingly, with all its power to drive the _pelican_ and the _hudson's bay_ upon the coast. the rudders of each ship broke; the tide rose and there seemed no hope for the crews whose destiny was so cruel. their only hope in the midst of the bitter blast and clouds of snow which environed them, lay in the strength of their cables. soon after nine o'clock the _hudson's bay_ and its anchor parted with a shock. "instantly," says one of the survivors, "a piercing cry went up from our forecastle. the wounded and dead lay heaped up, with so little separation one from the other that silence and moans alone distinguished them. all were icy cold, and covered with blood. they had told us the anchor would hold; and we dreaded being washed up on the shore stiff the next morning." a huge wave broke over the main deck and the ship rocked desperately. two hours later the keel was heard to split, and the ship was hurled rudderless to and fro in the trough of the sea. by the french account, matters were in no more enviable state aboard the _pelican_; iberville, however, amidst scenes rivalling those just described, did his best to animate his officers and men with a spirit equalling his own. "it is better," he cried, "to die, if we must, outside the bastions of fort bourbon than to perish here like pent sheep on board." [sidenote: terrible plight of the shipwrecked french.] when morning broke, it was seen by the french that their ship was not yet submerged, and it was resolved to disembark by such means as lay in their power. the company's servants were more fortunate. the _hudson's bay_ had drifted eight miles to the south of the fort, and was wrecked on a bank of icy marshland, which at least constrained them to wade no deeper than their knees. the french, however, were forced to make their way through the icy water submerged to their necks, from the results of which terrible exposure no fewer than eighteen marines and seamen lost their lives. once on shore they could not, like the english, look forward to a place of refuge and appease their hunger with provisions and drink. they were obliged, in their shivering, half frozen state, to subsist upon moss and seaweed, but for which indifferent nourishment they must inevitably have perished. the company's garrison witnessed the calamities which were overtaking the french, but not knowing how great their number, and assured of their hostility, did not attempt any acts of mercy. they perceived the enemy camped in a wood, less than two leagues distant, where, building several large fires they sought to restore their spirits by means of warmth and hot draughts of boiled herbs. [illustration: "the enemy camped in a wood where, building several large fires, they sought to restore their spirits."] while the fort was being continually recruited by survivors of the two wrecked ships, the other three french vessels had arrived on the scene. the fourth, the _violent_, lay at the bottom of the bay, having been sunk by the ice. the _palmier_ had suffered the loss of her helm, but was fortunate in not being also a victim of the storm. the french forces being now united, little time was lost by iberville in making active preparations for the attack upon the fort. on the th, the enemy attained a small wood, almost under the guns of the fort, and having entrenched themselves, lit numerous fires and made considerable noise in order to lend the impression to the english that an entrenchment was being thrown up. this ruse was successful, for the governor gave orders to fire in that direction; and iberville, seizing this opportunity, effected a landing of all his men and armaments from the ships. [sidenote: iberville demands surrender of the fort.] the fort would now soon be hemmed in on all sides, and it were indeed strange if a chance shot or fire-brand did not ignite the timbers, and the powder magazine were not exploded. governor bailey was holding a council of his advisers when one of the french prisoners in the fort gave notice of the approach of a messenger bearing a flag of truce. he was recognized as martigny. the governor permitted his advance, and sent a factor to meet him and insist upon his eyes being bandaged before he would be permitted to enter. martigny was conducted to where the council was sitting and there delivered iberville's message, demanding surrender. he was instantly interrupted by captain smithsend, who, with a great show of passion, asked the emissary if it were not true that iberville had been killed in the action. in spite of martigny's denials, smithsend loudly persisted in believing in iberville's death; and held that the french were in sore straits and only made the present attack because no other alternative was offered to desperate men to obtain food and shelter. bailey allowed himself to be influenced by smithsend, and declined to yield to any of martigny's demands. the latter returned, and the french instantly set up a battery near the fort and continued, amidst a hail of bullets, the work of landing their damaged stores and armaments. stragglers from the wreck of the _hudson's bay_ continued all day to find their way to the fort, but several reached it only to be shot down in mistake by the cannon and muskets of their own men. on the th, after a hot skirmish, fatal to both sides, the governor was again requested, this time by sérigny, to yield up the fort to superior numbers. "if you refuse we will set fire to the place, and accord you no quarter," was the french ultimatum. "set fire and be d----d to you!" responded bailey. he then set to work, with smithsend, whose treatment at the hands of the french in the affair of the _merchant of perpetuana_ was still vividly before him, to animate the garrison. "go for them, you dogs!" cried bailey, "give it to them hot and heavy; i promise you forty pounds apiece for your widows!" fighting in those days was attended by fearful mortality, and the paucity of pensions to the hero's family, perhaps, made the offer seem handsome. at any rate it seemed a sufficient incentive to the company's men, who fought like demons.[ ] a continual fire of guns and mortars, as well as of muskets, was kept up. the canadians sallied out upon a number of skirmishes, filling the air with a frightful din, borrowing from the iroquois their piercing war-cries. in one of these sallies st. martin, one of their bravest men, perished. under protection of a flag of truce, sérigny came again to demand a surrender. it was the last time, he said, the request would be preferred. a general assault had been resolved upon by the enemy, who were at their last resort, living like beasts in the wood, feeding on moss, and to whom no extremity could be odious were it but an exchange for their present condition. they were resolved upon carrying the fort, even at the point of the bayonet and over heaps of their slain. bailey decided to yield. he sent morrison to carry the terms of capitulation, in which he demanded all the peltries in the fort belonging to the hudson's bay company. this demand being rejected by the enemy, bailey later in the evening sent henry kelsey with a proposition to retain a portion of their armament; this also was refused. there was now nothing for it but to surrender, iberville having granted an evacuation with bag and baggage. [sidenote: evacuation of the english.] at one o'clock on the following day, therefore, the evacuation took place. bailey, at the head of his garrison and a number of the crew of the wrecked _hudson's bay_, and six survivors of the _hampshire_, marched forth from fort york with drums beating, flag flying, and with arms and baggage. they hardly knew whither they were to go; or what fate awaited them. a vast and inhospitable region surrounded them, and a winter long to be remembered for its severity had begun. but to the french it seemed as if their spirits were undaunted, and they set forth bravely. the enemy watched the retreat of the defeated garrison not without admiration, and for the moment speculation was rife as to their fate. but it was only for the moment. too rejoiced to contemplate anything but the termination of their own sufferings, the canadians hastened to enter the fort, headed by boisbriant, late an ensign in the service of the compagnie du nord. fort nelson was once more in the hands of the french.[ ] [illustration: capture of fort nelson by the french. (_from a contemporary print appearing in m. de la potherie's "relation."_)] the company, too, was debarred from any attempt at reconquest, because of the treaty[ ] just concluded at ryswick, which yielded the territory which had been the scene of so much commerce, action and bloodshed to the subjects of the most christian king. footnotes: [ ] a young irishman, edmund fitz-maurice, of kerry, who had embraced the church, and had served with james's army at the battle of the boyne, accompanied the expedition in the character of chaplain. he is alluded to by the french chronicler of the affair as "fiche-maurice de kieri de la maison du milord kieri en irlande." [ ] the fourth, the fire-ship _owner's love_, was never more heard of. it is supposed that, separated from the others, she ran into the ice and was sunk, with all on board. [ ] thus was concluded what was, in the opinion of the best authorities, french and english, one of the fiercest and bloodiest battles of the war. "toute la marine de rochefort croient que ce combat a ete un des plus rudes de cette guerre," says la potherie. [ ] "ils avoient de tres habile cannoniers," jérémie, an eye-witness, was forced to confess. [ ] "ainsi le dernier poste," garneau exclaims, "que les english avaient dans le baie d'hudson tombé en notre pouvoir, et la france resta seule maitresse de cette region." (tome ii., p. .) but garneau overlooked the three forts in james' bay retaken by the english in ; one of which, fort anne or chechouan, he mistook for fort nelson. at any rate fort albany or chechouan remained in possession of the company from ; and they never lost it. it was unsuccessfully attacked by menthel in . [ ] so strongly has the treaty of ryswick been interpreted in favour of france, that some historians merely state the fact that by it she retained all hudson's bay, and the places of which she was in possession at the beginning of the war. the commissioners having never met to try the question of right, things remained _in statu quo_. now, whatever the commissioners might have done, had they ever passed judgment on the cause the treaty provided they should try, they could not have given fort albany to the british, for it was one of the places taken by the french during the preceding peace, and retaken by the british during the war, and, therefore, adjudged in direct terms of the treaty itself to belong to france. thus, then, it will be seen, declared the opponents of the company, that the only possession held by the hudson's bay company during the sixteen years that intervened between the treaty of ryswick and the treaty of utrecht was one to which they had no right, and which the obligations of the treaty required should be given up to france.--_report of ontario boundary commission._ chapter xv. - . petition presented to parliament hostile to company -- seventeenth century conditions of trade -- _coureurs de bois_ -- price of peltries -- standard of trade prescribed -- company's conservatism -- letters to factors -- character of the early governors -- henry kelsey -- york factory under the french -- massacre of jérémie's men -- starvation amongst the indians. before the news of the catastrophe could reach england, in april, , there was presented to parliament a petition appealing against the confirmation of the privileges and trade granted to the company in . the principal reason alleged for this action was the exorbitant price of beaver which it was contended turned away an immense amount of indian trade, which reverted to the french in canada. another reason given was the undesirable monopoly which caused english dealers, while paying the highest prices for beaver, to get the worst article; the best travelling to russia and other continental countries. in this petition, concocted by enemies of the company envious of its success, it was insinuated that the company's trade had been of no use save to increase the practice of stock-jobbing. [sidenote: the company replies to its enemies.] to this the company made reply that "it was well known that the price of beaver had decreased one-third since its own establishment; and that themselves, far from hindering the trade, encouraged it by every means in their power, being anxious to be relieved of an over-stocked commodity." herein they referred to the enormous quantity of furs stored in their warehouse, for which, during the stringency of continued trade they were obliged to retain and pay repeated taxes upon.[ ] as for sending goods to russia it was only of late years that the company had extended its trade to that and other foreign countries and for no other cause than that reasonable prices could not be obtained in england. although two london guilds, the skinner's company and the felt-makers' company, joined issue with the honourable adventurers, the fate of the petition was sealed. on account of the misfortunes which had overtaken the company, together with the presence of other and weightier matters, for parliamentary consideration, the petition was laid on the table, and from the table it passed to the archives, where, together with the act of , it lay forgotten for a century and a half. it will be diverting, at this juncture in the general narrative, to glance at seventeenth century conditions of life and commerce in the domain of the company. [sidenote: method of trade with the indians.] even at so early a period as was the method of transacting trade with the indians devised and regulated. the tribes brought down their goods, beaver skins, martens, foxes and feathers, to the factory and delivered them through a small aperture in the side of the storehouse. they entered the stockade three or four at a time; trading one by one at the window over which presided the traders. the whole of the actual trading of the factory was in the hands of two officials known as traders. none other of the company's servants at any fort were permitted to have direct intercourse with the indians, save in exceptional circumstances. the trade was chiefly carried on in summer when the rivers were free from ice, although occasionally the natives in the immediate region of the factories came down in winter; the factors never refusing to trade with them when they so came. no partiality was shown to particular tribes, but the actual hunters were favoured more than those who merely acted as agents or carriers. it was not unusual for the chief factors, as the governors came to be called after , to make presents to the chiefs in order to encourage them to bring down as many of their tribe the ensuing year as possible. [illustration: trading with the indians.] before the era of the standard of trade, it was customary at all the forts, as it was at one or two long afterwards, for remuneration for the furs of the savages to be left at the chief factor's discretion. many things conspired to alter the values from season to season, and even from day to day, but no cause was so potent as the contiguous rivalry of the french. when the french were close at hand in the vicinity of fort nelson, as they were from to , the price of beaver would fluctuate with surprising rapidity. it should be borne in mind that the western country at this period, and for long afterwards, was frequented by roving, adventurous parties of _coureurs des bois_, whose activity in trade tended to injure the company's business. even an enactment prescribing death for all persons trading in the interior of the country without a license, had proved insufficient to abate their numbers or their activity. [sidenote: activity of "coureurs des bois."] the hudson's bay company seem to have some cognizance of this state of affairs, and were wont to put down much of the depredations it suffered at the hands of the french to the unkempt multitude of bushrangers. in one document it describes them as "vagrants," and la chesnaye, who had been the leading spirit of the quebec company, was ready to impute to them much of the woes of the fur-trade, as well as the greater part of the unpleasant rivalries which had overtaken the french and their neighbours. one day it would be carried like wild-fire amongst the tribe who had come to barter, that the french were giving a pound of powder for a beaver; that a gun could be bought from the english for twelve beaver. in an instant there was a stampede outside the respective premises, and a rush would be made for the rival establishment. fifty miles for a single pound of powder was nothing to these indians, who had often journeyed two whole months in the depth of winter, endured every species of toil and hardship in order to bring down a small bundle of peltries; nor when he presented himself at the trader's window was the indian by any means sure what his goods would bring. he delivered his bundles first, and the trader appraised them and gave what he saw fit. if a series of wild cries and bodily contortions ensued, the trader was made aware that the indian was dissatisfied with his bargain, and the furs were again passed back through the aperture. this was merely a form; for rarely did the native make a practical repentance of his bargain, however unsatisfactory it might appear to him. it is true the indian was constant in his complaint that too little was given for his furs; but no matter what the price had been this would have been the case. apart from dissatisfaction being an ineradicable trait in the indian character, the contemplation of the sufferings and privations he had undergone to acquire his string of beads, his blanket, or his hatchet, must have aroused in him all his fund of pessimism. in the value of the merchandise exported did not exceed £ sterling. the value of the furs imported was close upon £ , . [illustration: a "coureur des bois."] [sidenote: prices paid for furs.] in the first standard was approved of by the company on the advice of one of its governors, sargeant, but it does not appear to have been acted upon for some years. the actual tariff was not fixed and settled to apply to any but albany fort, and a standard was not filed at the council of trade until . it originally covered forty-seven articles, later increased to sixty-three, and so remained for more than half a century. at first, as has been noted in an earlier chapter, the aborigines were content with beads and toys, and no doubt the bulk of the supplies furnished them might have continued for a much longer period to consist of these baubles and petty luxuries had not the policy of the company been to enrich the indians (and themselves) with the arms and implements of the chase. gradually the wants of the savages became wider, so that by the time, early in the eighteenth century, the french had penetrated into the far western country, these wants comprised many of the articles in common use amongst civilized people. the standard of trade alluded to was intended to cover the relative values at each of the company's four factories. yet the discrepancy existing between prices at the respective establishments was small. in a blanket, for example, would fetch six beavers at albany and moose, and seven at york and churchill. in nearly every case higher prices were to be got from the tribes dealing at york and churchill than from those at the other and more easterly settlements, often amounting to as much as thirty-three per cent. this was illustrated in the case of shirts, for which three beavers were given in the west main, and only a single beaver at east main. the company took fifteen beavers for a gun; whereas, when verandrye appeared, he was willing to accept as small a number as eight. ten beavers for a gun was the usual price demanded by the french. it may be observed that a distinguishing feature of the french trade in competition with the company was that they dealt almost exclusively in light furs, taking all of that variety they could procure, the indians bringing to the company's settlements all the heavier furs, which the french refused at any price, owing to the difficulty of land transportation. these difficulties, in the case of the larger furs, were so great that it is related that upon innumerable occasions the savages themselves, when weakened by hunger, used to throw overboard all but mink, marten and ermine skins rather than undergo the painful labour of incessant portages. it must not be inferred, however, that the factors ever adhered strictly in practice to the standard prescribed and regulated from time to time by the company. the standard was often privately doubled, where it could be done prudently, so that where the company directed one skin to be taken for such or such an article, two were taken. the additional profit went into the hands of the chief factor, and a smaller share to the two traders, without the cognizance of the company, and was called the overplus trade. [sidenote: stationary character of the company's trade.] occasionally, far seeing, active spirits amongst its servants strove to break through the policy of conservatism which distinguished its members; but where they succeeded it was only for a short period; and the commerce of the corporation soon reverted to its ancient boundaries. but this apparent attitude is capable of explanation. the company were cognizant, almost from the first, that the trade they pursued was capable of great extension. one finds in the minute-books, during more than forty years from the time of radisson and groseilliers, partner after partner arising in his place to enquire why the commerce, vastly profitable though it was, remained stationary instead of increasing. "why are new tribes not brought down? why do not our factors seek new sources of commerce?" a motion directing the chief factor to pursue a more active policy was often put and carried. but still the trade returns, year after year, remained as before. scarce a season passed without exhortations to its servants to increase the trade. "use more diligence," "prosecute discoveries," "draw down distant tribes," form the burden of many letters. "we perceive," writes the company's secretary in to sargeant, "that our servants are unwilling to travel up into the country by reason of danger and want of encouragement. the danger, we judge, is not more now than formerly; and for their encouragement we shall plentifully reward them, when we find they deserve it by bringing down indians to our factories, of which you may assure them. we judge robert sandford a fit person to travel, having the linguæ and understanding the trade of the country; and upon a promise of mr. young (one of our adventurers) that he should travel, for which reason we have advanced his wages to £ per annum, and mr. arrington, called in the bay, red-cap, whom we have again entertained in our service; as also john vincent, both which we do also judge fit persons for you to send up into the country to bring down trade." to this the governor replied that sandford was by no means disposed to accept the terms their honours proposed, but rather chose to go home. "neither he nor any of your servants will travel up the country, although your honours have earnestly desired it, and i pressed it upon those proposals you have hinted." [sidenote: character of the company's factors.] i have already shown why the company's wishes in this respect were not fruitful; that the character of the men in the company's employ was not yet adapted to the work in hand. its servants were not easily induced to imperil their lives; they gained little in valour or hardihood from their surroundings. they were shut up in the forts, as sailors are shut up in a ship, scarcely ever venturing out in winter, and hardly ever holding converse with a savage in his wild state. in vain, for the most part, were such men stirred to enterprise; and so this choice and habit of seclusion grew into a rule with the company's employees; and the discipline common to the ship, or to contracted bodies, became more and more stringent. the company's policy was nearly always dictated by the advice of their factors, but it can be shown that these were not always wise, dreading equally the prospect of leading an expedition into the interior, and the prestige which might ensue if it were entrusted to a subordinate. a discipline ludicrous when contrasted with the popular impression regarding the fur-trader's career, was maintained in the early days. it was the discipline of the quarter-deck, and surprised many of the youth who had entered the company's employ expecting a life of pleasure and indulgence. many of the governors were resembled, bridgar and bailey being surly, violent men, and were, indeed, often chosen for these qualities by the company at home. it is singular but true, that in the days of our ancestors a choleric temper was considered an unfailing index of the masterful man. in both branches of the king's service, on sea and on land, there seemed to have been no surer sign of a man's ability to govern and lead, than spleen and tyranny; and many an officer owed his promotion and won the regard of the admiralty and the war office by his perpetual exhibition of the traits and vices of the martinet. one of the company's governors, duffell, was wont to order ten lashes to his men on the smallest provocation. another named stanton, the governor at moose factory, declared he would whip any man, even to the traders, without trial if he chose; and this declaration he more than once put into practice. the whipping of two men, edward bate and adam farquhar, at moose factory, almost occasioned a mutiny there. the death of one robert pilgrim, from a blow administered by the chief factor, created a scandal some years later in the century. it was the practice of the early governors to strike the indians when they lost their own tempers or for petty offences. [sidenote: life at the company's factories.] it is diverting to compare nineteenth century life at the factories, on its religious, moral and intellectual side, to what obtained in the early days. in governor stanton's time, out of thirty-six men only six were able to read. there was neither clergyman nor divine worship. the men passed their time in eating and sleeping. occasionally, indian squaws were smuggled into the fort, at the peril of the governor's displeasure, for immoral purposes. the displeasure of the governor was not, however, excited on the grounds of morality, for it was nearly always the case that the governor had a concubine residing on the premises or near at hand; and it was observed in by a servant of thirty years' standing in the company's employ, that at each fort most of the half-breed children in the country claimed paternity of the one or other of the factors of the company. [illustration: an early river pioneer.] to return to the question of the extension of trade, there were from time to time governors and servants who evinced a zeal and love for adventure which contrasted favourably with that of their fellows. their exploits, however, when compared with those of the hardier race of french-canadian bushrangers were tame enough. in governor bailey summoned all the servants of the fort to appear before him, and informed them that it was the company's wish that some amongst them should volunteer to find out a site for a new fort. three young men presented themselves, two of whom afterwards became governors of the company. the names of these three were william bond, thomas moore and george geyer. some years later bond was drowned in the bay; but his two companions continued for some years to set an example which was never followed; and of which they seem finally to have repented. indeed, almost without exception, once a fort was built the servants seem to have clung closely to it; and it was not until the year that a really brave, adventurous figure, bearing considerable resemblance to the bushrangers of the past, and the explorers of the future, emerges into light. [sidenote: kelsey's voyage.] henry kelsey, a lad barely eighteen years of age, was the forerunner of all the hardy british pioneers of the ensuing century. he is described as active, "delighting much in indians' company; being never better pleased than when he is travelling amongst them." young as he was, kelsey volunteered to find out a site for a fort on churchill river. no record exists of this voyage; but a couple of years later he repeated it, and himself kept a detailed diary of his tour. in this journal the explorer states that he received his supplies on the th of july, . he sent the assiniboines ten days before him, and set out for dering's point to seek the remainder of their tribe. at this place it was the custom for the indians to assemble when they went down the coast on trading expeditions. kelsey soon overtook them, and accompanied them to the country of the naywatamee poets, the journey consuming fifty-nine days. he travelled first by water seventy-one miles from dering's point, and there beached his canoes and continued by land a distance of three hundred and sixteen miles, passing through a wooded country. at the end of this came prairie lands for forty-six miles, intersected by a small shallow river scarcely a hundred yards wide. crossing ponds, woods and champaign for eighty-one miles more, discovering many buffalo and beavers, the young explorer retraced his steps fifty-four miles, and there met the tribe of which he was in search. kelsey did not accomplish this journey without meeting with many adventures. on one occasion the naywatamee poets left him asleep on the ground. during his slumber the fire burnt the moss upon which he was lying and entirely consumed the stock of his gun, for which he was obliged to improvise from a piece of wood half dry. on another occasion, he and an indian were surprised by a couple of grisly bears. his companion made his escape to a tree, while kelsey, his retreat cut off, hid himself in a clump of high willows. the bears perceiving the indian in the branches made directly for him, but kelsey observing their action levelled his gun and killed one of the animals, the other bear bounding towards the place from which the shots came, and not finding the explorer, returned to the tree, when he was brought down by kelsey's second shot. good fortune attended this exploit, for it attained for the young man the name among the tribes of miss-top-ashish, or "little giant." he returned to york factory after this first expedition, apparelled after the manner of his indian companions, while at his side trudged a young woman with whom he had gone through the ceremony of marriage after the indian fashion. it was his wish that mistress kelsey should enter with her husband into the court, but this desire quickly found an opponent in the governor, whose scruples, however, were soon undermined when the explorer flatly declined to resume his place and duties in the establishment unless his indian wife were admitted with him. thus, then, it is seen that in , forty years before verandrye's voyages of discovery, this young servant of the hudson's bay company, had penetrated to no slight extent into the interior. he had crossed the assiniboine country, seen for the first time among the english and french the buffaloes of the plain, he had been attacked by the grisly bears which belong to the far west; and in behalf of the hudson's bay company had taken possession of the lands he traversed, and secured for his masters the trade of the indians hitherto considered hostile. although the governor hoped that the encouragement noted in the case of kelsey, together with the advance of salary, would stimulate other young men to follow his example, yet, strange to say, none came forward. the day of the henrys, the mackenzies, the thompsons and the frobishers had not yet dawned. for many years after this the company was in constant apprehension that its profits would be curtailed by tribal wars. [sidenote: effect of indian wars on the company's business.] "keep the indians from warring with one another, that they may have more time to look after their trade," was a frequently repeated injunction. "if you prevent them from fighting they will bring a larger quantity of furs to the factory," they wrote on one occasion to geyer. the governor admitted the premise, "but," said he, "perhaps your honours will tell me how i am going to do it." the company devoted a whole meeting to consider the matter, and decided that nothing was easier, provided their instructions were implicitly obeyed. [illustration: fac-simile of company's standard of trade.] "tell them what advantages they may make," they wrote; "that the more furs they bring, the more goods they will be able to purchase of us, which will enable them to live more comfortably and keep them from want in a time of scarcity. inculcate better morals than they yet understand; tell them that it doth nothing advantage them to kill and destroy one another, that thereby they may so weaken themselves that the wild ravenous beasts may grow too numerous for them, and destroy them that survive." if geyer delivered this message to the stern and valorous chiefs with whom he came in contact, they must have made the dome of heaven ring with scornful laughter. he was obliged to write home that fewer savages had come down than in former seasons because they expected to be attacked by their enemies. the company then responded shortly and in a business-like manner, that if fair means would not prevail to stop these inter-tribal conflicts, that the nation beginning the next quarrel was not to be supplied for a year with powder or shot "which will expose them to their enemies, who will have the master of them and quite destroy them from the earth, them and their wives and children. this," adds the secretary, and in a spirit of true prophecy, "must work some terror amongst them." [sidenote: the french at michilimackinac.] a potent cause contributed to the lack of prosperity which marked port nelson under the french _régime_. it was the exploitation of the west by an army of traders and bushrangers. the new post of michilimackinac had assumed all the importance as a fur-trading centre which had formerly belonged to montreal. the french, too, were served by capable and zealous servants, none more so than iberville himself, the new governor of the mississippi country.[ ] his whole ambition continued to be centred upon driving out the english from the whole western and northern region, and destroying forever their trade and standing with the aborigines, and none more than he more ardently desired the suppression of the _coureur de bois_. "no frenchmen," he declared, "should be allowed to follow the indians in their hunts, as it tends to keep them hunters, as is seen in canada; and when they are in the woods they do not desire to become tillers of the soil." at the same time the value of the bushrangers to the french _régime_ was considerable in damaging the english on the bay. "it is certain," observed one of their defenders, "that if the articles required for the upper tribes be not sent to michilimackinac, the indians will go in search of them to hudson's bay, to whom they will convey all their peltries, and will detach themselves entirely from us." the bushrangers penetrated into the wilderness and intercepted the tribes, whose loyalty to the english was not proof against liquor and trinkets served on the spot, for which otherwise they would have to proceed many weary leagues to the bay. the company began to experience some alarm at the fashion the trade was sapped from their forts at albany and moose.[ ] the quebec company was in the same plight with regard to port nelson. [sidenote: the western company.] an association of french merchants, known as the western company, sprang up in the early days of the eighteenth century and many forts and factories were built in the mississippi region. its promoters expected great results from a new skin until now turned to little account, that of bison, great herds of which animal had been discovered roaming the western plains. m. de juchereau, with thirty-four canadians, established a post on the wabash, in the name of the western company. here, he writes, he collected in a short time fifteen thousand buffalo skins. from to a series of three commandants were appointed, one of whom now administered the affairs at fort bourbon, which however never assumed the importance which had attached to it under the english rule. there is one romantic episode which belongs to this period, serving to relieve by its vivid, perhaps too vivid, colouring, the long sombreness of the french _régime_. it was the visit in of an officer named lagrange and his suite from france. in the train of this banished courtier came a number of gallant youths and fair courtesans; and for one brief season fort bourbon rang with laughter and revelry. hunting parties were undertaken every fine day; and many trophies of the chase were carried back to france. have ever the generations of quiet english servants and scotch clerks snatched a glimpse, in their sleeping or waking dreams, of those mad revels, a voluptuous scene amidst an environment so sullen and sombre? in the year jérémie, the lieutenant, obtained permission of the company to return to france on leave. he succeeded in obtaining at court his nomination to the post of successor to the then commandant, delisle. after a year's absence he returned to port nelson, to find matters in a shocking state. no ships had arrived from france, and stores and ammunition were lacking. a few days after his arrival, delisle was taken seriously ill, and expired from the effects of cold and exposure. for a period of six years jérémie continued to govern fort bourbon, receiving his commission not from the company but direct from the king himself, a fact of which he seems very proud. jérémie's tenure of office was marked by a bloody affair, which fortunately had but few parallels under either english or french occupation. although the tribes in the neighbourhood were friendly and docile, they were still capable, upon provocation, to rival those iroquois who were a constant source of terror to the new england settlers. in august, , jérémie sent his lieutenant, two traders and six picked men of his garrison to hunt for provisions. they camped at nightfall near a band of savages who had long fasted and lacked powder, which, owing to its scarcity, the french did not dare give them. [sidenote: indian treachery.] round about these unhappy savages, loudly lamenting the passing of the english dominion when powder and shot was plenty, were the heaps of furs which to them were useless. they had journeyed to the fort in all good faith, across mountain and torrent, as was their custom, only to find their goods rejected by the white men of the fort, who told them to wait. when the french hunting party came to encamp near them, several of the younger braves amongst the indians crept up to where they feasted, and returned with the news to their comrades. the tribe was fired with resentment. exasperated by the cruelty of their fate, they hatched a plan of revenge and rapine. two of their youngest and comeliest women entered the assemblage of the white men, and by seductive wiles drew two of them away to their own lodges. the remaining six, having eaten and drunk their fill, and believing in their security, turned to slumber. hardly had the two roysterers arrived at the indian camp than instead of the cordial privacy they expected, they were confronted by two score famished men drawn up in front of the lodges, knives in hand and brandishing hatchets. all unarmed as they were, they were unceremoniously seized and slain. as no trace was ever found of their bodies, they were, although denied by the eye-witness of the tragedy, a squaw, probably devoured on the spot. the younger men now stole again to the french camp and massacred all the others in their sleep, save one, who being wounded feigned death, and afterwards managed to crawl off. but he, with his companions, had been stripped to the skin by the savages, and in this state, and half-covered with blood, he made his way back to the fort. the distance being ten leagues, his survival is a matter of wonder, even to those hardy men of the wilderness. the governor naturally apprehended that the indians would attempt to follow up their crime by an attack upon the fort. as only nine men remained in the garrison, it was felt impossible to defend both of the french establishments. he therefore withdrew the men hastily from the little fort philipeaux near by, and none too quickly, for the indians came immediately before it. finding nobody in charge they wrought a speedy and vigorous pillage, taking many pounds of powder which jérémie had not had time to transfer to bourbon. the condition of the french during the winter of - was pitiable in the extreme. surrounded by starving, blood-thirsty savages, with insufficient provisions, and hardly ever daring to venture out, they may well have received the tidings with joy that the indomitable english company had re-established a factory some leagues distant, and were driving a brisk trade with the eager tribes. it was not until that the french fur company succeeded in relieving its post of fort bourbon. it had twice sent ships, but these had been intercepted on the high seas by the english and pillaged or destroyed. the _providence_ arrived the very year of the treaty of utrecht. [sidenote: starvation amongst the indians.] but wretched as was the case of the french, that of the indians was lamentable indeed. a few more years of french occupation and the forests and rivers of the bay would know its race of hunters no more. many hundreds lay dead within a radius of twenty leagues from the fort, the flesh devoured from their bones. they had lost the use of the bow and arrow since the advent of the europeans, and they had no resource as cultivators of the soil; besides their errant life forbade this. pressed by a long hunger, parents had killed their children for food; the strong had devoured the weak. one of these unhappy victims of civilization and commercial rivalries, confessed to the commandant that he had eaten his wife and six children. he had, he declared, not experienced the pangs of tenderness until the time came for him to sacrifice his last child, whom he loved more than the others, and that he had gone away weeping, leaving a portion of the body buried in the earth. footnotes: [ ] "six or seven times over," the company say in their reply. [ ] after the battle of port nelson, iberville had returned to france leaving martigny in command of the fort. his subsequent career may be read elsewhere; the bay was no longer to be the theatre of his exploits. he perished in at havana. [ ] at albany they were surrounded by the french on every side, a circumstance which greatly sapped their commerce. yet, even at this period, the importation of beaver and other peltries from the single fort remaining to them was above thirty thousand annually. chapter xvi. - . company seriously damaged by loss of port nelson -- send an account of their claims to lords of trade -- definite boundary propositions of trade -- lewis anxious to create boundaries -- company look to outbreak of war -- war of spanish succession breaks out -- period of adversity for the company -- employment of orkneymen -- attack on fort albany -- desperate condition of the french at york fort -- petition to anne. the treaty of ryswick[ ] had aimed a severe blow at the prosperity of the company,[ ] in depriving them of that important quarter of the bay known as port nelson. although now on the threshold of a long period of adversity, the merchants-adventurers, losing neither hope nor courage, continued to raise their voice for restitution and justice. petition after petition found its way to king, commons, and the lords of trade and plantations. [sidenote: the company's claims.] in may, , the company were requested by the lord of trade and plantations to send an account of the encroachments of the french on her majesty's dominion in america within the limits of the company's charter; to which the company replied, setting forth their right and title, and praying restitution. it has been stated, and urged as a ground against the later pretensions of the hudson's bay company, that at this time they were willing to contract their limits. while willing to do this for the purpose of effecting a settlement, it was only on condition of their not being able to obtain "the whole straits and bay which of right belongs to them." "this," remarked a counsel for the company in a later day, "is like a man who has a suit of ejectment, who, in order to avoid the expense and trouble of a law suit, says, 'i will be willing to allow you certain bounds, but if you do not accept that i will insist on getting all my rights and all that i am entitled to.'" the company's propositions soon began to take a definite form. the company's claims after the treaty of ryswick. [_to the right honourable the lords commissioners of trade and plantations._] the limits which the hudson's bay company conceive to be necessary as boundaries between the french and them in case of an exchange of places, and that the company cannot obtain the whole streights and bay, which of right belongs to them, viz.:-- . that the french be limited not to trade by wood-runners, or otherwise, nor build any house, factory, or fort, beyond the bounds of degrees, or albany river, vulgarly called chechewan, to the northward, on the west or main coast. . that the french be likewise limited not to trade by wood-runners, or otherwise, nor build any house, factory, or fort, beyond rupert's river, to the northward, on the east or main coast. . on the contrary, the english shall be obliged not to trade by wood-runners, or otherwise, nor build any house, factory, or fort, beyond the aforesaid latitude of degrees, or albany river, vulgarly called chechewan, south-east towards canada, on any land which belongs to the hudson's bay company. . as also the english be likewise obliged not to trade by wood-runners, or otherwise, nor build any house, factory, or fort, beyond rupert's river, to the south-east, towards canada, on any land which belongs to the hudson's bay company. . as likewise, that neither the french or english shall at any time hereafter extend their bounds contrary to the aforesaid limitations, nor instigate the natives to make war, or join with either, in any acts of hostility to the disturbance or detriment of the trade of either nation, which the french may very reasonably comply with, for that they by such limitations will have all the country south-eastward betwixt albany fort and canada to themselves, which is not only the best and most fertile part, but also a much larger tract of land than can be supposed to be to the northward, and the company deprived of that which was always their undoubted right. and unless the company can be secured according to these propositions, they think it will be impossible for them to continue long at york fort (should they exchange with the french), nor will the trade answer their charge; and therefore if your lordships cannot obtain these so reasonable propositions from the french, but that they insist to have the limits settled between [albany and] york and albany fort, as in the latitude of degrees or thereabouts, the company can by no means agree thereto, for they by such an agreement will be the instruments of their own ruin, never to be retrieved. by order of the general court, wm. potter, _secretary_. confirmed by the general court of } the said company, th july, .} the adventurers were, they said, not indisposed to listen to reason. they proposed limits to be observed by the two nations in their trade and possessions in the bay. but should the french be so foolish as to refuse their offer, then they would not be bound by that or any former concession, but would then, as they had always theretofore done, "insist upon the prior and undoubted right to the whole of the bay and straits." [sidenote: lewis proposes boundaries.] the court of versailles was now most anxious to delimit the boundaries of the respective possessions of the two countries in the bay. to this end, proposals were exchanged between the two crown governments. one alternative proposed by the french ambassador was that the weemish river, which was exactly half way between fort bourbon and fort albany, should mark the respective limits of the french on the east, while the limits of new france on the side of acadia should be restricted to the river st. george. this proposition having been referred to them, the board of trade and plantations discouraged the scheme. the hudson's bay adventurers it said, challenged an undoubted right to the whole bay, antecedent to any pretence of the french. it was, therefore, requisite that they should be consulted before any concession of territories could be made to the most christian king or his subjects. the company pinned their hopes to an outbreak of hostilities,[ ] which would enable them to attempt to regain what they had lost. a protracted peace was hardly looked for by the nation. in answer to governor knight's continual complaints, to which were added those of the dispossessed geyer, the company begged its servants to bide their time; and to exert themselves to the utmost to increase the trade at albany, and moose, and rupert's river. "england," says the historian green, "was still clinging desperately to the hope of peace, when lewis, by a sudden act, forced it into war. he had acknowledged william as king in the peace of ryswick, and pledged himself to oppose all the attacks on his throne. he now entered the bed-chamber at st. germain, where james was breathing his last, and promised to acknowledge his son at his death as king of england, scotland and ireland." [sidenote: outbreak of the war between england and france.] such a promise was tantamount to a declaration of war, and in a moment england sprang to arms. none were so eager for the approaching strife as the honourable merchants-adventurers. they expressed their opinion that, while their interests had undoubtedly suffered at the peace of , they were far from attributing it to any want of care on the part of his majesty. their rights and claims, they said, were then "overweighed by matters of higher consequence depending in that juncture for the glory and honour of the king." yet a dozen more years were to elapse before they were to come into their own again; and during that critical period much was to happen to affect their whole internal economy. the value of the shares fell; the original adventurers were all since deceased, and many of their heirs had disposed of their interests. a new set of shareholders appeared on the scene; not simultaneously, but one by one, until almost the entire personnel of the company had yielded place to a new, by no means of the same weight or calibre.[ ] mention has already been made of the manner in which the company devoted its thought and energy to its weekly meetings. not even in the gravest crises to which the east india company was subjected, was there a statute more inconvenient or severe, than the following: "resolved and ordered by the committee, to prevent the company's business from being delayed or neglected, that for the future if any member do not appear by one hour after the time mentioned in the summons and the glass run out, or shall depart without leave of the committee, such member shall have no part in the moneys to be divided by the committee, and that the time aforesaid be determined by the going of the clock in the court-room, which the secretary is to set as he can to the exchange clock; and that no leave shall be given until one hour after the glass is run out." but out of their adversity sprung a proposition which, although not put into effect upon a large scale until many years afterwards, yet well deserves to be recorded here. to stem the tide of desertions from the company's service, caused by the war, and the low rate of wages, it was in first suggested that youthful scotchmen be employed.[ ] [sidenote: employment of scotchmen in the service.] the scarcity of servants seems to have continued. in the following year greater bribes were resorted to. "captain mounslow was now ordered to provide fifteen or sixteen young able men to go to h. b. this expedition for five years, which he may promise to have wages, viz.: £ the st year; £ the nd; £ the rd and £ for the two last years, and to be advanced £ each before they depart from gravesend." the result of this was that in june, , the first batch of these servants came aboard the company's ship at stromness. but they were not destined to sail away to the bay in their full numbers. overhauled by one of her majesty's ships, eleven of the young men were impressed into the service. for many years after this incident it was not found easy to engage servants in the orkneys. [illustration: "the younger men now stole again to the french camp and massacred all the others in their sleep." (_see page ._)] captain barlow was governor at albany fort in when the french came overland from canada to besiege it. the canadians and their indian guides lurked in the neighbourhood of albany for several days before they made the attack, and killed many of the cattle that were grazing in the marshes. a faithful home indian (as those crees in the vicinity were always termed), who was on a hunting excursion, discovered those strangers, and correctly supposing them to be enemies, immediately returned to the fort and informed the governor of the circumstance. barlow, while giving little credit to the report, yet took immediately every measure for the fort's defence. orders were given to the master of a sloop hard by to hasten to the fort should he hear a gun fired. in the middle of the night the french came before the fort, marched up to the gate and demanded entrance. barlow, who was on watch, told them that the governor was asleep, but he would go for the keys at once. the french, according to the governor, on hearing this, and expecting no resistance, flocked up to the gate as close as they could stand. barlow took advantage of this opportunity, and instead of opening the gate opened two port-holes, and discharged the contents of two six-pounders into the gathering. this quantity of grape-shot slaughtered great numbers of the french, and amongst them their commander, who was an irishman. a precipitate retreat followed such an unexpected reception; and the master of the sloop hearing the firing proceeded with the greatest haste to the spot. but some of the enemy, who lay in ambush on the river's bank, intercepted and killed him, with his entire crew. seeing no chance of surprising the fort, the french retired reluctantly, and did not renew the attack; although some of them were heard shooting in the neighbourhood for ten days after their repulse. one man in particular was noticed to walk up and down the platform leading from the gate of the fort to the launch for a whole day. at sundown fullerton, the governor, thinking his conduct extraordinary, ventured out and spoke to the man in french. he offered him lodgings within the fort if he chose to accept them; but to such and similar proposals the man made no reply, shaking his head. fullerton then informed him that unless he would surrender himself as his prisoner he would have no alternative but to shoot him. in response to this the man advanced nearer the fort. the governor kept his word, and the unhappy frenchman fell, pierced by a bullet. no explanation of his eccentric behaviour was ever forthcoming, but it may be that the hardships he expected to encounter on his return to canada had unbalanced his mind, and made him prefer death to these while scorning surrender. [sidenote: desperate condition of the french at fort york.] it was some solace to know that their french rivals were in trouble, and that york factory had hardly proved as great a source of profit to the french company as had been anticipated. the achievements of iberville and his brothers had done little, as has been shown, to permanently better its fortunes. to such an extent had these declined, that the capture, in , of the principal ship of the french company by an english frigate, forced these traders to invoke the assistance of the mother country in providing them with facilities for the relief of the forts and the transportation of the furs to france. in the following year, the garrison at fort bourbon nearly perished for lack of provisions. the assistance was given; but two years later it was discontinued, because they could no longer spare either ships or men. although both were urgently needed for defence against the new englanders. owing to the enormous increase of unlicensed bushrangers, the continued hostilities and the unsettled state of the country, no small proportion of the entire population chose rather to adventure the perils of illicit trade in the wilderness, than to serve the king in the wars at home.[ ] unaccustomed for so long a period to till the soil, their submission was not easily secured, no matter how dire the penalties. finding their continual petitions to the lords of trade ineffectual, the company now drew up a more strongly worded one and presented it to queen anne herself. the memorial differed from any other, inasmuch as the company now lay stress for the first time on some other feature of their commerce than furs. "the said country doth abound with several other commodities (of which your petitioners have not been able to begin a trade, by reason of the interruptions they have met with from the french) as of whale-bone, whale-oil (of which last your subjects now purchase from holland and germany to the value of £ , per annum, which may be had in your own dominions), besides many other valuable commodities, which in time may be discovered." if the french, it was argued, came to be entirely possessed of hudson's bay, they would undoubtedly give up whale fishing in those parts, which will greatly tend to the increase of their navigation and to their breed of seamen. when your majesty, in your high wisdom, shall think fit to give peace to those enemies whom your victorious arms have so reduced and humbled, and when your majesty shall judge it for your people's good to enter into a treaty of peace with the french king, your petitioners pray that the said prince be obliged by such treaty, to renounce all right and pretensions to the bay and streights of hudson, to quit and surrender all posts and settlements erected by the french, or which are now in their possession, as likewise not to sail any ships or vessels within the limits of the company's charter, and to make restitution of the £ , , s. d., of which they robbed and despoiled your petitioners in times of perfect amity between the two kingdoms. this petition seems actually to have come into the hands of the queen and to have engaged her sympathy, for which the honourable adventurers had to thank john robinson, the lord bishop of london. this dignitary, _persona grata_ in the highest degree to the sovereign, was also a close personal friend of the lake family, whose fortunes[ ] were long bound up with the hudson's bay company. the company was asked to state what terms it desired to make. in great joy they acceded to the request. to the right honourable the lords commissioners of trades and plantations. _the memorandum of the governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay:_ that for avoiding all disputes and differences that may, in time to come, arise between the said company and the french, settled in canada, they humbly represent and conceive it necessary-- that no wood-runners, either french or indians, or any other person whatsoever, be permitted to travel, or seek for trade, beyond the limits hereinafter mentioned. that the said limits began from the island called grimington's island, or cape perdrix, in the latitude of ½° north, which they desire may be the boundary between the english and the french, on the coast of labrador, towards rupert's land, on the east main, and novia britannia on the french side, and that no french ship, bark, boat or vessel whatsoever, shall pass to the northward of cape perdrix or grimington's island, towards or into the streights or bay of hudson, on any pretence whatever. [sidenote: demand of the company.] that a line be supposed to pass to the south-westward of the said island of grimington or cape perdrix to the great lake miscosinke, _alias_ mistoveny, dividing the same into two parts (as in the map now delivered), and that the french, nor any others employed by them, shall come to the north or north-westward of the said lake, or supposed line, by land or water, or through any rivers, lakes or countries, to trade, or erect any forts or settlements whatsoever; and the english, on the contrary, not to pass the said supposed line either to the southward or eastward. that the french be likewise obliged to quit, surrender and deliver up to the english, upon demand, york fort (by them called bourbon), undemolished; together with all forts, factories, settlements and buildings whatsoever, taken from the english, or since erected or built by the french, with all the artillery and ammunition, in the condition they are now in; together with all other places they are possessed of within the limits aforesaid, or within the bay and streights of hudson. these limits being first settled and adjusted, the company are willing to refer their losses and damages formerly sustained by the french in time of peace, to the consideration of commissioners to be appointed for that purpose. by order of the governor and company of adventurers of england, trading into hudson's bay. hudson's bay house, th of february, - . a list of forts from to . . rupert, called by the french st. jacques. founded by gillam. taken by the french under troyes and iberville, july, . retaken by the english, . . fort monsippi, monsonis, st. lewis and moose fort, taken by troyes and iberville th june, . retaken . . fort chechouan, st. anne or albany, taken by de troyes and iberville in . retaken . . new severn or nieu savanne, taken by iberville, . . fort bourbon, nelson or york. founded . taken by the french, , acting for english, . retaken by iberville th october, . retaken by the english , and by the french, . retaken by the english, . . fort churchill, . . east main. footnotes: [ ] by the treaty of ryswick, great britain and france were respectively to deliver up to each other generally whatever possessions either held before the outbreak of the war, and it was specially provided that this should be applicable to the places in hudson's bay taken by the french during the peace which preceded the war, which, though retaken by the british during the war, were to be given up to the french. commissioners were to be appointed in pursuance of the treaty to determine the rights and pretensions which either nation had to the places in hudson's bay. but these commissioners never met. the commissioners must, however, have been bound by the text of the treaty wherever it was explicit. they _might_, said the company's opponents, have decided that france had a right to the whole, but they could _not_ have decided that great britain had a right to the whole. they would have been compelled to make over to france all the places she took during the peace which preceded the war, for in that the treaty left them no discretion. the following are the words of the treaty:--"but the possession of those places which were taken by the french, during the peace that preceded this present war, and were retaken by the english during the war, shall be left to the french by virtue of the foregoing article." thus the treaty of ryswick recognized and confirmed the right of france to certain places in hudson's bay distinctly and definitely, but it recognized no right at all on the part of great britain; it merely provided a tribunal to try whether she had any or not. [ ] "therefore, we shall proceed to inform your lordships of the present melancholy prospects of our trade and settlement in hudson's bay, and that none of his majesty's plantations are left in such a deplorable state as those of this company, for by their great losses by the french, both in times of peace as well as during the late war, together with the hardships they lie under by the late treaty of ryswick, they may be said to be the only mourners by the peace. they cannot but inform your lordships that the only settlement that the company now have left in hudson's bay (of seven they formerly possessed) is albany fort, vulgarly called checheawan, in the bottom of the said bay, where they are surrounded by the french on every side, viz., by their settlements on the lakes and rivers from canada to the northwards, towards hudson's bay, as also from port nelson (old york fort) to the southward; but beside this, the company have, by the return of their ship this year, received certain intelligence that the french have made another settlement at a place called new severn, 'twixt port nelson and albany fort, whereby they have hindered the indians from coming to trade at the company's factory, at the bottom of the bay, so that the company this year have not received above one-fifth part of the returns they usually had from thence, insomuch that the same doth not answer the expense of their expedition." [ ] the company being by these and other misfortunes reduced to such a low and miserable condition, that, without his majesty's favour and assistance, they are in no ways able to keep that little remainder they are yet possessed of in hudson's bay, but may justly fear in a short time to be deprived of all their trade in those parts which is solely negotiated by the manufacturers of this kingdom. upon the whole matter, the company humbly conceive, they can be no ways safe from the insults and encroachments of the french, so long as they are suffered to remain possessed of any place in hudson's bay, and that in order to dislodge them from thence (which the company are no ways able to do) a force of three men-of-war, one bomb-vessel, and two hundred and fifty soldiers besides the ships' company will be necessary, whereby that vast tract of land which is of so great concern, not only to this company in particular, but likewise to the whole nation in general, may not be utterly lost to this kingdom. [ ] the duke of york's (james ii.) share, however, was retained by his heirs up to . [ ] captain john merry is desired to speak with captain moody, who has a nephew in the orkneys, to write to him to provide fifteen or sixteen young men, about twenty years old, to be entertained by the company, to serve them for four years in hudson's bay, at the rate of £ per annum, the wages formerly given by the company.--from the company's order book, th february, . [ ] "this country," it was remarked in , "is composed of persons of various character and different inclinations. one and the other ought to be managed, and can contribute to render it flourishing." [ ] i find the following in the minute books, under date of th march, . "it was resolved that the committee when they meet friday come senuit, do agree to wait on the lord bishop of london, in order to return him the thanks of this company for the care that has been taken of them by the treaty of ryswick." chapter xvii. - . queen anne espouses the cause of the company -- prior's view of its wants -- treaty of utrecht -- joy of the adventurers -- petition for act of cession -- not pressed by the british government -- governor knight authorized to take possession of port nelson -- "smug ancient gentlemen" -- commissioners to ascertain rights -- their meeting in paris -- matters move slowly -- bladen and pulteney return to england. at last the company had triumphed. its rights had been admitted; the queen and her ministers were convinced of the justice of its claims.[ ] peace, long and anxiously awaited, began to dawn over the troubled horizon. lewis and his courtiers had long sickened of the war: and at the flemish town of utrecht negotiations were on foot for a cessation of hostilities and the adjustment of differences between the crowns of england and france. the view which matthew prior, the english plenipotentiary, took of the company's rights was not one, however, inspired by that body. he wanted the trade of the country, rather than the sovereignty. "i take leave to add to your lordship," he observes at the end of a communication addressed to the secretary of state, "that these limitations are not otherwise advantageous or prejudicial to great britain than as we are both better or worse with the native indians; and that the whole is a matter rather of industry than of dominion." these negotiations finally resulted in a treaty signed on the st of march (o.s.), , by which the whole of hudson's bay was ceded to great britain without any distinct definition of boundaries, for the determining of which commissioners were to be appointed. [sidenote: effect of the treaty on the company.] on the news of the conclusion of the treaty, the adventurers were filled with joy. the committee was in session when a messenger came hot haste from whitehall to bear the glad tidings. a general court was convoked for several days later. plans were concerted for securing the very most that the circumstances would allow. it was necessary to secure the act of cession which it was supposed would be issued by lewis, ceding to great britain the places on hudson's bay, the company being regarded merely in the light of sub-ordinary subjects. many of the members wished to press at once for pecuniary compensation, but the wiser heads agreed that this would best be a matter for subsequent negotiation. many thought indeed that perhaps there need be no haste in the matter, as the interest on the original estimate of damages, already nearly double the principal, was growing daily at an enormous rate. "as to the company's losses," says a memorandum of this year, "it will appear by a true and exact estimate that the french took from the company in full peace between and seven ships, with their cargoes, and six forts and caches in which were carried away great stores of goods laid up for trading with the indians. the whole amounts to £ , s., and £ , s. d. interest, computed to ." [sidenote: company's claim for compensation.] under date of th july, , occurs the following: "the committee having received a letter from the lords commissioners of trade, and they desiring their attendance on tuesday next, and to bring in writing the demands of the co. for damages rec'd from the french in times of peace pursuant to the th & th articles of the treaty of utrecht. upon which the secretary is ordered to copy out the abstract of the whole damage sustained, amounting to with interest the sum of £ , - - ; as likewise the particulars in these small volumes in order to present the same to the commission of trade on wednesday next." it does not seem to have been doubted but that the queen, if petitioned, would grant the company's request in time to send an expedition to the bay that very year.[ ] but while vessels were being acquired, fitted out and loaded with cargoes, the company was wise enough not to run the risk of falling into a trap. nothing was to be done without the fullest royal authority. it is worthy of remark as illustrating how much the company trusted the canadian authorities, bolingbroke (may , ) reminded the duke of shrewsbury (then at paris) that in pontchartrain's letter to the marquis de vaudreuil, governor of canada, the latter was directed to yield the forts and settlements belonging to the hudson's bay company: "but this order the merchants thought would hardly fulfil their requirements. they were despatching two ships to the bay. it would therefore be better if his grace obtained direct order to m. jérémie in duplicate." [sidenote: no act of cession.] but the act of cession eagerly awaited by the company was not forthcoming. the queen's advisers were wiser than anybody else. lord dartmouth's letter[ ] of the th may, , enclosing the petition of the hudson's bay company, shows what was the design in not accepting an act of cession from the french king. her majesty insisted only upon an order from the french court for delivering possession; "by which means the title of the company was acknowledged, and they will come into the immediate enjoyment of their property without further trouble." the summer of came on apace, and it was soon too late to think of occupying port nelson that year. but all was made ready for the next. on the th of june, , many of the adventurers hied themselves to gravesend, to wish governor knight and his deputy, henry kelsey, godspeed. "the committee," we read in the minutes, "delivered to captain knight, her majesty's royal commission, to take possession (for the company) of york fort, and all other places within the bay and straits of hudson. also another commission from her majesty constituting him governor under the company, and mr. h. kelsey, deputy governor of the bay and straits of hudson, aforesaid." knight took with him, likewise, "the french king's order under his hand and seal, to mons. jérémie, commander at york fort, to deliver the same to whom her majesty should appoint, pursuant to the treaty of utrick." knight's eyes, now dimmed with age, were gladdened by the sight of port nelson, on the th of july. jérémie was already advised by the french ship, and no time was lost in evacuation. a bargain was made for such buildings and effects as the french had no further use for, which had been beforehand arranged. "from his particular regard for the queen of great britain, the king will leave to her the artillery and ammunition in the forts and places in hudson's bay and straits, notwithstanding the urgent reasons his majesty has to withdraw them, and to appropriate them elsewhere." the cannon were accordingly left. [sidenote: regulation of boundary.] by article x of the treaty of utrecht it was proposed, in order to avoid all further conflict and misunderstanding, that commissioners should be appointed to regulate the boundaries of hudson's bay and the extent of the trade thereof, which should be enjoyed by each.[ ] but no great haste was apparent on the part of france to secure this end. for several years nothing was done in the matter, save and except the persistent exchange of letters between the two ambassadors. there is a letter of bolingbroke's which evinces the feeling current in diplomatic circles at the time. "there is nothing more persistent in the world," he says, "than these claims of the hudson's bay company. we are desirous greatly to see all these smug ancient gentlemen satisfied; but notwithstanding we are unable to budge an inch. the truth of the business seems to me to be that the french are always hoping that their ultimate concessions will be less and the english that these concessions will be vastly more. as for ourselves we have no desire to play with frost; and i for one shall be relieved to see this question thawed out without further delay." lewis had consented, at the time of the peace, to afterwards name two commissioners who should give possession to such of the english, as proved that they were actual proprietors, or the heirs of proprietors of those who had in a former time possessed property in the bay. this seemed to provide for the company's rights in a manner most satisfactory. [sidenote: appointment of a commission.] nevertheless matters dragged on, and it was not until that a practical movement was made. on the rd of september of that year, daniel pulteney and martin bladen, lords of trade, were appointed commissioners in response to the appointment by lewis of the mareschal comte d'estrees and the abbé dubois, minister and secretary of state. pulteney was an indian merchant, and bladen had been an officer in the army. the lords of trade having made the suggestion, the company now wished their governor, sir bibye lake, to go over to paris the "more earnestly to solicit and prosecute the claims of the honourable adventurers." "it is by this committee desired most humbly of the governor to accept and undertake this journey and to manage the company's affairs there, as he shall judge most conducive to their interest and advantage. which, being signified to the governor, he did, to the great satisfaction of the committee readily undertake and accept the same. it was ordered that the governor have liberty to take with him such person or persons to france as he shall think fit." lake accordingly joined bladen and pulteney, and was permitted to take a silent part in the conference. it was intended that this commission, meeting in paris, should have power to settle generally the boundaries between the english and french possessions in america. but this was soon seen to be impracticable. the settlement of these matters was too vast and complicated for the commission to deal with; and the lords of trade instructed bladen, on his setting out, to deal only with the hudson's bay territories. it is significant that private instructions of a similar nature were at the same time conveyed to the french commissioners by the court. the commissioners finally met. perhaps it would be a pity if bladen's own quaint account of what followed were allowed to perish:-- on saturday last, my lord stair and i met marechal d'estrees and abbé dubois. our time was spent in preparatory discourses concerning the intent of the th article of the treaty of utrecht, relating to the boundaries of hudson's bay; and at our next meeting, which will be to-morrow at my lord stair's house, we design to give in the claim of the hudson's bay company, in writing, with some few additions pretty material for their service, in case the abbé dubois his health will allow him to be there, which i fear it will not, for he is confined at present to his bed. [sidenote: martin bladen's description of the commission.] but i confess, i cannot help thinking it will be to a very little purpose to puzzle ourselves about setting boundaries, by treaty, in the north of america, if the french have so concise a way of fixing theirs in the south, without asking our concurrence; it is to be hoped they will have the modesty to recede from this new acquisition, but in the meantime i cannot help saying this gives me no very good relish either of their friendship or discretion. i cannot leave this subject without observing how much it imports us to be upon our guard in our american colonies. it were to be wished that the several governments of his majesty's plantations would pay the respect they owe to their instructions, and if those of barbados for some time past had observed theirs, relating to santa lucia, the settlement of a hundred french families there could never have been put upon us at this day as a proof of their right to that island. there is, further, much talk of a "multiplicity of books and papers necessary to be read," and of "arduous labours" in going over maps, charts and memoirs, which, however numerous, "are not to be depended on."[ ] while this initial work was going on, one of the adventurers was entreating his fellows at a company meeting in london, to take note of a scheme which the french had been insidiously attempting for the previous four years to utterly destroy not only the company's trade, but all the english colonies as well. he proceeded to read a private letter from a relation in the colony of pennsylvania in which it was shewn that the mississippi company required close watching. "its leaders are egged on by the jesuits, and will stop at no bloody measures to draw down trade from the indians. their projects must inevitably succeed if we are not watchful." this was put forward as one potent reason why the french were complaisant about yielding us the bay itself. it was but the shell they would surrender, whilst preserving to themselves the kernel. this letter from the pennsylvanian had its effect upon the easily-alarmed adventurers, for they lost no time in communicating their apprehensions to the lords of trade. the matter was sent forward to bladen and pulteney. "it were heartily to be wished," the company observed, "that in imitation of our industrious neighbours the french, some means can be determined upon to extend the trade in furs southwards." in response, bladen imparted a brilliant idea. he suggested that st. augustine might be "reduced at a small cost," and advantage taken thereby of the war then in progress with spain. matters went on in paris as badly as could be. the english commissioners lost all patience. nothing was in the air but john law and his mississippi scheme. the three distinguished englishmen, bladen, pulteney and lake, were dined and feted: but were at length disgusted with the whole business.[ ] the "smug ancient gentlemen," as bolingbroke had irreverently dubbed the honourable adventurers, were not to be satisfied in regard to the delimitation of boundaries and at this time. but perhaps even they had less interest in hudson's bay at heart than new interests which had dramatically arisen much nearer home. governor lake was sent for suddenly from london, and bladen and pulteney were not long in following him. footnotes: [ ] the lords of trade to the earl of dartmouth. _to the right honourable the earl of dartmouth._ my lord,--in obedience to her majesty's commands, signified to us, we have considered the enclosed petition from the hudson's bay company to her majesty, and are humbly of opinion that the said company have a good right and just title to the whole bay and streights of hudson. since the receipt of which petition, the said company have delivered us a memorial, relating to the settlement of boundaries between them and the french of canada, a copy whereof is enclosed, and upon which we take leave to offer, that as it will be for the advantage of the said company that their boundaries be settled, it will also be necessary that the boundaries between her majesty's colonies on the continent of america and the said french of canada be likewise agreed and settled; wherefore we humbly offer these matters may be recommended to her majesty's plenipotentiaries at utrecht. we are, my lord, your lordship's most obedient, and most humble servants, winchelsea, ph. meadows, chas. turner, geo. baillie, arth. moore, fra. gwyn. whitehall, february th, - . [ ] the company's petition to queen anne for act of cession. _to the queen's most excellent majesty_:-- the humble petition of the governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, sheweth: that your petitioners, being informed that the act of cession is come over, whereby (among other matters thereby concerted) the french king obliges himself to restore to your majesty (or to whom your majesty shall appoint to take possession thereof) the bay and streights of hudson, as also all forts and edifices whatsoever, entire and demolished, together with guns, shot, powder and other warlike provisions (as mentioned in the th article of the present treaty of peace), within six months after the ratification thereof, or sooner, if possible it may be done. your petitioners do most humbly pray your majesty will be graciously pleased to direct the said act of cession may be transmitted to your petitioners, as also your majesty's commission to captain james knight and mr. henry kelsey, gentleman, to authorize them, or either of them, to take possession of the premises above mentioned, and to constitute captain james knight to be governor of the fortress called fort nelson, and all other forts and edifices, lands, seas, rivers and places aforesaid; and the better to enable your petitioners to recover the same, they humbly pray your majesty to give orders that they may have a small man-of-war to depart with their ships, by the th of june next ensuing, which ship may in all probability return in the month of october. and your petitioners, as in duty bound, shall ever pray. by order of the company. per wm. potter, secretary. [ ] "my lords and gentlemen,--the queen has commanded me to transmit to you the enclosed petition of the hudson's bay company, that you may consider of it and report your opinion what orders may properly be given upon the several particulars mentioned. in the meantime i am to acquaint you that the places and countries therein named, belonging of right to british subjects, her majesty did not think fit to receive any act of cession from the french king, and has therefore insisted only upon an order from that court for delivering possession to such persons as should be authorized by her majesty to take it; by this means the title of the company is acknowledged, and they will come into the immediate enjoyment of their property without further trouble." [ ] in the hudson's bay company sent a memorandum to the lords commissioners of trade and plantations, accompanied by a map in which they claimed that the eastern boundary should be a line running from grimington's island through lake miscosinke or mistassinnie, and from the said lake by a line run south-westward into degrees north latitude, as by the red line may more particularly appear, and that that latitude be the limit; that the french do not come to the north of it, nor the english to the south of it. [ ] mr. bladen to mr. delefaye. paris, november th, , n.s. on wednesday last, my lord stair and i delivered to the marechal d'estrees the demand of the hudson's bay company, with respect to their limits, and by comparing the enclosed, which is a copy of that demand, with the instruction upon his head, you will perceive the same has been fully complied with. so soon as i shall have the french commissary's answer to our demand, i shall likewise take care to transmit you a copy of it, to be laid before their excellencys the lord justices. [ ] paris, may the th, n.s., . mr. pulteney to mr. secretary craggs. my lord stair has spoke to the regent, who said immediately that the conferences shall be renewed whenever we please; his excellency then desired his royal highness would appoint a day, which he promised to do. this is what the regent has promised my lord stair once every week, for four or five months past, without any effect, and his excellency does not expect any more from the promise now, though possibly a conference may be appointed for form sake. i have been here near six months, and have seen only one conference, which was appointed by my lord stanhope's desire. i think there had been two conferences before i came; at the first of them the commissions were read, and at the second my lord stair and mr. bladen gave in a memorial about the limits of the hudson's bay company, to which no answer has been made. i must own that i never could expect much success from this commission, since the french interests and ours are so directly opposite, and our respective pretensions interfere so much with each on the several points we were to treat about; but that the french have not been willing to entertain us now and then with a conference, and try how far we might be disposed to comply with a conference, and try how far we might be disposed with any of the views they had in desiring the commission, cannot, i should think be accounted for, but by supposing they knew we came prepared to reject all their demands, and to make very considerable ones for ourselves.... i shall expect your further direction as to my stay or return; i cannot help owning i heartily wish for the latter, but i shall always submit to what his majesty likes best, and shall only desire in this case that i may have a supply from the treasury, since i have not had the good fortune to be concerned in either of the misiseppis. chapter xviii. - . the south sea bubble -- nation catches the fever of speculation -- strong temptation for the company -- pricking of the bubble -- narrow escape of the adventurers -- knight and his expedition -- anxiety as to their fate -- certainty of their loss -- burnet's scheme to cripple the french -- it forces them westward into rupert's land. the cause of the governor's recall lay in the existence of a crisis which promised a happy issue. it arose through the venality of some of the company's directors, who were victims of the south sea fever. [sidenote: south sea company.] the south sea company, whose extraordinary success gave rise to a thousand joint stock enterprises equally unsound and fatuous, owed its origin to harley, earl of oxford, in , who in return for the acceptance of a government debt of £ , , granted to a number of merchants a monopoly of the trade to the south seas. at that time the most extravagant ideas prevailed concerning the riches of south america. "if," it was said, "the hudson's bay company can make vast moneys out of the frozen north, what can be done with lands flowing with milk and honey?" the south sea adventurers carefully fostered all the current notions, spreading likewise the belief that spain was ready to admit them to a share of its south american commerce. in this company advanced to the english government five more millions sterling, at an interest of six per cent. their shares rose daily. even the outbreak of war with spain, which destroyed all hope in the minds of sensible persons of any share in the spanish traffic, did not lessen the company's popularity. in paris, john law's mississippi bubble burst, ruining thousands, but, far from being alarmed at this catastrophe, it was universally believed that law's scheme was sound, but had been wrecked through unwise methods. in may, , the south sea company proposed to take upon themselves the entire national debt of upwards of £ , , upon a guarantee of five per cent. per annum for seven and one-half years, at the end of which period the debt might be redeemed if the government chose, or the interest reduced to four per cent. the nation was dazzled; parliament accepted the offer; and the company's stock rose steadily to on april , falling to on the following day. [sidenote: a fever of speculation.] this day in april witnessed a change in methods on the part of the south sea directors. until then the scheme had been honestly promoted; but the prospect of enormous wealth was too near to be permitted to escape. it became thenceforward, until the crash, the prime object of the directors, at no matter what cost or scruple, to maintain the fictitious value of the shares. by may , £ shares were quoted at ; three days later they had reached . the whole nation caught the fever; the steadiest merchants turned gamblers. hardly a day passed without a new swindling concern being started as a joint stock company. meanwhile several of the hudson's bay merchants-adventurers looked on with envious eyes. the desire was great to embark in so tempting a scheme, and the opportunity to cast inflated shares on the market almost too great to withstand. but for many weeks the temptation was resisted. at last, at a meeting early in august, the chief director came before a general court of the adventurers with a scheme by which each partner could either retire with a moderate fortune or remain an active participant, and reap the benefit of an infusion of public capital. the scheme was simplicity itself, to modern notions; but that it was not so regarded by some of the adventurers themselves may be gathered from the following passage from a letter of mrs. mary butterfield, one of the owners of the company's stock. "i cannot tell you how it is to be done, for that passes my wit; but in short, the value of our interests is to be trebled without our paying a farthing; and then to be trebled again if the business is to the publick taste, and we are told it cannot fail to be." [sidenote: plan to reorganize the company.] it was late in august before the scheme was detailed. it was explained that the company's assets in quick and dead stock and lands were £ , . with this as a basis, it was proposed to enlarge the stock to the sum of £ , , dividing this into , shares of £ each. before this could be carried out, however, the existing stock, being but £ , , or shares, was to be made and reckoned shares of £ value each. by such means a result of £ , actual capital would appear. a majority of partners favoured the scheme, and the proposal was carried amidst the greatest enthusiasm. its purpose was to unload the stock at an inflated figure, far even in excess of that actually named by its promoters. had it succeeded and the flotation been carried out, it would have doubtless administered a death-blow to the company as then organized, and would probably have involved the revocation of its charter in view of what was soon to occur. but the plan met with a sudden arrest by an event which then happened, and which in beggaring multitudes altered the whole disposition of the public with regard to joint stock enterprises. a general impression had gained ground that the south sea company's stock had attained high-water mark, and so many holders rushed to realize that the price fell, on june rd, to . the directors were not yet ready for their _coup_. agents were despatched by them to buy up and support the market, and the result was that by nightfall of that day the quoted price was £ . by means of this and similarly unscrupulous devices, the shares were sent, early in august, to , . this was the long-awaited opportunity. many of the directors sold out; a general anxiety began to prevail and the shares began to drop. in view of this change in affairs, the hudson's bay company's meeting for september rd was deferred. on the th, south sea shares were selling at , and the decline continued. the country was thrown into the greatest excitement, and by the time december had arrived, parliament had been hastily summoned to consider the calamity. with what happened subsequently, to the authors and participators in this celebrated joint stock swindle, it is not my present purpose to deal, except to say that the hudson's bay company was saved in the nick of time from sharing the fate of its neighbour and rival. a meeting on the rd of december was held, at which it was resolved that the "said subscription be vacated; and that the company's seal be taken off from the said instrument." nevertheless one permanent result remained. the capital had been trebled, and it was now further resolved that each subscriber should have £ of stock "for each £ by him paid in." this trebled, the total capital stood, at the beginning of , at £ , . the company had had a narrow escape. to what extent its shares would have been inflated may be conjectured; but it is certain that it could not have avoided being swept into the vortex and sharing the same fate which overtook so many of its commercial contemporaries. its enemies were on the watch, and they would have proved relentless. the revocation of its charter would have accomplished its final downfall. already the company was being assailed because it had not complied with one of the provisions named in that instrument: that of making search for a north-west passage. it was not, however, to quiet these reproaches, so persistently levelled at it, that a year before the bursting of the south sea bubble an expedition was actually set on foot to accomplish the long-deferred exploration. knight, the company's aged governor at york factory, had long listened to the tales of the indians concerning the copper mines to the north; and resolved, on his return to england, to bring the matter before the company. this he did, but it was by no means an easy matter to induce the adventurers to consent to the expense of further exploration. nevertheless knight's insistence prevailed, more especially as, besides the profitable results to be obtained through such a voyage, he was careful to point out that the company were expected by their charter to undertake such an expedition. [sidenote: expedition to explore the north-west passage.] in the company, therefore, fitted out two ships for the purpose of discovery north of churchill. one of these, called the _albany_, a frigate, was commanded by george barlow, whom we have already seen as deputy-governor at albany in , when the french failed to capture that post. the other, named the _discovery_, a sloop, under david vaughan. but the command of the expedition itself was entrusted to knight, who was a man of great experience in the company's service, who had been for many years governor of different factories in the bay, and who had made the first settlement at churchill river. nevertheless, in spite of the experience knight possessed of the company's business, and its methods of trade with the indians, there was nothing to lead any one to suppose him especially adapted for the present enterprise, having nothing to direct him but the slender and imperfect accounts which he, in common with many other of the company's servants had received from the indians, who, as we have seen, were at that time little known and less understood. but these disadvantages, added to his advanced years, he being then nearly eighty, by no means deterred his bold spirit. indeed, so confident was he of success and of the material advantages which would accrue from his impending discoveries, that he caused to be made, and carried with him, several large iron-bound chests, wherein to bestow the gold dust and other treasures which he "fondly flattered himself were to be found in those parts." the first paragraph of the company's instructions to knight on this occasion was as follows:-- th june, . to captain james knight. sir,--from the experience we have had of your abilities in the management of our affairs, we have, upon your application to us, fitted out the _albany_ frigate, captain george barlow, and the _discovery_, captain david vaughan, commander, upon a discovery to the northward; and to that end have given you power and authority to act and do all things relating to the said voyage, navigation of the said ship and sloop only excepted; and have given orders and instructions to our said commanders for that purpose. you are, with the first opportunity of wind and weather, to depart from gravesend on your intended voyage, and by god's permission to find out the straits of anian, and to discover gold and other valuable commodities to the northward. knight departed from gravesend on board the _albany_, and proceeded on his voyage. the ships not returning to england that year no uneasiness was felt, as it was judged they had wintered in the bay. besides, both were known to have on board a plentiful stock of provisions, a house in frame, together with the requisite tools and implements, and a large assortment of trading goods. little anxiety was therefore entertained concerning their safety for fifteen months. but when new year's day, , arrived, and neither ship nor sloop had been heard from, the company became alarmed for their welfare. by the ship sailing to churchill in june they sent orders for a sloop then in the bay, called the _whalebone_, john scroggs, master, to go in search of the missing explorers. but the _whalebone_ was cruising about in the north of the bay at the time, on the esquimaux trade, and returned to churchill at so advanced a season of the year as to defer the execution of the company's wishes until the following summer. [sidenote: anxiety as to the fate of the expedition.] the north-west coast was little known in those days, so it is not singular that scroggs, on board the little _whalebone_, finding himself encompassed by dangerous shoals and rocks, should return to prince of wales' fort little the wiser regarding the fate of the two ships. he saw amongst the esquimaux, it is true, european clothing and articles, as in a later day rae and mcclintock found souvenirs of the franklin tragedy; but these might have been come by in trade, or even as the result of an accident. none could affirm that a shipwreck or other total calamity had overtaken knight and his companions. many years elapsed without anything to shed light on the fate of this expedition. at first, the strong belief which had so long prevailed in europe of a north-west passage by way of this bay, caused many to conjecture that the explorers had found that passage and had gone through it into the south sea. but before the voyages of middleton, ellis, bean, christopher and jobington had weakened this belief it was known that knight, barlow and the crews of the two ships had been lost. proofs of their fate were found in the year , as will appear in a later chapter of this work. an important circumstance now transpired which was not without effect upon the company's trade; and which, for a time, gave the adventurers great uneasiness. in burnett had been appointed to the governorship of new york. finding that the french in canada were in possession of all the indian fur-trade of the north and west, which was not in the hudson's bay company's hands, and that the new englanders and iroquois were trafficking with the iroquois, he determined to take a bold step with a view to crippling the french. [sidenote: attempt of new england to secure the fur-trade.] it had long been understood that the chief support of new france was in the fur commerce; and upon enquiry it was found that the traders, of quebec and montreal, were chiefly supplied with european merchandise for barter from the new york merchants, from whom they procured it upon much easier terms than it could possibly be got from france. with this knowledge, the governor resolved to foster the fur-trade of his colony by inducing direct transactions with the indians. he procured an act in the assembly of the colony, prohibiting the trade in merchandise from new york. the colonial merchants were, not unnaturally, up in arms against such a measure; but burnett, bent upon carrying his point, had their appeal to king george set aside and the act confirmed by that monarch. [illustration: contemporary french map of the bay and vicinity.] by this measure, trade at once sprang up with the western indians, since the french had no goods to offer them in any way to their liking at a reasonable price. intercourse and familiarity ensued moreover in consequence; a fortified trading post was built at oswego, which not only drew away trade from the french, at michilimackinac and st. marie, but from albany and moose as well. [sidenote: boundaries between french and english territory.] it has been observed that the ancient boundaries of canada or new france were circumscribed by the treaty of utrecht, and that it is difficult to determine precisely the new boundaries assigned to it. the general interpretation adopted by the british geographers, as the country gradually became better known from that time up to the final cession of canada, was that the boundary ran along the high lands separating the waters that discharged into the st. lawrence from those that discharge into hudson's bay to the sources of the nepigon river, and thence along the northerly division of the same range of high lands dividing the waters flowing direct to hudson's bay, from those flowing into lake winnipeg, and crossing the nelson, or (as it was then known) the bourbon river, about midway between the said lake and bay, thence passing to the west and north by the sources of churchill river; no westerly boundary being anywhere assigned to canada. this and other measures could have but one result: to make the french traders and the government of new france perceive that their only hope to avert famine and bankruptcy lay in penetrating farther and farther into the west, in an effort to reach remote tribes, ignorant of true values and unspoilt by a fierce and ungenerous rivalry. it seems fitting to reserve the next chapter for a consideration of who and what the tribes were at this time inhabiting the territories granted by its charter to the great company; together with their numbers, their modes of life and relations with the factories. chapter xix. - . hudson's bay tribes peaceful -- effect of the traders' presence -- depletion of population -- the crees and assiniboines -- their habits and customs -- their numbers -- no subordination amongst them -- spirituous liquors -- effect of intemperance upon the indian. let us imagine for a moment that the hudson's bay company had held traffic with the fierce and implacable iroquois, the mohawks or the courageous and blood-thirsty tribes of the mississippi, instead of with the crees and assiniboines. how different would have been its early history! what frail protection would have been afforded by the forts and wooden palisades, often not stronger than that last fort of the jesuits in the huron country, the inmates of which were slaughtered so ruthlessly, or that other at niagara, where the chevalier de troyes and ninety of his companions perished to a man. but the red men of the company's territories, compared to these, were pacific. occasionally want or deep injustice drove them to acts of barbarism, as we have seen in the case of the massacre at york factory under jérémie's _régime_; but on the whole they had no marked enmity to the white men, and long displayed a remarkable and extremely welcome docility. [sidenote: character of the assiniboines.] "the assinibouels," remarked jérémie, "are humane and affable; and so are also all those indians with whom we have commerce in the bay, never trading with the french but as their fathers and patrons. although savages, they are foes to lying, which is extraordinary in nations which live without subordination or discipline. one cannot impute to them any vice, unless they are a little too slanderous. they never blaspheme and have not even a term in their language which defines an oath." if we are to believe the early traders and explorers, the red man of rupert's land spoke a tongue by no means difficult for an englishman to master. yet if these same traders really took the trouble to master it, as they alleged, their knowledge certainly brought little order into the chaos of tribal nomenclature. [illustration: indian tepee.] the custom of fantastic names for the indians was long continued. more than one instance occur of the impropriety with which the french-canadians named the indians. they called one tribe gros ventres, or big bellies, and that without any known reason; they being as comely and well-made as any other tribe. "they are very far," says one trader, "from being remarkable for their corpulency." this tribe also came to be known as the fall indians. [sidenote: indian country.] jérémie observed that the ouinebigonnolinis inhabited the sea-coast. the poaourinagou country was inhabited by the miskogonhirines or savannah, who made war with the hakouchirmions. twelve leagues above york factory was situated the river oujuragatchousibi, while far beyond dwelt the nakonkirhirinons. one might readily suspect one commandant of drawing upon his imagination when he speaks of such nations as the unighkillyiakow, ishisageck roanu, the twightwis roanu, the oskiakikis, oyachtownuck roanu, kighetawkigh roanu, and the kirhawguagh roanu. [illustration: an assiniboine indian.] in the seventeenth century, the districts about the great lakes were rather thickly populated. certain regions which at the opening of the eighteenth century were but thinly sprinkled by inhabitants, once had boasted numerous tribes. for when the first missionaries visited the south of lake superior in , they found the country full of inhabitants. they relate that, about this time, a band of nepisingues, converts to the jesuitical teaching, emigrated to the nepigon country. by few of their descendants were said to exist, and not a trace amongst them of the religion espoused by their ancestors. as to the lake of the woods district, before the smallpox, in , ravaged this country and completed what the nodwayes by their warfare had gone far to accomplish, this part of the country was very densely inhabited. one of the company's factors reported, in , that a tribe lived beyond the range of mountains, who had never known the use of fire-arms, for which reason they were made slaves of by the assiniboines and crees. he declared he had beheld several of this tribe "who all wanted a joynt of their little finger, which was cut off soon after birth." "the migichihilinons, that is the eagle ey'd indians," reported middleton, one of the company's captains, "are at two hundred leagues distance; the assinibouels inhabit the west and north; they are reputed to be the same nation because of the great affinity of their language. the name signifies men of the rock. they use the calumet and live at two hundred and fifty leagues distance. they paint their bodies, are grave and have much phlegm, like _flemings_." he also enumerates the michinipic poets, or men of stone, of the great lake; but i am inclined to think these two are of the same tribe. [illustration: indian with tomahawk.] [sidenote: the crees.] the crees, or christineaux, were the earliest as well as the most numerous tribe which had dealings with the company. they sprang from the same stock as the ojibways, chippewas or saulteurs, who with the assiniboines inhabited the vast interior of the country to the west of the bay. their language, according to one of the early traders, was less copious and expressive than their mother tongue. they were deficient in many direct terms for things, often expressing themselves in approximate phrases, whereas the ojibways would have an exactly corresponding term ready at command. the crees appear not to have possessed the custom of totems, so that it was often difficult for members of the tribe to trace their ancestry back for more than two or three generations. [sidenote: their mode of living.] in their ideas of creation the crees and the saulteurs resembled, and the early traders and bushrangers learnt gradually that both nations owned a mythology of no mean proportions. nain au bouchaw, the god of the saulteurs, was known as "wee-sue-ha-jouch," amongst the crees; but the tales they told concerning him were by no means clear and distinct, nor in such general currency. the crees were divided into two groups: those inhabiting the plains, and the denizens of the woods; the latter being far the most enterprising and useful to the trade of the company. the tents of the crees, like those of the other tribes in rupert's land, were of dressed leather, erected by means of poles, seventeen of which latter were required for the purpose, two being tied together about three feet from the top. the whole formed nearly a circle which was then covered with buffalo, moose, or red deer skins, well sewn together, nicely cut to fit the conical figure of the poles. an opening was then arranged above to let out the smoke, and admit the light. such tents were of good size, commonly measuring twenty feet in diameter. a fire was kindled in the centre, around which a range of stones was placed to keep the fire compact. the crees were fond of self-adornment, and were much addicted to false hair. their morals at first greatly shocked the servants of the company, and in the early reports sent home from york factory much stress was laid upon the need for enlightenment in this regard amongst the savages. polygamy was common, but not universal. the first wife was considered as mistress of the tent, ruling all the others, often with a rod of iron, and obliging them to perform all the drudgery. the names of the children were always given to them by their parents, or some near relative. those of the boys were various, and generally derived from some place, season or animal. the names of the female children, amongst the northern indians, were chiefly taken from some part or property of a marten, such as the white marten, the black marten, the summer marten, the marten's head, the marten's foot, the marten's heart, the marten's tail, etc.[ ] the exact number of crees at the time of the company's advent, is difficult to compute. even at that time they were dispersed over a vast extent of country, mixing with the assiniboines and other nations with whom they were on terms of peace. in appeared an estimate that there were not less than a million members of the cree nation. from what source was derived this striking conclusion is not given. it may be laid down as a general rule that all contemporary estimates as to the population of the indian tribes which were necessarily founded upon hearsay prior to actual penetration into their country are fanciful and totally unreliable. perhaps the most significant fact which parkman brought home to the masses of his readers, was the astounding discrepancy between current conception of the numbers of the various tribes, particularly the iroquois, and that attested and corroborated by the acute research of scholars, and by the testimony of contemporaries. in the company thought the number of the crees to be about , , men, women and children. a half century later they had diminished to about , , although, in , henry can find only about tents full of crees capable of furnishing less than , men. in this calculation, however, he did not include the crees who lived north of beaver river. the crees were, for the most part, quiet and inoffensive, and their personal appearance not entirely prepossessing; and although compared with the wilder and more valiant tribes to the south and east, their carriage and deportment was inferior, still they were gifted with activity, and prominent, wiry figures and intelligent countenances. [sidenote: the assiniboines.] the next numerous tribe was the assiniboine, or stone indians, who it is believed originated with the sioux or nodwayes. but owing to some misunderstanding between the bands they separated, and some half century before the first fort was built by the company they were in possession of a vast extent of prairie country near the red river, and thence running westward. the region they inhabited may be said to commence at the hare hills, near red river, and running along the assiniboine to the junction of the north and south branches of the saskatchewan. they were generally of a moderate stature, slender and active. in complexion they were of a lighter copper colour than the crees, with more regular features. moreover they were readily distinguished from the latter by a different head-dress. [illustration: esquimau with dogs.] other tribes trading with the company were the sioux, blackfeet, blood, slave and crow indians. there were also the esquimaux, with whom a traffic in the north was carried on chiefly for whalebone, ivory and oil. "i have often," wrote captain coats, "thought this people of the lineage of the chinese, in the many features i see in them, their bloated flatt faces, little eyes, black hair, little hands and feet, and their listlessness in travelling. they are very fair, when free from grease, very submissive to their men, very tender to their children, and indefatigable in the geegaws to please their men and children." they owned no manner of government or subordination. the father or head of the family obeyed no superior nor any command, and he himself only gave his advice or opinions. consequently it was rarely that any great chief ever existed, and then only in time of war. it is true that when several families went to war, or to the factories to trade, they chose a leader, but to such a one obedience was only voluntary; everyone was at liberty to leave when he pleased, and the notion of a commander was soon obliterated. merit alone gave title to distinction; such merit as an experienced hunter could boast, or one who possessed knowledge of communication between lakes and rivers, who could make long harangues, was a conjurer, or had a large family. such a man was sure to be followed by several indians when they happened to be out in large parties. they likewise followed him down to trade at the settlements, although upon such occasions he was forced to secure their attendance by promises and rewards, as the regard paid to his ability was of too weak a nature to command subjection. in war a mutual resentment forced their union for perpetrating vengeance. the hudson's bay indian's method of dividing time was by numbering the nights elapsed or to come. thus, if he were asked how long he had been on his journey, he would answer, "so many nights." from the nocturnal division he proceeded to lunar or monthly reckoning, twelve to a year, all of these moons being symbolical of some remarkable event or appearance. their method of computing numbers was abstruse, they reckoning chiefly by decades: two-tens, three-tens, ten-tens. a few units over or under were added or subtracted, thirty-two being three-tens and two over. if they reckoned any large number a skin or stick was laid down for every ten, and afterwards tied in a bundle for the aggregate. [sidenote: intelligence of the indians.] the servants of the company were not a little astonished at the wonderful intuition of the indian, which enabled him to forego the advantage to be derived from a compass, and yet to rarely miss his way. the trees, he knew, were all bent to the south, and the branches on that side were larger and stronger than on the north, as was also the moss. to apprise his women of the spot where the game was killed, he broke off branches here and there, laying them in the path with their ends pointed in the requisite direction. in winter, when the braves went abroad they rubbed themselves all over with bear's grease or beaver oil, treating in this fashion, too, the furs they wore. "they use," says one trader, "no milk from the time they are weaned, and they all hate to taste cheese, having taken up an opinion that it was made of dead men's fat." they were fond of prunes and raisins, and would give a beaver skin for twelve of them to carry to their children, and also for a jew's-harp or a tin trumpet. they were great admirers of pictures or prints, giving a beaver for bad prints, and "all toys were jewels to them." a trader at a little later period writes: "having been fortunate enough to administer medical relief to one of these indians during their stay, i came to be considered as a physician, and found that was a character held in high veneration," and goes on to add that their solicitude and credulity as to drugs and nostrums had exposed them to gross deceptions on the part of the agents of the hudson's bay company. one of the chiefs informed him that he had been at the bay the year before and there purchased a quantity of medicines which he would allow his visitor to inspect. accordingly, he fetched a bag containing numerous small papers, in which he found lumps of white sugar, grains of coffee, pepper, allspice, cloves, tea, nutmegs, ginger, and other things of the kind, sold as specifics against evil spirits and against the dangers of battle. these compounds were said to give power over enemies, particularly the white bear, of which the indians in those latitudes were much afraid; others were infallible against barrenness in women, against difficult labour, and against a variety of other afflictions. [sidenote: superstition of the indians.] it is related that some indians, who were employed in the vicinity of york factory in a goose hunt, were so influenced by superstition that they firmly believed the devil, with hideous howlings, frequented their tent every night. they came in a most dejected state to the factory and related a lamentable tale to the governor, setting forth with much pathos, the distress they were being subjected to by his satanic majesty. so overcome were they that they kept large fires burning all night, sleeping only in the day time. one of the red men declared that he had discharged his gun at the monster, but unluckily missed. the devil was described as of human shape, with a capacity for enormous strides. the governor treated the victims to a little brandy, and as if by magic their courage rose. investigation that same night disclosed that the satan was neither more nor less than a huge night-owl. the same trader also declares he found a number of small prints, such as in england were commonly sold to children, but which amongst the indians were each transformed into a talisman for the cure of some evil or for procuring some delight. he even gives the mottoes on some of these, and their specific uses: no. --"a sailor kissing his mistress on his return from sea." this worn about the person of a gallant attracted, though concealed, the affections of the sex! no. --"a soldier in arms." such a talisman poured a sentiment of valour into its possessor and gave him the strength of a giant! it was alleged that by means of such commodities many customers were secured to the company, nor is there reason to doubt it. "even those indians who shortened their voyage by dealing with us, sent forward one canoe laden with beaver-skins to purchase articles of this kind at cumberland house." henry adds that he was wise enough not to dispute their value. as time went on the indians began to relinquish many of the habits and customs, and even the appearance they presented, before the advent of the white traders. being in constant communication with the factories, they became semi-civilized, and took on many of the outer characteristics of the european. they brought in year after year the spoils of the chase in strict confidence, and there exchanged them for the necessaries of life, which they no longer provided for themselves. to all intents and purposes the tribes were in the pay of the company, or lived upon their bounty. it was, therefore, to be expected that all originality would be lost amongst them. the principal things necessary for the support and satisfaction of the indian and his family in the middle of the eighteenth century were: a gun, hatchet, ice chisel, brazil fob, knives, files, flints, powder and shot, a powder horn, a bayonet, a kettle, cloth, beads, etc. it was early found that alcohol was a very dangerous element to introduce amongst the savages. talon had presented the unhappy colony of new france with a statute removing all the penalties and ordinances of which justice and the authorities had made use to repress the disorders caused by the too great quantity of liquor given to the indians. [sidenote: liking of the indians for liquor.] the inclination of the indians for intoxication, it was pointed out to colbert by an ecclesiastic who sought to alter the condition of affairs, is much stronger than that of the people of europe. they have, urged he, greater weakness in resisting it. "if in a bourgade there be liquor freely accessible to the indians, they usually all become intoxicated--old, young, great and small, women and children, so that there is hardly one left sober. if there were liquor sufficient to last two days, drunkenness invariably continued two days. if enough for a week, it would last a week; if for a month, it would last a month. this," said the good priest, "is what we do not see in europe--a whole city get drunk, nor see it continue in that state for weeks and months." it may readily be perceived that those who wish to strike a bargain favourable to themselves with the indians, had only to resort to liquor, and by that means, without regard to their own salvation or that of the savages, could generally procure what they desired at a small expenditure. an indian, it was said early in the next century, would barter away all his furs, nay even leave himself without a rag to cover his nakedness, in exchange for that vile, unwholesome stuff called english brandy. the company in england having decided not to employ liquor in its traffic with the indians, the temptation was strong upon colbert and the french to resort to it. at one of its meetings, in , the company listened to a paper describing the methods in vogue by the french traders at the important post of tadoussac. at this fort or factory, for more than twenty years previously, it was the custom to allow an indian a quart of wine; this fluid, although it boasted such a title, hardly merited it. it was composed of one part of brandy to five parts of water; a proportion which fluctuated, it is true, but chiefly in respect of more water. to this more or less fiery liquid was given at a little later date the name high wine; and high wine figured largely in the dealings of both french and english with the indians for more than two centuries. if an indian desired more than the regulation quart, he was put off until another time. the necessary moderation was thus secured, and the trade suffered no injury. colbert expressed himself as afraid that if the quebec company did not employ liquor the indians would carry their beavers to the dutch. he need not, however, have troubled himself with this apprehension, as it was the iroquois alone who could go there, and the french of quebec did small trade with this hostile nation. it was asserted that the french would not lose five hundred skins a year by preserving the moderation necessary for christianity, and the good morality of the colony. [sidenote: effect of intoxication on the indians.] excess of liquor frequently made europeans merry and gay; on the indian, however, it had a contrary effect. under its influence he recalled his departed friends and relations, lamenting their death with abundance of tears. should he be near their graves he would often resort thither and weep there. others would join the chorus in a song, even though quite unable to hold up their heads. it was not uncommon for them to roll about their tents in a fit of frenzy, frequently falling into the blazing fire. quarrelling then was common: an ancient disagreement, long forgotten, being revived. the chiefs had often the prudence, when matters were going this way, to order the women to remove all offensive weapons out of the tent. but one weapon, very effective, the teeth, still remained; and it was not unusual to see several braves the next morning without a nose, an ear, or a finger. in affrays such as these, no respect whatever was paid to the ties of blood, brothers and sisters often fighting with great spirit and animosity. at the conclusion of one of these encounters early in the eighteenth century, an indian entered york factory one morning and desired to be admitted to the surgeon. he was conducted to the surgeon's room; he saluted its inmate in broken english, with "look here, man; here my nose," at the same time holding out his palm, which contained half that desirable facial adjunct. this he desired the surgeon, having a mighty opinion of the faculty, to restore. the man's nephew had, it seems, bit it off; he declared he felt no pain, nor was he sensible of his loss till awaking the next morning he found the piece lying by his side. footnote: [ ] "matonabbee," says hearne, "had eight wives, and they were all called martens." chapter xx. - . errant tribes of the bay -- the goose hunt -- assemblage at lake winnipeg -- difficulties of the voyage -- arrival at the fort -- ceremony followed by debauch -- gifts to the chief -- he makes a speech to the governor -- ceremony of the pipe -- trading begun. the tribes to the west of the bay led an erratic life. they were without horses, and it was their custom never to remain above a fortnight in one spot, unless they found plenty of game. when they had encamped, and their lodges were built, they dispersed to hunt, meeting in the evening when they had procured enough to maintain them during the day. it was not their custom to travel more than three or four miles from their lodges, but when scarcity of game was encountered they would remove a league or two farther off. in this fashion they traversed the whole forest region, hardly missing a single day winter or summer, fair or foul, but always employed in some kind of chase. [sidenote: the indians as hunters.] the indians were ruthless slaughterers of animals at the earliest period at which they were known to the servants of the company. whether they happened to be under the pinch of necessity or enjoying themselves in all the happiness of health and plenty, it was their custom to slay all they could. they boasted a maxim that the "more they killed, the more they had to kill." such an opinion, although opposed to reason and common sense, was clung to with great pertinacity by them. the results of this indiscriminate slaughter were obvious; and to such a pitch of destitution were the tribes often brought that cannibalism was not infrequent amongst them. the species of game, such as marten, squirrel and ermine, got by traps and snares, were generally caught by the women and children. when the men had slain their elks, deer, or buffalo, or foxes, they left it where it fell, leaving the squaws to fetch it to the lodges the next day, taking care to cut off the titbits or tender morsels, such as tongues, for their own immediate pleasure. [illustration: modern type of indian.] a great part of the factory provisions consisted of geese killed by the indians. for this purpose the factors supplied the latter with powder and shot, allowing them the value of a beaver skin for every ten geese killed. accordingly, after the indian had got his supply, he set off from his tent early in the morning into the marshes, where he sat himself down with great patience, difficult of imitation by the company's men, and there, sheltered by willows, waited for the geese. these were shot flying, and so dexterous were the braves at this sport that a good hunter would kill, in times of plenty, fifty or sixty a day. few europeans were able to endure the cold, hunger and adversity which often marked these excursions. [sidenote: meeting at lake winnipeg.] the nations coming from a distance to york factory were wont to assemble in may at lake winnipeg to the number of perhaps fifteen hundred. the chief would then harangue the men, representing their wants, and exhort the young men to exert themselves to the utmost to reach the fort with all their skins and to secure good terms from the white men. each family then made a feast, in the course of which they fixed upon those of their number who were to undertake the journey. during the progress of the wassail which then reigned, it was customary for speeches to be made, new alliances formed and old ones strengthened. the morrow was spent in building the birch bark canoes, in which the northern tribes had attained great proficiency; and being at last ready for the voyage, the leaders of the expedition were chosen, and all was ready to start. it was never exactly ascertained how many actually participated in these trading expeditions; the number was regulated by the circumstance of the tribes being at peace or at war, and also whether disease raged amongst them. it may be taken, roughly speaking, that six hundred canoes containing one thousand persons, not counting women, came down annually to york factory, with furs to trade. no regularity marked their voyage, each striving to be foremost, because those proceeding first had the best chance of procuring food. during the voyage each leader canvassed, with all manner of art and diligence, for braves to join his party. some were influenced by presents, and others by promises, for the more canoes each petty leader had under his command the greater he appeared at the factory. [sidenote: difficulties of the journey.] throughout their progress the indians were obliged to go ashore for several hours daily, which caused great delay in their progress. their canoes were small, holding only two men and a pack of one hundred beaver skins, with not much room for provisions. had their canoes been larger their voyages would undoubtedly have been less protracted, and they would have been able to transport a greater cargo. often great numbers of skins were left behind. a good hunter of these nations could kill six hundred beavers in the course of a season; he could carry down to the factory rarely more than one hundred, using the remainder at home in various ways. sometimes he hung them upon branches of trees by way of votive offering upon the death of a child or near relation; often they were utilized as bedding and bed coverings; occasionally the fur was burnt off, and the beast roasted whole for food at banquets. these annual journeys were beset by much hardship and suffering even at the best of times. the testimony of at least one governor is significant. "while," said he, "it is the duty of every one of the company's servants to encourage a spirit of industry among the natives, and to use every means in their power to induce them to procure furs and other commodities for trade ... at the same time, it must be confessed that such conduct is by no means for the real benefit of the poor indians; it being well-known that those who have the least intercourse with the factories, are by far the happiest.... it is true that there are few indians but have once in their lives, at least, visited the fort, and the hardships and dangers which most of them experienced on those occasions have left such a lasting impression on their minds, that nothing can induce them to repeat their visits." arriving near their journey's end, they all put ashore; the women going into the woods to gather pine-brush for the bottom of the tents, while the leaders smoked together and arranged the procession to the factory. this settled, they re-embarked, and soon after arrived before the post of the company; if there happened to be but one captain, his situation was in the centre of all the canoes; if more than one, they placed themselves at the wings, their canoes being distinguished by a small flag hoisted on a stick and placed astern. arriving within two hundred yards of the palisade, they discharged their fowling pieces by way of compliment to the governor, who returned the salute by firing off two or three small cannon. the men of the tribe seldom concerned themselves with taking out the bundles, except occasionally when the younger ones assisted the women. [illustration: type of cree indian.] [sidenote: arrival at the fort.] the factor being now informed that the indians had arrived, the trader was sent to introduce the leaders into the fort. chairs were placed in the trading-room for the visitors, and pipes introduced. during the first part of the ceremony the leader puffed great clouds of smoke, but said little; but the tobacco in the bowl becoming low, he began to be more talkative. fixing his eyes immovably on the ground, he informed the factors how many canoes he had brought, and what tribes he had seen; he enquired after the health of his hosts, and declared he is glad to see them. when this speech was concluded the governor bade the chief and his party welcome, informing him that he had good goods and plenty, that he loved the indians, and they might count upon his kindness to them. the pipe was then removed, and the conversation became general. during this visit the chief was dressed out at the company's expense. he was furnished with a coarse cloth coat, red or blue, lined with baize, and white regimental cuffs; a waistcoat and breeches of baize. this suit was ornamented with orris lace. he was likewise presented with a white or checked cotton shirt, stockings of yarn, one red and the other blue, and tied below the knee with worsted garters; his moccasins were sometimes put on over these, but he as freely walked away in bare feet. his hat was of coarse felt and bedecked with three ostrich feathers, of various colours. a worsted sash was fastened to its crown; a small silk handkerchief drawn about his neck, and thus attired, the chief strutted up and down delighted. his second in command also claimed attention. he was given a coat, but not a lined one; a shirt and a cap such as was worn by sailors of the period. the guests once equipped, bread and prunes were forthcoming and set before the chief; and of these confections he took care to fill his pockets before they were carried out. these were followed by a two-gallon keg of brandy, pipes and tobacco for himself and followers. it was now high time to think of returning to the camp, but this exit was not to be undertaken without further marks of the favour and esteem with which the chief was held by the company. his conduct from the fort was effected in state. in front a halberd and ensign were borne; next came a drummer beating a march, followed by several of the factory servants bearing bread, prunes, pipes, tobacco, brandy, etc. behind these came the "king," "captain," or chief, with stately tread, and erect, smoking his pipe and conversing with the factors at his side. afterwards came the "lieutenant," "prince," relative or friend, who had accompanied the chief. the tent was found ready for their reception, strewn with clean pine brush and beaver coats placed for them to sit. the brandy was deposited on the ground, and the chief gave orders for its distribution. after this the factor left, none too soon, however, for all were soon plunged into a brutal state of intoxication. "it is fifty to one," writes one trader, "but some one is killed before morning. they give loose rein to every species of disorderly tumult--all crying, fighting, and dancing." about , a party of indians came down to trade, and the first day of their arrival, as was their invariable custom, got vilely drunk. while thus inebriated, they fought, not noisily, but silently, in the darkness. when morning dawned, two corpses, in a fearful state of mutilation, were found stretched on the ground in pools of blood. [sidenote: ceremony of the pipe.] after this debauch, which lasted about two or three days, the sobered braves took to the calumet of peace. the stem of this pipe was three or four feet long, decorated with pieces of lace, bears' claws, eagles' talons, and the feathers of the most beautiful birds. the pipe being affixed to the stem, the factor took it in both hands, and with great gravity rose from his chair and pointed the end of the stem to the east or sunrise, and then to the zenith, and to the west, and then perpendicularly to the nadir. after this he took three or four hearty whiffs and then presented it to the chief, and so on round the whole party, the women excepted. when the tobacco was consumed, the factor took the pipe again and twirling it three times round his head, laid it with great deliberation on the table. a great ho! was thereupon emitted from the mouths of the assemblage.[ ] this ceremony being over, a further gratuity of bread and prunes was distributed, and the chief made a speech, which one trader has reported, after this style. [illustration: an old chief. (_from a photograph._)] "you told me last year to bring many indians to trade, which i promised to do. you see, i have not lied, here are many young men come with me; use them kindly, i say; let them trade good goods, i say. we lived hard last winter and were hungry; powder being short measure and bad, i say. tell your servants to fill the measure, and not put their thumbs within the brim; take pity on us, take pity on us, i say. "we paddle a long way to see you; we love the english. let us trade good black tobacco, moist and hard twisted; let us see it before it is opened. take pity on us, take pity on us, i say. "the guns are bad, let us trade light guns, small in the hand and well-shaped, and locks that will not freeze in the winter, and red gun-cases. let the young men have more than measure of tobacco, cheap pattees, thick and high. "give us good measure of cloth; let us see the old measure. the young men love you by coming so far to see you. give them good goods; they like to dress and be fine; do you see?" as soon as the chief had finished the above speech, he, with his followers, proceeded to examine the guns and tobacco; the former with a most minute attention. this over, they traded with furs promiscuously, the leader being so far indulged as to be admitted into the trading-room all the time if he desired it. [sidenote: varieties of beaver.] the beaver thus received by the chief trader and stored at the factory pending its shipment to england in the company's ships, was classified into eight varieties. the first was the fat winter beaver, slain in winter, which was valued at five shillings and sixpence a pound. the second sort was the fat summer beaver, worth two shillings and ninepence. next came in order the dry winter beaver, and the bordeaux, both worth three shillings and sixpence. the dry summer beaver, not much valued, about one shilling and ninepence. sixth came the coat beaver, as it was called, which brought four shillings and sixpence. the muscovite, dry beaver of a fine skin, covered with a silky hair; it was worn in russia, where the short fur was combed away and manufactured into fabric, leaving only the hair; this fetched four and sixpence; and lastly on the list figured the mittain beaver, which were utilized in the manufacture of mittens, being worth one shilling and ninepence. it was reported that in the year the natives were so discouraged in their trade with the company that many found the peltry hardly worth the carriage, and the finest furs sold for very little. when the tribes came to the factory in june they found the goods much higher in price, and much in excess of the standard they were accustomed to. according to joseph la france, a french-canadian voyageur, they gave but a pound of gunpowder for four beavers, a fathom of tobacco for seven beavers, a pound of shot for one, an ell of coarse cloth for fifteen, a blanket for twelve, two fish-hooks or three flints for one, a gun for twenty-five, a pistol for ten; a common hat with white lace cost seven beavers, an axe four, a bill-hook one, a gallon of brandy four, a chequered shirt seven; "all of which sold at a monstrous profit, even to two thousand per cent." it was a fact, nevertheless, that notwithstanding such discouragement the two expeditions of indians who visited york and churchill that year brought down two hundred packs of one hundred each, that is to say twenty thousand beaver skins. as to the other indians who arrived from another direction, they carried three hundred packs of one hundred each, which made a total of fifty thousand beavers, besides nine thousand martens. footnote: [ ] all this ceremony has a significance of its own. interpreted, it said: "whilst the sun shall visit the different parts of the world and make day and night; peace, firm friendship and brotherly love shall be established between the english and the indians, and the same on the latter's part. by twirling the pipe over the head, it was further intended to imply that all persons of the two nations, whosoever they were, shall be included in the friendship and brotherhood, then concluded or renewed." chapter xxi. - . system of licenses re-adopted by the french -- verandrye sets out for the pacific -- his son slain -- disappointments -- he reaches the rockies -- death of verandrye -- forts in rupert's land -- peter the great and the hudson's bay company -- expeditions of bering -- a north-west passage -- opposition of the company to its discovery -- dobbs and middleton -- ludicrous distrust of the explorer -- an anonymous letter. it has already been observed how fearful had grown the demoralization of the indians, chiefly through the instrumentality and example of the _coureur des bois_. this class seemed daily to grow more corrupt, and bade fair to throw off the last vestige of restraint and become merged in all the iniquity, natural and acquired, of the savage races. we have seen, too, how the missionaries intervened, and implored the civil authorities to institute some sort of reform. it was at their solicitation that the government of canada at length decided to re-adopt the system of licenses, and to grant the privileges of exclusive trade to retired army officers, to each of whom they accorded a certain fur-bearing district by way of recompense for services rendered by him. in order that the trader might be protected against hostile assault, permission was given to establish forts in certain places suitable for their construction. one of the french canadian youth, whom the exploits of iberville against the hudson's bay company had fired with a spirit of emulation and who was head and shoulders above all that race of soldiers turned fur-traders, who now began to spread themselves throughout the great west--was pierre gaultier de varennes, sieur de la verandrye. [sidenote: sieur de verandrye.] this gallant soldier and intrepid explorer, to whose memory history has as yet done but scant justice, was born at three rivers on the th of november, . at an early age he embraced the profession of arms, and at twenty-four fought so valorously against marlborough's forces at malplaquet that, pierced by nine wounds, he was left for dead upon the field of battle. recovering, however, he returned to the colony, and at twenty-seven married the daughter of the seigneur d'isle dupas, by whom he had four sons. these sons were all destined to be associated with their father in the subsequent explorations in rupert's land and the west. at the hour when verandrye was seized with his zeal for exploration and discovery, the company's rivals already possessed numerous posts established by iberville, duluth, frontenac and denonville, and a host of lesser lights, in the west. of one of these, on the shores of lake nepigon, at the extreme end of lake superior, verandrye had been given the command. [sidenote: verandrye sets out to explore the west.] while at this fort, a rumour had reached him of a mighty river flowing into the great ocean. credulous of the truth of this report, borne to him by the indians, verandrye lost little time in communicating it to a friend, father de gonor, at michilimackinac. it was shortly thereafter carried to governor beauharnois, who was induced, but not without much pleading, to grant verandrye fifty men and a missionary for the purposes of exploration. but, although he had thus far succeeded, the only pecuniary aid upon which the explorer could rely was from the fur-trade. he was accordingly given a license to trade, and on the strength of this concession, certain merchants advanced him an outfit. he set out and arrived at rainy lake in september, , traversed it, and erected a fort near the site of the present fort francis of a later day, to which he gave the name of st. peter. a year later he built another fort on the western shore of the lake of the woods, and in paddled down to the mouth of the winnipeg river to the lake of that name. crossing lake winnipeg, he ascended the assiniboine river and constructed fort rouge.[ ] in the explorer's three sons, under their sire's instructions, made their way up the assiniboine and built fort la reine, on the site of the present portage la prairie. well may it be said that the five years from to were years of cruel grief and disappointment for verandrye. he had been struggling on to a realization of his dream in spite of the bitterest discouragements. one of his sons had been slain by the sioux; he was without funds; fur-trading being with him only a subsidiary employment. his men lacking both courage and faith became unmanageable, and verandrye addressed the most affecting letters to his monarch in france, who looked upon him and his schemes coldly. those merchants, who had advanced him money, loaded him with their distrust, perpetually harassed him for returns, and loudly demanded his recall, so that he was forced to stand still and engage in barter when his whole soul cried aloud for him to press on in his path and reach the pacific. [sidenote: verandrye's son reaches the rockies.] verandrye divided his little party in the spring of and ascended the souris river. those who came to be familiar with the territory in a later day, when it was frequented by traders, might well appreciate what were the perils these pioneers encountered, and what dangers they escaped when they finally left the country of the peace--leaving ojibways at red river, and struck off into the land of the sioux, a tribe then, from their ferocity to the whites, called the "tigers of the plains." but they were to go still farther. already the eldest son of the explorer had reached the tribe of the mandans in the missouri, but owing to inability to obtain guides his party had been forced to return. he was again despatched by his father, this time in company with the younger son, known as the chevalier, and two other frenchmen into the unknown country to the west. this little band of four made a journey of several hundred miles, entering into a league with one of the nations into whose country they penetrated, to lead them to the great western ocean. on the first day of january, , they beheld, the first amongst white men, the eastern spurs of the northern rocky mountains. but here the bow indians, their guides, deserted them, and surrounded by hostile tribes, the party was forced to return. it was in this same year that the elder verandrye, scarred and gaunt from his long wanderings in the wilderness, presented himself at quebec to confront his enemies and traducers. they had represented as making an enormous fortune and leading an idle life, he who could point proudly to having taken possession of the country of the upper missouri for lewis xv., and who had built a score and more of forts in the unknown regions of the west. "if , livres of debt that i have over my head," said verandrye bitterly, "are an advantage, then i can compliment myself on being very rich, and i would have been much more so in the end, if i had continued." his license was given to another who, however, made a poor showing by means of it, and it was not until beauharnois's successor investigated verandrye's claims that the explorer received some recognition at court. he was given a captaincy and the cross of st. lewis. but the explorer had not waited for this. he had been pushing on in his work, and in ascended the saskatchewan. the progress of the french was marked by more forts, one in lake dauphin and another called bourbon at the extremity of his discoveries. verandrye was about to cross the rocky mountains when death overtook him, on the th of december, . the sons of verandrye were eager to continue his work and attain at last the pacific. but bigot, the intendant, was not their friend; he had other plans, and the verandryes were deposed by favourites with not half their ability or their claims to honours and rewards. but they had paved the way and now the french were reaping the profits of the fur-trade in the north-west on a great scale. [sidenote: verandrye's work.] thus were successively established, from to , by verandrye and his sons, fort st. pierre on rainy lake; fort st. charles on the lake of the woods; fort maurepas near the mouth of the winnipeg; fort dauphin, on the north-west extremity of lake manitoba; fort la reine, on the southern extremity of the last-named lake; fort rouge, at the confluence of the assiniboine and red river; fort bourbon, at the head of lake winnipeg; fort poskoyae, on the saskatchewan, and fort lacerne (nipawi), at the forks of the said river. in , some years prior to the conquest of canada, a relative of verandrye, named niverville, established fort jonquiere at the foot of the mountains.[ ] which of all these forts were to pass, after many vicissitudes, into the hands of the hudson's bay company, we shall see in the course of subsequent pages. verandrye and his compeers chose their sites with great care and ability; so that it was rarely that their successors were able to improve upon them. on the foundations or charred remnants of the french forts, should the structures themselves have perished, the english fur-traders, when they came, reared anew their posts. while thus the french were pressing forward from the south and east at the same moment, a new rivalry threatened to spring up in the far north-west. [sidenote: russia looks toward the new world.] the eighteenth century broke upon an abated zeal of the spaniards in extending their discoveries and dominions in the new world. almost contemporaneously, the threads they threw down were grasped by another power, which the zeal and energy of one man had suddenly transformed from a collection of savage, barbarous tribes into a great nation. having achieved conquest over his neighbours and the cohesion of his new empire, peter the great turned his attention to a hardly inferior task. none knew as yet whether the two great continents, asia and north america, united on the north-east. during peter's residence in england, not the least of the institutions interesting him was the hudson's bay company. a letter from peter is quoted by a russian writer, in which he alludes to the english rivalry for these trades "which had so long been the monopoly of muscovy fur-hunting and fur-gathering." doubtless even at this time he was speculating upon the chances of russia competing with england for the fur traffic of the new world. but before such a competition could be brought about the question of the geographical connection between asia and america must be settled. when he had been in holland in , he had been urged by some of the most eminent patrons of discovery amongst the dutch to institute an expedition of investigation. but again other matters intervened; although in two russian officers were equipped and in readiness to start overland when they were recalled for service in sweden. not until he was on his death-bed did czar peter pen with his own hand the instructions to admiral aproxin which bore fruit later. it was then, too, that the idea, according to lestkof, was discussed of a russian fur company, similar in its methods and organization to the hudson's bay company. peter directed first that one or two boats with decks should be built at kamschatka, or in the vicinity; that with these a survey should be made of the most northerly coasts of his asiatic empire, to determine whether they were or were not contiguous to america. also that the persons to whom the expedition might be entrusted should endeavour to ascertain whether there was any port in those regions belonging to europe, and to keep a strict look-out for any european ship, taking care also to employ some skilful men in making enquiries regarding the names and situation of the coasts which they discovered. they were to keep an exact journal and to transmit it to st. petersburg. peter died, but the empress catherine, his successor, was equally favourable to the scheme, and gave orders to fit out the expedition. to captain vitus bering was entrusted the command. under him were two lieutenants, martin spangberg and alexi tchirikoff; and besides other subalterns were several excellent ship-carpenters. [illustration: maldonado's "strait of anian," .] on february , , they set out from st. petersburg, and on march arrived at tobolsk, the capital of siberia. [sidenote: bering's discoveries.] bering returned from his first voyage satisfied that he had reached the utmost limits of asia, and that no junction with america existed. some years elapsed, and in bering, spangberg and tchirikoff again volunteered. this expedition was destined to prove fatal to the explorer; he got lost in a fog, intense cold prevailed, scurvy broke out amongst the men, and on a little island in bering's sea he breathed his last. [illustration: lapie's map, .] although many years were to elapse before the russians took any more active steps, they had, by virtue of bering's discoveries, got a footing on the north american continent, and were thus already neighbours, if not yet rivals, of the hudson's bay company. "it is very evident," wrote one of the contemporary chroniclers, "that for upwards of two centuries and a half an opinion has prevailed amongst the most knowing and experienced persons, that there is a passage to the north-west, and this built partly upon science, partly upon tradition. now, it is very hard to conceive how such an opinion should maintain its credit if it was not founded in reality; for it is an old and true maxim that specious opinions endure but a short time, whereas truth is everlasting." for many years the notion of a north-west passage had slept; but in it again attracted public attention. in that year arthur dobbs, a gentleman of some means and of scientific bent, made formal application to the hudson's bay company that a search be undertaken. upon his representations the company sent forth two of their ships upon the quest. these, the _churchill_ and the _musquash_ went, however, no farther north than latitude ° ' and returned without seeing anything worthy of notice, save "a number of small islands, abundance of black whales, but no very great tides, the highest about two fathoms, the flood coming from the northward." there had been for a great many years in the company's employ an able mariner, captain christopher middleton. for some reason or other middleton had become dissatisfied with their service and one of his friends placed him in communication with the patron of discovery, dobbs, and a close correspondence ensued.[ ] dobbs was eager to employ middleton in a search for the long-sought straits. this was by no means an easy matter. in the first place the company flatly declined to participate in the scheme, alleging that they had already done enough in that direction[ ] and that the whole idea was a fallacy. there was no north-west passage to india, and the sooner the public mind divested itself of the folly of supposing one existed the better it would be for the public purse and the public wisdom. the company pointed out that if middleton should winter at either of the company's factories it might drive the natives to trade with the french, who were always on the alert; and trade so lost would never return or be regained. they begged the admiralty to restrain captain middleton from interfering with the company's trade and invading their property and rights. dobbs, however, secured from the admiralty for middleton's use the bomb ketch _furnace_, which, with another small vessel, the _welcome_, was ready to sail early in june. [sidenote: the company opposes further exploration.] so opposed do the company appear to have their domains meddled with by these fruitless explorations that they sent out a letter to their governor at churchill, which was the most convenient harbour for the explorers to winter in, not to receive middleton into their fort. dobbs and his friends getting wind of this, complained to the admiralty, who wrote to the honourable adventurers in a tone of decided reproof, observing that even if middleton were to receive assistance and provisions, payment would be made for these to the company on the return of the expedition to england. after deliberating for some time, the company thereupon wrote to the lords of the admiralty, saying that they had sent a further letter to governor norton requiring him to extend the necessary hospitality to middleton. that the sort of hospitality the company was prepared to dispense was not of too warm a character may be adjudged from the following: hudson's bay house, london, may , . _mr. james isham and council_, _prince of wales' fort, churchill river_: gentlemen,--notwithstanding our orders to you, if captain middleton (who is sent abroad in the government's service to discover a passage north-west) should by inevitable necessity be brought into real distress and danger of his life and loss of his ship, in such case you are then to give him the best assistance and relief you can. a duplicate of this was put in middleton's possession, who still dissatisfied, rushed off instantly with it to whitehall. it was deemed necessary to apply to the lords of the regency that the secretary of state might, by their orders, write to the company to request the assistance they refused to the admiralty. the company, thus hemmed in, gave a letter couched in a more friendly style. "it is plain," remarks a contemporary writer, "that the company believe there is a passage, which they want to conceal; for otherwise it would have been their interest to have the attempt made. if not found there would have been an end to prosecuting it any further, and they might probably have enjoyed their trade to the bay, without its being coveted or enquired into." middleton owned to dobbs that just before his departure the company had endeavoured to bribe him with an offer of £ , to return to their service, or that if he was determined to go, to pursue the voyage by davis' straits, or by any other way than the west of the bay. they alleged that it would cost the company that amount to support their right against the crown and against private adventurers, and that "as he had been their friend, and knew all their concerns, it would be better to give him that sum than to give it to their lawyers." the company did not deny that such an offer had been made by two or three of the committee privately. [sidenote: middleton explores for a north-west passage.] middleton now proceeded on his journey in quest of the famed north-west passage. it is charged that on his arrival in the bay he never once went ashore or sent his boat to search for any inlet or to try the tide. he tried the current in latitude ° ', and found it very rapid, in spite of the fact that there existed a great deal of ice to the northward. its presence compelled him to stand off from shore until he passed cape dobbs, beyond which he found an opening northwestward. in this opening he sought shelter for three weeks. [sidenote: trouble between middleton and his men.] no voyage of discovery since the world began was ever made under such circumstances. numerous members of the crew, who had got wind of the situation, were filled, or professed to be filled, with distrust of their captain. caring nothing about the voyage itself or the object for which it was undertaken, they entered with zeal a hundred times a day into plots to make the commander's life unbearable. the supposed passage was christened the "forbidden straits," and the crews vastly amused themselves with middleton's supposed discomfiture. several were very nearly yard-armed for spreading reports that the captain had purposely sailed past the straits. sometimes the captain merely laughed at the views of his subordinates; at other times, it is said, he flew into a temper, and indulged in threats and abuse. once, when from the number of whales and the breadth and depth of the river, word sped from mouth to mouth that it was a strait they were in, and no river, "he rated several of them for pretending to say so against his opinion, saying his clerk was a double-tongued rascal, that he would cane the lieutenant, broomstick the master, and lash any others who would concern themselves about the voyage." it was, moreover, charged against middleton that he interdicted the keeping of private journals, and that if any disobeyed this order he threatened to break open their boxes and get possession of such records. once when the lieutenants and masters were absent down the river to look for a cove for the ships, middleton grimly observed that he supposed the former would bring back "some romantick account of a strait or passage." nevertheless, for his part, he would not take the ships a foot farther. intrigue characterized the whole of this voyage of discovery. the officers of both the _furnace_ and the _discovery_ took turns in making jaunts into the country. on the th of august, captain middleton, the clerk, gunner, and carpenter went ashore at cape frigid, and after pacing some fifteen miles into the country, returned, to find the ship drifted, although it lacked some hours of high water. rankin and the men on board from this had become convinced that it was the effects of the flood from the supposed strait. the captain laughed them to scorn, and said that if it came from any strait at all it was hudson's strait. two northern indians were taken on board the _discovery_, and thompson, the surgeon, who could speak some of the southern tongue, began busying himself making a vocabulary of their language. at this innocent occupation he was observed by middleton, who threatened to "crop him" in case he persisted. when they reached marble island, although the two indians were desirous of going to england, he put the pair ashore in a bad boat they were ignorant of how to manage. the supplications of the unhappy savages were useless to turn the company's captain from his purpose. in vain they told him that the island was three leagues from the mainland, and a hundred miles from their own country; that it was inhabited by the esquimaux, their enemies. "the captain gave them some provisions, ammunition, hatchets and toys. the excuse he made for not bringing them to england was, that upon his return his friends might be out of the admiralty, and as he had no orders to take them home, they would be left a charge upon him." this was plausible, but middleton's detractors did not rest there. they accused the captain of saying that he was afraid the indians, when they learned to speak english, would be talking of the copper mine and the north-west passage, and would thereby put the public to the expense of sending out more ships in quest of it. "and this, no doubt," commented dobbs, "was the true reason for that piece of cruelty, for he thought if they came to england he should _not be able to conceal the passage_." on middleton's return, after his quest, he was accused of saying, "my character is so well established as a discoverer that no man will ever, hereafter, attempt to discover the north-west passage." [sidenote: middleton returns without discovering the passage.] he certainly received a cordial invitation from the government, the admiralty and the court. immediately upon his arrival in london he communicated with several of the partners of the hudson's bay company. the preparation of his journal occupied for a time his leisure. "he himself," says dobbs, "had got great reputation from the royal society for his observations upon cold; and for what he had discovered had got a medal from them. he was upon good terms with the lords of the admiralty, and was to dedicate his charts and discoveries to the king and noblemen of the first rank as well as to the lords of the admiralty." that the lords of the admiralty were perfectly satisfied with his conduct, there is every reason to believe, as in the following year middleton was placed in command of the _shark_, a sloop. all this naturally put him into a position to serve those under him. all his recommendations for promotion only strengthened the suspicions gathering in the mind of dobbs and his fellow-patrons. "he had recommended also his lieutenant, and thought none other on board had weight enough to impeach his proceedings, which, if they failed in, would ruin their characters; so that securing his officers, he thought all things would be safe amongst the crew. but middleton was not one to forget the patron and prime mover of the expedition, whom he endeavoured to propitiate by sending him an abstract of his journal. this abstract seemed, to dobbs, to be so full of contradictions and discrepancies, that he wrote to the explorer to send him, if possible, the journal itself. he had scarcely dispatched this communication when he received a letter from lanrick, "a gentleman who had been bred a scholar," who had accompanied middleton on the voyage. it was substantially the same account rendered by the captain, with this added paragraph: "sir,--this account i should have sent you before now but that the captain, for reasons to himself best known, desired that none of us should say anything about it relating to the discovery for a little." this very natural desire on the part of an explorer, about to become an author, seems to have been fraught with deep and incriminating significance to dobbs. after a short time the whole of middleton's journal reached him; it appeared to confirm all dobbs's presentiments. [sidenote: suspicion attaches to middleton.] dobbs and the other patrons were therefore convinced that middleton had played them false for the hudson's bay company; and their belief in a north-west passage was strengthened rather than weakened. in their report, after going over the whole account of the voyage furnished them, they were especially severe upon middleton. "his whole conduct," they said, "from his going to churchill until his return to england, and even since his return, it will appear plainly that he intended to serve the company at the public expense, and contrived everything so as to stifle the discovery, and to prevent others from undertaking it for the future so as to secure the favour of the company and the reward they said they promised him before he began the voyage." an informer appeared, who testified that middleton had declared in presence of the others at a council held at york factory, churchill, that he "should be able to make the voyage, but none on board should be any the wiser and he would be a better friend to the company than ever." middleton was charged in public with neglect in having failed to explore the line of coast which afforded a probability of a passage to the north-west. the principal points at issue appear to have been in respect to the discovery by middleton, of the wager river, repulse bay, and the frozen strait. in this century sir edward parry has remarked: "the accuracy of captain middleton is manifest upon the point most strenuously argued against him, for our subsequent experience has not left the smallest doubt of repulse bay and the northern part of the welcome being filled by a rapid tide flowing into it from the eastward through the frozen strait." dobbs, fully impressed with a conviction that the captain's story of the frozen strait was all chimera, as well as everything middleton had said concerning that part of the voyage, confidently insisted on the probability of the tide finding its way through wager river, or at least through some arm of the sea communicating with that inlet from the westward.[ ] one detail only was lacking to render the situation farcical--an anonymous letter. this reached dobbs on the st of january, and ran in this absurd vein:-- "this script is only open to your eyes, which have been sealed or closed with too much (we cannot say cunning) artifice, so as they have not been able to discover our discoverer's pranks. all nature cries aloud that there is a passage, and we are sure there is one from hudson's bay to japan. send a letter directed to messieurs brook and cobham, who are gentlemen who have been the voyage, and cannot bear so glorious an attempt, should die under the hands of mercenary wretches, and they will give you such pungent reasons as will awaken all your industry. they desire it may be kept secret so long as they shall think fit; they are willing to venture their lives, their fortunes, their all, in another attempt; and they are no inconsiderable persons, but such as have had it much at heart ever since they saw the rapidity of tides in the welcome. the frozen straits is all chimera, and everything you have yet read or seen concerning that part of our voyage, we shall send you some unanswerable queries. direct for us at the chapter coffee house, st paul's churchyard, london." it was now clear that middleton's voyage had been made in vain, and that another would shortly be attempted. footnotes: [ ] this fort has been thought to have been in the neighbourhood of selkirk, manitoba. but verandrye would not have abandoned such an advantageous position as that which the meeting of the two rivers afforded at the modern winnipeg. [ ] on the site of fort jonquiere, a century later, captain brisebois, of the mounted police, founded a post bearing his name. this post has given way to-day to the well-built and thriving town of calgary. [ ] in one of his letters, dated st of january, , middleton held that the company thought it their interest rather to prevent than forward new discoveries in that part of the world. "for that reason they won't suffer any of our journals to be made public," he adds. than which certainly no observation could be truer. [ ] a list of vessels fitted out by the hudson's bay company on discovery of a north-west passage. --_albany frigate_, capt. george barlow, sailed from england on or about th june. never returned. _discovery_, capt. david vaughan, sailed from england on or about th june. never returned. --_prosperous_, capt henry kelsey, sailed from york fort, june th. returned th august following. _success_, john hancock, master, sailed from prince of wales' fort, july nd. returned th august. --_prosperous_, capt. henry kelsey, sailed from york fort, june th. returned nd sept. _success_, james napper, master, sailed from york fort, june th. lost th of same month. --_whalebone_, john scroggs, master, sailed from gravesend, st may; wintered at prince of wales' fort. --sailed from thence st june. returned july th following. --_the churchill_, james napper, master, sailed from prince of wales' fort, july th. died th august; and the vessel returned the th. _the musquash_, robert crow, master, sailed from prince of wales' fort, july th. returned nd august. [ ] "on looking through the correspondence at the admiralty, it is impossible not to be struck with the straightforward manliness, candour and honesty of purpose exemplified by captain middleton throughout this trying business. it was a cruel attack."--sir john barrow. chapter xxii. - . war again with france -- company takes measures to defend its forts and property -- "keep your guns loaded" -- prince "charlie" -- his stock in the company confiscated -- further instructions to the chief factors -- another expedition to search for a north-west passage -- parliament offers twenty thousand pounds reward -- cavalier treatment from governor norton -- expedition returns -- dobbs' enmity -- privy council refuse to grant his petition -- press-gang outrages -- voyage of the _seahorse_. [sidenote: war with france.] in the year the state of affairs in europe seemed to point to war between england and france. england had declared war against spain, and although for a time lewis xv. and his ministers sympathized with the latter country, they endeavoured to avoid being drawn into a conflict with her powerful neighbour and hereditary enemy across the channel. yet such a conflict seemed inevitable, when by degrees spanish commerce became shattered under the blows of king george's navy. apprehensive that england would wrest from spain her colonies, france resolved to take sides with spain. in war was declared, and hostilities, which had been in abeyance for thirty-one years, at once recommenced in the transatlantic possessions of both crowns. it was therefore decided at a general court of the adventurers, at which no fewer than seventy were present, to take measures to avoid a repetition of the disasters of fifty years previously. they felt that their enemies were now many, who would be glad to see them driven from the bay, and that less assistance might be expected from the government than at any of the crises which had previously overtaken them. we have seen to what this was due. it now behooved the company to gird up its loins, and if the foe came, to strike, and strike with force. it was the hudson's bay company against france and spain. the incident of louisburg alone saved the company from destruction. to illustrate the temper of the company instructions were immediately drawn up by the committee, and despatched to the chief factors in the bay. the one addressed to joseph isbister and council at albany fort was dated the th of may, . "the english and french having declared war," it ran, "against each other, and the war with spain still continuing, we do hereby strictly direct you to be always on your guard, and to keep a good watch, and that you keep all your men as near home as possible. [sidenote: bellicose instructions from the company.] "we do also direct that you fix your cannon in the most proper places to defend yourselves and annoy an enemy, after which you are to fire each cannon once with powder to see how they prove, and instruct your men to the use of them without firing; and that you keep them constantly loaded with powder and ball, ready for service. you are also to keep your small arms loaded and in good order and at hand, to be easily come at; and that those loaded arms be drawn or discharged once a month, and be well cleaned; and you are to exercise your men once a week till they are well disciplined and afterwards once a month. and you are also to keep a sufficient number of your trading guns loaded and at hand in case of an attack; and if there be any indians that you can confide in, and will be of service in your defence, we recommend it to you to employ them in such manner as you think proper. "we have wrote to the factory at moose river, that in case they have any intelligence of the french coming down that river to attack them, they are immediately to send you notice thereof, that you may make the necessary preparations for your defence, and that there be a constant correspondence and intelligence between each factory for the safety of both. "as we rely on the courage and conduct of mr. isbister, our chief, in case of an attack from the enemy, which, if done at all on your factory, we apprehend it will be by land in the winter, from canada; in which case the enemy not being able to bring down any cannon with them, we doubt not of your frustrating their designs and repulsing them. "in case you are attacked at henly house, and notwithstanding a vigorous resistance you should have the misfortune to be overpowered, then you are to nail up the cannon, blow up the house, and destroy everything that can be of service to the enemy, and make the best retreat you can to the factory." the letters to the other governors were in similar strain. the company directed isbister to get "the best information you can from the trading indians, whether the french are making any preparations to come down to the factory, or have lodged any provisions, stores or ammunition at certain distances from their supply. we also direct you, for your better security, at all times to keep two indians in the factory with civil and kind usage, and send them out every morning for intelligence, to a proper distance, so that they may return in the evening; and provided that they do not return that it be an alarm to you, and that you thereupon prepare yourselves for a vigorous defence. but," it was added, "you must not, upon any consideration, let those indians have the least knowledge of the use you intend to make of their not returning." [sidenote: letters of marque to the company's ships.] at the company's urgent request letters of marque were granted to the _prince rupert_ against both france and spain. the _prince rupert_ was one hundred and eighty tons burthen, and the crews were full of expectation that the voyage would yield them a prize of some sort or another. but they were destined not merely to be disappointed, but to be given a great fright into the bargain. when in the neighbourhood of davis' straits, where a whale fishery was established, several large vessels were sighted. they seemed to the company's captain undoubtedly french men-of-war. filled with fear, he immediately turned round in his tracks and bore away as fast as his sails could carry him, and after beating about for a time managed to pass through the straits unobserved. so convinced were the company on the return of its ship in the autumn that the french were lying in wait for its ships at the straits, they sought the admiralty with a request for a convoy to york fort, to return with its vessels the following autumn. a convoy was granted, but it was hardly necessary. louisburg had fallen, and all the strength the french could muster was being directed in an attempt to win back that fortress from the english. no french ships could therefore be spared to cruise north of latitude fifty in north america. [sidenote: confiscation of prince charlie's stock.] one consequence of the war with france was a revival of the hopes of the jacobites. in charles edward, the grandson of james ii., was placed by lewis in command of "a formidable armament," and in the following year the young pretender placed his foot on a little island of the hebrides, where for three weeks he stood almost alone. but the highland blood was fired; the clans rallied to the standard of "prince charlie," and when he began his march on edinburgh, several thousand scottish zealots had rallied to his standard. "james the eighth" was proclaimed at the town cross of the capital, and when his troops and the english regiments met at preston pans, in september, the latter were defeated with heavy loss. but although this victory swelled his numbers it did not bring the lowlanders and english to fight for him. "hardly a man," we are told, "had risen in his support as he passed through the districts where jacobitism boasted of its strength. the people flocked to see his march as if it had been a show. catholics and tories abounded in lancashire, but only a single squire took up arms." the knell of jacobitism was rung, and after a brief success the english forces fell upon prince charles edward at culloden moor, and cut his little army to pieces. fifty of his followers and adherents in england ascended the scaffold; lords lovat, balmerino and kilmarnock were beheaded, and over forty noblemen and gentlemen were attainted by act of parliament. scarcely a month had elapsed from charles edward's escape to france after his romantic adventures, when a motion was submitted to the governor and company of adventurers in england trading into hudson's bay, ordering the confiscation of the stock held by the heir of the second governor of the company, king james ii. the exiled monarch had never relinquished his share, and under the name of "john stanion" the dividends had always reached him. but the jacobite rising affected his fellow-adventurers' complaisance, and by "john stanion" had ceased to figure as an active partner of the company.[ ] under date of rd of may, , the company wrote to governor isbister and council, at albany fort, to say that they had "augmented the complement of men (as you desired) at your factory and moose fort, that in case of need you may assist each other, and thereby we hope you will be enabled to baffle the designs of the enemy. "we do direct," it pursued, "that not only a continual correspondence be kept between you and moose fort, but that you correspond with the factory at slude river, york fort, and prince of wales' fort as often as you can, and if under any apprehensions of an attack, to give immediate notice to moose fort. we still recommend your diligence in getting intelligence and information of the designs of the french." [sidenote: further instructions to company's officials.] it also urged governor pilgrim and council, at prince of wales' fort, "to keep a good watch, and your men near home, except those that are guarding the battery at cape merry, but not to hinder a proper number to be employed in providing a sufficient quantity of the country provisions to prevent the complaint of those persons that murmur for want of victuals; and we recommend sobriety, that you may be capable of making a vigorous defence if attacked. "we again recommend your keeping the land, round the fort and the battery at cape merry, free from everything that may possibly conceal or shelter an enemy, that you may thereby prevent being surprised. "we again direct that you keep up a general correspondence with all the factories, and get what intelligence you can of the designs of the french." [illustration: plans of york and prince of wales' forts.] the course of events now bids us return to dobbs and the renewed endeavours to find a north-west passage through the company's territory. a number of public-spirited persons came forward for the prosecution of the design. parliament was urged to act in the matter, and a bill was carried, offering a reward of twenty thousand pounds for the discovery of the north-west passage. [sidenote: parliament and the north-west passage.] "whereas," ran the act, "the discovering of a north-west passage through hudson's straits, to the western american ocean, will be of great benefit and advantage to the trade of this kingdom; and whereas it will be a great encouragement to adventurers to attempt the same, if a public reward was given to such person or persons as shall make a perfect discovery of the said passage: may it therefore please your majesty that it may be enacted; and be it enacted by the king's most excellent majesty by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that if any ship or vessel, ships or vessels belonging to any of his majesty's subjects, shall find out and sail through any passage by sea between hudson's bay and the western and southern ocean of america, the owner or owners of such ship or ships, vessel or vessels as aforesaid, so first finding out and sailing through the said passage, his or their executors, administrators or assigns shall be entitled to receive and shall receive as a reward for such discovery, the sum of twenty thousand pounds." parliament took care, however, to declare that nothing in the act should "in any ways extend or be construed to take away or prejudice any of the estates, rights or privileges of or belonging to the governor and company of adventurers trading into hudson's bay." with such encouragement, it was not long before a north-west association was formed for the raising of £ , , which sum it was thought would answer the necessary expense of the proposed expedition. the ships bought by the committee were one of one hundred and eighty tons, called the _dobbs' galley_, and another of one hundred and forty tons, to which the name of the _california_ was given. each of these vessels was got ready, and a sufficient quantity of stores and provisions put on board. a cargo of merchandise, suitable for presents to the natives was put on board, after assurance to the hudson's bay company that these would not be used for purpose of barter. the command of the _dobbs' galley_ was entrusted to captain william moor, an old servant of the company; that of the _california_ being given to francis smith. by way of encouragement, premiums were settled on officers and crew, in case of success. thus the captain was to have £ , each of the mates £ , and every other officer and seaman a reward suitable to his station. over and above all this, in case they were so fortunate as to take any prizes, such were to belong entirely to them. [sidenote: expedition of the north-west association.] on the th of may the expedition started. in order that they might get safely beyond the british isles without danger from the french privateersmen, the admiralty appointed a convoy to meet them at the island of pomona, in the orkneys. judge of their surprise to find this convoy commanded by captain middleton himself, on board the _shark_. some days later the explorer of and the explorers of bade farewell to one another. for some months the ships cruised about the bay. at last, in september, it was decided to set about preparations for wintering in some part of hays' river. this they found in a creek about five miles above york factory, on the south side of the stream. the locality was, perhaps, hardly congenial in a social sense. [sidenote: governor norton.] "the governor," says one who accompanied the expedition as the agent of the patrons,[ ] "being now convinced of our intentions to winter there, used his utmost endeavours that we might lay our ships below the fort, in a place open to the sea, where they would have been in all probability beat to pieces, either from the waves of the sea setting in or the breaking of the ice; but as his arguments were of no efficacy in persuading us, and finding himself disappointed in this, as in his former scheme, being still resolved to distress us as much as possible, he sent most of the indians, whose chief employment is to kill deer, geese, etc., into the country, on purpose that we might not make use of them in that way, or be in any wise benefited by their means." [illustration: contemporary map showing the hays' river.] the charge that governor norton desired the destruction of the ships is too absurd to refute at this late day; nevertheless there is little doubt that the explorers believed it, and anything else their inflamed imaginations and prejudices against the company suggested. even when norton designed to show them kindness, the design was twisted into one of sinister shape. for instance, hearing that their supply of liquor was short, when christmas came around, he sent as a present to the explorers, at the little log-house they had christened montague house, a couple of casks of brandy with which to make good cheer. soon afterwards scurvy broke out, and the disease was set down immediately to the brandy. "our people had been healthy enough before," says ellis. but even when the scurvy had carried off several of the men at montague house, governor norton was alleged to have refused both to succour or to suggest a remedy. "the indians were charged not to come near us, or to furnish us with anything (and this out of consideration for them), because we had a contagious distemper amongst us." norton's sole view in all his actions is represented to have been to hinder and distress the explorers, "which," remarks the writer quoted, philosophically, "is the encouragement that all are to expect who go in search of a north-west passage _from such neighbours_." when spring came the expedition resumed its labours. it is said the crews were full of alacrity and cheerfulness. one honest seaman, "whose sole delight was a delicious dram," was so enthusiastic over the discovery that "in the warm sincerity of his heart he could not help saying, with a good, round oath, 'now, i had rather find the north-west passage than half an anchor of brandy!'" [sidenote: return of the expedition to england.] the summer was spent in coasting the whole north-west side of the bay. but, alas, the north-west passage so ardently and characteristically desired by the "honest sea-man," was not found, and by the th of october the expedition was back again in england, after an absence of one year four months and seventeen days. the explorers and the patrons might well have been discouraged from further attempts, albeit they returned, we are told, "with clearer and fuller proofs, founded on plain facts and accurate experiments, that such a passage existed." nevertheless, if the company breathed easier on their return, it was a temporary relief. a new trial was in store for the honourable adventurers. in , war still continuing with france and spain, the company again issued strict orders to governor spence at albany fort to be always on his guard, and "to keep a good watch and your men near home, but not to hinder a proper number to be employed in providing a sufficient quantity of the country provisions, particularly geese, which we find you constantly employ the indians only to kill for you, and which we are dissatisfied with; that being such a material article, you ought always to blend some of your people with the natives in the goose seasons, that they may understand how to kill them, and thereby lessen your dependence on the native hunters." to the governor of prince of wales' fort it directed that he should "constantly keep his great guns loaded with powder and ball ready for service during the time the rivers are open. you are also to keep your small arms loaded and in good order, and at hand, to be easily come at, which loaded arms and cannon are to be drawn once a month and well cleaned, and to exercise your men as often as requisite, whom we expect by this time are artists, not only in the use of small arms but also of cannon, that the great expense we have been at in this particular may answer the end proposed thereby in case of an attack. you are also to keep a sufficient number of your trading guns loaded and at hand, which charges are also to be drawn every month, and if there be any indians you can confide in, and will be of service to you in your defence, we recommend it to you to employ them in such manner as you think proper." certainly if a french commander of even iberville's power had appeared before the forts of the company in he would have met with a far different reception to that which was offered to that champion in . the company suffered much from the press-gangs, from time to time, and in eras of war the evil was almost intolerable. it was well-known that the sailors in its employ were amongst the ablest and hardiest on the high seas, which fact exposed them perpetually to the onslaughts of the crimps and bullies. in the company's vessel, the _seahorse_, was intercepted by the man-of-war _warwick_, and seventeen men of the _seahorse_ crew captured by the press-gang for services in the navy. that the _seahorse_ might not be totally without servants, a number of incompetent landsmen were put aboard in their stead. nevertheless, the voyage was continued to the bay, although not without great peril, not arriving until th of september. the voyage of the disabled _seahorse_ was long a tradition in the company's service. [sidenote: dobb's petition rejected by a parliamentary committee.] by an order-in-council dated the th of february, , a petition from arthur dobbs and members of a committee appointed by the subscribers for finding out a passage to the western and southern ocean of america, "was referred to the consideration of a committee of parliament." after hearing counsel for and against the company, this committee of two members decided that "considering how long the company have enjoyed and acted under this charter without interruption or encroachment, we cannot think it advisable for his majesty to make any express or implied declaration against the validity of it till there has been some judgment of a court of justice to warrant it." dobbs and his friends were enraged at this decision, and lost no time in taking other steps. footnotes: [ ] the name of john stanion certainly appears in the list of proprietors of hudson's bay stock, published in , but it is followed by the significant term _deceased_. [ ] henry ellis. chapter xxiii. - . parliamentary committee of enquiry appointed -- aim of the malcontents -- lord strange's report -- testimony of witnesses -- french competition -- lords of plantations desire to ascertain limits of company's territory -- defeat of the labrador company -- wolfe's victory -- "locked up in the strong box" -- company's forts -- clandestine trade -- case of captain coats. [sidenote: parliamentary enquiry.] "mr. sharpe, the company's solicitor," we read in the company's minute-books, under date of march th, , "attending the committee acquainted them that a motion was yesterday made and carried in the house of commons to enquire into the state and condition of the countries and trade of hudson's bay, and also the right the company pretend to have by charter to the property of the land, and exclusive trade to those countries, and that a committee was appointed accordingly." the adventurers were not caught entirely unawares. they had expected some such move on the part of their opponents, and now determined that since they could not ward off the enquiry, they would take the best means to present the most favourable statement of the company's case to the nation. a ransacking of books and records ensued; and a rigorous search after facts bearing on the beneficent character of the company's rule and policy; and these proofs being at length ready, were placed by the following december in the form of a memorial in the hands of every member of the house of commons. the enquiry aroused the greatest national interest. it began soon after christmas, , and lasted for two months. [sidenote: plea of the malcontents.] what the malcontents desired is, perhaps, best explained in the words of their prime mover: "by opening," said he, "the trade in the bay, many thousands more would be employed in trade, and a much greater vent would be opened for our manufactures. whereas all the gain we have at present, whilst the trade is confined to the company, is the employment of one hundred and twenty men in all their factories, and two or three ships in that trade, manned with perhaps one hundred and twenty men in time of war, to enrich nine or ten[ ] merchants at their country's expense; at the same time betraying the nation, by allowing the french to encroach upon us at the bottom of the bay, having given up by that means the greatest part of their trade there to the french. it is, therefore, humbly submitted to the government, whether it is not just, as well as prudent, to open that trade to all the british merchants, and resume at the same time the charter, so far as to take from them all those lands they have not reclaimed or occupied after seventy years possession, leaving them only their factories, and such lands as they have reclaimed adjoining to them; and to give grants as usual in other colonies to all who shall go over to trade and make settlements in the country; for no grants were ever intended to be made to them, to enable them to prevent other subjects of britain from planting colonies in those countries, which they themselves would not plant or occupy; for such a power, instead of being beneficial, would be the greatest prejudice to britain, and is become a general law in the colonies, that those who take grants of land and don't plant them in a reasonable, limited time, forfeit their rights to those lands, and a new grant is made out to such others as shall plant and improve them; and if this grant be not immediately resumed so far and the trade laid open, and some force be not sent to secure our southern possessions in the bay by the government in case there should be a french war, we shall see the french immediately dispossess the company of all their factories but churchill, and all these countries and that trade will be in the possession of the french." so ran the argument of the company's enemies. on the th of april, , lord strange presented, on behalf of the select committee, the report to parliament. "the committee," said he, "appointed to enquire into the state and condition of the countries adjoining to hudson's bay and the trade carried on there; and to consider how those countries may be settled and improved, and the trade and fisheries there extended and increased; and also to enquire into the right the company of adventurers trading into hudson's bay pretend to have, by charter, to the property of lands and exclusive trade to those countries; have pursuant to the order of the house, examined into the several matters to them referred. "your committee thought proper, in the first place, to enquire into the nature and extent of the charter granted by king charles the second, to the company of adventurers trading into hudson's bay; under which charter the present company claim as right to lands and an exclusive trade to those countries; which charter being laid before your committee, they thought it necessary for the information of the house to annex a copy thereof to this report." the charter, published now for the first time, was deemed to be valid. [sidenote: witnesses called by the committee.] the committee had examined the witnesses in the case. these witnesses were: joseph robson, who had been employed in the bay for six years as a stonemason; richard white, who had been a clerk at albany fort and elsewhere; matthew sargeant, who had been employed in the company's service and "understood the indian language"; john hayter, who had been house carpenter to the company for six years at moose river; matthew gwynne, who had been twice at hudson's bay; edward thompson, who had been three years at moose river as surgeon; enoch alsop, who had been armourer to the company at moose river; christopher bannister, who had been armourer and gunsmith, and had resided in the bay for twenty-two years; robert griffin, silversmith, who had been five years in the company's service; thomas barnet smith, who went over to albany in ; alexander brown, who had been six years at hudson's bay as surgeon; captain thomas mitchell, who had commanded a sloop of the company. besides the above witnesses there was, of course, dobbs himself, who was "examined as to the information he had received from a french-canadese indian (since deceased) who was maintained at the expense of the admiralty, on the prospect of his being of service on the discovery of a north-west passage." dobbs "informed your committee that the whole of that discourse is contained in part of a book printed for the witness in , to which he desired leave to refer."[ ] there also appeared captain william moor, who had been employed in hudson's bay from a boy; henry spurling, merchant, who had traded in furs for twenty-eight years past, during which time he had dealt with the hudson's bay company; captain carruthers, who had been in the company's service thirty-five years ago; and arthur slater, who had been employed by the company on the east main. the opposition endeavoured to show that one object aimed at in granting a charter to the hudson's bay company was to further the discovery of the north-west passage. this of course was absurd. it was charged that they had done almost nothing in this direction, which the adventurers on their part rebutted by furnishing parliament with a list of the ships they had fitted out for such a discovery. in the evidence before the committee, it became clear that the witnesses were not unanimous, especially concerning the probability of finding a north-west passage. [sidenote: evidence as to a north-west passage.] the evidence of edward thompson, the ship surgeon on the _furnace_, for example, states that he has the "greatest reason to believe there is one, from the winds, tides and black whales; and he thinks the place to be at chesterfield inlet; that the reason of their coming back was they met the other boat which had been five leagues farther, and the crew told them the water was much fresher and shallower there, but where he was the water was fifty fathoms deep, and the tide very strong; the ebb six hours and the flood two, to the best of his remembrance; that it is not common for the tide to flow only two hours." he imagined it to be obstructed by another tide from the westward. the rapidity of the tide upwards was so great that the spray of the water flew over the bow of the schooner, and was "so salt that it candied on the men's shoes, but the tide did not run in so rapid a manner the other way." captain william moor, being asked if he believed there was a north-west passage to the south seas, said he believed there was a communication, but "whether navigable or not he cannot say; that if there is any such communication, 'tis farther northward than he expected; that if it is but short, as 'tis but probable to conclude from the height of the tides, 'tis possible it might be navigable. it was the opinion of all the persons sent on that discovery that a north-west wind made the highest tides." according to captain carruthers, "he don't apprehend there is any such passage; but if there is, he thinks it impracticable to navigate it on account of the ice; that he would rather choose to go round by cape horn; and that it will be impossible to go and return through such passage in one year; and he thinks 'tis the general opinion of seamen, that there is no such passage." in which opinion the seamen were in the right, although dobbs and his friends were long to hold the contrary. john tomlinson, a london merchant, testified that he was a subscriber to "the undertaking for finding a north-west passage, which undertaking was dropped for want of money; that he should not choose to subscribe again on the same terms; that he can not pretend to say whether there is such a passage or not, or whether, if found, it could ever be rendered useful to navigation." it was only to be expected that the merchants, having no share in the company's profits, should be, to a man, in favour of throwing open the trade of hudson's bay. tomlinson, for example, gave it out as his opinion that if the charter were revoked more ships would be sent and more indians brought down to trade. "this is confirmed," said he, "by the experience of the guinea trade, which, when confined to a company, employed not above ten ships, and now employs one hundred and fifty." he moreover asserted that "the case of the guinea trade was exactly similar, where the ships are near one another, and each endeavours to get the trade; and the more ships lie there the higher the prices of negroes." [sidenote: the company's profits.] the company was obliged, in the course of this enquiry, to divulge a number of facts relating to its trade, which had until then remained secret. parliament was informed that the trade between london and hudson's bay was carried on in , and for some years previous, by means of four ships; that the cost of the exports was in that year £ , s. d.; that the value of the sales of furs and other imports amounted to £ , s. d. as for the "charge attending the carrying on of the hudson's bay trade, and maintaining their factories," it was, in , £ , s. d. thus a trade which involved only £ , a year in exports brought back a return of £ , . even when the outlay for working and maintenance of forts and establishments was considered, there was, in dull times, a profit of forty per cent on actual paid-up capital. with regard to french competition, many of the witnesses were most emphatic. robson, for instance, "thought that the beavers which are brought down to the company are refused by the french from their being a heavy commodity; for the natives who come to trade with the company dispose of their small, valuable furs to the french, and bring down their heavy goods to the company in summer when the rivers are open, which they sell, and supply the french with european goods purchased from the company." "the french," said richard white, another witness, "intercept the indians coming down with their trade," he having seen them with guns and clothing of french manufacture; and further an indian had told him that there was a french settlement up moose river, something to the southward of the west, at the distance, as the witness apprehended, of about fifty miles. "the french deal in light furs, and take all of that sort they can get, and the indians bring the heavy to us. sometimes the indians bring down martens' skins, but that is when they don't meet with the french; but never knew any indians who had met the french bring down light furs. the french settlement on moose river is at abbitibi lake. the trade," concluded the witness, "might be further extended by sending up europeans to winter amongst the natives, which, though the company have not lately attempted, the french actually do." "the french," said another, "intercept the trade; to prevent which the company some time ago built henley house,[ ] which did, in some measure, answer the purpose: but if they would build farther in the country it would have a better effect. the french went there first, and are better beloved; but if we would go up into the country the french indians would trade with us." [sidenote: french encroachment on trade.] another of the witnesses testified that he "has been informed by the indians that the french-canadese indians come within six score miles of the english factories. the french indians come to albany to trade for their heavy goods." he said he had heard governor norton say that the "french ran away with our trade." "if," continued this witness, alexander brown, "the trade was opened, the french would not intercept the indians, since in that case the separate traders must have out-factories in the same manner the french have, which the company have not." upon being asked by lord strange if "in case those out-settlements were erected, whether the same trade could be carried on at the present settlements?" the witness replied that "it would be impossible, but that the trade would be extended, and by that means they would take it from the french. that if these settlements were near the french, they must have garrisons to secure them against the french, and the indians who trade with and are in friendship with them (whom he distinguished by the name of french indians)." brown quoted norton as saying, in the year , "that the french had a settlement at about the distance of one hundred or six score miles from churchill, which had been built about a year, and contained sixty men with small arms." the result of the deliberations of the committee of enquiry was, on the whole, favourable to the company. the charter was pronounced unassailable, and the company had made out a good case against its enemies. it had certainly permitted the encroachments of the french. but the english government of the day foresaw that french possession of canada was doomed, and the company could make ample amends when the british flag was unfurled at quebec and at montreal. the company having come out of the ordeal unharmed,[ ] the lords of trade and plantations thought it might as well settle in its own mind the precise territory claimed by the company under its charter. the company, on its part, was not forgetful that the french government had not yet paid its little bill, which having been running for over sixty years, had now assumed comparatively gigantic proportions. [sidenote: the government asks the company to define its territory.] accordingly the lords of trade and plantations, on the th of july, , addressed a letter to the company, representing that "as it was for the benefit of the plantations that the limits or boundaries of the british colonies on the continent of america should be distinctly known, more particularly as they border on the settlements made by the french, or any foreign nation in america, their lordships desired as exact an account as possible of the limits and boundaries of the territory granted to the company, together with a chart or map thereof, and all the best accounts and vouchers they can obtain to support the same, and particularly, if any, or what settlements have been made by the english on the frontiers towards the lakes, and if any, or what encroachments have been made, and at what period, and to be exact in stating every particular in the history of whatever encroachments have been made, which may serve to place the proceedings in a true light, and confute any right which may at any time be founded upon them." [sidenote: company's reply.] the company replied, among other things, that the said straits and bays "are now so well known, that it is apprehended they stand in no need of any particular description than by the chart or map herewith delivered; and the limits or boundaries of the lands and countries lying round the same, comprised, as your memorialists conceive, in the same grant, are as follows, that is to say: all the lands lying on the east side or coast of the said bay, and extending from the bay eastward to the atlantic ocean and davis' strait, and the line hereafter mentioned as the east and south-eastern boundaries of the said company's territories; and towards the north, all the lands that lie at the north end, or on the north side or coast of the said bay, and extending from the bay northwards to the utmost limits of the lands; then towards the north pole; but where or how these lands terminate is hitherto unknown. and towards the west, all the lands that lie on the west side or coast of the said bay, and extending from the said bay westward to the utmost limits of those lands; but where or how these lands terminate to the westward is also unknown, though probably it will be found they terminate on the great south sea, and towards the south," they propose the line already set out by them, before and soon after the treaty of utrecht, stating that the commissioners under that treaty were never able to bring the settlement of the said limits to a final conclusion; but they urged that the limits of the territories granted to them, and of the places appertaining to the french, should be settled upon the footing above mentioned. the treaty of utrecht stipulated that the french king should restore to great britain in full right forever, hudson's bay, the straits, and all lands, rivers, coasts, etc., there situate. further, that the hudson's bay company be repaid their losses by french hostile incursions and depredations in time of peace. the hudson's bay company now went farther and asked the government to insist that no french vessel should be allowed to pass to the north or north-west of a line drawn from grimington's island and cape perdrix. one of the most feasible plans of the company's foes seemed to be to get hold of some adjacent territory, and from that vantage ground gradually encroach on the chartered preserves. such seems to have been the scheme in july, , when a petition was presented to the lords of trade and plantations, from "several london merchants," who sought a grant of "all that part of america lying on the atlantic ocean on the east part, extending south and north from ° north latitude from the equinoctial line to ° of the same north latitude, called labradore or new britain, not at this time possessed by any of his majesty's subjects or the subjects of any christian prince or state." on the receipt of this petition by the government, the hudson's bay company was called upon to say whether it laid claim to this tract. in their reply the honourable adventurers referred to the grant of charles ii. of all rights to trade and commerce of those seas, etc., within entrance of hudson's straits, and of all lands on the coasts and confines thereof; labrador throughout its whole extent, from ° north latitude to °, was therefore alleged to be within their limits. the company was already settled there, and had spent £ , on it. moreover, declared the company, it was a barren land, with few beavers or other furs of value. the company suggested that the "london merchants'" aim was to gain a footing and draw off the hudson's bay company's trade, which it hoped would not be permitted. this hope of the adventurers was realized, for the petition of the london merchants was not allowed.[ ] france's fatal hour with respect to her sovereignty over canada rapidly approached. in december, , the company wrote as follows to the lords of plantations:-- in prospect of an approaching treaty of peace between this nation and france, and in the hope that the great success his majesty's arms have been blessed with, and the many acquisitions that have been thereby gained from the enemy, will enable his majesty to secure to your memorialists satisfaction for the injuries and depredations they have long since suffered from the french, which stands acknowledged by treaty and are stipulated to be made satisfaction for, but through the perfidy of the enemy, and in disregard of the treaty have hitherto remained unsatisfy'd; in which the honour of the nation as well as justice to the individuals, loudly call for redress. halifax and soame jenyns thereupon wrote to pitt in these words: sir,--the governor and company of merchants trading to hudson's bay having presented a memorial to us, stating their claims with respect to limits and other matters provided for by the treaty of utrecht, and praying that in case of a peace with france, his majesty would be graciously pleased to cause satisfaction to be made to them with respect to such claims, pursuant to the stipulations of the tenth and eleventh articles of the said treaty; we beg leave to transmit to you the enclosed copy of the said memorial for his majesty's directions thereupon. [sidenote: conquest of canada.] while england went mad with joy over wolfe's victory at quebec, the company thought the time had, at last, come when the indemnity it claimed so long should be exacted in the treaty of peace which could not be long delayed. but its sanguine expectations were not destined to be realized. in vain did the governor wait at the door of mr. secretary pitts; in vain did lord halifax assure the company's secretary that he would make it his own personal business to have the affair attended to. it was too late in the day.[ ] with reason might the company's zealous secretary trace in the minutes: "locked up this day (november nd, ), in the great iron chest, a book containing estimates of the company's losses sustained from the french, from to ." the "great iron chest" was to hold the book for many a day, and though the company evinced a never-failing alacrity to produce it, yet never was there to be inscribed the words "settled with thanks," at the foot of this "little bill against the french." we have already been made familiar with the character of the company's forts in the bay so late as the reign of queen anne. there had been almost from the beginning a party amongst the honourable adventurers favourable to the erection of strong forts, not built of logs with bastions of stone, but of stone throughout, from the designs of competent engineers. a few years after the company had regained possession of york factory, it built ( ) a wooden fort at churchill river, to which was given the name of prince of wales. in it constructed another at moose river; and about the same time a small post, capable of containing eight or ten men at slude river, on the east main. in henley house, one hundred and fifty miles up albany river, was built to contain a garrison of eight men, as a check to the indians who carried on a trade with the french. [sidenote: building of stone forts.] but the wooden fort prince of wales did not remain long. the remembrance of their former posts destroyed by fire, and iberville's cannon, caused the company at length to undertake the fortification on a splendid scale of its best harbour, to safeguard what it designed to be its principal _entrepôt_ from the french, as well as from the indians. opposition was cried down, and the "fortification party," as it was called, carried the day. a massive thirty-feet wide foundation was begun at churchill, from the plans of military engineers who had served under marlborough, and, after many vicissitudes, in fort prince of wales, one of the strongest forts on the continent, was reared at the mouth of churchill river. [illustration: fort prince of wales.] it was the original intention to have the walls forty-two feet thick at their foundation, but on account of the governor's interference the dimensions were reduced to twenty-five. it was afterwards found, however, that there was a tendency to sink when cannon were fired frequently from the walls, so one section was forthwith pulled down and rebuilt according to original plans. three of the bastions had arches for storehouses, forty feet three inches by ten feet, and in the fourth was built a stone magazine twenty-four feet long and ten feet wide in the clear, with a passage to it through the gorge of the bastion twenty-four feet long and four feet wide. the parapets were originally constructed of wood, supplied by denuding the old fort, situated five miles up the churchill river, the site of which was first occupied in ; but in the company began erecting a stone parapet. robson's plan shows that two houses, a dwelling and office building, were erected inside the fort, and incidentally he describes one of the two as being one hundred and eighty-one feet six inches by thirty-three feet, with side walls seventeen feet high and the roof covered with lead. in moose, a new fort, was erected on the site of moose factory. about the same time richmond fort was built on whale river, but it did not continue a great many years. i find, under date of st december, , that "the governor represented to the committee that richmond fort did not give a sufficient return to pay the most moderate charge of supporting it," and it was "resolved that the company's servants and effects be withdrawn from there as soon as conveniently may be and replaced at such of the company's other factories as shall be found needful." further, it was "resolved that a factory with accommodation for twelve men, with all convenience for trading goods stores, and provisions, be built as early as possible in the year , in the most convenient place for that purpose on the north side of severn river and as high up as may be." at the same time it was ordered that the number of men for york fort and the new settlement to be made on the severn river should be forty-eight men. [sidenote: clandestine trade.] clandestine trade was a constantly recurring feature of eighteenth century life in the bay. charges were repeatedly preferred against the company's servants, and altogether scores were dismissed as a punishment for this offence. it must be confessed that there was often a temptation difficult to resist. nothing seemed more natural for the poor apprentice to trade his jack-knife, jew's-harp or silk kerchief with an indian or esquimau for a peltry; and the only reason, perhaps, why private bartering was not indulged in more generally was the certainty of detection. but with the governors and traders and ship captains, risk was reduced to a minimum. one of the most unfortunate examples was the case of captain coats. this able mariner had been in the employ of the company for a period of many years. none was superior to him in knowledge of the bay and straits. captain coats had been twice shipwrecked, once in , "when near the meridian of cape farewell, when running through the ice with a small sail, when two pieces of ice shutt upon us and sank our ship"; and again in , when he was entangled in the ice off cape resolution, when his ship had her sides crushed in and sank in twenty minutes. coats drew up a journal for the use of his sons, containing an elaborate description of the bay and its approaches, together with a great deal of relative matter; and this journal, which has received the honour of publication by the hakluyt society, concludes by saying that if these sons are neglected by the hudson's bay company they are at liberty, and "it is his will and command that every part be made publick, for the use and benefit of mankind." there is herein, it is almost needless to say, no mention of the captain's clandestine trading operations, which extended over a long series of years, and which might never have been made known to the company had it not been for the sudden death of pilgrim, who was formerly governor at prince of wales and moose fort. a number of private letters and papers reached england, incriminating coats, but they never reached the public; nor in , were the hakluyt society cognisant of the fate which overtook their author. "of the writer," remarks sir john barrow, who edited the volume, "the editor can learn but little; nothing, in fact, is now known of captain coats, except that he was in the company's service as commander of one or other of their ships from to ." he added that the memorial was believed to exist in the company's archives. under date of november th, , i find the following: "the governor having acquainted the committee of this affair, and laid the letters and papers before them, they were fully examined and the contents thereof considered." coats was then called in and told of the information they had received, and the cause they had to suspect that he had defrauded the company by carrying on a clandestine trade greatly to their prejudice and contrary to the fidelity he owed the company. [sidenote: case of capt. coats.] coats at first endeavoured to excuse himself, but finding the proofs contained in the letter papers (many of which were in his own handwriting and signature) so strong in evidence against him, at last owned he was guilty of the offence he was accused of and submitted himself to the company, and he was ordered to withdraw while his case was considered. at the expiration of two hours the culprit was called in and acquainted with his sentence, which was dismissal from the service. he was ordered to deliver up the keys of the _king george_, of which he was commander, together with the stores and the keys of such stores in the warehouse in his custody belonging to the company. the disgraced captain went home, and after a miserable existence of some weeks, ended his life by his own hand. on the th of february, there is a letter to the company from his widow, mary coats, which was read out to the adventurers assembled. it prayed that the committee would "indulge her so far as to order the balance that shall appear upon her late husband's account to be paid, and to permit her to have the stores brought home, still remaining in the _king george_; the profit of these, urged the widow, had always been enjoyed by every master in the company's services." moved by the appeal, widow coats was called in and informed that provided she delivered up to the company all the books, papers, charts or drafts belonging to her late husband and now in her custody, she might expect to meet with the favour of the company. "for which she returned thanks and promised to comply therewith." but the hakluyt society's publication of coats' journal is sufficient to show that his widow did not keep to the strict letter of her word. footnotes: [ ] the number of the adventurers was, before the enquiry of , a mystery. by many it was charged that they were not above a dozen or fifteen. [ ] dobbs's "hudson's bay," a hysterical work, which was throughout an attack on captain christopher middleton. [ ] [ ] on june th, , at a company's meeting, an account was made of the cost of defending the company's charter, upon the motion made in the house of commons. it amounted in the whole to only £ s. d., exclusive of sharpe, the company solicitor's services. [ ] in refusing to advise the granting of a charter to the company's enemies, the attorney-general, sir dudley ryder, and the solicitor-general, sir william murray--afterwards lord mansfield--drew up a lengthy and important paper, reviewing the charges against the company. their conclusion was that either the charges were "not sufficiently supported in point of fact, or were in great measure accounted for from the nature and circumstances of the case." they deemed the charter valid for all practical purposes. [ ] "the company being apprehensive that mr. secretary pitts' indisposition should deprive them of an opportunity of conferring with him in due time, with respect to the company's claim on the french nation for depredations in times of peace before the treaty of utrecht, resolved that a petition should be drawn up to his majesty, humbly representing such losses and damages, reciting the tenth and eleventh article of the said treaty, and praying that his majesty will give his plenipotentiaries at the approaching congress for a treaty of peace, such directions as will suffice for justice being done to the company by compensation for such losses. also that the boundaries of hudson's bay may be settled."--_minute book_, may th, . chapter xxiv. - . effect of the conquest on the fur-trade of the french -- indians again seek the company's factories -- influx of highlanders into canada -- alexander henry -- mystery surrounding the _albany_ cleared up -- astronomers visit prince of wales' fort -- strike of sailors -- seizure of furs -- measures to discourage clandestine trade. [sidenote: effect of the conquest.] the conquest of canada by the english in [ ] had an almost instantaneous effect upon the fur-trade of the french. the system of licenses was swept away with the _régime_ of intendants of new france. the posts which, established chiefly for purposes of trade, were yet military, came to be abandoned, and the officers who directed them turned their disconsolate faces towards france, or to other lands where the flag of the lily still waved. the english colonies were not devoid of diligent traders ready to pursue their calling advantageously: but they shrank from penetrating a country where the enemy might yet lurk, a country of whose approaches, and of whose aspect or inhabitants they knew nothing and feared everything. as for the indians themselves, they, for a time, awaited patiently the advent of the french trader. spring came and found them at the deserted posts. they sought but they could not find; "their braves called loudly, but the sighing trees alone answered their call." despair at first filled the bosoms of the red men when they found that all their winter's toil and hardships in the forest and over the trail had been in vain. they waited all summer, and then, as the white trader came not, wearily they took up their burdens and began their journey anew. for a wise indian had appeared amongst them, and he had said: "fools, why do you trust these white traders who come amongst you with beads, and fire-water and crucifixes? they are but as the crows that come and are gone. but there are traders on the banks of the great lake yonder who are never absent, neither in our time nor in the time of our grandfathers and great-grandfathers. they are like the rock which cannot be moved, and they give good goods and plenty, and always the same. if you are wise you will go hence and deal with them, and never trust more the traders who are like fleas and grasshoppers--here one minute and flown away the next." more than one factor of the company heard and told of this oft-spoken harangue, and many there lived to testify to its effect upon the assembled indians. not even was it forgotten or disregarded years afterwards in the height of the prosperity of the northmen, whose arts of suasion were exercised in vain to induce the red man to forego his journey to york, churchill or cumberland. "no," they would say, "we trade with our friends, as our grandfathers did. our fathers once waited for the french and bostonians to come to their forts, and they lay down and died, and their squaws devoured them, waiting still. you are here to-day, but will you be here to-morrow? no, we are going to trade with the company." and so they pressed on, resisting temptation, wayward, though loyal, enduring a long and rough journey that they might deal with their friends. [sidenote: the "coureurs de bois."] thus for some years the company prospered, and did a more thriving business than ever. but before, however, dealing with the new _régime_, let us turn for a moment to the canadian bushrangers and voyageurs thus cut off from their homes and abandoned by their officers and employers. their occupation was gone--whither did they drift? too long had they led the untrammelled life of the wilderness to adjust again the fetters of a civilized life in montreal or quebec; they were attached to their brave and careless masters; these in many instances they were permitted to follow; but large numbers dispersed themselves amongst the indians. without capital they could no longer follow the fur-trade; they were fond of hunting and fishing; and so by allying themselves with indian wives, and by following the pursuits and adopting the customs of the red men, themselves became virtually savages, completely severed from their white fellows. but an influx of scotch highlanders had been taking place in canada ever since , and some of these bold spirits were quick to see the advantages of prosecuting, without legal penalty, a private trade in furs. to these were added english soldiers, who were discharged at the peace, or had previously deserted. how many of these were slain by the aborigines, and never more heard of, can never be computed; but it is certain that many more embarked in the fur-trade and fell victims to the tomahawk, torch, hunger and disease than there is any record of. [sidenote: hostility of the indians to the english.] it is certain, also, that the hostility of the tribes, chief amongst them the iroquois, to the english, was very great, and this hostility was nourished for some years by the discontented bushrangers and voyageurs. in the action of pontiac at detroit, and the surprise and capture of michilimackinac with its attendant horrors, there is ample proof, both of the spirit animating the indians, and the danger which went hand in hand with the new trade in furs. [illustration: a blackfoot brave. (_drawn by edmund morris, after photo._)] the first of these english traders at michilimackinac to penetrate into the west, where the french had gone, is said to be thomas curry. this man, having by shrewdness and ability procured sufficient capital for the purpose, engaged guides and interpreters, purchased a stock of goods and provisions, and with four canoes reached fort bourbon, which was situated at the western extremity of cedar lake, on the waters of the saskatchewan. his venture was successful, and he returned to montreal with his canoes loaded with fine furs. but he never expressed a desire to repeat the performance, although it was not long before his example was followed by many others. james finlay was the first of these; he penetrated to nipawee, the last of the french posts on the saskatchewan, in latitude ½, and longitude . this trader was equally successful. [sidenote: henry's expedition.] after a career of some years in the vicinity of michilimackinac, of a general character, identical with that pursued a hundred years before by groseilliers, another intrepid trader, alexander henry, decided to strike off into the north-west. he left "the sault," as sault ste. marie was called, on the th of june, , with goods and provisions to the value of £ , sterling, on board twelve small canoes and four larger ones. each small canoe was navigated by three men, and each larger one by four. on the th they encamped at the mouth of the pijitic. it was by this river, he tells us, that the french ascended in , when they plundered one of the company's factories in the bay, and carried off the two small pieces of brass cannon, which fell again into english hands at michilimackinac. but here henry fell into error; for it was by the river michipicoten that the french went, and the factory plundered of its adornments was moose, not churchill, and the year , not . henry himself was going on a sort of plundering expedition against the company, which was to be far more effective in setting an example to others, than any the french had yet carried through. everywhere as he passed along there were evidences of the recent french occupation. to return to , this year had witnessed a clearing up of the mystery surrounding the fate of the _albany_, the first of the vessels sent by the company to search for a north-west passage. [illustration: alexander henry.] [sidenote: fate of the "albany."] the company was at that time carrying on a black whale fishery, and marble island was made the rendezvous, not merely on account of the commodious harbour, but because of the greater abundance of whales there. under these circumstances the boats, when on the lookout for fish, had frequent occasion to row close to the island, which led to the discovery, at the easternmost extremity, of a new harbour.[ ] upon landing at this place, the crews made a startling discovery. they found english guns, anchors, cables, bricks, a smith's anvil, and many other articles lying on the ground, which, though they were very old, had not been defaced by the hand of time, and which having been apparently without use to the native esquimaux, and too heavy to be removed by them, had not been removed from the spot where they had originally been laid a little farther inland. the whalers beheld the remains of a frame house,[ ] which, though half destroyed by the esquimaux for the wood and iron, yet could plainly be seen at a distance. lastly, when the tide ebbed in the harbour there became visible the hulls of two craft, lying sunk in five fathoms of water. the figurehead of one of these vessels, together with the guns and other implements, was shortly afterwards carried to england. the hypothesis of governor norton was instantly and only too correctly espoused by the company. on this inhospitable island, where neither stick nor stump was, nor is to be seen, and which lies sixteen miles from a mainland, no less inhospitable, perished knight, barlow, and the other members of the exploring expedition of . thus was a fate nearly half a century in the balance ascertained at last. two years later some members of a whaling party landed at this same harbour, and one of their number, perceiving some aged esquimaux, determined to question them on the matter. "this," says the narrator, "we were the better enabled to do by the assistance of an esquimau, who was then in the company's service as a linguist, and annually sailed in one of their vessels in that character. the account received from these aged natives was 'full, clear and unreserved,' and its purport was in this wise: "when the doomed vessels arrived at marble island, it was late in the autumn of , and in making the harbour through the ice, the larger was considerably damaged. the party landed safely, however, and at once set about building the house. as soon as the ice permitted, in the following summer, the esquimaux paid them a further visit, and observed that the white strangers were largely reduced in number and that the survivors were very unhealthy in appearance. according to the account given by these esquimaux, these were very busily employed, but the nature of their employment they could not easily describe. it is probable they were lengthening the long-boat or repairing the ship, and to support this conjecture, forty-eight years later there lay, at a little distance from the house, a quantity of oak chips, 'most assuredly made by carpenters.'" much havoc must have been thenceforward wrought among the explorers, who could not repair their ship, which even may by this time have been sunk; and by the second winter, only twenty souls out of fifty remained. [sidenote: wretched death of knight and his men.] that same winter, some of the esquimaux had taken up their abode on the opposite side of the harbour to the english, and frequently supplied them with such provisions as they had, which consisted chiefly of whale's blubber, seal's flesh and train oil. when the spring advanced, the natives crossed over to the mainland, and upon visiting marble island in the summer of found only five of the white men alive, and those in such distress that they instantly seized upon and devoured the seal's flesh and whale blubber, given them in trade by their visitors, in a raw state. this occasioned a severe physical disorder which destroyed three of the five; and the other two, though very weak made shift to bury their dead comrades. these two survivors eked out a wretched existence for many weeks, frequently resorting to the summit of an adjacent rock, in the vain hope of being seen by some relief party. but alas, they were doomed to a daily disappointment; the esquimaux themselves had little to offer them; and at last they were seen by the wandering natives to crouch down close together and cry aloud like children, the tears rolling down their cheeks. first one of the pair died, and then the other, in an attempt to dig a grave for his fellow. the esquimau who told the story, led the whalers to the spot and showed them the skulls and the larger bones of the luckless pair, then lying above ground not a great distance from the dwelling. it is believed that the last survivor must have been the armourer or smith of the expedition, because according to the account given by the aborigines, he was always employed in working iron into implements for them, some of which they could still show. there flourished in the body known as the "royal society for improving natural knowledge." this society wrote to the company, requesting that two persons might be conveyed to and from fort churchill in hudson's bay, in some of the company's ships, "to observe the passage of venus over the sun, which will happen on the rd of june, ." it was desired that these persons might be maintained by the company, and furnished with all necessary articles while on board and on shore. the company was asked to furnish them with materials and the assistance of servants to erect an observatory; the society engaging to recoup the company's whole charge, and desiring an estimate of the expense. [sidenote: astronomers at hudson's bay, .] the company expressed itself as "ready to convey the persons desired, with their baggage and instruments, to and from fort churchill, and to provide them with lodging and medicine while there, _gratis_, they to find their own bedding." the company demanded £ for diet during the absence of the astronomers from england, which would be about eighteen months. the adventurers recommended the society to send the intended building in frame, with all necessary implements, tools, etc., which "will be conveyed upon freight, the royal society likewise paying for any clothing that may be supplied the observers during their residence in hudson's bay." it is interesting to record that the expedition was entirely successful. the two astronomers went out to prince of wales' fort, and returned in the _prince rupert_, after having witnessed the transit of venus on the rd of june, . towards the middle of the century there had grown up a deep prejudice and opposition towards the hudson's bay company from the sailors and watermen who frequented the thames. it was alleged that the company did nothing to make itself popular; its rules were strict and its wages to seamen were low, albeit it had never suffered very much from this prejudice until the return of the middleton expedition. many absurd stories became current as to the company's policy and the life led by the servants at the factories. these travellers' tales had been thoroughly threshed out by the enquiry of . the opponents of the company had told their "shocking narratives." it was only natural, perhaps, that these should be passed about from mouth to mouth, and so become exaggerated beyond bounds. upon the discharge and death of captain coats a demonstration against the company had been talked of at wapping and gravesend, but nothing came of it but a few hootings and bawlings as the ships sailed away on their annual voyages to the bay. by , however, the dissatisfaction had spread to the company's own seamen, and now took an active form. the time was well chosen by the malcontents, because the public were ready at that time to sympathize with the movement for the amelioration of the conditions which characterized the merchant service generally. [sidenote: the company's seamen strike.] a numerous body of seamen forcibly entered the company's ships in the river thames, demanding that wages should be raised to s. per month. they struck the topgallant masts and yards, and lowered the lower yards close down, and got them in fore and aft. the consequence was that the crews of the company's ships and brigantine were compelled to quit their vessels. the moment the tidings of this reached the governor and company it was deemed advisable for the deputy governor, thomas berens and james fitzgerald, esquires, to "attend his majesty's principal secretaries of state, and such other gentlemen in the administration as they shall find necessary, and represent the urgent situation of the company's affairs in general." this was done forthwith, and the facts of the situation placed before viscount weymouth and sir edward hawke first lord of the admiralty. secretary of state weymouth appeared well disposed to do all the service in his power to redress the present grievances; that a memorial should be presented on the company's behalf. while the memorial was being drawn up, the three captains acquainted the commissioners that under the present disturbances on the river thames, they should not be able to secure the seamen they had already got, without allowing their sailors s. per month. it was then the th of may, and the company considered that the lives of its servants abroad, and the event of the intended voyage, would not admit of delay. they therefore told their three captains, and the master of the _charlotte_, brigantine, that they would allow the sailors s. per month from their respective entries to this day, inclusive, and s. per month from this day for their voyage out and home. hardly had this been done than a letter was received expressing lord weymouth's great concern on being informed that the company's ships had been prevented from sailing until a promise was made to raise the seamen's wages, and that some acts of violence had been committed to effect their purpose. from the strong assurance his lordship had received that there was no danger of any obstacle to delay the voyages, he was almost ready to doubt the rumour. berens called on weymouth and informed him that the company's critical situation had already obliged the company to acquiesce in the demand of s. per month for the seamen's wages. no acts of violence were committed on board the company's ship, other than that the crews were daily forced against their inclination to join the rioters. the ships were at length got down to greenwich and proceeded on their voyage with despatch. but the company was not yet out of the wood. clandestine trade was to be again its bogey. the disaffection had been temporarily arrested amongst the sailors: but they were hardly prepared to learn that it extended to the captains themselves, who had, however, the best of reasons for concealing their feelings. when the ships came home in the following year the company received information that a seizure of furs and other valuable goods brought from hudson's bay had been made since the arrival of the company's ships that season. communication was entered into with the commissioners of customs requesting a particular account of such seizures either from the company's ships or other places, "in order that the commissioners may pursue an enquiry for detecting the frauds that have been committed to the prejudice of his majesty's revenue and the interest of the company." [sidenote: clandestine trade by the company's captains.] suspicion for the loss of numerous packages of furs now began to fasten itself upon one of the company's captains, horner of the _seahorse_. horner acknowledged that he was not altogether ignorant that the furs had been abstracted from the hold of his ship. the company deliberated on his case, and it was "unanimously resolved that the said john horner be discharged from the company's service." the other captains were now called in and acquainted with the reasons for captain horner's discharge. the adventurers declared their determination to make the like public example of all persons who should be found to be concerned in clandestine trade. in the following year the company came to a wise decision. taking into consideration the state of its trade and the many frauds that "have been practised and detected," it was concluded that such frauds were connived at by the company's chief factors and captains, who were not only privy thereto, but in consideration for some joint interest, permitted this illicit trade to be carried on. [sidenote: salaries increased.] the company seems to have thought that the chief factors and captains might have been tempted to these nefarious practices by the smallness of their respective salaries, and therefore in the hope of securing their fidelity and encouraging diligence and industry, and the extending of the company's trade to the utmost to the benefit of the company and the revenue, it was decided that a salary of £ per annum be allowed the chief factors at york, albany, and prince of wales' fort; also the factors about to be appointed at moose fort and severn house, "in lieu of former salaries, and all trapping gratuities, and perquisites whatever, except a servant, which is to be allowed to them as before." a gratuity was to be given to all chief factors of three shillings upon every score of made beaver which they consigned and "which shall actually be brought home to the company's account." to the captains a gratuity was decreed of one shilling and sixpence per score of made beaver which they should bring to the company's warehouse in good saleable condition. to prevent any loss from rioters or dissatisfied sailors the company decided, in , to insure their ships and goods for the first time in its history. the secretary made enquiries at the london assurance office, and reported that the premium would be five per cent. per annum on each ship during their being in dock, or on the river thames above gravesend; and the same on the ships' stores while they continued in the company's warehouse at ratcliff. whereupon the company insured each of its three ships for £ , , and the ships' stores in the above warehouse for £ , . footnotes: [ ] france ceded to england "canada with all its dependencies," reserving only such part of what had been known as canada as lay west of the mississippi. the watershed between the missouri and the mississippi rivers had been the boundary between canada and louisiana when both were owned by france, and by the treaty of the river mississippi was agreed to as the future boundary between the english and french possessions in that quarter; the language of the treaty being, "that the confines between [france and england] in that part of the world shall be fixed irrevocably by a line drawn along the middle of the river mississippi from its source [etc.], to the sea." very soon after this treaty, viz., on th october, , the province of quebec was erected by royal proclamation, but the province as then constituted took in very little of what was afterwards upper canada and what is now ontario; the most north-westerly point was lake nipissing; the whole of the territory adjacent to the great lakes was excluded. in the boundaries of quebec were enlarged by the quebec act. that act recited that "by the arrangements made by the said royal proclamation a very large extent of territory, within which were several colonies and settlements of subjects of france, who claimed to remain therein under the faith of the said treaty, was left without any provision being made for the administration of civil government therein." the act, therefore, provided that "all the territories, islands and countries in north america belonging to the crown of great britain, bounded on the south by a line" therein described, "from the bay of chaleurs to the river ohio, and along the bank of the said river, westward, to the banks of the mississippi, and northward to the southern boundary of the territory granted to the merchants-adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay," etc., "be, and they are hereby, during his majesty's pleasure, annexed to and made part and parcel of the province of quebec as created and established by the said royal proclamation of the th october, ." [ ] it is not a little singular that neither middleton, ellis, christopher, johnston nor garbet, all of which explorers had visited marble island prior to , and some of them often, ever discovered this harbour. the actual discoverer was joseph stephens, commanding the _success_, a small vessel employed in the whale fishery. two years later stephens was given the command of the _charlotte_, a fine brig of tons, his mate then being samuel hearne, the explorer. [ ] "i have seen," wrote governor hearne, "the remains of those houses several times; they are on the west side of the harbour, and in all probability will be discernible for many years to come." chapter xxv. - . reports of the "great river" -- company despatch samuel hearne on a mission of discovery -- norton's instructions -- saluted on his departure from the fort -- first and second journeys -- matonabee -- results of the third journey -- the company's servants in the middle of the century -- death of governor norton. [sidenote: the "great river."] some northern indians, who came to trade at prince of wales' fort in the spring of , brought further accounts of the "great river," as they persisted in calling it, and also produced several pieces of copper, as specimens of a mine long believed by the traders to exist in the vicinity. this determined governor norton to represent it to the company as a matter well worthy their attention. as he went that year to england, he was given the opportunity of doing so in person; and in consequence of his representations, the committee resolved to despatch an intelligent person by land to observe the latitude and longitude of the river's mouth, and to make a chart of the country traversed, with such observations as might lead to a better knowledge of the region. an intelligent mariner, samuel hearne, then in the company's employ as mate of the brig _charlotte_, was selected for the mission.[ ] [sidenote: hearne's expedition of discovery.] before starting on his journey in , hearne received full instructions from moses norton, the governor. he was provided with an escort and was urged to cultivate, as he went, friendly relations with the indians. "smoke your calumet of peace with their leaders in order to establish a friendship with them." he was equipped with instruments, and was required to take account of latitude and longitude of the chief points visited; he was to seek for a north-west passage through the continent. but a more immediate and practical matter was dwelt upon in his letter. "be careful to observe what mines are near the river,[ ] what water there is at the river's mouth, how far the woods are from the seaside, the course of the river, the nature of the soil, and the productions of it; and make any other remarks that you may think will be either necessary or satisfactory. and if the said river be likely to be of any utility, take possession of it on behalf of the hudson's bay company by cutting your name on some of the rocks, and also the date of the year, month, etc." hearne promised to follow these instructions implicitly, and soon after daybreak on the morning of the th of november, the occupants of the fort assembled to witness the intrepid explorer's departure. a salute of seven guns and a ringing cheer thrice repeated was responded to by hearne, already on his way, with a wave of his cap. [illustration: dobbs' map, .] he had not gone far, however, when dissatisfaction broke out amongst his party. first one indian guide deserted him and then another; but trusting to the fidelity of the rest hearne pressed forward. at last, nearly the whole party left him, taking at the same time several bags of powder and shot, his hatchets, chisels and files. his chief guide, chaw-chin-ahaw, now advised the explorer to return, and announced his own intention of travelling to his own tribe in the south-west. "thus," says hearne, "they set out, making the woods ring with their laughter, and left us to consider our unhappy situation, nearly two hundred miles from prince of wales' fort, all heavily laden, and in strength and spirits greatly reduced by hunger and fatigue." mortifying as the prospect of return was, it was inevitable. they arrived on the th of december, to the astonishment of norton and the company's servants. [sidenote: second expedition.] but hearne was not to be daunted. on the rd of february he again set out with five indians. this time his journey was a succession of short stages, with intervals of a whole day's rest between. these intervals were occupied in killing deer, or in seeking for fish under the ice with nets. on one occasion they spent a day in building a more permanent tent, where they waited for the flights of goose to appear. the course had been in a general north-western direction from the churchill river, but on the th of june the party abandoned the rivers and lakes and struck out into the barren lands. the following narrative by hearne is interesting, because up to that moment no servant of the company had ever seen a live musk ox, that "now rare denizen of the northern solitudes." "we had not walked above seven or eight miles before we saw three musk oxen grazing by the side of a small lake. the indians immediately went in pursuit of them, and as some were expert hunters they soon killed the whole of them. this was, no doubt, very fortunate, but to our great mortification before we could get one of them skinned, such a fall of rain came on as to put it out of our power to make a fire, which, even in the finest weather, could only be made of moss, as we were nearly a hundred miles from any woods. this was poor comfort for people who had not broken their fast for four or five days. necessity, however, has no law, and having before been initiated into the method of eating raw meat, we were the better prepared for this repast. but this was by no means so well relished, either by me or the southern indians, as either raw venison or raw fish had been; for the flesh of the musk-ox is not only coarse and tough, but smells and tastes so strong of musk as to make it very disagreeable when raw, though it is tolerable eating when properly cooked. the weather continued so remarkably bad, accompanied with constant heavy rain, snow and sleet, and our necessities were so great by the time the weather permitted us to make a fire, that we had nearly eaten to the amount of one buffalo quite raw." [sidenote: hardships of the journey.] what severities of hardship were endured by our traveller may be judged from his description. "we have fasted many times," he declares, "two whole days and nights; twice upwards of three days, and once, while at shethaunee, near seven days, during which we tasted not a mouthful of anything except a few cranberries, water, scraps of old leather and burnt bones. on these pressing occasions i have frequently seen the indians examine their wardrobe, which consisted chiefly of skin clothing, and consider what part could best be spared; sometimes a piece of an old, half-rotten deerskin, and others a pair of old shoes, were sacrificed to alleviate extreme hunger." it was while in the midst of these sufferings and bitter experiences, which required all the traveller's courage to endure that a disaster of a different order happened. it was the th of august. hearne had reached a point some five hundred miles north-west of churchill. it proving rather windy at noon, although otherwise fine, he had let his valuable quadrant stand, in order to obtain the latitude more exactly by two altitudes. he then retired to eat his mid-day meal. suddenly he was startled by a crash, and looking in the direction, found that a gust of wind had overturned the instrument and sent it crashing to earth. as the ground where it stood was very stony, the bubble, sight-vane and vernier were entirely broken to pieces, and the instrument thus destroyed. in consequence of this misfortune, the traveller resolved to retrace his steps wearily back to prince of wales' fort. when he had arrived at churchill river he had met the friendly chief, matonabee,[ ] who at once, and with charming simplicity, volunteered a reason for the troubles which had overtaken the white explorer. he had taken no women with him on his journey. said matonabee: [sidenote: the indian's estimate of woman.] "when all the men are heavy-laden they can neither hunt nor travel to any considerable distance; and in case they meet with success in hunting, who is to carry the product of their labour? women," added he, "were made for labour; one of them carry or haul as much as two men can do. they also pitch our tents, make and mend our clothing, keep up our fires at night, and, in fact, there is no such thing as travelling any considerable distance, or for any length of time, in this country, without their assistance. women," he observed again, "though they do everything, are maintained at a trifling expense, for as they always act as cooks, the very licking of their fingers in scarce times is sufficient for their subsistence." hearne did not reach the fort till towards the close of november. on the st he thus describes the weather: "that night we lay on the south shore of egg river, but long before daybreak the next morning, the weather being so bad, with a violent gale of wind from the north-west, and such a drift of snow that we could not have a bit of fire; and as no good woods were near to afford us shelter, we agreed to proceed on our way, especially as the wind was on our backs; and though the weather was bad near the surface we could frequently see the moon and sometimes the stars, to direct us in our course. in this situation we continued walking the whole day, and it was not until after ten at night that we could find the smallest tuft of wood to put up in; for though we well knew we must have passed by several hummocks of shrubby wood that might have afforded us some shelter, yet the wind blew so hard and the snow drifted so excessively thick that we could not see ten yards before us the whole day." that night his dog, a valuable animal, was frozen to death, and after that there was nothing for it but he must himself haul his heavy sledge over the snowdrifts. twice baffled, yet the intrepid explorer was far from being swerved from his purpose. not even the distrust of norton, who wrote home to the company that hearne was unfit for the task in hand, could discourage him from making a third attempt. on this journey, his plan was to secure the company and assistance of matonabee, and three or four of the best indians under that chief; and this was put into practice on the th of december, . this time the departure took place under different auspices. there was no firing of cannon from the fort, no cheering, and no hearty godspeeds from the governor and his staff. again, similar adventures to those encountered the first two journeys were met with. hearne cultivated the friendship of strange, but not hostile, savages as he went along. in one locality he took part in "snaring deer in a pound," or large stockade. the rest of the winter was spent in such a succession of advances as the weather and state of the country permitted. in april it was possible to obtain supplies of birch wood staves for tent poles, and birch rind and timber for building canoes. spring enabled the party to proceed with greater rapidity, and at last a rendezvous at a place called clowey was reached. from this point the final dash for the coppermine river, the main object of the expedition, must be made. at clowey some hundreds of indians joined the little party to proceed to the coppermine, and thus it grew suddenly into a military expedition, for the tribe was bent on making war on the esquimaux, should the latter be discovered. [sidenote: the expedition reaches the arctic.] the long-desired spot was attained at last. on the th of july hearne and his party looked out over the dancing surface of the coppermine river, and descending this stream to its mouth beheld the arctic ocean. hearne thus being the first white man to reach the northern sea from the interior. says the explorer: "in those high latitudes, and at this season of the year, the sun is always at a good height over the horizon, so that we not only had daylight, but sunshine the whole night; a thick fog and drizzling rain then came on, and finding that neither the river nor sea were likely to be of any use, i did not think it worth while to wait for fair weather to determine the latitude exactly by an observation. for the sake of form, however, after having had some consultation with the indians, i erected a mark and took possession of the coast, on behalf of the hudson's bay company. i was not provided with instruments for cutting on stone, but i cut my name, date of the year, etc., on a piece of board that had been one of the indian's targets, and placed it in a heap of stones on a small eminence near the entrance of the river, on the south side." "it is, indeed," remarks hearne, "well known to the intelligent and well-informed part of the company's servants, that an extensive and numerous tribe of indians, called e-arch-e-thinnews, whose country lies far west of any of the company's or canadian settlements, must have traffic with the spaniards on the west side of the continent; because some of the indians who formerly traded to york fort, when at war with those people, frequently found saddles, bridles, muskets, and many other articles in their possession which were undoubtedly of spanish manufacture."[ ] [sidenote: hearne returns to england.] hearne went home to england and related his experiences in a paper read before his employers, the honorable adventurers.[ ] it was not until some years later that it was discovered that he had, either in ignorance or, according to one of his enemies named dalrymple, "in a desire to increase the value of his performance," placed the latitude of the coppermine at nearly degrees north instead of at about ½ degrees. hearne's own apology was that after the breaking of his quadrant[ ] on the second expedition, he was forced to employ an old elton quadrant, which had for thirty years been amongst the relics and rubbish of prince of wales' fort. but the geographical societies were indignant at having been thus imposed upon. "i cannot help observing," wrote hearne, "that i feel myself rather hurt at mr. dalrymple's rejecting my latitude in so peremptory a manner and in so great a proportion as he has done; because before i arrived at cange-cath-a-whachaga, the sun did not set during the whole night, a proof that i was then to the northward of the arctic circle." hearne's journey, considering the epoch in which it was undertaken, the life led by the company's servants at the forts, and the terrible uncertainties incident to plunging into an icy wilderness, with no security against hunger or the attacks of savages, was greater than it really appeared, and without doubt paved the way for the company's new policy. with the ship which brought hearne over from england came a large number of young orkney islanders. [sidenote: company employ orkney islanders.] the labouring servants, as has been seen, were first in , and from about onwards, procured from the orkney islands, their wages being about £ a year. they were engaged by the captains of the ships, usually for a period of five years. each servant signed a contract on his entrance into the service to serve for the term and not to return home until its expiration, unless recalled by the company. he engaged during his passage back to do duty as watch on board ship without extra pay; but that which was the last and principal clause of the agreement related to illicit trading. he was bound in the most solemn manner not to detain, secrete, harbour or possess any skin or part of a skin, on any pretence whatever; but on the contrary, he was to search after and detect all persons who might be disposed to engage in this species of speculation. should he detect any such, he was to expose them to the governor. if contrary to this agreement, any persons should be found bold enough to conceal any peltry or otherwise infringe his contract, they were to forfeit all the wages due them by the company. although a further penalty was nominally exacted under the contract, that of a fine of two years' pay, it was rarely carried into effect, and then only when the delinquent was believed to have largely profited by his illegal transaction. in the early days when a servant's time expired and he was about to return home, the governor in person was supposed to inspect his chest, even examining his bedding and other effects, to see that it contained not even the smallest marten skin. an almost equally rigorous surveillance attended the sending of private letters and parcels, not merely in the bay alone, but in london. in the latter case, the parcel of clothing, etc., intended for the company's distant servant, was first obliged to be sent to the hudson's bay house, and there undergo a careful examination for fear it should contain anything used in private trade. during the time that the indians were at the posts trading their furs, the gates were continually kept closed, it being the regular employment of one person to see that no one made his exit for fear he should attempt a private barter with the indians. while this rule was rarely relaxed, yet it was not at all of the forts that a too strict watch was kept on the movements of the employees. at york fort, however, during the eighteenth century, if a servant wished to take a walk on a sunday afternoon, at a time when no natives were trading, it was first necessary to apply to the governor for leave. of the run of the company's servants in the latter half of the eighteenth century, a writer of that day has said of them: "they are a close, prudent, quiet people, strictly faithful to their employers," adding that they were "sordidly avaricious." whilst these young scotchmen were scattered about the country in small parties amongst the indians, their general behaviour won them the respect of the savages, as well as procured them their protection. it is a significant fact that for the first fifteen years of the new _régime_ the company did not suffer the loss of a single man, notwithstanding that their servants were annually exposed to all the dangers incident to the trade and times. [sidenote: character of the company's traders.] it was observed that very few of the canadian servants were to be entirely trusted with even a small assortment of goods, unless some substantial guarantee were first exacted. the chances were ten to one that the master would be defrauded of the whole stock of merchandise, often through the medium of the indian women, who were quick to perceive what an easy prey was the one and how difficult the other. the french-canadian traders were brave and hardy; apt in learning the habits and language of the indians; dexterous canoemen and of a lively, not to say boisterous, disposition; but none of these qualities, nor all together, were often the means of earning the respect and trust of the natives. and it must not be imagined that these talents and accomplishments were limited to the canadians, even in the earliest days of rivalry. "though such may be the sentiments of their employers," wrote one of the company's factors, "let these gentlemen for a while look around them and survey without prejudice the inhabitants of our own hemisphere, and they will find people who are brought up from their infancy to hardships, and inured to the inclemency of the weather from their earliest days; they will also find people who might be trusted with thousands, and who are much too familiarized to labour and fatigue to repine under the pressure of calamity as long as their own and their master's benefit is in view. i will further be bold to say that the present servants of the company may be led as far inland as navigation is practicable, with more ease and satisfaction to the owners, than the same number of canadians." the former, it was noted, would be always honest, tractable and obedient, as well from inclination as from fear of losing their pecuniary expectations; whereas the latter, being generally in debt, and having neither good name, integrity nor property to lose, were always neglectful of the property committed to their charge. whenever difficulties arose there was never wanting some amongst them to impede the undertaking. [sidenote: the council at the forts.] the governor at each factory occasionally had a person to act with him, who was known as the second or under-factor. these, with the surgeon and the master of the sloop, constituted a council, who were supposed to deliberate in cases of emergency or upon affairs of importance. amongst the latter were classed the reading of the company's general letter, received annually and inditing a reply to it; the encroachments of their french, at a later period, canadian rivals; or the misbehaviour of the servants. in these councils very little regard, it seems, was paid to the opinion of the subordinate members, who rather desired to obtain the governor's favour by acquiescence rather than his resentment by opposition. the governors were appointed for either three or five years, and their nominal salary was from £ to £ per annum, which the premium on the trade often trebled and sometimes quadrupled. these officials commonly reigned as absolute in their petty commands as eastern nabobs; and as it was in a governor's power to render the lives of those under them happy or unhappy as they chose, it was only natural that the inferior servants were most diligent in cultivating their good will. it was out of the power, of course, for any aggrieved or dissatisfied servant to return home until the ships came, and if he then persisted in his intention, the payment of his wages was withheld until the company should decide upon his character, which was furnished in writing by the governor. although the voice of an inferior servant counted but little when opposed to the governor, yet there are few instances when the company, in parting with a servant, refused him his wages in full. it is an old axiom that austerity is acquired by a term of absolute petty dominion, so that it is not remarkable that the company's early governors were distinguished by this trait in the fullest degree. "i had an opportunity," wrote one former factor, "of being acquainted with many governors in my time. i could single out several whose affability and capacity merited a better employment. some i have known who despised servility and unworthy deeds; but this was only for a time, and while young in their stations." such criticism, while doubtless unjust, had yet, applied generally, a basis of truth. [sidenote: character of the trading governors.] robson complains of a governor at churchill, in his time, who had a thousand times rendered himself obnoxious to society. but perhaps the company had never in its employ a more eccentric and choleric official than the governor who was in command of york factory from to . it is said of him that his bad name extended even across the atlantic and reached the orkney isles, where the malevolence of his disposition became a by-word, and restrained many youths from entering the company's service. intoxication seems to have been this governor's principal delight, and this was often gratified at the expense of common prudence, as when the french captured york factory in ; no common spirits being on hand, he procured raw alcohol from the surgeon, of which he drank several bumpers to raise his courage. although most of the company's early trading governors were, in spite of their tempers and habits, persons of education and intelligence, yet there were occasional exceptions. one, governor hughes, was said to be incapable of casting up a simple sum in addition; numeral characters being almost unknown to him; nor was his success in writing his own name greater. yet his courage and business ability was beyond question. it has already been observed that the company were accustomed to treat with much deference, and to place great reliance upon their chief factors while these were at their posts in the bay; yet it must not be supposed that the same consideration was extended to them on their return home. a governor, it was said by one of the company's servants, might attend the hudson's bay house, and walk about their hall for a whole day without the least notice being taken of his attendance. it is related that one such governor, after having served the company for a matter of seventeen years, went home in , expecting to reap in person some of the rewards of his faithful service in the compliments and attentions of the adventurers as a body. but, to his chagrin, not the slightest notice was taken of him, and he returned without having even been introduced to a single partner. [sidenote: death of governor norton.] on the th of december, , there died one of the notable characters in the bay, governor moses norton. norton was an indian half-breed, the son of a previous governor, richard norton. he was born at prince of wales' fort, but had been in england nine years, and considering the small sum spent on his education, had made considerable progress in literature. at his return to the bay, according to hearne, he entered into all the abominable vices of his countrymen. he established a seraglio, in which figured five or six of the most comely indian maidens. yet, although somewhat lax in his morality himself, he seems to have been by no means indulgent to others. to his own friends and relatives, the indians and half-breeds, it is said, he was "so partial that he set more value on, and showed more respect to, one of their favourite dogs than he ever did to his first officer." this is probably a spiteful exaggeration, but it is certain that norton, although a man of ability, was not very popular. his great desire was to excite admiration for his skilful use of drugs. "he always," declared one of the governor's enemies, "kept about him a box of poison to administer to those who refused him their wives or daughters." with all these bad qualities, no man took greater pains to inculcate virtue, morality and continence upon others; always painting in the most glaring colours the jealous and revengeful disposition of the indians, when any attempt was made to violate the chastity of their wives and daughters. his apartments at the fort were not only convenient, but had some pretensions to elegance, and were always crowded with his favourites. as this governor advanced in years, his jealousy increased, and it is said he actually poisoned two of his women because he thought they had transferred their affections elsewhere. he had the reputation of being a most notorious smuggler; but though he put many thousands into the pockets of the company's captains, he seldom put a shilling into his own. footnotes: [ ] from the good opinion we entertain of you, and mr. norton's recommendation, we have agreed to raise your wages to £ per annum for two years, and have placed you in our council at prince of wales' fort; and we should have been ready to advance you to the command of the _charlotte_, according to your request, if a matter of more immediate consequence had not intervened. mr. norton has proposed an inland journey, far to the north of churchill, to promote an extension of our trade, as well as for the discovery of a north-west passage, copper mines, etc.; and as an undertaking of this nature requires the attention of a person capable of taking an observation for determining the longitude and latitude and also distances, and the course of rivers and their depths, we have fixed upon you (especially as it is represented to us to be your own inclination) to conduct this journey with proper assistants. we therefore hope you will second our expectations in readily performing this service, and upon your return we shall willingly make you any acknowledgment suitable to your trouble therein. we highly approve of your going in the _speedwell_ to assist in the whale-fishery last year, and heartily wish you health and success in the present expedition. we remain your loving friends, bibye lake, deputy governor. john anthony merle. robert merry. samuel wegg. james winter lake. herman berens. joseph sparrel. james fitzgerald. [ ] "no man," says hearne, "either english or indian, ever found a bit of copper in that country to the south of the seventy-first degree of latitude, unless it had been accidentally dropped by some of the far northern indians on their way to the company's factory." [ ] "this leader," says hearne, "when a youth, resided several years at the above fort and was not only a perfect master of the southern indian language, but by being frequently with the company's servants had acquired several words of english and was one of the men who brought the latest accounts of the coppermine river. it was on his information, added to that of one i-dot-le-ezry (who is since dead), that this expedition was set on foot." [ ] "i cannot sufficiently regret," wrote hearne in , "the loss of a considerable vocabulary of the northern indian language, containing sixteen folio pages, which was lent to the late mr. hutchins, then corresponding secretary to the company, to copy for captain duncan, when he went on discoveries to hudson's bay in the year . but mr. hutchins dying soon after, the vocabulary was taken away with the rest of his effects and cannot now be recovered, and memory, at this time, will by no means serve to replace it." [ ] the company had previously written thus to its servant, mr. samuel hearne:-- sir,--your letter of the th august last, gave us the agreeable pleasure to hear of your safe return to our factory. your journal and the two charts you sent sufficiently convinces us of your very judicious remarks. we have, naturally, considered your great assiduity in the various accidents which occurred in your several journeys. we hereby return you our grateful thanks, and to manifest our obligation we have consented to allow you a gratuity of £ for those services. [ ] "mr. dalrymple, in one of his pamphlets relating to hudson's bay, has been so very particular in his observations on my journey, as to remark that i have not explained the construction of the quadrant which i had the misfortune to break in my second journey to the north. it was a hadley quadrant, with a bubble attached to it for a horizon, and made by daniel scatlif, of wapping."--_hearne._ chapter xxvi. - . company suffers from the rivalry of canadians -- cumberland house built -- debauchery and license of the rivals -- frobisher intercepts the company's indians -- the smallpox visitation of -- la pérouse appears before fort prince of wales -- hearne's surrender -- capture of york fort by the french -- the post burned and the company's servants carried away prisoners. the company was not immediately advised of the ruinous proceedings of the montreal traders by its governors at york and churchill. but at length the diminution of trade became marked. the indians continued to bring in reports of other white traders speaking english, who intercepted them and gave them trinkets and rum in exchange for their furs. they declared they were conscious of having made a bad bargain in not continuing onward to the company's posts, but what could they do? "the _bostonnais_[ ] was cunning and he deceived the indian." at last, in view of this, it was felt that further delay were folly. [sidenote: cumberland house built.] in the spring of instructions were sent out to governor norton to despatch hearne westward and establish a post in the interior. by this time the rival canadian traders had carried the trade beyond the french limits, although, for reasons to be disclosed, all their activity was in vain, so far as material results either to themselves or their employers or capitalists were concerned, not to mention the aborigines themselves. hearne hit upon what he considered a good site for the new post at sturgeon lake, on the eastern bank, in latitude °, and longitude °, . the post prospered almost from its foundation. the neighbouring tribes found that here were to be procured a larger and better assortment of goods than the canadians brought them, and frequented it in preference.[ ] for several years now a trade with the indians had been carried on in the footsteps of the french license-holders. [illustration: visit to an indian encampment.] what was to be expected when the character of the montreal traders themselves, and the commerce they prosecuted, was considered, soon happened. this army of half-wild men, armed to the teeth, unhampered by legal restraint, constantly drinking, carousing and quarrelling amongst themselves, gradually spread over the north-west, sowing crime and anarchy wherever they went. the country they traded in was so distant, and their method of transportation so slow, that they were fortunate if they reached their winter quarters without leaving the corpses of several of their number to mark their path. was it singular that trade carried on in such a fashion, and with results so ruinous, should cause the "partners," as these unhappy individuals, who had furnished the funds, were called, to contemplate the future with dismay? season after season the "winterers" returned to the grand portage with the same tale; and season after season were better profits promised, but never, alas, for their dupes, were these promises fulfilled! [sidenote: frobisher intercepts company's indians.] matters were thus going from bad to worse in this way, when one sober and enterprising trader, joseph frobisher, resolved to leave the beaten track and penetrate nearer to the company's factory, at churchill, than had yet been done. in the spring of , as a band of indians were on their way as usual to prince of wales' fort, they were met by frobisher, who caused them to halt and to drink and smoke with him. the chiefs imagined he was one of the company's factors, and frobisher did not choose to undeceive them. his wares being of a better quality than those of his compeers, the indians suffered themselves to be persuaded to trade on the spot, which was at a portage afterwards called by the montreal traders la traite, on account of this episode. the indians, nevertheless, resumed their journey to churchill river, where the indignation of hearne and the council knew no bounds. he informed the indians that a "scurvy trick" had been played upon them; and so characterized it in his journal. a few having still some of the heavier furs by them, were paid double, as an encouragement to their future discrimination. nevertheless, in spite of all, the "scurvy trick" was repeated by frobisher the following year, both times securing enormous booty.[ ] the difficulties and sufferings of these two undertakings, however, affected him with a distaste for a repetition; but he sent his brother benjamin to explore the region still farther. this he accomplished, going as far west as the lake of isle a la crosse. the difficulties of transport are pointed out in letters of frobisher and mcgill. the value of each canoe load, on arrival at michilimackinac, had been estimated, in , to be £ currency, equal to $ , , showing the cost of transport by the ottawa to have been $ for each canoe; the value at montreal having been $ , . in april, , benjamin frobisher wrote that twenty-eight canoes were ready to be sent off, valued at £ , currency, or $ , , a sum for each canoe largely in excess of the estimate of four years before. frobisher's success in intercepting the company's indians induced others to attempt a similar course. the idea was, of course, to give goods of a better character, and to travel so far into the savage country as to relieve the indian, who always contemplated the annual journey to the company's post with repugnance of such necessity. in peter pond, an able, but desperate character, was the first to attempt storing such goods as he could not bring back immediately, in one of the wintering huts at elk river, against his return the following season. this imitation of a company's post proved successful, and led to its being repeated on a larger scale. but matters were not equally propitious with the vast bulk of the peddlers, bushrangers, swashbucklers, and drunken half-breeds who were comprised in the canadian trading fraternity. a numerous crew of them got from their winter quarters at saskatchewan to the eagle hills in the spring of . here they held high carouse amidst a body of indians as drunken, and much more noisy and abandoned, as themselves. one of the traders becoming tired of the continued application of an indian for more grog, gave him a dose of laudanum. the savage thereupon staggered a few steps away, lay down and died. a cry went up from the man's wives, a skirmish ensued, and the sun went down on seven corpses. one of the traders, two of his men, and four half-breed voyageurs lost their lives, and the rest were forced to abandon their all and take to flight. [illustration: indian trappers. (_from "picturesque canada," by permission._)] the same spring, two of the canadian posts on the assiniboine river were assailed during a quarrel. several white men and a large number of indians were killed. [sidenote: terrible smallpox epidemic.] the fearful act of vengeance which might now have been meditated at this juncture was never carried out, for in an epidemic of smallpox broke out, wreaking a memorable destruction upon all the indians of rupert's land. it is worthy of remark, the extraordinary and fatal facility with which this disease had always made headway among the aborigines of the north american continent. there must have been some predisposition in their constitutions which rendered them an easy prey to this scourge of europe. later, when the boon, brought into europe by lady mary montague arrested and partially disarmed the monster, smallpox had wrought unmitigated havoc amongst whole tribes and circles of the red men, more than decimating the entire population and occasionally destroying whole camps, while leaving scarcely more than one shrivelled hag to relate to the company's factors the fell tale of destruction. the scourge which depopulated vast regions naturally cleared the country of white traders. two parties did, indeed, set out from montreal in - , with the avowed intention of making permanent settlements on churchill river and at athabasca. but the smallpox had not yet done its worst, and drove them back with only seven packages of beaver. this season was a better one than the preceding for the company's factories; but an event now happened scarcely foreseen by anyone. england and france had been again at war, but none had as yet dreamt of a sea attack on the company's posts in the bay. such a thing had not happened for upwards of eighty years, and the conquest of canada seemed to so preclude its probability that the adventurers had not even instructed its governors to be on the alert for a possible foe. up to the era of the terrible smallpox visitation in , the remote chippewas and far-off tribes from athabasca and the great slave lake, travelling to prince of wales' fort, must have gazed with wonder at its solid masonry and formidable artillery. the great cannon whose muzzles stared grimly from the walls had already been woven into indian legend, and the company's factors were fond of telling how the visiting red men stood in astonishment for hours at a time before this fortress, whose only parallel on the continent was quebec itself. [sidenote: french attack fort prince of wales, .] fort prince of wales had been built, as we have seen, at a time when the remembrance of burned factories and posts easily captured and pillaged by french and indians was keen amongst the honourable adventurers. but that remembrance had long since faded; the reasons for which the fort had been built had seemingly vanished. wherefore gradually the garrison waned in numbers, until on the th of august, , only thirty-nine defenders[ ] within its walls witnessed the arrival of three strange ships in the bay. instantly the word ran from mouth to mouth that they were three french men-of-war. all was consternation and incredulity at first, quickly succeeded by anxiety. two score pair of english eyes watched the strangers, as pinnace, gig and long-boat were lowered, and a number of swarthy whiskered sailors began busily to sound the approaches to the harbour. as may be believed, an anxious night was passed in the fort by governor samuel hearne and his men. daybreak came and showed the strangers already disembarking in their boats, and as the morning sun waxed stronger, an array of four hundred troops was seen to be drawn up on the shore of churchill bay, at a place called hare point. orders were given to march, and with the flag of france once more unfurled on these distant sub-arctic shores, the french attacking party approached the company's stronghold. when about four hundred yards from the walls they halted, and two officers were sent on ahead to summon the governor to surrender. the french ships turned out to be the _sceptre_, seventy-four guns, the _astarte_, and the _engageante_, of thirty-six guns each, and the force possessed besides four field guns, two mortars, and three hundred bomb-shells. this fleet was in command of admiral pérouse. it appears that la pérouse had counted on arriving just in time to secure a handsome prize in the company's ships, for which he had lain in wait in the bay. hearne seems to have been panic-stricken and believed resistance useless. to the surprise of the french, a table cloth snatched up by the governor was soon seen waving from the parapet of the fort. fort prince of wales had thus yielded without a shot being fired on either side. the french admiral lost no time in transporting what guns he could find to his ships, and replenishing his depleted commissariat from the well-filled provision stores of the fort.[ ] la pérouse was both angry and disappointed at the escape of the company's ships and cargoes. one of these ships, bound for fort churchill, he had met in the bay and immediately sent a frigate in pursuit. but captain christopher, by the steering of the french frigate, judged rightly that her commander knew nothing of the course, and so resorted to strategy. when night came he furled his sails, as if about to anchor, a proceeding which the french captain imitated. when he had anchored, the company's vessel re-set her sails, and was soon many leagues distant by the time the french fleet reached churchill river. possession was followed by license on the part of the soldiers, and the utter looting of the fort. an attempt was made, occupying two days, to demolish it; but although french gunpowder was freely added to the company's store, yet the walls resisted their best efforts. [illustration: ruins of fort prince of wales.] of solid masonry, indeed, was prince of wales' fort. the french artillerymen could only displace the upper rows of the massive granite stones, dismount its guns, and blow up the gateway, together with the stone outwork protecting it. it has been remarked as strange that hearne, who had proved his personal bravery in his arctic travels, should have shown such a craven front on this occasion to the enemy. indeed, umfreville, who was himself taken prisoner at the capture of the fort, declared that he, with others, were disgusted at the governor's cowardice. he asserted that the french were weak and reduced in health after a long sea voyage, most of them wretchedly clad, and half of the entire number barefoot. "i assume, your honours," wrote john townsend, "that had we shown a front to the enemy, our fort would have outlasted their ammunition, and then they would have been completely at our mercy." [sidenote: hearne blamed for surrendering.] the company was very indignant at the conduct of governor hearne. they demanded the reason of his not sending a scout overland to apprise the governor of york factory of the enemy's proximity. to this hearne replied that he was given no opportunity, and that any such scout would have been inevitably seized and slain. on the th of august the french fleet set sail for port nelson and anchored there. one of the company's ships was in the harbour at the time, and the captain, perceiving the approach of three large ships, and scenting danger, put out to sea in the night. he was instantly pursued by a frigate, which obviously outsailed him. whereupon captain fowler tacked and made for the south in the hope of enticing the frenchman into shallow water. but her commander was by no means to become so easy a prey to destruction, and refused to follow. on the following day the news was brought to the governor that the enemy was landing in fourteen boats, provided with mortars, cannon, scaling ladders, and about three hundred men, exclusive of marines. york factory at this time was garrisoned by sixty english and twelve indians. its defence consisted of thirteen cannon, twelve and nine pounders, which formed a half-moon battery in front; but it being thought probable that the enemy would arrive in the night and turn these guns against the fort, they were overturned into the ditch. on the ramparts were twelve swivel guns mounted on carriages, and within were abundance of small arms and ammunition. besides, a rivulet of fresh water ran within the stockades; and there were also thirty head of cattle and as many hogs within the confines of the fort. on the nd, two indian scouts were sent out to obtain intelligence; these returned in about three hours with the information that, in their judgment, the enemy were less than a league distant. indeed they had heard several guns fired in the neighbourhood of the fort; and at sunset of that day all could plainly discern a large fire, presumably kindled by the french about a mile and a half to the west. [sidenote: french attack york factory.] at ten o'clock the next morning, the enemy appeared before the gates. "during their approach," says one of those in the fort at the time, "a most inviting opportunity offered itself to be revenged on our invaders by discharging the guns on the ramparts, which must have done great execution." unhappily, the governor was hardly the man for such an occasion. he knew nothing of war, and had a wholesome dread of all armed and equipped soldiery. he trembled so that he could scarcely stand, and begged the surgeon, "for god's sake to give him a glass of liquor to steady his nerves." there being none at hand, he swallowed a tumbler of raw spirits of wine. this so far infused courage and determination into his blood, that he peremptorily declared he would shoot the first man who offered to fire a gun. dismay took possession of many of the company's servants, and the second in command and the surgeon endeavoured to expostulate. to avert this, the governor caught up a white sheet with his own hand and waved it from a window of the fort. this was answered by the french officer displaying his pocket handkerchief. under the sanction of this flag of truce, a parley took place. the governor was summoned to surrender within two hours. but no such time was needed by the governor; and the fort was most ingloriously yielded in about ten minutes. in vain did the council plead that this fort might have withstood the united efforts of double the number of those by whom it was assailed in an attack with small arms. in vain they demonstrated that from the nature of the enemy's attack by way of nelson river, they could not use their mortars or artillery, the ground being very bad and interspersed with woods, thickets and bogs. the governor was resolved to yield the place, and he carried out his intention much to the astonishment and satisfaction of la pérouse. [sidenote: unwise surrender.] the unwisdom of the surrender was afterwards made too apparent. it was made to a half-starved, half-shod body of frenchmen, worn out by fatigue and hard labour, not a man of whom was familiar with the country. it was perceived also, when it was too late, that the enemy's ships lay at least twenty miles from the factory, in a boisterous sea. consequently, they could not co-operate with their troops on shore, save with the greatest difficulty and uncertainty, and if the fort had held out a few weeks it would have been impossible. the french troops could have received no supplies but what came from the ships; and cold, hunger and fatigue were working hourly in favour of the company's men. la pérouse now issued orders for the fort to be evacuated and burned, and the company's people were taken prisoners. the company suffered great loss by the capture of york factory, which had, as we have seen, remained in their possession since the treaty of utrecht. the whole of the furs which had not yet been sent on board the ship were destroyed, as well as a large quantity of stores, implements and appliances which had been collecting for nearly seventy years. this expedition had resulted in two cheap conquests for la pérouse. but the fortunes of war bade fair to alter the situation. the company sent in a bill to the british government of many thousands of pounds for failing to protect their fort on churchill river; and when peace was proclaimed, the french plenipotentiary agreed on behalf of his master to settle this bill. fort prince of wales was never rebuilt. its ruins stand, to-day, to mark the most northern fortress on the continent of north america, scarcely inferior in strength to louisburg or to quebec. "its site," remarks dr. bell, "was admirably chosen; its design and armament were once perfect; interesting still as a relic of bygone strife, but useful now only as a beacon for the harbour it had failed to protect." although the french themselves sustained no loss from the english in their brief campaign against the fort; yet, owing to the severity of the climate and their own inexperience, they lost five large boats, a considerable quantity of merchandise and fifteen soldiers who were drowned in hays' river after the surrender of the fort. footnotes: [ ] the eastern traders were always known by this title, as though hailing from boston, in contradistinction to the "king george men." [ ] upon the new post was bestowed the name of cumberland house. [ ] the following were the prices paid by the company about , at its inland posts:-- a gun beaver skins. a strand blanket do. a white do. do. an axe of one pound weight do. half a pint of gunpowder do. ten balls do. the principal profits accrued from the sale of knives, beads, flint, steels, awls and other small articles. tobacco fetched one beaver skin per foot of "spencer's twist," and rum "not very strong," two beaver skins per bottle. [ ] "what folly," asks one of the company's servants, "could be more egregious than to erect a fort of such extent, strength and expense and only allow thirty-nine men to defend it?" [ ] an account of hearne's journey was found in ms. among the papers of the governor, and la pérouse declares in his memoirs that hearne was very pressing that it should be returned to him as his private property. "the goodness of la pérouse's heart induced him to yield to this urgent solicitation, and he returned the ms. to him on the express condition, however, that he should print and publish it immediately on his arrival in england." "notwithstanding this," observes mr. fitzgerald, "hearne's travels did not appear until , _i.e._, twenty-three years after they were performed." this gentleman, so distinguished in his zeal to prove a case against the company, evidently overlooks the circumstance of the gist of travels having been issued in pamphlet form in and again in - . the volume of was merely an application--the product of hearne's leisure upon retirement. chapter xxvii. - . disastrous effects of the competition -- montreal merchants combine -- the north-westers -- scheme of the association -- alexander mackenzie -- his two expeditions reach the pacific -- emulation difficult -- david thompson. [sidenote: competition of the canadian traders.] for many years up to , before the traders from canada had penetrated their territory, york factory had annually sent to london at least , skins. there were rarely more than twenty-five men employed in the fort at low wages. in the company maintained nearly one hundred men at this post, at larger wages, yet the number of skins averaged only about , from this and the other posts. the rivalry daily grew stronger and more bitter. yet from what has been seen of the habits and character of the canadian bushrangers and peddlers, it is almost unnecessary to say that the company's scotchmen ingratiated themselves more into the esteem and confidence of the indians wherever and whenever the two rivals met. the advantage of trade, it has been well said, was on their side--because their honesty was proven. but there was another reason for the greater popularity of the company amongst the natives, and it was that the principal articles of their trading goods were of a quality superior to those imported from canada. the extraordinary imprudence and ill-manner of life which characterized the montreal traders continually offset the enterprise and exertions of their employers. many of these traders had spent the greater portion of their lives on this inland service; they were devoid of every social and humane tie, slaves to the most corrupting vices, more especially drunkenness. so that it is not strange that they were held in small esteem by the indians, who, a choice being free to them, finding themselves frequently deceived by specious promises, were not long in making up their minds with whom to deal. "till the year ," says mackenzie, "the people of athabaska sent or carried their furs regularly to fort churchill, and some of them have since that time repaired farther, notwithstanding they could have provided themselves with all the necessaries which they required. the difference of the price set on goods here and at the factory, made it an object with the chippewans to undertake a journey of five or six months, in the course of which they were reduced to the most painful extremities, and often lost their lives from hunger and fatigue. at present, however, this traffic is, in a great measure, discontinued, as they were obliged to expend in the course of their journey, that very ammunition which was its most alluring object." [sidenote: montreal merchants combine.] but the company was now threatened with a more determined and judicious warfare by the better class of canadian traders. the enterprise had been checked, first by the animosity of the indians, and at the same time by the ravages of the smallpox, but during the winter of - , the montreal merchants resolved, for the better prosecution of their scheme, to effect a junction of interests, by forming an association of sixteen equal shares, without, however, depositing any capital. the scheme was to be carried out in this way: each party was to furnish a proportion of such articles as were necessary in the trade, while the actual traders, or "wintering partners," of these merchants were to receive each a corresponding share of the profits. to this association was given, on the suggestion of joseph frobisher, the name of the north-west company. the chief management of the business was entrusted to the two frobishers and simon mctavish, another scotch merchant in montreal. in may, , accordingly, benjamin frobisher and mctavish went to the grand portage with their credentials from the other partners in the new undertaking. here they met the bulk of the traders and voyageurs, who were delighted to hear of the new scheme. these entered heartily into the spirit of the undertaking, and that spring embarked for the west with the merchandise and provisions brought them, with a lighter heart than they had known for years, and with a determination to profit by the disasters of the past. not all of the chief traders, it must be said, cast in their lots with the new company. two, named pond and pangman, opposed it; and finding a couple of merchants who were willing to furnish sufficient capital, resolved to strike out for themselves as rivals to the north-west company. this action occasioned, as might be expected, great bitterness and disorder. nevertheless, it was the means of bringing to light a young scotchman from the isles, whose name will be forever linked with the north-west. his name was alexander mackenzie. [sidenote: alexander mackenzie.] this young man had been for five years in the counting-house of gregory, one of the merchants who had allied themselves with the two malcontents. it was now decided that mackenzie should set out with pond and pangman in their separate trading venture into the distant indian country. a more perilous business than this can scarcely be imagined. besides the natural difficulties, the party had to encounter all the fiercest enmity and opposition of which the adherents of the new association were capable. it is enough to say that after a fearful struggle they forced the latter to allow them a participation in the trade. but the feat which resulted in the coalition of the two interests in cost them dear. one of the partners was killed, another lamed for life, and many of their voyageurs injured. yet the establishment thus joined, and shorn of all rivals save the great company, was placed on a solid basis, and the fur-trade of canada began to assume greater proportions than it had yet done under the english _régime_. as this north-west concern was finally itself to merge into the company of which these chapters are the history, it will not be unprofitable to glance at its constitution and methods, particularly as the economic fabric was to be likewise transferred and adapted to its hudson's bay rival. [illustration: sir alexander mackenzie.] [sidenote: the north-west company.] it was then, and continued to be, merely an association of merchants agreeing among themselves to carry on the fur-trade by itself, although many of these merchants plied other commerce. "it may be said," observes mackenzie, "to have been supported entirely on credit; for whether the capital belonged to the proprietor, or was borrowed, it equally bore interest, for which the association was annually accountable." the company comprised twenty shares unequally divided and amongst the parties concerned. "of these a certain proportion was held by the people who managed the business in canada and were styled agents for the company. their duty was to import the necessary goods from england, store them at their own expense at montreal, get them made up into articles suited to the trade, pack and forward them and supply the cash that might be wanting for the outfits." for all this they received, besides the profit on their shares, an annual commission on the business done. a settlement took place each year, two of the partners going to grand portage to supervise affairs of that growing centre, now outrivalling detroit, michilimackinac and sault ste. marie. the furs were seen safely to the company's warehouse in montreal, where they were stored pending their shipment to england. this class were denominated agents for the concern. then there was the other proprietary class--the actual traders, who conducted the expeditions amongst the indians and furnished no capital. if they did amass capital by the trade they could invest it in the company through the agents, but could never employ it privately. there were several who from long service and influence who had acquired double shares and these were permitted to retire from activity, leaving one of such shares to whichever young man in the service they chose to nominate, provided always he was approved by the company. such successions, we are told, were considered as due to either seniority or exceptional merit. the retiring shareholder was relieved from any responsibility concerning the share he transferred and accounted for it according to the annual value or rate of the property. thus the trader who disposed of his extra share had no pecuniary advantage from the sale, but only drew a continuous profit from the share which as a sleeping partner he retained. [sidenote: partnership regulations.] by such means all the younger men who were not provided for at the inception of the north-west company, or when they afterwards entered into service, were likely to succeed to the situation and profits of regular partners in the concern. by their contract they entered the company's service as articled clerks for five or seven years. occasionally they succeeded to shares before the expiration of their apprenticeship. none could be admitted as a partner unless he had first served such apprenticeship to the fur-trade, therefore shares were transferable only to the concern at large. as for the sleeping partner he could not, of course, be debarred from selling out if he chose, but if the transaction were not countenanced by the rest, his name continued to figure in committee, the actual owner of the share being regarded as merely his agent or attorney. a vote accompanied every share, two-thirds constituting a majority. such, in brief, was the remarkable constitution of this commercial body--a constitution which was in those days wholly unique. by such regular and equitable methods of providing for all classes of employees, a zeal and independence was fostered. every petty clerk felt himself, as he was, a principal, and his loyalty and thrift became assured forthwith. it has been argued, and not unjustly, that such a constitution was obvious, that no great merit need be ascribed to its originators, that it was evolved, so to speak, by the situation itself. the character of the fur-trade at that time was such, the commerce so hazardous and diffused over so vast a country, that without that spirit of emulation thus evoked the new fur company must quickly have resolved itself into its constituent particles. nevertheless, shrewdness, courage and foresight were demanded, and in the persons of these canadian scotchmen were forthcoming. as for the value of the business in , all the furs, merchandise, provisions and equipments were worth the sum of £ , . this might properly be called the stock of the company, for, as mackenzie, who was now one of its traders, remarked, it included, within the gross expenditure for that year, the amount of the property unexpended, which having been appropriated for that year's adventure, was carried on to the account of the next season. so greatly did the new company flourish that the gross amount of the adventure ten years later, was close upon £ , . but in that year, , a change was to occur which will be dealt with in another chapter. [sidenote: mackenzie's expedition to the arctic.] in mackenzie felt the time ripe to prosecute a journey towards which his mind had long been directed--that journey overland to the pacific, in which verandrye, as we have seen, had failed through the hand of death. his commercial associates by no means relished the enterprise; but mackenzie's power and influence had now grown considerable, and he found means this year to carry out his wish. on the rd of june, , mackenzie set out from fort chipewyan, at the head of athabaska lake, a station nearly midway between hudson's bay and the pacific. the young explorer had served here for eight years, and was familiar with the difficulties he had to face, as well as aware of the best methods of overcoming them. taking with him four canoes, he embarked a german and four canadians with their wives in the first. the second canoe was occupied by a northern indian, called english chief, who had been a follower of matonabee, hearne's chief guide and counsellor. this worthy was accompanied by his two wives. the third was taken up by two sturdy young savages, who served in the double capacity of hunters and interpreters; whilst the fourth was laden with provisions, clothing, ammunition, and various articles designed as presents to the indians. this canoe was in charge of one of the north-west concern's clerks, named la roux. in such fashion and in such numbers did mackenzie's party set forth from fort chipewyan. by the th of june they reached slave river, which connects the athabasca and slave lakes in a course of about miles; on the th of the same month they sighted slave lake itself. during this part of the journey they had suffered no other inconvenience than those arising from the attacks of the mosquitoes during the heat of the day and the excessive cold, which characterizes the nights in that country, especially in the hours near dawn. skirting the shore they came to a lodge of red knife indians, so called from their use of copper knives. one of these natives offered to conduct mackenzie to the mouth of that river which was the object of his search, as the coppermine had been of hearne's. unhappily, so numerous were the impediments encountered from drift ice, contrary winds, and the ignorance of their guide (whom english chief threatened to murder for his incompetence), that it was the th of the month before they embarked upon the stream which to-day bears the name of the leader of the party who then first ascended it. [sidenote: journey down the mackenzie river.] on quitting the lake, the mackenzie river was found to take its course to the westward, becoming gradually narrower for twenty-four miles, till it dwindled to a stream half a mile wide, having a strong current and a depth of three and a half fathoms. a stiff breeze from the eastward now drove them on at a great speed, and after a run of ten miles the channel widened gradually until it assumed the appearance of a small lake. the guide confessed that this was the limit of his acquaintance with the river. soon afterwards they came in sight of the chain of horn mountains, bearing north-west, and experienced some difficulty in resuming the channel of the river. the party continued the journey for five days with no interruption. on july th they observed several columns of smoke on the north bank and on landing discovered an encampment of five families of slave and dog-ribbed indians, who, on the first appearance of the white men, fled in consternation to the woods. english chief, however, called after them, in a tongue they understood, and they, though reluctantly, responded to his entreaties to return, especially when they were accompanied by offers of gifts. the distribution of a few beads, rings and knives, with a supply of grog, soon reconciled them to the strangers. but the travellers were somewhat appalled to learn from these indians of the rigours of the journey which awaited them. these asserted that it would require several winters to reach the sea, and that old age would inevitably overtake the party before their return. demons of terrible shape and malevolent disposition were stated to have their dwellings in the rock caves which lined the river's brim, and these were ready to devour the hardy spirits who should dare continue their journey past them. this information mackenzie and his party endeavoured to receive with equanimity; they staggered more at the narrative of two impassable falls which were said to exist about thirty days march from where they then were. but although the effect of these tales on the leader of the expedition was not great, his indians, already weary of travelling, drank all in with willing ears. they could hardly be induced to continue the journey. when their scruples were overcome, one of the dog-ribbed indians was persuaded by the present of a kettle, an axe, and some other articles, to accompany them as guide. but, alas, when the hour for embarkation came, his love of home overbore all other considerations, and his attempt to escape was only frustrated by actually forcing him on board. continuing their journey, they passed the great bear lake river, and steering through numerous islands came in sight of a ridge of snowy mountains, frequented, according to their guide, by herds of bears and small white buffalo. the banks of the river were seen to be pretty thickly peopled with natives, whose timidity was soon overcome by small gifts. from these indians was procured a seasonable supply of hares, partridges, fish and reindeer. the same stories of spirits or manitous which haunted the stream, and of fearful rapids which would dash the canoes in pieces, were repeated by these tribes. this time they had a real effect. the guide, during a storm of thunder and lightning, decamped in the night, and no doubt fled for home as rapidly as his legs, or improvised canoe, could carry him. no great difficulty, however, was experienced in procuring a substitute, and after a short sail the party approached an encampment of indians, whose brawny figures, healthy appearance, and cleanliness were a great improvement on the other tribes they had seen. from these mackenzie learnt that he must sleep ten nights before arriving at the sea. in three nights, he was told, he would meet with esquimaux, with whom they had been at war, but were now at peace. it was evident that none in these parts had ever heard the sound of fire-arms for, when one of mackenzie's men discharged his fowling-piece, the utmost terror took possession of them. when this intrepid pioneer through the lands of the hudson's bay company had reached a latitude of ° ´, a great range of snowy mountains burst into view. mackenzie, by this time, was convinced that the waters on which the four frail barks were gliding must flow into the arctic ocean. when within a few days of accomplishing the great object of the journey, the attendant indians sunk into a fit of despondency and were reluctant to proceed. the new guide pleaded his ignorance of the region, as he had never before penetrated to what he and his fellows termed the benahulla toe.[ ] mackenzie, thereupon, assured them all that he would return if it were not reached in seven days, and so prevailed on them to continue the journey. the nights were now illumined by a blazing sun and everything denoted the proximity of the sea. on landing at a deserted esquimaux encampment, several pieces of whalebone were observed; also a place where train-oil had been spilt. signs of vegetation grew rarer and rarer. [sidenote: the explorer reaches the arctic.] on the th of july the explorer reached what appears to have been an arm of the arctic sea. it was quite open to the westward, and by an observation the latitude was found to be °. all before them, as far as they could see, was a vast stretch of ice. they continued their course with difficulty fifteen miles to the western-most extremity of a high island, and then it was found impossible to proceed farther. many other islands were seen to the eastward; but though they came to a grave, on which lay a bow, a paddle and a spear, they met no living human beings in those arctic solitudes. the red fox and the reindeer, flocks of beautiful plover, some venerable white owls, and several large white gulls were the only natives. but mackenzie knew he had triumphed; for he had, as he stood on the promontory of whale island, caught sight of a shoal of those marine night monsters from whom the island then received its name. before returning, mackenzie caused a post to be erected close to the tents, upon which the traveller engraved the latitude of the spot, his own name, the number of persons accompanying him, and the time they spent on the island. [illustration: the bushranger and the indians.] [illustration: a portage.] on the th of july they set out on their long journey to the fort. on the st, the sun, which for some time had never set, descended below the horizon, and on that day they were joined by eleven of the natives. these represented their tribe as numerous, and perpetually at war with the esquimaux, who had broken a treaty into which they had seduced the indians and had massacred many of them. on one occasion an indian of a strange tribe beyond the mountains to the west endeavoured to draw for mackenzie a map of that distant country with a stick upon the sand. it was a rude production, but gave the explorer an idea. the savage traced out a long point of land between two rivers. this isthmus he represented as running into the great lake, at the extremity of which, as he had been told by indians of other nations, there was built a benahulla couin, or white man's fort. "this," says mackenzie, "i took to be oonalaska fort, and consequently the river to the west to be cook's river, and that the body of water or sea into which the river discharges itself at whale island communicated with norton sound." mackenzie in vain endeavoured to procure a guide across the mountains; the natives refused to accompany him. on the th of september the party arrived in safety at fort chippewyan, having been absent one hundred and two days. taken in connection with hearne's journey, this expedition was of great importance as establishing the fact of an arctic sea of wide extent to the north of the continent. it seemed probable, also, that this sea formed its continuous boundary. but the greater expedition of this intrepid fur-trader was yet to be undertaken. his object this time was to ascend the peace river, which rises in the rocky mountains, and crossing these to penetrate to that unknown stream which he had sought in vain during his former journey. this river, he conjectured, must communicate with the ocean; and finding it, he must be borne along to the pacific. [sidenote: mackenzie sets out for the pacific.] the explorer set out, accordingly, from fort chippewyan on the th of october, , pushing on to the remotest trading post, where he spent the winter in a traffic for furs with the beaver and rocky indians. when he had despatched six canoes to chippewyan with the cargo he had collected, he engaged hunters and interpreters, built a huge canoe and set out for the pacific. this canoe, it may be mentioned, was twenty-five feet long within, exclusive of the curves of stem and stern, twenty-six inches hold and four feet nine inches beam. at the same time it was so light that two men could carry it three or four miles, if necessity arose, without stopping to rest. in such a slender craft they not only stowed away their provisions, presents, arms, ammunition and baggage to the weight of three thousand pounds, but found room for mackenzie, seven white companions and two indians. up to the st of may the party encountered a series of such difficulties and hardships that all save the leader himself were disheartened at the prospect. the river being broken by frequent cascades and dangerous rapids, it was very often necessary to carry the canoe and baggage until the voyage could be resumed in safety; and on their nearer approach to the rocky mountains the stream, hemmed in between stupendous rocks, presented a continuance of fearful torrents and huge cataracts. the party began to murmur audibly; and, at last, progress came to a standstill. in truth, there was some reason for this irresolution; further progress by water was impossible and they could only advance over a mountain whose sides were broken by sharp, jagged rocks and thickly covered with wood. mackenzie despatched a reconnoitring party, with orders to ascend the mountain and proceed in a straight course from its summit, keeping the line of the river until they could ascertain if it was practicable to resume navigation. while this party was gone on its quest, the canoe was repaired, and mackenzie busied himself in taking an altitude which showed the latitude to be ° '. by sunset the scouts had severally returned, each having taken different routes. they had penetrated through thick woods, ascended hills and dived into valleys, passed the rapids, and agreed, that though the difficulties by land were appalling, this was the only practicable course. unattractive as was the prospect, the spirits of the party rose as night closed in. their troubles were forgotten in a repast of wild rice sweetened with sugar; the usual evening regale of rum renewed their courage, and followed by a night's rest, they entered upon the journey next day with cheerfulness and vigour. it is not to the purpose here to relate all that befell mackenzie on this memorable voyage, but, after many vicissitudes, towards the close of june he reached the spot where the party were to strike off across the country. [sidenote: journey in the mountain.] "we carried on our back," says mackenzie, "four bags and a half of pemmican, weighing from eighty-five to ninety-five pounds each, a case with the instruments, a parcel of goods for presents weighing ninety pounds, and a parcel containing ammunition of the same weight; each of the canadians had a burden of about ninety pounds, with a gun and ammunition, whilst the indians had about forty-five pounds weight of pemmican, besides their gun--an obligation with which, owing to their having been treated with too much indulgence, they expressed themselves much dissatisfied. my own load, and that of mr. mackay, consisted of twenty-two pounds of pemmican, some rice, sugar, and other small articles, amounting to about seventy pounds, besides our arms and ammunition. the tube of my telescope was also slung across my shoulder, and owing to the low state of our provisions, it was determined that we should content ourselves with two meals a day." about the middle of july mackenzie encountered a chief who had, ten years before, in a voyage by sea, met with two large vessels full of white men, the first he had ever seen and by whom he was kindly received. the explorer very plausibly conjectured that these were the ships of captain cook. thus the names of two of the world's great explorers were, by that episode, conjoined. the navigation of the river, although interrupted by rapids and cascades, was continued until the rd, when the party reached its mouth. here the river was found to discharge itself by various smaller channels into the pacific. the memorable journey was now finished, and its purpose completed. in large characters, upon the surface of a rock under whose shelter the party had slept, their leader painted this simple memorial: "alexander mackenzie, from canada by land the nd of july, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three." such was the inscription written with vermilion, at which doubtless the simple aboriginal tribes came to marvel before it was washed away by the elements. but its purport was conveyed to england in another and more abiding character, which yet will not outlast the memory of the achievement. mackenzie and his followers had paved the way; almost despite itself the company must take possession, before long, of its own; although much had arisen which rendered the task less easy than if it had been undertaken immediately on the conquest, thirty years before. [sidenote: turner's exploration.] the news of mackenzie's journeys reaching london considerably perturbed the honourable adventurers and undeniably diminished their prestige. it was not that the company did not wish to pursue discovery and bring about a knowledge of the vast unknown regions which appertained to it under the charter; it was for a long time impracticable. in it had sent out orders to continue the exploration of the west, begun by hearne. a man had been despatched in accordance with these instructions, but his courage, or his endurance, had failed him, and he returned to cumberland house without having accomplished anything of note. for the five or six years ensuing, the reports of the meetings of the company are sufficient testimony to the desire of the members to take an active part in seeking trade with unknown tribes. but to effect this, men were necessary; and men of the required character were not immediately forthcoming. it was not till that, after an animated correspondence with the colonial office, a person was suggested for the enterprise who seemed to possess the equipment adequate to the task. this was turner, who sought a career as an astronomer, and with him went ross, one of the company's clerks. both were badly furnished for an expedition of this kind, and taking counsel among themselves, came to the conclusion that as they had to make their way through parts unknown to the hudson's bay servants, it would be as well to seek the assistance of the northmen as well. from alexander mackenzie, turner obtained a letter to the factor in charge of fort chippewyan, instructing him to offer the explorers every facility and courtesy; and indeed so well were turner and his companion treated at this post that they passed the winter there. the result of this expedition went to show that lake athabasca, instead of being situated in proximity to the pacific, was really distant nearly a thousand miles. there were men enough for the work in hand if the company had only availed themselves of them. at the very moment when mackenzie was making his voyages, a youth was finishing his education at the charter house who had all the cleverness, force and intrepidity for the task that all desired to see accomplished. his name was david thompson. the time having arrived when this youth should choose a career, his inclination turned to travel in the unknown quarters of the globe, and hoping that adventure of some sort would transpire for him in the north-west of the new world, he signed as one of the clerks of the company, and set sail in for fort churchill. arriving here, he found himself "cribbed, cabined and confined." governor colen and himself were little to their mutual liking, and still less of the same mind, as thompson had an ardent, energetic temperament, and was with difficulty controlled. yet during the summer of , by reason of continuous pleadings, he obtained permission to set out on a tour to the west, and with an escort of one white clerk, an irishman, and two indians, he travelled to athabasca, surveying the country as he went along. [sidenote: david thompson.] on his return from athabasca, thompson's term of service had expired, and he was encouraged to apply for employment with the northmen. they desired to learn the position of their trading houses, chiefly with respect to the th parallel of latitude, which had become, since the treaty of with america, the boundary line between the possessions of the two countries. for several years thompson continued in the service of the company's rivals, surveying a considerable territory and drawing up charts and maps, which were sent to the partners at fort william.[ ] after thompson came simon fraser and john stuart, the names of both of whom are perpetuated in the rivers bearing their names to-day. fraser is described by one of his associates as "an illiterate, ill-bred, fault-finding man, of jealous disposition, but ambitious and energetic, with considerable conscience, and in the main holding to honest convictions." both these men bore a chief share in establishing trading posts on the other side of the rocky mountains, which are now associated with the hudson's bay company. footnotes: [ ] white man's lake. [ ] of david thompson we get a portrait from mr. h. h. bancroft. he was, he says, "of an entirely different order of man from the orthodox fur-trader. tall and fine looking, with sandy complexion, with large features, deep-set studious eyes, high forehead and broad shoulders, the intellectual was set upon the physical. his deeds have never been trumpeted as have those of some of the others; but in the westward explorations of the north-west company, no man performed more valuable service or estimated his achievements more modestly. unhappily his last days were not as pleasant as fell to the lot of some of the worn out members of the company. he retired, almost blind, to lachine house, once the headquarters of the company, where he was met with in in a very decrepit condition." chapter xxviii. - . captain vancouver -- la pérouse in the pacific -- the straits of anian -- a fantastic episode -- russian hunters and traders -- the russian company -- dissensions amongst the northmen -- they send the _beaver_ to hudson's bay -- the scheme of mackenzie a failure -- a ferocious spirit fostered -- abandoned characters -- a series of outrages -- the affair at bad lake. when mackenzie, in july, , reached the pacific by land from the east, he had been preceded by sea only three years by captain george vancouver, the discoverer of the british columbian coast. the same year gray, sailing from boston in , entered the columbia river farther south. but the title of muscovy to the northern coasts had already been made good by several russians since bering's time, and the company's charter secured to them the lands drained by the fraser, mackenzie, and peace rivers, to the west. [sidenote: la pérouse in the pacific.] so little, however, was the russian title recognized for some time, that when this unfortunate expedition of la pérouse, with the frigates _boussole_ and _astralabe_, stopped on this coast in , that doughty destroyer of york and prince of wales' forts did not hesitate to consider the friendly harbour in latitude ° ' as open to permanent occupation. describing this harbour, which he named port des françois, he says that nature seemed to have created at this extremity of the world a port like that of toulon, but vaster in plan and accommodation; and then, considering that it had never been discovered before, that it was situated thirty-three leagues north-west of remedios, the limit of spanish navigation, about two hundred and eighty-four leagues from nootka, and one hundred leagues from prince william sound. the mariner records his judgment that "if the french government had any project of a factory on this coast no nation could have the slightest right to oppose it." [illustration: de l'isle's map, .] thus was russia to be coolly dislodged by the french! there is little doubt but that the company, judging by its declarations in committee some years afterwards, would have had something to say in the matter. but la pérouse and his frigates sailed farther on in their voyage and never returned to france. their fate for a generation remained unknown, until their shipwrecked hulls were accidentally found on a desert island in the south pacific. the unfinished journal of this zealous admiral had, however, in the meantime been sent by him overland by way of kamschatka and siberia to france, where it was published by decree of the national assembly, thus making known his supposed discovery and his aspirations. [sidenote: spanish claims.] spain also had been a claimant. in bodega, a spanish navigator, seeking new opportunities to plant the spanish flag, reached a parallel of ° on this coast, not far from sitka; but this supposed discovery was not followed by any immediate assertion of dominion. the universal aspiration of spain had embraced this whole region at a much earlier day, and shortly after the return of bodega another enterprise was equipped to verify the larger claim, being nothing less than the original title as discoverer of the straits between america and asia, and of the conterminous continent under the name of anian. indeed, a spanish document appeared, which caused a considerable fluttering of hearts amongst the adventurers, entitled "relation of the discovery of the strait of anian made by me, captain lorenzo ferren maldonado," purporting to be written at the time, although it did not see the light until , when it immediately became the subject of a memoir before the french academy. this narrative of maldonado has long since taken its place with that of the celebrated munchausen. the whole fantastic episode of anian's straits is worthy of mention in a history of the company and its lands. there is no doubt of the existence of early maps bearing straits of that name to the north. on an interesting map by zoltieri, bearing the date of , without latitude or longitude, the western coast of the continent is here delineated with straits separating it from asia, not unlike bering's straits in outline and with the name in italian, stretto di anian; and towards the south the coast possesses a certain conformity to that which we now know. below the straits is an indentation corresponding to bristol bay; then a peninsula somewhat broader than alaska, which is continued in an elbow of the coast; lower down appear three islands, not unlike sitka, queen charlotte and vancouver; and lastly, to the south appears the peninsula of lower california. after a time maps began to record the straits of anian; but the substantial conformity of the early delineation with the reality has always been somewhat of a mystery.[ ] the foundation of the story of anian is said to lie in the voyage of the portuguese navigator, caspar de cortereal, in - , who, on reaching hudson's bay in quest of a passage to india, imagined he had found it, naming his discovery "in honour of two brothers who accompanied him." [sidenote: russians on the west coast.] meanwhile russian hunters and traders from okhotsk were extending their expedition from the north-east coast of siberia to the north-west coast of north america. a russian government expedition started from okhotsk in , under the command of captain billings, an englishman in the russian service, and to captain taryteheff, one of the members, are due important researches on the hydrography and ethnology of these countries. the first attempt at permanent settlement was due to three russian traders, shelekoff and the two golikoffs, who fitted out two or three vessels to be sent to "the land of alaska, also called america; to islands known or unknown, for the purpose of trading in furs; of exploring the country and entering into relations with the inhabitants." their first expedition started in , and the first settlement was founded on the island of kodiak. the authority of the russian government was thus established on this and the adjacent islands. in , shelekoff, then residing in irkoutsk, sent out a merchant named baranoff to govern the new colony.[ ] thus the knowledge that they were being pressed in on opposite sides by the canadian traders on the south and east, and by russians on the north and west, reached the company at the same time. as a matter of fact, the knowledge of baranoff's enterprise and the energy with which it was being prosecuted did not come before the committee until october, ; and it was in that very month that the report of mackenzie's journey reached them. the next few years were devoted to devising and considering schemes to counteract these two growing competitors--to oppose the further progress of the russians on the one hand, and to combat the north-westers on the other. for twenty-seven years baranoff continued to be the controlling mind of the new russian trading enterprise. shelekoff died in ; and his widow continued the business, and upon combining with the milnikoff company it increased gradually in wealth. the charter of these joint enterprises, to which the name of the russian-american fur company was given, was signed in august, , and confirmed at st. petersburg in . that year witnessed the settlement of new archangel, on the island of sitka. the consequences of this increased output were not, however, felt in the fur-markets at leipsic. europe was convulsed by war, and napoleon had laid an embargo on british goods. the furs, therefore, accumulated for several years in the stores of the hudson's bay company without finding a mart. from to , for only a portion of which time the russian company existed, the unalaska district yielded upwards of , , seal skins alone. the number of other skins reported at times was prodigious. but the time had not come for the company to actively assert itself in opposition to the russians. it was paying dearly now for its short-sightedness in not availing itself of the opportunities afforded by the conquest of canada to penetrate into its chartered domain. in the second year of the century the honourable adventurers had been obliged to borrow £ , from the bank of england, hoping that the cessation of war in europe, and the quarrels of the rival montreal traders in north america, would permit the company to regain the advantage it had lost. for in the autumn of the company had received advices that its prosperous canadian rival had taken a new step in the conduct of its affairs. [sidenote: rival factions in the north-west company.] difficulties and dissensions had begun to breed in the ranks of the northmen. a few disaffected spirits spoke of secession and carried their intentions into effect, but the stronger partners were reluctant to break up an alliance which had proved so prosperous. but in the closing year, but one of the century, the situation became intolerable and when the partners met, as was their custom at the grand portage, mackenzie bluntly told his associates that he had resolved to quit the company. he was led to this decision by a personal quarrel between himself and simon mctavish, the chief of the north-west company. opposing factions sprang into being, attaching themselves to both mackenzie and mctavish, the latter of whom strongly resented the way in which he was treated at the annual meeting by the partisans of the former, and each now determined to take his course thenceforward untrammelled by the other. mackenzie went to england, where he published an account of his travels in the north-west and obtained the honour of knighthood, and in returned to canada. here his friends flocked about him, and there saw the light of a new organization, officially entitled the new north-west company, or sir alexander mackenzie & co., but more popularly as the x. y. co. the two rival canadian associations now put forth all their strength to establish their commerce in the unknown and unfrequented regions. one of the old north-west employees, livingston, who had already, in , established a post nearly miles north of slave lake, undertook to carry the trade still farther north. but this he was never destined to accomplish. a few days out on this journey he was confronted by the aborigines, who slew him and his companions. an expedition to the bow river, however, was more successful, and in the midst of many hostile indians a trading post was established there. other proofs of enterprise on the part of mctavish and his associates were not wanting. the dissensions between the two companies so far do not appear to have had a prejudicial effect on the traffic, for on the th october, , lieutenant governor milnes, in a dispatch to lord hobart,[ ] gives an account of the flourishing state of the fur-trade which so far, he says, from diminishing, appears to increase. new tracts of country had been visited by the merchants employed in this traffic, which had furnished new sources of supply, a large proportion of the furs taken in the north-west being brought to quebec for shipment.[ ] but, perhaps, a policy the most daring was pursued with regard to the hudson's bay company. it was not expected that either mctavish and his allies, or the x. y. concern would long be content to forego the glory and profit attendant upon warfare at close quarters with the chartered company. "what is there in their charter," they asked themselves, "which gives them benefits we cannot enjoy? we shall see." [sidenote: the northmen at hudson's bay.] they provided for a most effectual demonstration. in the spring of , they sent the _beaver_, a vessel of one hundred and fifty tons, to hudson's bay, with instructions to exploit commerce under the very guns of the company's forts. hardly had the _beaver_ got under way than an overland expedition was sent by the old french trading route of lakes st. jean and mistassini, to the same quarter. the result was the construction of two posts, one on charlton island, and the other at the mouth of moose river. the astonishment of the company's servants can be imagined, when upon looking out one fine morning, they beheld a band of swarthy half-breeds, captained by orkneymen, rearing premises adjacent to their own, and bidding defiance to the ancient charter of the honourable hudson's bay company. they were told by their superiors not to be alarmed; the scheme of their rivals would not succeed any more than had those of the quebec companies who a century before had sought to penetrate overland to the bay. the company could always undersell them then; and it could now, and did. the confidence of the factors was justified, and the indians merely smiled at the northmen and their goods, bidding them return to their country, or betake themselves to the west, where the tribes were ignorant and knew not the value of things. so, after a season or two, the north-west concern abandoned moose river and charlton island, and sought other and more fruitful fields in the west. [sidenote: the fishery and fur company.] mackenzie himself was in london actively engaged in promoting a scheme of his own. he sought to get the british government to constrain the hudson's bay company to grant licenses to a company of british merchants, to be established in london under the name of "the fishery and fur company," which company, for the purpose of combining the fishery in the pacific with the fur trade of the interior from the east to the west coasts of the continent of north america, would at once "equip whalers in england, and by means of the establishments already made and in activity at montreal on the east and advanced posts and trading houses in the interior towards the west coast, to which they might extend it and where other establishments to be made at king george sound, nootka island, under the protection of the supreme government, and on the river columbia and at sea otter harbour under the protection of the subordinate government of these places, would open and establish a commercial communication through the continent of north america between the atlantic and pacific oceans to the incalculable advantage and furtherance both of the pacific fishery of america and american fur trade of great britain, in part directly and in part indirectly, through the channel of the possessions and factories of the east india company in china," etc., "it being perfectly understood that none of these maritime or inland establishments shall be made on territory in the possession of any other european nation, nor within the limits of the united states of north america or of the hudson's bay company." the scheme, however, failed. the death of mctavish, in , brought about a reunion of the two rival factions, and the north-west company became stronger than ever. they imitated the chartered company in establishing several of their members in london as agents, who purchased the necessary merchandise and saw it safely shipped, besides attending to the fur imports and other regular business of the concern. [sidenote: coalition of the north-west and x. y. companies.] after the coalition of the old north-west and the x. y. concern, and the consequent suppression of all private adventurers in canada, the only rival of the northmen in the uplands was the hudson's bay company. it was alleged that thenceforward the ferocious spirit which had been fostered among the clerks and servants of the two companies by six years of continual violence was all turned against the company. it was said that not only was a systematic plan formed for driving their traders out of all valuable beaver companies, but that hopes were entertained of reducing the company to so low an ebb as in time to induce them to make over their chartered rights to their commercial rival. with this intent, a series of aggressive acts was now begun and carried on against the servants of the company. [illustration: the rival traders.] the hudson's bay company had witnessed the encroachment of the traders, first french, then english, as well as the establishment and growth of the north-west association, without taking any active steps to forcibly restrain them. many years was the competition carried on without any violent breach of the peace on either side. oftentimes indeed did the rival traders meet in the wilderness at a deserted camp, or at some remote portage, but they bore no personal enmity in their hearts. they shook hands, smoked, broke meat together, and parted--one with his beaver skins to the east, the other to the north--to cumberland or york factory. doubtless the north-west concern at the beginning of the century possessed a powerful advantage in the system of profits and deserved promotion, while the company's servants, unstimulated by any hope of additional reward or certain promotion, was calculated to foster apathy, rather than zeal. [sidenote: murder of labau.] it was claimed by the company that the northmen employed for their purposes men of the most abandoned character who, as sir alexander mackenzie expressed it, "considered the command of their employer as binding on them, and however wrong or irregular the transaction the responsibility rested with the principal who directed them." one of the first instances of collision occurred in the year . in that year frederick schultz, a clerk of the old company, commanded a post near nepigon. amongst his men was a young lad about nineteen years of age named labau, who understood english, and had in the course of the preceding winter become intimate with the servants of the hudson's bay company, who occupied a post near the same place. labau was attracted to the company's service and, when the traders on both sides were preparing to leave their wintering ground, resolved to go down to york factory. intelligence of this having reached schultz, he sent his interpreter to order labau to return to his duty, accompanied by a reminder that he was in debt to the north-west company. the young man responded by offering to remit the money he owed the company, but declared that he would not remain any longer in its service. this answer being reported to schultz he vehemently declared that if the scoundrel would not come back willingly he would know what to do with him. the doughty northman took his dagger, carefully whetted it, and having dressed himself in his best attire, went over to the hudson's bay post. here he found labau, and asked him in a furious tone whether he would come with him. the young man, being intimidated, faltered out an affirmative, but watching his opportunity sought to make his escape out of the room, but schultz was too quick for him. he drew his dagger and aimed a blow which labau tried in vain to avoid. he was stabbed in the loin, and expired the same evening. after this exploit, when schultz returned to the assembly of the northmen at the grand portage, he met with an indifferent reception, labau being rather popular amongst his fellow-servants. it was, therefore, not thought advisable to employ schultz any longer in that quarter, although this was the only notice taken of the murder. the murderer came down in the canoes of the north-west concern to montreal, where he remained at large and unnoticed for months. he was afterwards taken into the service of the company, employed in a different region, and after several years settled down undisturbed in lower canada. [illustration: york factory. (_from an old print._)] there can be no doubt that much of the success of the northmen was due to the indiscriminate manner in which they extirpated the animals in the country, destroying all without distinction, whether young or old, in season or out of season. the miserable natives, over-awed by the preparation and power of the strangers, and dreading the resentment of the northmen, witnessed this destruction without daring to resist, although they complained bitterly that their country was wasted as if it had been overrun by fire. it is well known that the best season for hunting all the fur-bearing animals is the winter. the fur in summer is universally of inferior quality, and this, too, is the season when wild animals rear their young. for both these reasons it seemed desirable that the hunting should be suspended during the summer months, and this was effectually procured when all the best hunters, all the young and active men of the indian tribes, were engaged in a distant excursion. there was consequently a material advantage in requiring them to leave their hunting grounds in summer, and come to the factories on the coast for a supply of european goods. while this was the practice, no furs were brought from home but those of prime quality, and as the beaver and other valuable fur-bearing animals were protected from injury during the most critical time of the year, the breed was preserved, and the supply was plentiful. but when the traders came to the interior, there to remain throughout the year, the indians were tempted to conceal their hunts through the season. they were too improvident to abstain from killing the breeding animals or their young. the cub was destroyed with the full-grown beaver, and the consequence might readily have been foreseen. these valuable animals, formerly so numerous, rapidly approached the point of complete extermination. it was observed that the district in which they once abounded, and from which large supplies were formerly obtained, soon came to produce few or none. [sidenote: collision at big fall.] in autumn, , john crear, a trader in the service of the hudson's bay company (also on the establishment of albany factory), occupied a post at a place called big fall, near lake winipic. one evening a party of canadians in two canoes, commanded by mr. alexander macdonnell, then a clerk of the north-west company, arrived, and encamped at a short distance. on the following morning four of crear's men set out for their fishing grounds, about a mile off, immediately after which mr. macdonnell came to the house with his men, and charging crear with having traded furs with an indian who was indebted to the north-west concern, insisted on these furs being given up to him. on crear's refusal, macdonnell's men broke open the warehouse door. william plowman, the only servant that remained with crear, attempted to prevent them from entering; but one of the canadians knocked him down, while another presented a gun at crear himself. although macdonnell prevented him from firing, the canadian struck crear in the eye with the butt end of his gun, which covered his face with blood and felled him to the ground. mr. macdonnell himself stabbed plowman in the arm with a dagger, and gave him a dangerous wound. the canadians then rifled the warehouse; the furs, being taken in summer, were of little value; but they carried off two bags of flour, a quantity of salt pork and beef, and some dried venison, and also took away a new canoe belonging to the hudson's bay company. in the following february macdonnell sent one of his junior clerks with a party of men, who again attacked crear's house, overpowered him, beat him and his men in the most brutal manner, and carried away a great number of valuable furs. they also obliged crear to sign a paper acknowledging that he had given up the furs voluntarily, which they extorted with threats of instant death if he should refuse. mr. alexander macdonnell had lately been promoted to the station of a partner in the north-west concern. in the year , mr. fidler was sent with a party of eighteen men from churchill factory, to establish a trading post at isle a la crosse, near the borders of the athabasca country, but within the territories of the hudson's bay company. he remained there for two years, sending a detachment of his people to green lake and beaver river. during the first winter he had some success, but afterwards he was effectually obstructed. on many former occasions the officers of the hudson's bay company had attempted to establish a trade in this place, which is in the centre of a country abounding in beaver, but they had always been obliged to renounce the attempt. the methods used with mr. fidler may explain the causes of this failure. mr. john macdonnell had been mr. fidler's competitor during the early part of the winter, but (not being inclined to set all principles of law and justice at defiance) was removed and relieved, first by mr. robert henry, and then by mr. john duncan campbell. the north-west concern having been established for many years at isle a la crosse without any competition, had obtained what they call the attachment of the indians, that is to say, they had reduced them to such abject submission that the very sight of a canadian was sufficient to inspire them with terror. in order that this salutary awe might suffer no diminution, the post at isle a la crosse was reinforced with an extra number of canadians, so that the natives might be effectually prevented from holding any intercourse with the traders of the hudson's bay company, and that the appearance of so very superior a force, ready to overwhelm and destroy him, might deter mr. fidler from any attempt to protect his customers. a watch-house was built close to his door, so that no indian could enter unobserved; a party of professed batteilleurs were stationed here, and employed not only to watch the natives, but to give every possible annoyance, night and day, to the servants of the hudson's bay company. their fire-wood was stolen, they were perpetually obstructed in hunting for provisions, the produce of their garden was destroyed, their fishing lines taken away in the night time, and their nets, on which they chiefly relied for subsistence, cut to pieces. the ruffians who were posted to watch mr. fidler, proceeded from one act of violence to another, and in proportion as they found themselves feebly resisted, they grew bolder, and at length issued a formal mandate that not one of the servants of the hudson's bay company should stir out of their house, and followed up this with such examples of severity that mr. fidler's men refused to remain at the post. they were compelled to leave it, and the canadians immediately burnt his house to the ground. [sidenote: the robbery at bad lake.] a trader, william corrigal, in the service of the company, was stationed, in may, , with a few men at a place called bad lake, not far from albany factory. near this post was another occupied by a much larger number of men in charge of a partner in the north-west concern named haldane. five of the canadians in his service watching their opportunity broke into corrigal's house about midnight when he and his men were in bed. the ruffians immediately secured all the loaded guns and pistols they could find, and one of them seizing the company's trader and presenting a pistol at his breast swore to shoot him if he made any resistance. in the meantime the others rifled the storehouse and took away furs to the number of beaver. on their departure corrigal dressed himself and went immediately to haldane, whom he found up, and fully attired, to complain of the conduct of his servants and to demand that the stolen property be restored. the answer of the northman was that "he had come to that country for furs, and furs he was determined to have." the robbers were permitted to carry away the stolen peltries to the grand portage where they were sold, and formed part of the returns of the north-west concern that year. a robbery of the same character took place at red lake a little later in the year. this trading house was also under the charge of corrigal, and was forcibly entered by eight of the northmen, armed with pistols and knives; under threats to murder the servants of the hudson's bay company they carried off furs to the amount of fifty beaver. not long after this they forcibly broke open the same warehouse and robbed it of a large quantity of cloth, brandy, tobacco and ammunition. [sidenote: violence and robbery by the north-west company.] in the year mr. john spence, of the hudson's bay company, commanded a post fitted out from churchill's factory at reindeer lake, in the neighbourhood of which there was a station of the north-west company commanded by mr. john duncan campbell, one of the partners. in the course of the spring, william linklater, in the service of the hudson's bay company, was sent out to meet some indians, from whom he traded a parcel of valuable furs. he was bringing them home on a hand sleigh, and was at no great distance from the house, when campbell came out with a number of men, stopped him, demanded the furs, and on being refused drew a dagger, with which he cut the traces of the sledge, while at the same time one of his men took hold of linklater's shoes, tripped him up, and made him fall on the ice. the sledge of furs was then hauled away to the north-west concern's house. campbell offered to mr. spence to send other furs in exchange for those which he had thus robbed him of; but they were of very inferior value, and the latter refused the compromise. the furs were carried away, and no compensation was ever made. on a previous occasion, at isle a la crosse lake (in the year ), the same campbell had attacked two of the servants of the hudson's bay company, and took a parcel of furs from them in the same way. some of the men from the hudson's bay house came out to assist their fellow-servants, but were attacked by superior numbers of the canadians, and beaten off, with violence and bloodshed. footnotes: [ ] see map, page . [ ] to exhibit anew the exaggeration common to the acquisition of new possessions, i may observe that shelekoff reported that he had subjected to the crown of russia, "fifty thousand men in the island of kodiak alone." but lisiansky, who took a prominent part in the russian company, remarks, in , that "the population of the island, when compared with its size, is very small." after the "minutest research" at that time he found it amounted to only four thousand souls. [ ] canadian archives. [ ] the tables enclosed in the dispatch show, first, the names and numbers of the posts occupied in the indian country (exclusive of the king's posts), the number of partners, clerks and men employed, the latitude and longitude of each post being also given. the grand total shows that there were posts, partners, clerks and interpreters, common men, in all of a permanent staff , men, thus divided: ninety-five in the territory of the united states from the south side of lake superior to the division of the waters falling into the mississippi on the one side and hudson's bay on the other; seventy-six on the waters falling into the st. lawrence from the kaministiquia, and also from the st. maurice; six hundred and thirty on the waters falling into hudson's bay, and two hundred and fifty-seven on the waters falling into the north sea by the mackenzie river. besides these there were eighty or one hundred canadians and iroquois hunters, not servants, ranging free over the country and about five hundred and forty men employed in canoes on the ottawa river. the average duties paid annually on landing in britain amounted to upwards of £ , sterling and the price paid for the furs exported from quebec in , at the london sales, was £ , s. d. chapter xxix. - . crisis in the company's affairs -- no dividend paid -- petition to lords of the treasury -- factors allowed a share in the trade -- canada jurisdiction act -- the killing of macdonnell -- mowat's ill-treatment -- lord selkirk -- his scheme laid before the company -- a protest by thwaytes and others -- the project carried -- emigrants sent out to red river -- northmen stirred to reprisal. england was again at war with france. napoleon had placed an embargo on english commerce, and to the uttermost corner of europe was this measure felt. tons of the most costly furs, for which there was no market, lay heaped in the company's warehouse. the greatest difficulty was experienced in procuring servants, especially seamen, and when these were procured, they were often seized by a press-gang; shares began to decline in value; numerous partners were selling out their interests, and no strong man appeared at the head of affairs. in no dividend was paid, chiefly the result of the non-exportation of the company's furs to the continent of europe. there were the accumulations of furs imported during , and lying in the warehouse without prospect of sale. the pressure still continued and at last, in , the company was driven to petition the chancellor of the exchequer for transmission to lords of the treasury, setting forth the company's position and its claims on the nation. [sidenote: the company in difficulties.] "accumulated difficulties," it said, "have pressed hardly on the company and we ask assistance to maintain a colony that till now has found within itself resources to withstand the pressure of all former wars and to continue those outfits on which six hundred europeans and their families and some thousands of native indians depend for their very existence. "we assure your worships that it was not until all those resources were exhausted that we came to the resolution of making the present application." the petition recited that after having received their charter the company had colonized such parts of newly granted territories as appeared most convenient for carrying on their commerce with the natives. this commerce "consisted in the barter of british manufactures for the furs of animals killed by the different tribes of indians who were within reach of factories and gradually extended itself till, as at the present moment, the manufactures of great britain are borne by the traders of hudson's bay over the face of the whole country from lake superior to the athabasca. "the trade is at present pursued by the export of furs, gunpowder, shot, woollens, hardware and other articles, which together with large supplies of provisions for the factories, constitute an annual outfit consisting wholly of british manufactures and british produce of from £ , to £ , , in return for which we receive the furs of bears, wolves, foxes, otters, martens, beaver and other animals, together with some oil and articles of inferior value. the cargoes are sold at public sale. the beaver and some few inferior furs, together with the oil, are bought for home consumption and sell for about £ , , but the fine furs were, till after the sale of , bought by the fur merchants for the fairs of frankfort and of leipsic for petersburg, and before the present war, for france. since that year there has not been a fur sold for exportation, and as a proof to your worships that the deficiency of buyers did not arise from our holding back for a higher market, we sold in for seven shillings per skin furs that in the more quiet state of europe in had brought us s. d., and which for years previous to that time had sold for a similar price; and other depreciation pervaded in about the same proportion the whole of those furs calculated only for the foreign market, and in some instances furs were sold for a less price than the duties we had paid for them. "since that period no orders have been received from abroad, and our warehouses are filled with the most valuable productions of three years' import that if sold at the prices of those years before the closing of the ports on the continent would have produced us at least £ , . "it may be objected to us, that we were improvident in pursuing under such circumstances a trade which must so inevitably tend to ruin. but a certainty that a considerable quantity of furs found their way to new york, and an earnest zeal for the preservation of trade which by the conduct of the hudson's bay company had been secured to this country for a century and a half, prompted us to every exertion to maintain the footing we had established, and the annually increasing amount of our trade gave us just grounds to look forward with confidence to the opening of the northern ports of europe as the period when all our difficulties would cease; an event which, anterior to the battles of austerlitz or of jena, was looked for with the most sanguine expectation. "above all were we impelled by the strongest motives to continue these supplies which were necessary for the subsistence of six hundred european servants, their wives and children, dispersed over a vast and extended field of the north american continent, and who would not be brought to europe under a period of three years as well as those upon whom the many indian nations now depend for their very existence. "the nations of hunters taught for one hundred and fifty years the use of fire-arms could no more resort, with certainty, to the bow or the javelin for their daily subsistence. accustomed to the hatchet of great britain, they could ill adopt the rude sharpened stone to the purposes of building, and until years of misery and of famine had extirpated the present race, they could not recur to the simple arts by which they supported themselves before the introduction of british manufactures. as the outfits of the hudson's bay company consist principally of articles which long habit have taught them now to consider of first necessity, if we withhold these outfits, we leave them destitute of their only means of support. the truth of this observation had a melancholy proof in the year , when from the attack made upon the settlements by la pérouse, and the consequent failure of our supplies, many of the indians were found starved to death. [sidenote: petition of the company.] "it was not only from the firm conviction that we felt of the necessity of european manufactures to the present existence of whole nations of north american indians that we considered ourselves bound by the most powerful ties to exert every effort in their favour; but also that we might continue to them those advantages which would result to their religious as well as civil welfare from the progressive improvements, and a gradual system of civilisation and education which we have introduced throughout the country; improvements which are now diffusing the comforts of civilized life, as well as the blessings of the christian faith to thousands of uninstructed indians, and would in their completion, we can confidently assert, have tended to the future cultivation of lands, which from experiments we found capable of growing most of the grains of northern europe, and from their climate adapted to the culture of hemp and flax, and from the labour of those families who would have been induced to settle at our factories, might soon have brought to this country the produce of the boundless forests of pine that spread themselves over almost the southern parts of our possessions. "to realize these not visionary schemes, but sure and certain plans, founded upon the progressive civilization of the natives, were objects not to be given up without the most urgent necessity, and the hope that the ruler of the french empire could not forever shut out our trade from europe, induced us to resort to every means within our power to preserve the advantages resulting to ourselves and to the indians, and to the british nation. "we have exhausted those funds which we set apart for their completion; we have pledged our credit till we feel, as honest men, that upon the present uncertainty we can pledge it no farther, and we throw ourselves upon your worship's wisdom to afford us that temporary assistance which we cannot ask at any other hands. "were we to resort to the early history of our settlements, we might lay the foundations of just claims upon the public to assist our present wants. we could show instances of most destructive attacks by the french upon our factories. our forts and military works, mounted with a numerous and expensive artillery for the defence of the colony against their future operations, were destroyed and the guns ruined. and particularly was a most grievous loss occasioned to us by the predatory attack of la pérouse about the conclusion of the american war, which caused the distress to which we have above alluded. "against these pressures when our trade flourished we were able to hold up, and we found within ourselves those resources which defeated the enemy's views and continued to great britain the trade we had established. "and it is not until pressed to our last resort that we ask of your lordships that assistance with which we may confidently hope to preserve our trade until the continent may be again opened, when we shall be delivered from those difficulties under which we are now sinking." the petition was signed by wm. mainwaring, governor; joseph berens, deputy governor; george hyde wollaston, thomas neave, job mathew raikes, thomas langley, john henry pelly, benjamin harrison, john webb. in april the adventurers petitioned the king in council to reduce duties on furs to one-half, or trade must suffer extinction. no profit was derivable, it said, on marten, wolf, bear, wolverine and fisher-skins. to this petition the office of committee of privy council for trade, whitehall, replied in the following february, that the memorial of the hudson's bay company contained no proposition on which the lords of this council could "offer any opinion to the lords of treasury." [sidenote: small government assistance.] as their petition was denied, the company now boldly prepared a request and asked for a loan of £ , , and that time be extended for paying the duties on furs imported until the continental market re-opened. to this request an answer was returned, allowing twelve months storage of furs free of duty and promising drawbacks as if storage had only been for one year, but stating that there were no funds out of which a loan could be made without special authority of parliament. it was clear that the company was in very low water, and that some new salutary policy was demanded. by way of a beginning, barter was abolished as a basis of trade, and money payments ordered. at the same time the adventurers stole a leaf out of the book of the north-west company, and new regulations, comprising thirty-five articles, were made in the early months of , for carrying on the business in hudson's bay. the principle of allowing to their chief officers a considerable participation in the profits of their trade was admitted. it was found absolutely necessary to adopt some step of this sort, as nothing of such a measure could be sufficient to stem the torrent of aggression with which they had been assailed by the north-west company; and their absolute ruin must have ensued if some effectual means had not been taken, not only to rectify some of the abuses which had crept in under the former system, but also to rouse their officers to a more effectual resistance of the lawless violence practised against them. the total lack of jurisdiction in the indian country, as the territory which was the scene of the operations of the fur-traders was called, permitted crime to go unpunished, and numerous representations were made in respect to the evils of this practical immunity from punishment. in sir alexander mackenzie's letter of the th of october, , he says that, in view of the improbability of the two companies amalgamating, a jurisdiction should be established as speedily as possible, to prevent the contending fur companies from abusing the power either might possess, so as to secure to each the fruits of fair, honest and industrious exertion; it would also, he believed, tend to put a stop to the increasing animosity between the two companies. mr. richardson, of the other company, also pressed for the establishment of a competent jurisdiction and instanced the case of one of the clerks in his company who had killed a clerk of the other in defending the property in his care. the young man had come to montreal to be tried, but there being no jurisdiction there for such trial, "he remains in the deplorable predicament that neither his innocence nor his guilt can be legally ascertained." he also proposed that a military post should be established at thunder bay, on lake superior, as an additional means of securing peace. repeatedly had the grand juries of quebec and montreal called attention to this want of jurisdiction. in one report the number of people from the canadas, chiefly from lower canada, was urged as one reason for establishing in the indian country a court of competent jurisdiction for the trial of offences committed in these territories, including hudson's bay. [sidenote: plea for establishment of jurisdiction.] "the very heavy expense," observes the report, "incident to the conveyance of offenders from the territory of hudson's bay to england, with the necessary witnesses on both sides, and the cost of prosecution and defence, must generally operate, either to prevent recourse to a tribunal across the ocean, and thereby stimulate to private retaliation and revenge, or where such course can or shall be had, the guilty may escape punishment, and the innocent be sacrificed from the distance of time and place of trial, the death or absence of witnesses, or other causes; and the mind cannot contemplate without horror the possible abuses to which such circumstances might give rise; as in the instance of a prosecutor coming from and at a remote day, when the accused may be destitute of pecuniary means, and the exculpatory evidence may either be dead, removed, or be otherwise beyond his reach, who at all events (however innocent he may finally be found) will have undergone a long and painful confinement, far removed from his family and connections, and perhaps ruinous to every prospect he had in life." sir robert milnes strongly supported the representation of the grand jury, and added that "under such circumstances every species of offence is to be apprehended, from trespasses to murder," and also that "the national character of the english will be debased among the indians, and the numerous tribes of those people will in consequence thereof be more easily wrought upon by foreign emissaries employed by the enemies of great britain."[ ] in consequence of these representations lord hobart promised that immediate steps should be taken to remedy the existing state of affairs. but milnes became impatient for a decision, and writing in september, , to the under-secretary, he reminded him of the promise, the great increase and extent of the fur-trade rendering such an act daily more necessary. the act to give jurisdiction to the courts of upper and lower canada had, however, been assented to on the th of the preceding month. [illustration: voyageurs tracking canoes up a rapid.] [sidenote: canada jurisdiction act.] the first case brought to trial under the act became celebrated. in the autumn of william corrigal was the trader at a company's post near eagle lake. on the th of september a party of north-westers established an encampment about forty yards from the company's post, under one of their clerks, aeneas macdonnell. in the evening an indian arrived in his canoe to trade with corrigal and to pay a debt which he owed him. as he was not able to defray the whole amount, corrigal accepted the canoe in part payment. the indian requested that it might be lent to him for a few days, which was agreed to; and the indian spent the night at the post with his canoe. in the morning he received in advance some more merchandise, such as clothing for his family and ammunition for his winter hunt. when he finally departed, three of the company's servants were sent down to the wharf with the canoe and the goods. on their way they were observed by a number of northmen, including macdonnell, who went immediately down to the lake, armed with a sword and accompanied by a voyageur named adhemer, armed with a brace of pistols. upon pretence that the unhappy red man was indebted to the north-west company, they proceeded to seize and drag away the canoe and the merchandise to their own wharf. corrigal observing this, commanded two of his men, james tate and john corrigal, to go into the water and prevent the seizure, and as they approached on this mission macdonnell drew his sword and struck two blows at tate's head. the latter was unarmed, and warded the blows with his wrist, which was severely gashed. he then received another deep wound in the neck, which felled him to the ground. in the meantime adhemer had seized john corrigal (who was also unarmed) and presenting a cocked pistol at his head, swore that if he went near the canoe he would blow out his brains. several of the company's servants who were near the spot, perceiving what was going on, and observing that the rest of macdonnell's men were collecting with arms, ran up to their own house, which was only about forty or fifty yards from the lake, for weapons of defence. macdonnell next attacked john corrigal, who to escape him ran into the lake. finding the water too deep, however, he was soon obliged to make a turn towards the shore. his pursuer wading after him, aimed a blow at him with his sword, cut his arm above the elbow and laid the bone bare. he followed this up with a tremendous blow at his head, which robert leask, one of the company's servants, fortunately warded off with the paddle of his canoe, which was cut in two by the blow. the north-west leader in a fury now attacked another servant named essen, aimed a blow at him with his sword, which, however, only struck his hat off. but in making his escape essen fell into the water. before he could recover himself another canadian aimed a blow at his head with a heavy axe, which missed its aim, but dislocated his shoulder, so that he could make no use of his arm for over two months after this affray. [sidenote: killing of macdonnell.] macdonnell and adhemer, the one with a drawn sword and the other with a cocked pistol, continued to pursue several other of the company's servants towards the fort, when one of them, named john mowat, whom macdonnell had previously struck with his sword, and was preparing to strike again, shot macdonnell on the spot. [sidenote: trial of mowat.] macdonnell's body was carried away, and the parties separated, corrigal fearing a further attack. on the th, a partner of the north-west company, named haldane, arrived in a canoe with ten men, and on the following day another partner, mclellan, also arrived. they came to the gates of the stockades, behind which corrigal and his men had barricaded themselves, and demanded the man who had shot macdonnell. they declared that if the person was not immediately given up they would either shoot every one of the company's men, or get the indians to kill them, were it even to cost them a keg of brandy for each of their heads! mowat now stepped forward and acknowledged that he was the man, and that he would shoot macdonnell again in the same circumstances. much to his surprise the north-westers announced their intention of taking him and two witnesses down to montreal for trial. mowat was thereupon put in irons. from the nd of october, when they arrived at rainy lake, the unhappy man was generally kept in irons from six in the morning till eight in the evening, and during the night until the th of december. during the whole winter he was kept in close confinement, and the two witnesses, tate and leask, who had voluntarily accompanied him, were themselves subjected to much insult and indignity, and were obliged to submit to every species of drudgery and labour in order to obtain a bare subsistence. in june the whole party, including corrigal, arrived at fort william, the chief trading-post rendezvous of the north-westers. here mowat was imprisoned in a close and miserable dungeon, about six feet square, without any window or light of any kind whatsoever, and when he finally reached montreal he was in a most pitiable condition. the witnesses were seized on a charge of aiding and abetting the murder of macdonnell, and this upon the oath of one of the north-west half-breeds. the hudson's bay company had at this time no agent or correspondent at montreal or any place in canada, and it was not until the end of november that the honourable adventurers heard of the prosecution being carried on against their servants. immediate steps were taken for their protection, and counsel engaged for the defence. mowat and his witnesses were indicted for murder. the grand jury found a true bill against mowat, but not against the others, and tate and leask were accordingly discharged.[ ] in spite of the evidence, the jury brought in a verdict of manslaughter. the judge, however, had charged them to find it murder. mowat was sentenced to be imprisoned six months and branded on the hand with a hot iron. after his discharge, two years from the time he was first put in irons at eagle lake, mowat proceeded from canada to the united states in order to return to england, but was never heard of again. he is supposed to have been drowned by the breaking of the ice in one of the rivers he had to cross on his way. [sidenote: the earl of selkirk.] such was the situation in the early years of the century. at this time there rose a name destined to be of more than local fame, that of thomas douglas, fifth earl of selkirk, a young man of benevolent character, whose feelings had been deeply moved by the sufferings of his countrymen in the scottish highlands. nor was the nobleman's compassion excited without cause. a compulsory exodus of the inhabitants of the mountainous regions in the county of sutherland was in progress. the tale of expulsion of a vast number of poor tenantry from the estates of the duchess of sutherland, which they and their ancestors had looked upon as their own without the necessity of rent and taxes, may be heard to-day from some white-haired old grandfather, who had it from the lips of his sire, in the far north of scotland. the system of rents and land-management as it prevails to-day all over the highlands had only then been put in force, and the squatters were driven to seek their homes as best they might in the remote and sequestered places of the earth. selkirk encouraged this emigration as the only remedy; and having endeavoured in vain to secure the active co-operation of the government, resolved to settle a colony on waste lands granted him in prince edward island. the better to ensure success, he went in person to oversee the whole enterprise. gathering together about eight hundred of these poor people, who bade a melancholy farewell to their heather-robed hills, they arrived at their future home early in september, . [illustration: lord selkirk.] selkirk visited montreal in this and also in the following year on matters connected with his philanthropic undertaking, and on both occasions evinced the heartiest interest in the great territory to the north-west which formed the theatre of action for the two rival fur-trading companies. the prince edward island colony continuing to prosper, lord selkirk now conceived the plan of forming a colony on the banks of the red river, in rupert's land.[ ] in order to execute his project with a greater assurance of success, he again, in , addressed the british government and nation, pointing out the successful issue of his colony as an example of the excellent results which would attend a further exodus of the superfluous population. time went on and the execution of the plan being still in abeyance, the great decline in hudson's bay stock suggested an idea to selkirk. he submitted the charter to several of the highest legal authorities in england, and got from them the following: "we are of the opinion that the grant of the said contained charter is good, and that it will include all the country, the waters of which run into hudson's bay, as ascertained by geographical observations. [sidenote: legal opinion on the company's charter.] "we are of opinion that an individual holding from the hudson's bay company a lease or grant in fee simple of any part of their territory, will be entitled to all the ordinary rights of landed property in england, and will be entitled to prevent other persons from occupying any part of the lands; from cutting down timber and fishing in the adjoining waters (being such as a private right of fishing may subsist in), and may (if he can peaceably or otherwise in due course of law) dispossess them of any buildings which they have recently erected within the limits of their property. "we are of opinion that the grant of the civil and criminal jurisdiction is valid, though it is not granted to the company, but to the governor and council at their respective establishments. we cannot recommend, however, it to be exercised so as to affect the lives or limbs of criminals. it is to be exercised by the governor and council as judges, who are to proceed according to the laws of england. "the company may appoint a sheriff to execute judgments and do his duty as in england. "we are of opinion that the sheriff, in case of resistance to his authority, may collect the population to his assistance, and put arms into the hands of his servants for defence against attack, and to assist in enforcing the judgments of the courts; but such powers cannot be exercised with too much circumspection. "we are of opinion that all persons will be subject to the jurisdiction of the court, who reside or are found within the territories over which it extends. "we do not think the canada jurisdiction act ( george iii.) gives jurisdiction within the territories of the hudson's bay company, the same being within the jurisdiction of their own governors and council.[ ] "we are of opinion that the governor (in hudson's) might under the authority of the company, appoint constables and other officers for the preservation of the peace and that the officers so appointed would have the same duties and privileges as the same officers in england, so far as these duties and privileges may be applicable to their situation in the territories of the company." this was signed by sir samuel ronully, mr. justice holroyd, w. m. cruise, j. scarlett and john bell. there could be thus no question of selkirk's right. the company's charter, amongst other provisions, expressly forbids all english subjects from entering, without license or authority, upon the territories of the hudson's bay company. the governor and company only are empowered to grant such authority and on them also is conferred the right of establishing castles, fortifications, forts, garrisons, colonies, plantations, towns and villages, in any parts or places within the limits of their territory. they had also the right of sending ships of war, men or ammunition, to their colonies, fortifications or plantations, and of appointing governors, commanders and officers over them. selkirk began by purchasing several thousand pounds worth of shares in the company. late in he made a formal proposition to the company, a proposition previously made and rejected, for a settlement to be made within its territory. this time some of the honourable adventurers began to see that the scheme might be fraught with salvation for themselves. lord selkirk was asked to lay before the committee the terms on which he would accept a grant of land within the hudson's bay territories, "specifying what restrictions he would be prepared to consent to be imposed on the settlers." also what security he would offer to the company against any injury to its trade or to its rights and privileges. lord selkirk responded to this, and his proposals were agreed to, subject to final approbation of a general court of all the adventurers. [sidenote: selkirk's project.] it now dawned upon the wiser spirits that here was being offered them the means for the company's salvation. nevertheless, the traditional opposition of the company to any project of the kind still lingered, and was not easily disposed of. for weeks the meetings in committee resounded with appeals to "traditional policy," to "loyalty to the noble, the ancient founders," to "a spirit of reverence for the history of our company," but all to no purpose. selkirk was to carry the day. a general court was convened, by public notice, in may , when the stockholders were informed that the governor and committee considered it beneficial to their general interests to grant lord selkirk , square miles of their territory, on condition that he should establish a colony and furnish, on certain terms, from amongst the settlers, such labourers as would be required by the company in their trade. in order to give the partners a further opportunity of making themselves fully informed of the nature of the proposed measure, an adjournment of the court took place. in the meanwhile notice was given to all the stockholders that the terms of the proposed grant were left at the secretary's office for their inspection. this interval was the opportunity of mcgillivray and his friends. in certain quarters, no pains or misrepresentations were spared by persons associated with the north-west company to prejudice the public mind against it. the newspapers teemed with falsehoods representing the country as cold or barren, as a dreary waste or interminable forest, unfit to be the abode of men and incapable of improvement. selkirk was accosted in pall mall by a friend who remarked: "by god, sir, if you are bent on doing something futile, why do you not sow tares at home in order to reap wheat, or plough the desert of sahara, which is nearer." old servants of the company came forward to dispel these calumnies, and seeing their first falsehoods destroyed, selkirk's enemies now proceeded to follow new tactics. they spoke with feigned alarm concerning the hostile disposition of the aborigines; they lamented with affected sympathy and humanity the injuries and slaughters to which the colonists would be exposed from the savages. at the adjourned meeting the proposition was again discussed amidst the greatest excitement and tumult, and adopted. a memorial or protest was however entered against the measure, bearing the signature of six of the proprietors. [sidenote: opposition by agents of the north-west company.] of these six signing the protest, three were persons closely connected with and interested in the rival commercial concerns of the north-west company of montreal; and two of the three were, at the very moment, avowed london agents of that association. these had become proprietors of hudson's bay stock only eight and forty hours before the general meeting. they were not indeed possessed of it long enough to entitle them to vote at the meeting; but their names now being entered in the company's books, though the ink was scarcely dry with which they were inserted, they felt themselves competent to formally raise their voices in condemnation of those measures which the committee of directors unanimously, and the general court by a great majority, had approved of. their design in acquiring the company's stock was obvious. however circuitous the stratagem might be, it was clear that they had thus become proprietors of one commercial company for the purpose of advancing the fortunes of another, and a rival concern.[ ] the stratagem did not altogether fail, for lord selkirk's agents were yet to encounter much friction in distant quarters supposed to be friendly, and required to be obedient to the orders of the company. when the vote was taken, it was found that for the question there appeared holders of stock valued at £ , ; against it, £ , . the earl, himself, voted "for"--£ , ; the principal opponent of the scheme being one william thwaytes, whose interest was represented at £ , . at this meeting a memorial was read violently opposing the scheme, signed by thwaytes and four or five others. according to them, the main objections were:--(_a_) impolitic; (_b_) consideration inadequate; (_c_) grant asked for very large proportion of company's holding, viz.: , square miles, or about , , acres; (_d_) should be a public sale, if any, not a private contract with a member of the company; (_e_) no penalty for failure to find settlers; (_f_) colonization unfavourable to the fur-trade; private traffic would be carried on with the united states of america. the earl proposed to find a number of effective men as servants to the hudson's bay company in return for a grant of land, viz., two hundred men for ten years, from , who would every year be ready to embark between may st and july st at an appointed place in scotland. the company were to pay wages to each man not exceeding £ . should the earl fail, he agreed to forfeit £ per man short of two hundred. as to proposed grants of land to settlers, two hundred acres were to be given to labourers or artificers; one thousand acres to a master of a trading-house. the company were, of course, to have full rights of access to all the surrendered districts. [sidenote: earl selkirk's proposal accepted.] the customs duties, exports and imports, payable by settlers were not to exceed five per cent, at port nelson, unless it happened that a higher duty was levied at quebec. the duties so to be levied were to be applied to the expense of government police, communication between lake winnipeg and port nelson, etc., and not to be taken as profits for the company. the show of hands was in favour of the proposal; but a protest was handed in to the governor by thwaytes and others. in spite of this, on the th of june, the deed was signed, sealed and delivered by the secretary on behalf of the company. the lands were defined by deed as situate between ° ' north latitude and ° ' west longitude, a map being affixed to the deed. in reading this protest, one who was ignorant of the true state of affairs would have been led to believe that the partners concerned had no object so dear to them as the welfare and prosperity of the hudson's bay company. these gentlemen appeared to be animated by the most thorough devotion and zeal, as they stood together declaiming in loud, earnest tones against the errors into which their beloved company was falling, and pouring out their sympathy to the emigrant settlers who might be lured to their destruction by establishing themselves on the lands so granted "out of reach," to employ their own phrase, "of all those aids and comforts which are derived from civil society;" and so it did truly appear to many then as it has done since. but let us examine those signatures, and lo, the wolf obtrudes himself basking in the skin of a lamb! the grant was thus confirmed. the opposition had found itself powerless, and selkirk was put into possession of a territory only , square miles less than the entire area of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland.[ ] the grant secured, selkirk at once despatched agents to ireland and throughout the highlands of scotland, to engage servants, some for the company's service, others for general labourers in the colony. these last were known as "his lordship's servants," and were engaged for a term of years, at the expiration of which they became entitled to one hundred acres of land, free of cost. they were placed under the charge of miles mcdonnell, who received a joint appointment from selkirk and the company, as first governor of the new colony. [sidenote: selkirk's immigrants arrive.] the first section of the immigrant party arrived at york factory late in the autumn of .[ ] this post was then in charge of william auld, who, as we have seen, occupied the position of superintendent of the northern department of rupert's land. after a short residence at the fort, where they were treated in a somewhat tyrannical and high-handed fashion by the governor, who had scant sympathy for the new _régime_, the party were sent forward to seal creek, fifty miles up nelson river. governor mcdonnell and one hillier, in the character of justice of the peace, accompanied them thither, and preparations were at once made for the erection of a suitable shelter. [illustration: stornaway. (_the hebrides._)] mcdonnell experienced a great deal of trouble during the winter with the men under his charge, for a mutinous spirit broke out, and he was put to his wits' end to enforce discipline. he put it all down to the glasgow servants. "these glasgow rascals," he declared to auld, the governor of york factory, "have caused us both much trouble and uneasiness. a more stubborn, litigious and cross-grained lot were never put under any person's care. i cannot think that any liberality of rum or rations could have availed to stop their dissatisfaction. army and navy discipline is the only thing fit to manage such fierce spirits." but the irish of the party were hardly more tractable. on new year's night, , a violent and unprovoked attack was made by some of the irish on a party of orkneymen, who were celebrating the occasion. three of the latter were so severely beaten that for a month the surgeon could not report their lives entirely out of danger. four of the irishmen concerned in this assault were sent back home. "worthless blackguards," records the governor; "the lash may make them serviceable to the government in the army or navy, but they will never do for us." on the subject of the orkney servants of the company all critics were not agreed. governor mcdonnell's opinion, for instance, was not flattering:-- "there cannot," he reported, "be much improvement made in the country while the orkneymen form the majority of labourers; they are lazy, spiritless, and ill-disposed--wedded to old habits, strongly prejudiced against any change, however beneficial. it was with the utmost reluctance they could be prevailed on to drink the spruce juice to save themselves from the scurvy; they think nothing of the scurvy, as they are then idle, and their wages run on.... it is not uncommon for an orkneyman to consume six pounds or eight pounds of meat in a day, and some have ate as much in a single meal. this gluttonous appetite, they say, is occasioned by the cold. i entirely discredit the assertion, as i think it rather to be natural to themselves. all the labour i have seen these men do would scarcely pay for the victuals they consume. with twenty-five men belonging to it, the factory was last winter distressed for firewood, and the people sent to tent in the woods."[ ] [sidenote: opposition by the nor'-westers.] meanwhile, leaving the shivering immigrants, distrustful of their officers and doubtful of what the future had in store for them, to encamp at seal creek, let us turn to the state of affairs amongst the parties concerned elsewhere, particularly amongst the nor'-westers. simon mcgillivray, who was agent in london for that company, watched all selkirk's acts with the utmost distrust, and kept the partners continually informed of the turn affairs were taking. he assured them that selkirk's philanthropy was all a cloak, designed to cover up a scheme for the total extinction of the hudson's bay company's rivals. the colony was to be planted to ruin their trade. it was an endeavour to check the physical superiority of the nor'-westers and by means of this settlement secure to the hudson's bay company and to himself, not only the extensive and sole trade of the country within their own territories, but a "safe and convenient stepping-stone for monopolizing all the fur-trade of the far west." the partners in montreal were stirred to action. regarding lord selkirk's motives in this light, they warmly disputed the validity of the hudson's bay company's charter and of the grants of land made to him. it was decided to bring all the forces of opposition they possessed to bear on this "invasion of their hunting grounds." footnotes: [ ] canadian archives. [ ] it has been noted that several partners of the north-west concern were upon the grand jury which found the bill of indictment, and out of four judges who sat upon the bench, two were nearly related to individuals of that association. [ ] already, in april, , lord selkirk had addressed a letter and memorial to lord pelham, the home secretary, detailing the practicability of promoting emigration to rupert's land. "to a colony in these territories," he concluded, "the channel of trade must be the river of port nelson." [ ] in the course of a letter reporting on the disputes between the hudson's bay company and the north-westers, commissioner coltman attributed the disasters in the territories to the company having held in abeyance its right to jurisdiction and that this neglect was the reason for passing the act of . this letter is in the canadian archives, _v._ report . [ ] "i have," writes sir alexander mackenzie from london, th april, , "finally settled with that lord (selkirk). after having prepared a bill to carry him before the lord chancellor, it was proposed to my solicitor by the solicitor of his lordship that one-third of the stock that was purchased on joint account before i went to america, amounting to £ , , and the balance of cash in his lordship's hands, belonging to me, should be given up to me; of this i accepted, though i might have obliged his lordship to make over to me one-third of the whole purchase made by him in this stock, which at one time i was determined to do, having been encouraged thereto by the house of suffolk lane and countenanced by that of mark lane. but these houses thought it prudent to desist from any further purchases." mackenzie says that by a verbal understanding with mr. mcgillivray, his purchase of the hudson's bay stock belonged to the north-west company, and that, if mr. mcgillivray himself had been there, a sum of £ , might have been invested in that stock, "all of which lord selkirk purchased, and if he persists in his present scheme, it will be the dearest he yet made. "he will put the north-west company to a greater expense than you seem to apprehend, and had the company sacrificed £ , which might have secured a preponderance in the stock of hudson's bay co., it would have been money well spent." [ ] the district thus granted was called assiniboia, a name undoubtedly derived from the assiniboine tribe and river, yet alleged by some at the time to be taken from two gaelic words "osni" and "boia"--the house of ossian. [ ] "none of the young men," says mcdonnell, "made any progress in learning the gaelic or irish language on the voyage. i had some drills of the people with arms, but the weather was generally boisterous, and there were few days when a person could stand steady on deck. there never was a more awkward squad--not a man, or even officer, of the party knew how to put a gun to his eye or had ever fired a shot." [ ] governor mcdonnell's observations are not always to be relied upon. for instance, he says in one report, "i am surprised the company never directed a survey to be made of the coast on each side of hudson's straits. from the appearance of the country there must be many harbours and inlets for vessels to go in case of an accident from ice, want of water, etc. we were often, ourselves, much in doubt for the accomplishment of our voyage, and had we been under the necessity of putting back, must have suffered for want of water. two of the ships, without any additional expense, might execute this survey on the voyage out, with only the detention of a few days, one taking the north and the other the south shore." such a survey had been made as early as . mention has already been made of captain coats, who, in , prepared a chart of the straits and bay. to some of the older captains in the service, the straits were as well-known as the harbour of stromness. chapter xxx. - . the bois-brulés -- simon mcgillivray's letter -- frightening the settlers -- a second brigade -- governor mcdonnell's manifesto -- defection of northmen to the company -- robertson's expedition to athabasca -- affairs at red river -- cameron and mcdonell in uniform -- cuthbert grant -- miles mcdonnell arrested -- fort william -- news brought to the northmen -- their confiscated account-books -- war of concluded. [sidenote: the bois-brulés.] there had lately been witnessed the rapid growth of a new class--sprung from the loins of red man and european. alert, rugged, turbulent, they evinced at the same time a passionate love of the life and manners of the wilderness, and a fierce intractability which could hardly fail to cause occasional uneasiness in the minds of their masters. to this class had been given the name of métis, or bois-brulés. they were principally the descendants of the french voyageurs of the north-west concern, who had allied themselves with indian women and settled down on the shore of some lake or stream in the interior. amongst these half-breeds hunters and trappers came, and at a later period a number of englishmen and scotchmen, hardly less strongly linked to a wild, hardy life than themselves. these also took indian wives, and they and their children spoke of themselves as neither english, scotch, or indian, but as belonging to the "new nation." from to the north-west concern absorbed all the labours and exacted the loyalty of the increasing class of bois-brulés. the hudson's bay company was exclusively an english company, and their scotch and english servants had left few traces of an alliance with the aborigines. as the posts in the interior began to multiply, and the men were thus cut off from the larger society which obtained at york, cumberland and moose factories, and were thrown more upon their own resources, a laxer discipline prevailed, and the example of their neighbours was followed. a time was to come when the "orkney half-breeds" equalled in point of numbers those of the french bois-brulés. [illustration: a bois-brulÉ.] there were yet few half-breeds of english extraction. the bois-brulés were passionately attached to the north-west company, who were quick to recognize their value as agents amongst the indians. the idea of nationality, so far from being frowned upon, was encouraged amongst them. so much for the instruments which the company proposed to employ in montreal. it was only natural that amongst this rude race there should arise a leader, a half-breed to whose superior ability and natural advantages was added an education in montreal, the seat of the co-partnery. cuthbert grant, which was the name this individual bore, was known far and wide amongst the hunters and trappers of rupert's land, and everywhere commanded homage and respect. he had risen to be one of the most enterprising and valued agents of the nor'-westers, and was constantly admitted to their councils. on the nd of may, , at which period the matter was in embryo in london, simon mcgillivray had frankly declared to miles mcdonnell, agent to lord selkirk, that he was "determined to give all the opposition in his power, whatever might be the consequences," because, in his opinion, "such a settlement struck at the root of the north-west company, which it was intended to ruin."[ ] by way of argument, this gentleman took it upon himself to inform the hudson's bay company that the proposed settlement was foredoomed to destruction, inasmuch as it "must at all times lie at the mercy of the indians," who would not be bound by treaties, and that "one north-west company's interpreter would be able at any time to set the indians against the settlers and destroy them." [sidenote: defections from the north-west company.] selkirk was now informed that there were several clerks who had been many years in the service of the northmen, and who were disaffected in that service. they grumbled at not having been sooner promoted to the proprietary--that the claims of the old and faithful were too often passed over for those of younger men of little experience, because they were related to the partners. the earl was not slow to avail himself of this advantage. it became a matter of importance to persuade as many as possible of these dissatisfied spirits to join his scheme, by the offer of large salaries, and several accepted his offer with alacrity. amongst the most enterprising was one colin robertson, a trader who had often ventured his life amongst the tribes and half-breeds, to forward the interests of his establishment. he possessed a perfect knowledge of the interior and of the fur-trade, and to him lord selkirk entrusted the chief management of the latter for the company. robertson was well convinced of the superiority of the canadian voyageurs over the orkneymen, in the management of canoes, for example, and he proceeded to engage a number of them in montreal at a much higher wage than they had received hitherto. to robertson's counsels must be ascribed much of the invigoration which now began to mark the policy of the company. his letters to the company were full of a common-sense and a fighting spirit. "let us carry the trade to athabasca," he said; and he proceeded to demonstrate how all rivalry could be annihilated. the strength and weakness of his rivals were familiar to him, and he was well aware how much depended on the indians themselves. they could and would deal with whom they chose; robertson determined they should deal henceforth, not with the north-west, but with the hudson's bay company. the northmen had been for years continually pressing to the west. they were doing a thriving trade on the columbia river, in oregon, where they had a lucrative post; they had a post to the south of that in california, and to the north as far as new archangel. in the second decade of the century the north-west association had over three hundred canadians in its employ on the pacific slope, sending three or four ships annually to london by way of cape horn. in they had a competitor in the post of astoria, founded by john jacob astor, a fur-monopolist of new york. astor had made overtures to the north-west partners, which had been declined; whereupon he induced about twenty canadians to leave them and enter his service. he despatched two expeditions, one overland and the other by sea, around cape horn. but the founder of astoria had not foreseen that the breaking out of war between great britain and america would upset all his plans. fort astoria, in the fortunes of war, changed hands and became fort george; and although the post was, by the treaty of ghent, restored, the canadians and scotchmen had returned to their old employers and interests. in a few years the hudson's bay company was to control the chief part of the fur-trade of the pacific coast. [illustration: fort george. (_astoria--as it was in ._)] none of the company's servants had yet penetrated as far west as athabasca. yet it was the great northern department of rupert's land--a country which, if not flowing with milk and honey, swarmed with moose and beaver. to athabasca, therefore, robertson went. [sidenote: the company in athabasca.] this first expedition was highly successful. never had the natives received such high prices for their furs. seduced from their allegiance to the northmen, and dimly recalling the tales of their sires, regarding whilom journeys to the posts of the great company, they rallied in scores and hundreds round its standard. the news spread far and wide. other tribes heard and marvelled. they, too, had listened to stories of the white traders, who far away, past rivers and plain and mountain, sat still in their forts and waited for the red man to bring them furs. now the mountain was coming to mahomet. many of them resolved to keep their furs until the traders from the bay came amongst them, too; and, gnashing their teeth, the northmen were compelled to give them still higher prices, if they would obtain the goods of the savages, and secure their wavering loyalty. [illustration: arrival of the upland indians.] other measures became incumbent upon them to perform. they were obliged to send double the quantity of merchandise into the interior, and they were also to supply extra provisions to their own men, and to raise their wages; while several clerks were elected partners. cost what it might, the northmen were determined to fight to the end. it has been shewn in preceding pages how the step of removing from grand portage had been anticipated as far back as , when edward umfreville was sent to reconnoitre a site for a new fort on british territory. none appeared more suited to the purposes of the nor'-westers than this; the river was deep and of easy access, and offered a safe harbour for shipping. on the other hand, it was situated in low, swampy soil; but by dint of great labour and perseverance they succeeded in draining the marshes and in converting to solidity the loose and yielding soil, accomplishing on a small scale much of what czar peter was obliged to do on a large scale with the foundation of petersburg. [sidenote: fort william.] when all was finished, fort william as it was called,[ ] presented an engaging exterior. it possessed the appearance of a fort, having a palisade fifteen feet high, while the number of dwellings it enclosed, gave it, from a distance, the appearance of a charming village. in the centre of the spacious enclosure rose a large wooden building, constructed with considerable pretensions to elegance, a long piazza or portico, at an elevation of five feet from the ground and surmounted by a balcony, fronting the building its entire length. the great hall or saloon was situated in the middle of this building. at each extremity of this apartment were two rooms, designed for the use of the two principal agents, and the steward and his staff, the last named official being a highly important personage. the kitchen and servants' rooms were in the basement. on either side of the main edifice was another of similar but less lofty extent, each divided by a corridor running through its length and containing a dozen cosy bedrooms. one was destined for the wintering partners, the other for the clerks. on the east of the square stood another building similar to the ones named, and applied to the same purpose; also a warehouse, where the furs were inspected and packed for shipment. in the rear of these were the lodging house of the guides, another fur warehouse, and lastly, a powder magazine, a substantial structure of stone with a metal roof. a great bastion, at an angle of the fort, commanded a view of lake superior. there were other buildings to the westward, stores, a gaol, workshops of the carpenter, cooper, blacksmith and tinsmith, with spacious yards for the shelter, repair and construction of canoes. near the gate of the fort, which faced the south, were the quarters of the physician and the chief clerks, and over the gates was a guard-house. the river being of considerable depth at the entrance, the company had a wharf built extending the whole length of the fort, for the discharge of the vessels it maintained on the lake, and for the transport of its furs from fort william to sault ste. marie or merchandise and provisions from the latter place to fort william. the land behind the fort and on both sides was cleared and under cultivation. [illustration: on the way to fort william.] [sidenote: the immigrants at red river.] at the beginning of spring the "first brigade" of immigrants resumed its journey to the red river valley, arriving at what is now known as point douglas, late in august, . hardly had they reached this spot than they were immediately thrown into the greatest fright and disorder. a band of armed men, painted, disfigured and apparelled like savages, confronted this little band of colonists and bade them halt. they were told briefly that they were unwelcome visitors in that region, and must depart. the colonists might have been urged to make a stand, but to the terrors of hostile indian and half-breed was added that of prospective starvation, for none would sell them provisions thereabouts. the painted warriors, who were north-west company métis in disguise, urged them to proceed to pembina, where they would be unharmed, and offered to conduct them there. they acquiesced, and the pilgrimage, seventy miles farther on, was resumed. at pembina they passed the winter in tents, according to the indian fashion, subsisting on the products of the chase, in common with the natives. when spring came it was decided to again venture to plant the colony on the banks of the red river. means were found to mollify their opponents, and log-houses were built, and patches of prairie sown with corn. a small quantity of seed wheat, obtained at fort alexander, yielded them handsome returns at harvest time and the lot of the settlers seemed brighter; but nevertheless they decided to repair to pembina for the winter, and saving their corn, live by hunting until the spring. while affairs were thus proceeding with the colonists, lord selkirk, in , paid a visit to ireland, where he secured a large number of people as servants for the fur-trade and the colony, in addition to those engaged in the highlands.[ ] selkirk infused new life into the company, and a number of plans for its prosperity emanated from his brain. for a long time the company had had much at heart the erection of a new factory in place of york factory, but they had not thitherto had sufficient strength of hands to accomplish this. selkirk wrote to mcdonnell that if the settlers were employed in that object for the winter, the company stood ready to pay their wages. "perhaps," he added, "it would be more advisable to do this than to make an abortive attempt to reach the interior.... i believe that i mentioned that i am anxious to have the soundings of nelson river taken, from seal island down to the open sea. i beg that while you are at york, you will try to induce some of the officers of the ships to go and make the survey. i will pay a handsome premium to the individual who accomplishes it." [illustration: the company's ships in . (_from the picture in hudson's bay house._)] [sidenote: irish colonists brought out.] on june , the company's ships, the _prince of wales_ and the _eddystone_, sailed out of the little harbour of stromness. they were accompanied by two other vessels, one a brig bound for the moravian missions on the labrador coast, and the other his majesty's sloop of war _brazen_, as armed convoy. the voyage was by no means as monotonous as such voyages usually were. on board the _prince of wales_, typhoid fever of a virulent character broke out, causing a panic and a number of deaths, marine funerals being a daily occurrence. as for the _eddystone_, an insurrection occurred; during which the sailors and passengers between decks sought to obtain possession of the ship and dispose of her, together with cargo and effects to france or spain, or to the ships or colonies of those hostile countries. the captain was, however informed of the plan, and immediately placed armed men to guard the hatches, loaded the quarter gun with grape shot and coolly awaited the advent on deck of the conspirators. these appeared in due course, but were quick to perceive themselves completely non-plussed and retired below in confusion. on the th of august the little fleet found an anchorage in churchill river, in close proximity to the new fort prince of wales. here the immigrants were landed, and after a short rest were sent forward, some on foot and others by boat, to a place known as colony creek. here they built log cabins, and in their weak, unacclimatized state, drew together to pass the winter in those hyperborean regions. in order to receive the scant rations dealt out to them by the company at the fort, they were obliged to perform a journey of thirty miles on snowshoes each week. but the trials and hardships of the poor wanderers, amongst which was the deprivation of the locks of their guns "in order that they should not kill the company's partridges," came to an end in april, when their gun-locks were restored and they took up their journey to york factory, slaying innumerable game as they went. here they met from the chief factor, cook, a hospitable reception, and continuing their journeyings after a short halt, reached fort douglas in the early autumn. governor mcdonnell welcomed the members of this second brigade and proceeded to allot to each head of a family one hundred acres of land and an indian pony. a few days later they were called together, and after each had been regaled with a glass of spirits, he was furnished with a musket, bayonet and ammunition. they were told they must offer an armed resistance to their tormentors and aggressors should they again appear, and admonished that the strong could dictate to the weak. notwithstanding, the colonists could not but marvel at the plentiful lack of preparation for the agricultural pursuits which they had intended to follow in this remote region. there were no farm implements, nor was there metal of which these could be fashioned, unless it was the formidable battery of field-guns, or the plentiful supply of muskets and bayonets. at fort douglas, under the circumstances, the colonists could remain but a short time; it was necessary for them to resort, as their forerunners had done, to pembina, so as to be within convenient distance of the buffalo. [illustration: fort douglas, red river. (_from a drawing by lord selkirk._)] in the spring of , the colonists, after a winter rendered miserable by the jealousy and unfriendliness of the indians and half-breeds, returned to red river in a state of great destitution, resolved never to return again to pembina, no matter what their circumstances. but a step had been taken during that winter by governor mcdonnell which was to reverberate throughout the english-speaking world. incensed at the boycotting of the colonists and stirred to action by their condition, he issued from fort daer, which was the company's post erected at pembina, the following proclamation: whereas, the right honourable thomas, earl of selkirk, is anxious to provide for the families at present forming settlements on his lands at red river and those on the way to it, passing the winter at york and churchill forts in hudson's bay, as also those who are expected to arrive next autumn, rendering it a necessary and indispensable part of my duty to provide for their support. in the yet uncultivated state of the country, the ordinary resources derived from the buffalo and other wild animals hunted within the territory, are not deemed more than adequate for the requisite supply. [sidenote: governor mcdonnell's proclamation.] whereas, it is hereby ordered that no person trading furs or provisions within the territory for the honourable the hudson's bay company, or the north-west company, or any individual or unconnected traders or persons whatever, shall take any provisions, either of flesh, fish, grain or vegetables, procured or raised within the said territory, by water or land carriage, for one twelvemonth from the date hereof, save and except what may be judged necessary for the trading parties at this present time within the territory, to carry them to their respective destinations; and who may, on due application to me, obtain a license for the same. the provisions procured and raised as above shall be taken for the use of the colony; and that no loss shall accrue to the parties concerned, they will be paid for by british bills at the customary rates. and be it hereby further made known that whosoever shall be detected in attempting to convey out, or shall aid or assist in carrying out, or attempting to carry out, any provisions prohibited as above, either by water or land, shall be taken into custody and prosecuted as the laws in such cases direct; and the provisions so taken, as well as any goods and chattels, of what nature soever, which may be taken along with them, and also the craft, carriages and cattle instrumental in conveying away the same to any part out to any settlement on red river, shall be forfeited. given under my hand at fort daer (pembina), the th day of january, . (signed) miles mcdonnell, _governor_. (by order of the governor). (signed) john spencer, _secretary_. a copy of this proclamation was despatched in all haste to fort william, where the partners met in the spring. it excited the greatest indignation and bitterness. it was now determined to seduce and inveigle away as many of the colonists as could be induced to join the north-west standard, and after they should have thus diminished their means of defence, to exhort the indians of lac rouge, fond du lac and other places, to rise and destroy the settlement. it was likewise their avowed intention to seize the governor and carry him to montreal as a prisoner, by way of degrading the authority under which the colony was established, in the eyes of the natives of that country. [sidenote: hostilities planned by the north-west concern.] among the partners of the north-west concern who received their instructions from this general annual meeting at fort william, were duncan cameron and alexander mcdonell, and these were the persons selected by the partnership to superintend and execute the plans entered into against the red river colony. on the th of august the last named person wrote to a fellow-partner at montreal from one of the portages lying between lake superior and the place of his winter destination in the interior, to which he was then proceeding: "you see myself, and our mutual friend, mr. cameron, so far on our way to commence open hostilities against the enemy in red river. much is expected from us, and if we believe some--perhaps too much. one thing is certain, that we will do our best to defend what we consider our rights in the interior. something serious will undoubtedly take place. nothing but the complete downfall of the colony will satisfy some, by fair or foul means--a most desirable object if it can be accomplished. so here is at them, with all my heart and energy." mcdonell and his co-partner accordingly proceeded towards their destination, and arrived about the end of august at a trading post (called by them fort gibraltar) belonging to the north-west concern, situated at the forks, within half a mile of the red river settlement. cameron remained here during the winter, while his partner, mcdonell, proceeded farther into the interior, returning in the month of may with a party of cree indians from a considerable distance, for a purpose which is now obvious. cameron, to whom his associates appear to have confided the task of opposing, upon the spot, the further progress of colonization, was well qualified to perform such a service. he began by ingratiating himself amongst several of the heads of families in the settlement, and being able to converse with many of them in their native gaelic tongue, by degrees he gained their confidence and good opinions. he frequently invited them to his house, and, in short, took every means to secure their favour. they saw no reason to suspect his intentions; and thus the influence which he gradually acquired over many of their members, during the autumn and winter, was artfully exerted to make them discontented alike with their situation, their officers, and their prospects. he alarmed them with constant reports which he stated he had received from the interior, that the indians from a distance were coming in the spring to attack them; and that unless they placed themselves under the protection of the north-west company, and accepted his offers to take them to canada, they would never be able to escape from the country or avoid the dangers surrounding them. [sidenote: the north-west company causes discontent among the settlers.] prior to the departure of cameron and mcdonell from fort william for red river, they had adopted the expedient of providing themselves with british military uniforms. a military coat with a pair of epaulets, the cast-off uniform of a major, which had previously adorned the person of a factor named mcleod, now added to cameron's dignity. he pretended to bear the king's commission, as did also his companion; and these two worthies occasionally rode around the country in uniform, attended by a numerous suite of clerks and half-breeds, and other servants of the north-west company on horseback. such imposture and assumed airs of authority would have evoked merely contempt or laughter, but under the circumstances had great weight with the ignorant settlers, who could not but help believing that cameron and his followers were sanctioned by government in their position and behaviour. the north-west agents now proceeded to put their plans into execution. the immigrants were alternately bribed, cajoled and threatened into abandoning their settlement on the red river. to each cameron engaged to give a free passage to canada (generally to montreal), a twelvemonth's supply of provisions _gratis_ for themselves and families, while various sums, varying from £ to £ , were paid or promised to deserters. a pretext being found, spencer, the sheriff of the colony and a really valuable officer, was taken prisoner under a warrant from a north-west partner, and after a protracted detention sent overland to montreal. during the interval between the autumn of and the spring of , a number of the settlers were seduced and instigated to disloyalty against their benefactors and the company. a large band of the bois-brulés were, during this period, maintained and paraded in arms under cameron, who, now that the preparatory measures had reached this stage, believed the time ripe for more decisive measures. of the ruling spirit amongst the half-breed hordes, mention has already been made. cuthbert grant now appeared on the scene and with him some of his choicest dare-devil crew. the return of the settlers to the colony had filled the minds of the bois-brulés with rage. the contempt of the wild hunters of the plains for the peaceful tillers of the soil was great. they scorned them for their manual labour; they reproachfully termed them "the workers in gardens," and the phrase, "pork-eaters," formerly applied to the voyageurs east of fort william, was now used derisively to the scotch settlers. all now looked forward to a grand gathering in the spring at "the forks," to administer a final blow to the infant colony. the disaffected settlers were therefore, during the temporary absence of a number of those who still continued faithful to their contracts and their duty, incited to rob and pillage a fort belonging to the settlement, and of the cannon set out by the british government for its defence. armed sentinels were placed at different doors to prevent opposition, while a part of the bois-brulés and servants of the nor'-westers, under the command of cameron, were stationed in arms within the distance of a few hundred feet for the purpose of giving support to the plunderers in case their force should be insufficient. nine pieces of artillery were thus taken from the settlement and delivered to the north-west party in waiting, who received them with shouts of triumph and conveyed them to their headquarters, fort gibraltar. to celebrate this exploit cameron gave a ball and entertainment to the parties engaged, on the following evening. [sidenote: attack on the settlement.] a camp was now established at a place called frog plain, about four miles below the settlement, by the servants and partisans of the north-westers, under the command of mcdonell. in june, , after the colony had been thereby deprived of the means of defence, and was in great measure surrounded by its enemies, the whole force of cameron's post, consisting of half-breeds, servants and north-west clerks, sallied forth to make a combined attack on the settlement. a sharp fire of musketry was kept up for some time on the governor's house and adjacent buildings. in this attack only four persons belonging to the settlement were wounded, but one died soon after. several days passed, the men encamped at frog plain received orders to march to the settlement, where they erected a battery against the building called the government house, on which they planted a portion of the cannon previously taken. after a series of attacks and skirmishes, governor mcdonnell was obliged to surrender himself as a prisoner, and under a warrant from a partner in the north-west company, sent to montreal, charged with an undue arrogance of authority to the detriment of the fur-trade. but the north-westers were not yet satisfied. the principal person of the settlement (and one who also held the appointment, from the hudson's bay company, of governor of the district) was, it is true, in custody; but having got possession of him, peremptory orders were issued to cameron directing the remaining settlers to leave the red river. the most wanton acts of aggression followed on the part of alexander mcdonell, who, after cameron's departure with his prisoner, succeeded to the command at the forks. the colonists were frequently fired on; the farm-house was broken open and pillaged; a number of farm labourers were arrested; horses were stolen and cattle driven away. on the nd of june, another attack with fire-arms was made upon the governor's house, but the fire was not returned by the dispirited settlers, who now resolved to migrate. [sidenote: forced departure of the colonists.] an episode occurring on the very eve of their departure showed clearly upon whose side the indians of the interior were disposed to range themselves. two saulteaux chiefs, with about forty warriors of that nation, arrived at the settlement. learning the condition of affairs they went over to the north-westers' fort, and endeavoured to prevail upon mcdonell to cease his persecution and allow the colonists to remain. naturally, their request was refused, although the indian numbers prevented the north-west official from laughing in their faces. to mcleod, the hudson's bay factor at fort douglas, the indians expressed their regret; but considering the armament at the disposal of their foes, could offer them merely the protection of an escort down the river to lake winnipeg. the offer was thankfully accepted, and under their indian escort, the officers and remaining settlers, amounting to about sixty, quitted the settlement, leaving mcleod and three clerks behind. having in this manner quitted their homes, they proceeded in canoes to the mouth of the red river, crossed lake winnipeg and took up a new abode at a trading-post on jack river belonging to the hudson's bay company. [illustration: the fur loft at a hudson's bay post.] the day following their departure, a party of north-west company clerks, servants and half-breeds gathered at the spot, and setting fire to the houses, the mill and the other buildings, burned them to the ground. great joy filled the breasts of the north-westers assembled at fort william when these brave tidings were conveyed to their ear. these tidings were accompanied by convincing proofs of the great victory gained over the enemy, in the persons of one hundred and thirty-four settlers, including men, women and children. they arrived about the end of july and found many of the partners gathered to receive them. the conduct of cameron and mcdonell met with the most enthusiastic approval. they were again appointed to command at the same stations in the interior, which they had charge of the previous season, with a view to oppose any further attempt to restore the scattered colony on red river. [sidenote: treachery rewarded.] while, however, these marks of approbation were lavished upon the heroes of this work of destruction, the subordinate agents were by no means so liberally rewarded as they had reason to expect. they even complained of being defrauded of their promised hire. many of the deserters from the colony, however, and those of the settlers whose treachery had proved most useful to the montreal company, were well rewarded for their services. one of the most interesting features of this business well deserves to be rescued from oblivion. it is the account-book captured in the following year by lord selkirk, together with other papers and effects of the north-west company at fort william, and despatched for safe-keeping to hudson's bay house, in london. it shows that credits were given to forty-eight of these persons for various articles which they had plundered from the settlement and delivered to cameron at fort gibraltar. these consisted principally of implements of husbandry, working tools, horses, muskets, guns, pistols, etc., etc. thus in one of the pages appears a credit "for five new guns, £ ; for a new common pistol, s.; one old gun, s.," etc., etc. at the bottom of these accounts were generally added the amounts they were to receive, and did receive, as rewards for their services against the settlement. several thus obtained larger sums than, in all probability, they had ever been possessed of at any one period in the course of their lives. to many of their accounts were also subjoined, in the handwriting of cameron and mcdonell, brief abstracts of the services which these deserters had, respectively, performed in promoting the destruction of the settlement. as an illustration of this, honourable mention is made of one of them (in the handwriting of cameron) in this style: "this man joined our people in february, was a great partisan and very useful to us ever since, and deserves something from the north-west company, say five or six pounds." of another, "this man was also a great partisan of ours, and made himself very useful to us; he lost his three years' earnings with the hudson's bay company for joining us, and he deserves, at least, about £ ." of another (inscribed by alexander mcdonell): "he was very desperate in our cause this spring and deserves three or four pounds." there are other entries, as follows: "an active, smart fellow. left the hudson's bay company in april last--a true partisan, steady and brave. took a most active part in the campaign this spring, and deserves from £ to £ . he has lost about £ by leaving the hudson's bay company a month before the expiration of his contract." "this man left the hudson's bay company in the month of april, owing to which he lost three years' wages. his behaviour towards us has been that of a true partisan--a steady, brave and resolute man; and was something of a leading character among his countrymen, and deserves at least about £ ." [sidenote: leaves from the account book.] but the truest of all these "partisans" appears to have been one george campbell. this hitherto obscure personage was accordingly conspicuously honoured, as well as rewarded, by the north-west company. he was seated at table in their common hall at fort william, next to the partners, and above the clerks of the company. enviable distinction! but it was but as the shadow of a more tangible and, doubtless, to its recipient, a more valued reward. by the direction of the partnership he received a recompense of £ , paid to him by one of the company's clerks. in the account-book above mentioned appears cameron's testimony to the merits of this hero. "this (george campbell) is a very decent man, and a great partisan, who often exposed his life for the north-west company. he has been of very essential service in the transactions of red river, and deserves at least £ , halifax; and every other service that can be rendered him by the north-west company. rather than that his merit and services should go unrewarded, i would give him £ myself, although i have already been a good deal out of pocket by my campaign to red river." one would fain linger in the common-hall, at fort william, the barbaric splendour and even opulence of whose creature comforts have been painted for us by another and more gifted hand. how deep the potations, how turbulent the revelry when the flushed cohorts from red river returned and took their places at the board, conscious of a victory gained over their hated rivals, the merchants-adventurers trading into hudson's bay, and those miserable colonists despatched by their governor to begin the peopling of the west! moreover, tidings now came to swell their joy that the war between great britain and america was ended, and so further relieved their dread of disaster. but decisive as their triumph seemed, it was short-lived. even in the midst of this vulgar wassail the despised settlers had returned, and affairs at red river were shaping for a tragedy. footnotes: [ ] the precise spot was well chosen by selkirk, had his object been only the confusion and discomfiture of the north-westers. it was the great depot of the latter for the preparation of pemmican. were the region to become colonized it would slowly but surely cut off the buffalo, from which pemmican was made, and eventually force the north-westers to import from canada, at ruinous expense, the chief part of the provisions requisite for their trading expeditions. [ ] in honour of william mcgillivray, principal partner of the concern. [ ] "it will never do," wrote governor mcdonnell to his chief, "to take the colonists from among the company's servants. the orkneymen are so averse to labour that they prefer the company's service to agriculture, and all being engaged in the name of the company they object to serve in the colony, thinking it a separate concern." chapter xxxi. - . a new brigade of immigrants -- robert semple -- cuthbert grant's letter -- the de meuron regiment -- assembling of the bois-brulés -- tragedy at seven oaks -- selkirk at fort william -- mcgillivray arrested -- arrest of the northmen -- selkirk proceeds to red river. a new brigade of emigrants had sailed from stromness. gloomy and portentous was the prospect which greeted them on their arrival. they beheld their comrades and fellow-countrymen of the previous brigade, who had returned from their exile at jack river, still gazing in wretchedness upon the embers of their late dwellings, seeking to rescue what produce remained in the earth for their winter's subsistence. the ship which had brought out these immigrants had also carried an able officer of the company, robert semple, a man of parts and culture, who had been appointed to the chief control of all the factories in rupert's land. [sidenote: influence of the nor'-westers over the half-breeds.] the hostile feuds and lawless proceedings of the fur-trading "partisans" had convulsed the whole indian country throughout its boundaries. the arrival of more immigrants only served to add fresh fuel to the flame. it cannot be denied that between the two rival companies the north-westers possessed one dangerous advantage, viz., the authority and influence they had over the half-breeds, their own servants, and over many of the more dissolute indians. "they had so trained and influenced these," says, with great truth, one sober trader writing of those times, "both in the school of mischief, rapine and bloodshed, that no outrage which the unscrupulous ministers of a lawless despotism could inflict was too extravagant to dread.[ ] posts were pillaged, robberies committed, and valuable lives sacrificed without remorse." instead of settling down quietly and cultivating the soil on their arrival, all the immigrants were quickly dispersed in search of a precarious subsistence at pembina and elsewhere, as had been the case with the first unhappy brigade. they separated, to weather the storms of winter as best they might, hunting and fishing amongst the savages, and enduring every species of privation and suffering which fate could inflict upon them. as soon, however, as the snows of winter were melted, all re-assembled at the colony, and fell to with a will to the task of tilling the ground, and sowing what, alas, the fowls of the air were to reap. [sidenote: lord selkirk arrives in canada.] for a moment let us turn to lord selkirk. on the arrival of this nobleman at new york on his way to canada to support in person the exertions of his colonists, he received intelligence of their dispersion, and the capture of his lieutenant and agent. he immediately proceeded to montreal where he was apprised of the danger with which the new arrivals were threatened as well as the distress which had overtaken those settlers who had been brought into canada. the north-west company had no further use for their services, the expense of bringing them down having already proved sufficiently burdensome. the alluring promises made on the banks of the red river, of lands, high wages, practical encouragement, were forgotten on the shores of the st. lawrence. selkirk was determined upon a rigid enquiry; and steps were taken by his agents in upper and lower canada to that end. while he was thus engaged, information arrived of the re-establishment of the colony, both brigades of immigrants having made a junction at red river, on the departure of cameron and mcdonell. lord selkirk, having despatched a messenger[ ] into the interior to advise the settlers of his speedy arrival amongst them, now renewed his endeavour to obtain from the governor of canada, sir gordon drummond, some small military protection for the settlers. but his application was refused. one, if not the principal, of the reasons being that drummond had no desire to lower his popularity by exerting his influence against the partners of the north-west company. the attempt proving fruitless, a new resource offered itself, and this selkirk was not loath to seize. as a result of the termination of hostilities with america, the hired european regiments of de meuron, watteville and the glengarry fencibles in canada were reduced. the privates, as well as their officers, were entitled on their discharge to grants of lands in canada, and in the event of their accepting them, the members of the two first-mentioned regiments were not to be sent back to europe. a proposition was put to them and agreed to with alacrity. [sidenote: regiment of de meuron.] the regiments to which these men belonged were part of the body of german mercenaries raised during the napoleonic wars. col. de meuron, one of the most illustrious officers, bequeathed his name to the whole body. though germans for the most part, swiss and piedmontese were also numbered amongst them. while the great corsican was languishing at elba, the de meurons were equally inactive at malta, but in the war which had broken out between england and the american states there was plenty of work for their swords. they were shipped to canada, and in , hostilities having ceased, they were again out of employment. lord selkirk perceived in them an instrument ready to his hand. he sent for their officers, four in number, captains d'orsonnens and matthey, and lieutenants fauché and graffenreith, and informed them he had work in hand. they listened and agreed to his terms on behalf of their men. they hastened in boats up the st. lawrence, and at kingston encountered twenty other foreign soldiers belonging to the de watteville regiment, and also victims of peace. these were engaged on the same terms. eighty soldiers and four officers of de meuron's regiment, twenty of watteville's, and several of the glengarry fencibles, with one of their officers, instead of remaining in canada, preferred going to the red river settlement on the terms proposed by lord selkirk. they were to receive pay at a certain rate per month for navigating the canoes up to red river, were to have lands assigned to them at the settlement, and if they did not elect to remain were to be conveyed at his lordship's expense to europe by way of hudson's bay. whatever we may now think of the motive prompting the employment of these men, it must be conceded that it was effected with propriety and ingenuous formality. the men being discharged could no longer be held soldiers. they retained their clothing, as was usual in such cases, and lord selkirk furnished them with arms, as he had done to his other settlers. had there existed a disposition to criticise this latter measure, ample justification was to be found in the instructions of the board of ordnance, in , to issue some field pieces and a considerable number of muskets and ammunition for the use of the red river colony. with this body of men selkirk proceeded into the interior. [sidenote: fort gibraltar captured.] while he was on the march, the colony on red river was apprehending alarming consequences. cameron and mcdonell, the two north-west partners, had arrived the previous autumn and been astonished at the temerity of the settlers at returning to the forbidden spot, and measures had at once been taken to molest and discourage them. thereupon the hudson's bay factor, colin robertson, who, in governor mcdonnell's absence, had placed himself at their head, planned an attack upon fort gibraltar, which he seized by surprise in the month of october. he thus recovered two of the field pieces and thirty stand of arms, which had been abstracted from the settlement in the previous year. in this capture no blood was shed, and although cameron was taken prisoner he was released upon a promise to behave peaceably in future and was even reinstated in possession of his fort. but this posture of affairs was not long to endure. at the beginning of march, governor semple went west to inspect the forts on the assiniboine, lake manitoba, and swan lake, leaving robertson in command. on the th, suspecting a plot on the part of cameron and his north-westers, robertson intercepted some letters, which transformed suspicion into conviction. he therefore attacked the north-west post, took cameron prisoner, and removed all the arms, trading goods, furs, books and papers, to fort douglas.[ ] he furthermore informed his enemy that being situated at the confluence of the two rivers, the red and the assiniboine, fort gibraltar was the key to the position, and could be in no other hands but those of the lords of the soil. following up this move, robertson attacked the north-west post on the pembina river, captured bostonnais pangman, who was in charge, with two clerks and six voyageurs, who were afterwards incarcerated in fort douglas. pursuing his advantage an attempt was made to carry fort qu'appelle. but mcdonell, who was in command there, displayed considerable force, and caused the hudson's bay people to retire. about this period five flat-bottomed boats belonging to the company, laden with pemmican and from thirty to forty packs of furs, under charge of james sutherland, were _en route_ to fort douglas. mcdonell was advised of the circumstance and seized the whole, while retaining two of the factors, bird and pambrun, as prisoners. a canoe was given sutherland and the others, together with a scanty supply of pemmican, and they were allowed to continue their journey to the fort. on receiving intelligence of this proceeding, as well as of the plots being hatched by the half-breeds and their allies in the west, robertson concluded that cameron would be best out of the way; the prisoner was accordingly sent off under guard to york factory, from whence he reached england seventeen months later. here he was released without a trial, and soon afterwards returned to canada, where he spent the remainder of his years. the enemy were no sooner out of fort gibraltar than robertson had the walls pulled down. all the useful material was rafted down the river to fort douglas, where it was employed in new erections within that post. [sidenote: plan to exterminate the red river settlement.] mcdonell now exerted himself to the utmost to assemble the half-breeds from every quarter, for the purpose of a final extermination of the colony at red river. many of these were collected from a very distant part of the country; some from cumberland house and also from the upper saskatchewan, at least seven hundred miles from the settlement. reports had reached the colonists, of whom there were, all told, about two hundred, that the bois-brulés were assembling in all parts of the north for the purpose of driving them away. each day increased the prevalence of these rumours. the hunters, and the free canadians who had supplied them with provisions, were terrified at the prospect of the punishment they might receive at the hands of the violent north-westers. about the close of may the north-wester, alexander mcdonell, embarked in his boats with the furs and bags of provisions which he had seized, as above related, from the hudson's bay people. he was attended by a body of the half-breeds on horseback, who followed him along the banks of the river. when the party arrived near the chief hudson's bay company's post, brandon house, cuthbert grant was sent ahead with twenty-five men, who seized the post and pillaged it, not only of all the english goods, together with the furs and provisions belonging to the company, but also of the private property of their servants, which was distributed amongst the servants and half-breeds. the latter were now eager for the accomplishment of their great desire. accordingly, on the th of june, cuthbert grant, lacerte, frazer, hoole and mckay were sent off from portage la prairie, with about seventy men, to attack the colony at red river. mcdonell himself, foreseeing the issue, prudently remained behind.[ ] the tidings he anticipated would arrive were not long delayed. on the th of june a messenger, covered with sweat, returned from cuthbert grant, to report that his party had killed governor semple, with five of his officers and sixteen of his people. at this welcome news of the consummation of their fondest hopes, mcdonell and the other officers shouted with joy. no time was lost in spreading the story. the unhappy pambrun, from his confinement, could distinctly hear the cries of the french and half-breeds, which they caught up again and again in a paroxysm of triumph. "sacré nom de dieu! bonne nouvelles! vingt-deux anglaise de tués!" [illustration: scene of the red river tragedy.] [sidenote: the affair at seven oaks.] the story of this tragedy of the plains, to which for a time was cynically applied the term, "battle," has been often and variously narrated; but the facts seem clear enough. semple the governor, was on the point of returning to york factory on the concerns of the company, when the rumours of immediate hostility, which have been described, checked his departure. measures of precaution were adopted and a watch regularly kept to guard against surprise. on the th of june, two cree indians who had escaped from the party of north-westers under mcdonell, came to the governor at fort douglas, adjoining the settlement, with the intelligence that he would certainly be attacked in two days by the bois-brulés, under cuthbert grant, who were determined to take the fort, and that if any resistance were made, neither man, woman or child would escape. peguis, chief of the swampy indians, who came periodically to the district about the mouth of the red river, also waited on governor semple for the purpose of offering the services of his tribe, about seventy in number, to assist in the colonists protection. a conflict seemed inevitable. on the afternoon of the th a man in the watch-house called out that the half-breeds were coming. governor semple and his officers surveyed the neighbouring plains through their telescopes and made out the approach of some men on horseback. these were not, however, headed in the direction of the fort, but of the settlement. [illustration: the shooting of governor semple. (_see page ._)] [sidenote: killing of governor semple.] semple's words were: "we must go out and meet these people; let twenty men follow me." they proceeded by the frequented path leading to the settlement. as they went along they met many of the colonists, who were running towards them, crying: "the half-breeds! the half-breeds!" an advance was made of about one mile, when some persons on horseback were discerned in ambush, close at hand, and the governor, somewhat uneasy at the signs of their numbers, had just decided to send for a field-piece, when a fearful clamour pierced the air, and he saw it was too late. the half-breeds galloped forward, their faces painted in the most hideous manner, and all dressed in the indian fashion[ ] and surrounded the hudson's bay people in the form of a half-moon. as they advanced the latter party retreated, and a north-west employee named boucher rode up very close to governor semple and asked what he wanted there? to this enquiry, which was delivered in a very authoritative and insolent tone, semple replied by demanding of boucher what he and his party wanted? boucher said: "we want our fort," and the governor's answer was: "well, go to your fort." in a loud tone came the other's rejoinder: "you damned rascal, you have destroyed our fort." semple, though a man of extremely mild manners and cultivated mind, flushed with indignation at such an address, and incautiously laid hand upon the bridle of boucher's horse, according to some; of his gun, according to others. a few high words passed. two shots rang out in quick succession, by the first of which holt fell, and by the second semple was wounded.[ ] in a few minutes the field was covered with bleeding forms; almost all semple's men were either killed or wounded. save in a single instance no quarter was given; the injured were summarily despatched, and on the bodies of the dead were practised all the revolting horrors which characterize the inhuman heart of the savage.[ ] [illustration: vicinity of fort douglas.] in all twenty-one persons were killed, the remaining eight escaping to the woods. besides governor semple, lieutenant holt, captain rogers, dr. james white and dr. wilkinson, the governor's private secretary were amongst the dead. immediately every human being at fort douglas was plunged into confusion and dismay. the survivors, hastily returning, told their fell tale, and men, women and children crowded together seeking protection within its walls. bourke, and a few of his companions, had succeeded in regaining the fort with the cannon he had taken out. all waited for the expected attack of the north-westers. an anxious night ensued, but no attack, and it was afterwards learnt that the bois-brulés had a wholesome dread of the cannon in the hands of the settlers. pritchard, who had been taken prisoner to the camp ground of the main body of the half-breeds, now begged cuthbert grant, the leader, to be allowed to go to fort douglas. after securing his consent, he met with a refusal on the part of the others, until he gave a promise to bear a message of eviction to the colonists and return. grant accompanied the prisoner on parole as far as seven oaks, where the ground was still strewn with the corpses of the slain. [sidenote: the nor'-westers demand evacuation.] on reaching fort douglas, pritchard informed the unhappy settlers that they must depart, which if they did immediately, a safe escort would be provided them, and they would be permitted to take all their personal effects. they were told that two other groups of north-westers were daily expected to arrive in the locality, one hailing from the saskatchewan, and the other party from lake superior. it would, therefore, be necessary to send some of the bois-brulés with them, to explain the situation. at first the colonists refused to listen to these terms. sheriff mcdonnell, who was now in charge of the settlement, resolved to hold the fort as long as the men were disposed to guard it. but they were not long of this courageous temper. after fully considering the situation, the settlers concluded to depart, and after several conferences between the sheriff and cuthbert grant, a capitulation was arranged. an inventory of all the property was taken, and the whole delivered up to the half-breed leader, for the use of the north-west company, each sheet of the inventory being signed as follows:-- "received on account of the north-west company by me, cuthbert grant, clerk for the n.-west co." [sidenote: arrest of colonists.] in two days the colonists, in all nearly two hundred, were ready to embark for hudson's bay. albeit they had not been long on the voyage down the river before they were met by norman mcleod, one of the leading partners of the north-west company, accompanied by a large party in canoes. at sight of the settlers the north-westers set up an indian war-whoop, and when they drew sufficiently near, mcleod, who posed as a magistrate, is said to have enquired, "whether that rascal and scoundrel robertson was in the boats." the colloquy was followed by a seizure of the accounts and papers of the settlers, including some of governor semple's letters. of these they kept what they deemed proper, the rest being returned. mcleod took his magistracy very seriously, and seems to have regarded the whole party as his prisoners. he expressed neither horror nor regret at the murder of semple and his companions, but ordered sheriff mcdonnell, pritchard, bourke, corcoran, heden and mckay to be arrested and put under a strong guard. mcdonnell was liberated on bail, but the others were treated for nearly a week with the greatest indignity. nevertheless, the north-westers felt themselves in a sorry plight, which, they flattered themselves, a brazen behaviour might alleviate. the five men thus made prisoners were, after various delays and after two of them had been put in irons, conveyed to fort william. they had not long been inmates of quarters at this great post, when mcleod and his party arrived there. with him came a number of the bois-brulés, semple's murderers, bearing a portion of the plunder which had been reserved for the north-west company. their arrival was the signal for rejoicing. the air was filled with impromptu songs and ballads commemorative of the happy event, which swept away the colony on the red river. the "complete downfall" desired by the north-west partner seemed to have been consummated. at that time fort william was the great emporium of the north-west company. an extensive assortment of merchandise was brought thither every year from montreal by large canoes or the company's vessels on the lakes, these returning with the furs to canada and from thence shipped to england. it is difficult to imagine, as one visits the spot to-day, that it was once the abode of industry, of gaiety, of opulence and even of splendour. it boasted a fashionable season, which continued from may to late in august, and during this period the fur aristocracy, the _bourgeoisie_ and the _canaille_, met and mingled in a picturesque carnival of mirth, feasting and exultation. it was the meeting-place between the montreal partners and voyageurs, and those who coursed the boundless expanse of the distant west. to the wintering clerks and partners, after their hardships and fasts in the interior, fort william seemed a foretaste of paradise, and a hundred journals of a hundred traders tell again the tale of a dream of distant fort william, which, in the midst of cold, hunger and desolation, cheered the wanderer's heart and lightened his burdens. for the voyageurs it was all in all. to reach fort william, enjoy the carnival, and betwixt drink and riotous living dissipate the hard-earned wages of years was to them often the happiness of earth and heaven combined. [sidenote: fort william described.] it was in the great dining-hall that there centred the chief glory of fort william. of noble proportions was it, and capable of entertaining two hundred persons, and here fully two hundred sat when the news from red river reached them. let us attempt to describe the scene. there on a glittering pedestal looked down on the joyous company a marble bust of simon mctavish; while ever and anon the eye of some struggling clerk or ambitious partner would be attracted by a row of paintings, depicting to the life the magnates of the north, and rest with ecstasy upon those gleaming eyes and rubicund cheeks, cheerful prophesies of his own roseate future. not all were portraits of opulent northmen--other heroes lent the glory of their visages to this spacious hall--the king in his majesty, the prince regent, and admiral the lord nelson. a gigantic painting of the memorable battle of the nile also adorned the walls. at the upper end hung a huge map of the indian country, drawn by david thompson, he who had written at the crisis of his career, "to-day i left the services of the hudson's bay company to join the north-west, and may god help me." on this extraordinary production were inscribed in characters bold enough to be seen by the humblest _engagé_ at the farthest end of the great hall, the whole number of the company's trading posts from hudson's bay to the pacific ocean, from sault ste. marie to athabasca and the great slave lake. many a time and oft while the feast was at its height and the wine bottles of the partners were being broached and the rum puncheons tapped, was a glance cast at some spot on that map which marked months of suffering, the death place of a comrade, the love of an indian maiden, a thrilling adventure, a cruel massacre, painful solitude, great rejoicing or a bitter disappointment. but if the scene within was noisy and animated, that without beggared description. hundreds of voyageurs, soldiers, indians, and half-breeds were encamped together in the open, holding high revel. they hailed from all over the globe, england, ireland, scotland, france, germany, italy, denmark, sweden, holland, switzerland, america, the african gold coast, the sandwich islands, bengal, canada, with creoles, various tribes of indians, and a mixed progeny of bois-brulés or half-breeds! "here," cries one trader, "were congregated on the shores of the inland sea, within the walls of fort william, episcopalians, presbyterians, methodists, sun-worshippers, men from all parts of the world whose creeds were 'wide as poles asunder,' united in one common object, and bowing down before the same idol." women, soldiers, voyageurs, and indians, in ever moving medley, danced, sang, drank, and gamboled about the fort on the night when the news came of the tragedy of the red river. meanwhile it will be remembered that the earl of selkirk was on his way, with his party of about eighty soldiers, to the scene of this rude rejoicing. when sault ste. marie was reached, the first intelligence of the massacre and destruction of the colony was received, together with the news that some of the settlers and a large part of the property had been transported to fort william. filled with indignation, and determined to demand an explanation of the bloody deed, the earl pressed on with all haste to the rendezvous of the north-west company, who, all unconscious of his approach, had made no plan either to defend themselves or to arrest his progress. [sidenote: selkirk arrives at fort william.] upon his arrival in the vicinity many favourable to the company came out to meet him and relate the present state of affairs. as a magistrate for the country, he secured a number of affidavits, disclosing such circumstances of conspiracy and participation on the part of the north-westers as determined him, as it was his duty, to issue warrants for their arrest. these were accordingly issued, first for the apprehension of william mcgillivray, the principal partner, and next for that of all the other partners. a great many of the north-west partners were at this time assembled at fort william, and amongst them was william mcgillivray, their principal agent in canada. lord selkirk immediately despatched a message to that gentleman, desiring to know by what authority and for what reason pritchard, pambrun, nolin and others from red river were detained as prisoners in their hands. mcgillivray's response was to grant permission to most of these prisoners to join selkirk, to whom he denied that they were detained, except as witnesses. the parties thus freed came over, asserting that they had all suffered for some time a rigorous confinement. the intelligence they conveyed was of such a nature as to induce the earl to issue warrants for the arrest of most of the north-west partners then at fort william. [sidenote: arrest of the north-west partners.] the first to be arrested was mcgillivray, who submitted with the best possible grace to the warrant. two other partners who came over with him, to offer themselves on bail (which was refused), were also taken in custody. instructions were now given to constables to again set out in the boats, accompanied by some of the soldiers, to apprehend the other delinquents. on their landing, four or five of the northmen were standing close to the gate of the fort, surrounded by a considerable body of french-canadians, indians and half-breeds in the north-west company's employment. the warrants were in the usual form served upon two of the partners; but when the constable was proceeding to arrest a third, he declared that there should be no further submission to any warrant until mcgillivray was liberated. at the same instant an attempt was made to shut the gate and prevent the constables from entering. the fort people had succeeded in shutting one half of the gate, and had almost closed the other by force, when the chief constable called out for help from the soldiers. these to the number of about thirty forthwith rushed to the spot, and forced their way into the stronghold of the northmen. the notes of a bugle now rang out across the river. the earl understood the signal, and a fresh force of about thirty other veterans hurried quickly over the stream to join their comrades. awed by the apparition of so many arms and uniforms, the north-westers abandoned further resistance, and thus bloodshed was happily averted. the partner who had refused obedience to the warrant was seized and taken forcibly to the boats, the others submitting peaceably to arrest. at the time this episode was in progress, there were about two hundred french-canadians and half-breeds, and sixty or seventy iroquois indians in and about the fort. a warrant having been issued to search for and secure the north-west papers, seals were in due course put upon these and guards placed for their security. the arrested men were transported to the earl's camp; but upon their pledging their word of honour that no further attempt should be made to obstruct the execution of the law, and that all hostile measures should be renounced, they were permitted that same night to return to their apartments at fort william. notwithstanding this, it was discovered next morning that the seals had been broken in several places, and that many letters and papers had been burnt in the kitchen in the course of the night. more than this, a canoe loaded with arms and ammunition had been launched and several barrels of gunpowder had been secretly conveyed from the fort. these were afterwards traced to a place of concealment amongst some brushwood close at hand. about fifty or sixty stand of indian guns, to all appearance freshly loaded and primed, were found hidden under some hay in a barn adjoining the fort. owing to these discoveries, and suspecting treachery on the part of the canadians and indians, the greater part of the latter were ordered to evacuate the premises and pitch their tents on the opposite side of the river. having seen this carried out, and having secured all the canoes of the enemy, selkirk and his party came over and pitched their tents in front of the fort and mounted guard. soon after, the north-west prisoners were sent off under escort to york, and finally reached montreal in a state of mind not difficult to conceive. fort william had been captured by lord selkirk. he himself, writing in , observes, that "in the execution of his duty as a magistrate," he had become possessed of "a fort which had served, the last of any in the british dominions, as an asylum for banditti and murderers, and the receptacle for their plunder. a fort which nothing less than the express and special license of his majesty could authorize subjects to hold. a fort which had served as the capital and seat of government to the traitorously assumed sovereignty of the north-west. a fort whose possession could have enabled the north-west company to have kept back all evidence of their crimes." "heretofore," exclaims the earl, "those who in the execution of the laws obtained possession of such strongholds as served for the retreat of banditti or murderers, were considered to have rendered a national service, and were rewarded with public gratitude and thanks." it can hardly be supposed that either the canadians or the north-west partners were animated by any such sentiments. "that canting rascal and hypocritical villain, lord selkirk, has got possession of our post at fort william," was the phrase employed by one of the aggrieved partners. "well, we will have him out of that fort," he pursued amiably, "as the hudson's bay knaves shall be cleared, bag and baggage, out of the north-west. and this in short order, mark my words." [sidenote: selkirk winters at fort william.] but his lordship was by no means of so accommodating a temper, nor was there anything to accelerate his abandonment of the post. finding it too late to continue his journey on to red river, he despatched a party of his men in advance, and himself resolved to pass the winter as pleasantly and profitably as circumstances would permit at fort william. mcgillivray and his companions, upon reaching montreal, were greeted by an assembled host of their friends. public opinion there was in their favour, whatever it might be in other quarters. on all sides one heard diatribes pronounced against selkirk and the hudson's bay company, and little sympathy for the victims of the massacre. the north-westers were instantly admitted to bail, and warrants were sworn out for the earl's arrest. a constable was sent to fort william to execute them, but on his arrival found himself made prisoner, and his authority treated with contempt. in a few days he was released and ordered to return to those who had sent him on his unprofitable mission. lord selkirk was by no means idle at fort william. he sent out parties to capture other north-west posts, and in this way the forts of fond du lac, michipicoten and lac la pluie fell into his hands. when the month of may arrived he was ready to take up his journey to the west. footnotes: [ ] there is preserved a letter from the leader of the bois-brulés, written to one of the partners. it bears date of th of march, , and runs as follows:-- my dear sir: i received your generous and kind letter of last fall by the last canoe. i should certainly be an ungrateful being should i not return you my sincerest thanks. although a very bad hand at writing letters i trust to your generosity. i am yet safe and sound, thank god! for i believe it is more than colin robertson, or any of his suit dare to offer the least insult to any of the bois-brulés, although robertson made use of some expressions which i hope he shall swallow in the spring; he shall see that it is neither fifteen, thirty nor fifty of your best horsemen can make the bois-brulés bow to him. our people of fort des prairies and english river are all to be here in the spring. it is hoped we shall come off with flying colours, and never to see any of them again in the colonizing way in red river; in fact the traders shall pack off with themselves, also, for having disobeyed our orders last spring, according to our arrangements. we are all to remain at the forks to pass the summer, for fear they should play us the same trick as last summer, of coming back; but they shall receive a warm reception. i am loath to enter into any particulars, as i am well assured that you will receive more satisfactory information (than i have had) from your other correspondents; therefore i shall not pretend to give you any, at the same time begging you will excuse my short letter, i shall conclude, wishing you health and happiness. i shall ever remain, your most obedient humble servant, cuthbert grant. j. d. cameron, esq. [ ] this messenger, lagimoniere by name, was waylaid and robbed by the north-westers. he had previously made a hazardous winter journey of upwards of , miles for the purpose of bringing to montreal intelligence of the re-establishment of the red river colony. he was now attacked near fond du lac by some native hunters employed by the north-west company, who beat him in a shocking manner, besides plundering him of his despatches, his canoe and all his effects. the order to intercept him was issued on the nd of june by norman mcleod from fort william; and the indians who performed the service were credited in the books of the partnership with the sum of $ . several of lord selkirk's letters were afterwards discovered at fort william. [ ] semple is said, on the authority of an eye-witness, donald murray, yet living in (when a monument was erected to commemorate the red river tragedy), to have disapproved of robertson's management during his absence. this veteran was fond of relating that when robertson started for york factory in a boat, taking duncan cameron a prisoner, he insultingly hoisted a pemmican sack instead of the british flag. [ ] the route taken by the bois-brulés was along the edge of the swamps, about two miles out on the prairie from fort douglas, and from that point gradually drawing nearer to the main highway, which is now the northern continuation of winnipeg's main street, until it effected a junction at a spot known as seven oaks. the name was derived from the circumstance of seven good sized oak trees growing there, about one hundred yards south of a small rivulet, now known as inkster's creek. [ ] their being painted and disguised, forms a very material fact, because it shows a premeditation to commit hostilities. it was not the custom of the indians or bois-brulés to paint themselves, except on warlike occasions. seeing this party of horsemen were proceeding towards the settlement, semple directed about twenty men to follow him in the direction they had taken to ascertain what was their object. these took arms with them, but no ammunition. that semple and his party went out with no hostile intention is evident from there being but twenty who went, whereas a much greater number who could have gone and were desirous of going, were left behind. [ ] after the tragedy many of the settlers are said to have been of the opinion that the first shot was fired by lieut. holt, whose gun went off by accident, thus precipitating the conflict. [ ] while the affair was sufficiently horrible, there was yet room for exaggeration in the tales of the survivors. "on my arrival at the fort," declared pritchard, "what a scene of distress presented itself! the widows, children and relations of the slain, in the horrors of despair, were lamenting the dead and trembling for the safety of the survivors." it is to be noted that only one actual settler was killed, and i cannot discover that the others had any white women-folk amongst them. chapter xxxii. - . the english government intervenes -- selkirk at red river -- makes a treaty with the indians -- hostilities at peace river -- governor williams makes arrests -- franklin at york factory -- the duke of richmond interferes -- trial of semple's murderers -- death of selkirk -- amalgamation. tidings of the brutal massacre of the th of june, and the subsequent acts of robbery and bloodshed in the wilderness, reached london in due course, awakening the imperial authorities to the necessity of at once terminating a strife which had now become chronic. in february, , therefore, while lord selkirk was still at fort william, the governor-general of canada received a despatch from the home government, which contained the following passage:-- you will also require, under similar penalties, a restitution of all forts, buildings and trading stations, with the property which they contain, which may have been seized, or taken possession of by either party, to the party who originally established or constructed the same, and who were in possession of them previous to the recent disputes between the two companies. you will also require the removal of any blockade or impediment by which any party may have attempted to prevent the free passage of traders, or other of his majesty's subjects, or the natives of the country, with their merchandise, furs, provisions or other effects throughout the lakes, rivers, roads, and every other usual route or communication heretofore used for the purpose of the fur-trade in the interior of north america, and the full and free permission of all persons to pursue their usual and accustomed trade without hindrance or molestation. the mutual restoration of all property captured during these disputes, and the freedom of trade and intercourse with the indians, until the trials now pending can be brought to a judicial decision, and the great question at issue, with respect to the rights of the companies, shall be definitely settled. [sidenote: fort william restored to the nor'-westers.] the governor-general appointed colonel coltman and major fletcher, two military personages of high character, to act as commissioners, in order to carry out the imperial government's intentions. coltman and fletcher left montreal in the same month that selkirk evacuated fort william. no sooner had lord selkirk and his party left this great trading post than the sheriff of upper canada arrived, and by virtue of a writ of restitution took possession and restored it to its original owners. the commissioners, confronted by this fact, continued their journey on to red river, arriving at fort douglas while lord selkirk was still in that locality. they proceeded to execute their commission, and to endeavour to restore the region to law and order. the merchandise, provisions and furs were in the course of the summer apportioned to their respective proprietors; the channels of communication were opened, and in time the commissioners were enabled to return to canada, flattering themselves with the hope that the orders of the prince regent would be everywhere obeyed. the commissioners made a most circumstantial report of their mission, of which both parties complained that neither had received justice, which (as senator masson truly observes) was a very good reason for supposing that the report was just and impartial. unhappily, this hope of theirs was not destined to be fulfilled. fort gibraltar had been destroyed, but the north-westers at once set about erecting buildings for carrying on their trade. selkirk meanwhile devoted himself to the affairs of his colony, making provision for the soldiers of the de meuron and watteville regiments according to the contract mutually entered into. he allotted each man a plot of land either in the vicinity of fort douglas, or on the other side of the river, close at hand; and the officers were stationed amongst them. this was done so that in case of any necessity arising, a signal from headquarters would enable the whole body to join their commanders in the fort at short notice. everything was effected which, in his opinion, could conduce to the well-being of the colony. selkirk now turned his attention to the indians, whom he called together within the walls of the fort, and after bestowing amongst them presents, concluded the following treaty with them:-- [sidenote: treaty with red river indians.] this indenture, made on the th day of july, in the fifty-seventh year of the reign of our sovereign lord, king george the third, and in the year of our lord, , between the undersigned chiefs and warriors of the chippeway or saulteaux nation, and of the killistins or cree nation, on the one part, and the right honourable thomas, earl of selkirk, on the other part. witnesseth, that for and in consideration of the annual present or quit rent hereinafter mentioned, the said chiefs have given, granted and confirmed, and do by these presents give, grant and confirm unto our sovereign lord, the king, all that tract of land adjacent to red river and assiniboine river, beginning at the mouth of the red river, and extending along the same as far as the great forks at the mouth of the red lake river, and along assiniboine river as far as musk-rat river, otherwise called riviere des champignons, and extending to the distance of six miles from fort douglas on every side, and likewise from fort daer (pembina), and also from the great forks, and in other parts extending in the breadth to the distance of two english statute miles back from the banks of the said rivers, on each side, together with all the appurtenances whatsoever of the said tract of land, to have and to hold forever the said tract of land and appurtenances, to the use of the said earl of selkirk, and of the settlers being established thereon, with the consent and permission of our sovereign lord, the king, or of the said earl of selkirk. provided always, that these presents are under the express condition that the earl, his heirs and successors, or their agents, shall annually pay to the chiefs and warriors of the chippeway or saulteaux nation the present, or quit rent, consisting of one hundred pounds weight of good merchantable tobacco, to be delivered on or before the tenth day of october, at the forks of the assiniboine river; and to the chiefs and warriors of the kinstineaux or cree nation, a like present, or quit rent, of one hundred pounds of tobacco, to be delivered to them on or before the said tenth day of october, at portage de la prairie, on the banks of assiniboine river. provided always that the traders hitherto established upon any part of the above-mentioned tract of land shall not be molested in the possession of the lands which they have already cultivated and improved, till his majesty's pleasure shall be known. in witness whereof the chiefs aforesaid have set their marks at the forks of red river on the day aforesaid. signed, selkirk. signed in presence of thomas thomas, james bird, f. matthey, captain; p. d. orsonnens, captain; miles mcdonell, j. bate, chr. de lovimier, louis nolin, interpreter; and the following chiefs, each of whom made his mark, being a rude outline of some animal. moche w. keocab (le sonent); ouckidoat (premier alias grande oreilles); mechudewikonaie (la robe noire); kayajickebinoa (l'homme noir); pegawis. as a matter of fact, the saulteaux indians, who were given precedence in the above treaty, had no real claim to the lands on the red river, which were possessed by the crees alone. this latter tribe afterwards took great offence at this circumstance and made various threats to recede from their covenant and claim their lands from the settlers. these threats, however, were not carried out. selkirk having in this manner arranged all to his satisfaction, bade farewell to red river, and accompanied by a guide and a few friends, directed his course southward across the frontier into american territory. he made his way to new york and there embarked for england. it has been remarked that his majesty's commissioners flattered themselves that in the formal and peaceful manner described, law and order was to be introduced into the north-west. it is true that the proclamation of the prince regent and the creation of the commission of inquiry had quieted much of the turbulence, and that all who came in contact with the recognized officers were ready to submit to their authority; but it was by no means so in the more remotely situated departments. [sidenote: attack on fort vermilion.] governor robertson, semple's lieutenant, had delegated his authority to clarke, another ex-employee of the north-west company. this trader now sought upon lord selkirk's authority to penetrate, with an effective force, and a quantity of merchandise, into the very heart of the territory occupied by the north-westers. one of clarke's first acts on arriving at peace river was to attack fort vermilion, with the design of acquiring a supply of provisions; but here he met with so vigorous a resistance that he was constrained to beat a retreat without having succeeded in his project. on the other hand, two partners, black and mcgillivray, on the pretence that robertson had incited the savages to massacre some of their number, and that their men would refuse to serve if an example were not made, took him prisoner to fort athabasca, and there confined him during an entire winter. there were numerous examples of the abuse of force and the utter abandonment to lawlessness during this and the following year. [sidenote: arrest of nor'-westers.] upon most of those northmen named in the warrants issued at the instance of the earl of selkirk, it had been impossible to serve papers owing to their absence in the distant fur country. williams, semple's successor as governor of the colony of assiniboia, was consumed with a desire to effect the arrest of all those persons himself. it is possible that he also wished to avenge the incarceration of robertson. taking with him a number of de meuron soldiers and two pieces of cannon, governor williams departed to lie in ambush for the north-westers at a portage called grand rapids, which spot it was necessary for the enemy to pass in order to enter lake winnipeg. beyond question, the north-westers had no suspicion of what was in store for them, inasmuch as the party did not arrive in a large body, but in small detachments, and successively, often at an interval of several days. as fast as they arrived, however, governor williams and his soldiers were on the watch. it was new work to the veterans, but they entered into it with a zest and spirit. the north-westers were seized and disarmed, being subjected to considerable violence. some were permitted to continue their route; others were dispatched to york factory, on the bay. here they were, during many weeks, detained as prisoners and treated with scant courtesy, up to the arrival of a certain british naval officer. this was lieut. franklin, who was then about to undertake his celebrated land voyage to the arctic sea. franklin had in his possession several letters of introduction to partners in the north-west company. under these circumstances the consideration, not to say compassion, which he evinced for the hudson's bay company's prisoners was much in their favour. mctavish and shaw, two of the north-west partners, were granted permission to return to england as passengers on the ship which had brought franklin, but the others were not so fortunate. duncan campbell was sent to canada, _via_ moose factory and michipicoten, and there placed at liberty. as to benjamin frobisher, there was no accusation or warrant of arrest against him, but it was felt that he should not escape punishment for his long hostility to the company, as well as for the violent and crafty resistance which he had offered in the first instance to his arrest. frobisher is described as being a man of great strength and herculean stature. on numerous occasions he had had the good or ill-fortune to come in contact with the servants of the hudson's bay company, and there were many to testify that he had on such occasions not emerged with the loss either of prestige or property. his whole ambition now, whilst suffering from a severe wound in the head, was to escape from his captors. the nearest north-west post was distant about five hundred miles as the crow flies, but this circumstance had little restraining power upon his project. two of his french-canadian companions, turcotte and lépine, endeavoured to dissuade him, but without success; and at length they consented to participate in the escape should it be possible to elude the vigilance of their captors. they succeeded in doing this on the th september; launched themselves in an old canoe, into which they had stored some pounds of pemmican saved from their rations, and so commenced their painful journey. [sidenote: flight of prisoners from york factory.] for two whole months these three fugitives from york factory travelled through the wilderness. they suffered from cold and hunger, even devouring the buffalo skins that the indians had left suspended in the trees as an indication of their route. at last the doughty frobisher arrived at such a state of weakness that he was fain to lie down without further power of exertion. the trio were then not more than two days' journey from lac l'orignal, near lake bourbon, where the north-westers had a post. frobisher begged his companions, whose greater power of endurance and devotion to their superior had led to their carrying him on their shoulders, to leave him and seek assistance. this they did, after having deposited their burden at the side of a fire, and grilled a morsel of buffalo skin for his nourishment. four days later they reached the fort, and a search party did not arrive on the spot until the th of november. their eyes were greeted by the corpse of frobisher, partly burnt, and extended at full length on the ground. within his scanty clothing was found a journal, which he had kept ever since his arrest at grand rapids, and in which he had recorded his daily sufferings.[ ] after considerable delay the news of frobisher's escape and subsequent death was spread throughout the west. a courier arrived at fort william in hot haste with the news of the affair at grand rapids. the utmost indignation prevailed. many of the partners, fearing a descent of the hudson's bay soldiery, left in disorder for montreal. the agents of the company instantly addressed themselves to the duke of richmond, then governor of canada, representing to him that if the civil authorities did not interfere to compel respect for the orders of the prince regent, the fortunes of the north-west co-partnery would suffer a great and irreparable blow. [sidenote: envoys of the government enjoin peace.] the duke was then at little york. he lost no time in dispatching one of the officers of his suite, major macleod, with a budget of dispatches for delivery at the chief forts of the north-west. in these he enjoined obedience to the laws. macleod was accompanied, at the last moment, by sir charles saxton. the envoys of the governor reached fort william and pressed on to the grand rapids, where they learned that williams had raised the blockade of the river, and had left for the bay with his soldiers and prisoners. it was too late in the autumn to follow them, so there was nothing left but to arrange to have their dispatches forwarded to the parties in the interior, and to return immediately to little york. the alarm of the partners in canada was matched by that of their agents in london. they addressed themselves to the imperial government, soliciting his majesty's interference in order to put an end to the outrages and lawlessness, as they expressed it, of lord selkirk and the hudson's bay company. they recalled that they had often demanded that the rights of the company should be submitted to law, and warned the authorities that when their rivals mocked the orders of the prince regent, it would be impossible for themselves to confide their persons and their property to the protection of an authority with a seat so remote and exacting, so reluctant an obedience. "what is to become of us," they demanded, "if we are to have no protection for our servants in these wild regions of the north?" "you have no right in these regions," was, in effect, the retort of the company. "they are vested in us by royal charter, and the sooner you apprehend this truth the better." whereupon the partners declared that if the hudson's bay company or lord selkirk continued to exercise illegal powers, which had for their end the destruction of the commerce of their rivals, it was inevitable that more bloodshed should follow. such protestations had the desired effect. the government entered into correspondence with the directors of the company and ordered that they should exert themselves to the utmost to prevent a repetition of lawlessness, else the consequences must be on their own head. [sidenote: trial of semple's murderers.] the trials which took place at little york and at montreal had been very costly to both parties. those relating to the semple massacre were not tried until .[ ] application had been made to the governor-in-chief of canada in the previous march ( ) to have them removed to upper canada, and this naturally caused delay, the governor judging it expedient to consult the home government in the matter. a favourable reply was received on the th of october, and warrants under the great seal were issued to try the cases at york. the north-westers were finally brought before the court, and indictments found against them for participating in the affairs of the th of june, and the th of june, ; for larceny at qu'appelle river on the th of may, and the semple massacre on the th of june, . it surprised nobody in canada that the jury in each case brought in a verdict of not guilty, however it may have astonished the british public. mcgillivray, who had been waiting two years for trial, and now finding the further indictments abandoned, caused lord selkirk, miles mcdonnell, and eighteen others, to be indicted for the part they took in the capture of fort william. the earl had also several civil suits entered against him, one of which was by william smith, the constable whom he ejected from fort william, "taking hold of him and pushing him out of doors, and afterwards keeping him in close custody in the fort, under a military guard." the constable got a verdict of £ damages against the earl. daniel mckenzie also entered suit against lord selkirk, and received a verdict of £ , . [sidenote: prosperity at red river.] whilst these various proceedings were in progress, the red river colony was struggling against adversity. in the winter of they were forced to resort again to pembina, owing to a scarcity of food. the next year, when a considerable area of land had been planted, and followed by a favourable summer, the july sky suddenly darkened, and a cloud of grasshoppers descended upon the earth. every green thing perished before them. in greater despair and wretchedness than ever, the colonists again migrated across the border. the same disaster occurred in the ensuing year, and if it had not been for the bounty and care of the company, many would have perished. it was not until that the red river colony, now recruited by french, irish, german and swiss, as well as scotch settlers, began to take on a flourishing condition; but the news of this prosperity was not destined to reach the ears and gladden the heart of its founder. selkirk had reached england disheartened, and with a well-founded grievance against the canadian authorities, who, he declares, and with justice, had not accorded him the encouragement to which he had a right; and against the canadian tribunals, from whom it had been impossible to obtain justice. the health of the earl, shattered by the anxieties and episodes which have been recorded, rendered it necessary that he should seek repose in the south of france. but his ailment was mortal. he breathed his last at pau, in the month of april, , surrounded by his wife and children, leaving behind him many friends, and numerous admirers of his intellectual qualities and his courage. the great north-west of to-day is his monument. the death of its principal adventurer strengthened, on the part of the company, the sentiment for peace; and by removing the chief obstacle hastened an amalgamation of interests of the rival traders. none then could nor can now but perceive, if they examine the situation broadly, that the complete annihilation of the north-west association was a mere matter of time. none recognized this more than their agents in london, who had repeatedly made overtures to lord selkirk for amalgamation, but which were by him rejected as often as made. to edward ellice, a leading partner, an enterprising merchant, and a rising parliamentarian, belongs the chief credit of bringing about this union. this young man was the son of alexander ellice, a wealthy london merchant, and himself directly interested in the canadian fur-trade. in , when a lad of but fourteen, young ellice had gone out to canada, and animated by a love of adventure, had entered into the life of a trader, under the auspices of his father's friends. ellice was quick to grasp the tendency of affairs. the terrible struggle of recent years made by the northmen had told severely upon them.[ ] [illustration: sir george simpson.] the partners met at fort william, in july, , and a stormy session served to reflect their vexed plight. dissensions exhibited themselves; the minority, at least, felt that in their london agents--ellice and the mcgillivrays--coming to terms with the hudson's bay company, lay their only hope of salvation. [sidenote: union of the two companies.] without, however, consulting the powers at fort william, these agents in london were acting on their own account. conferences with the chartered adventurers took place daily. by the time the partnership between the northmen themselves expired, in , the negotiations had attained the form of an agreement. delegates had been sent from fort william to confer with their english representatives as to the future of the interests of the north-west company. ellice received them cordially in his office in mark lane and showed them an instrument which he called the deed poll. this document bore the names of the governor, berens, and the committee of the honourable hudson's bay company, on the one part, and the mcgillivrays and ellice, on the other. the astonished delegates gazed upon the signed and sealed instrument, and recognized that the north-west company had ceased to exist. "amalgamation," cried one of them, "this is not amalgamation, but submersion. we are drowned men." a coalition and partnership had been agreed upon for twenty-one years, on the basis that each should furnish an equal capital for conducting the trade. this deed poll, which bore date of march , , provided that the expenses of the establishment should be paid out of the trade, and that no expense of colonization or any commerce not directly relating to the fur-trade, was to fall upon the company. the profits were to be divided into one hundred equal parts, of which forty were to be shared between the chief factors and chief traders, according to profit and loss. if a loss should occur in one year on these forty shares it was to be made good out of the profits of the year ensuing. a general inventory and account was to be made out annually on the st of june. if profits were not paid to any parties within fourteen days of that date, interest was to be allowed then at the rate of five per cent. when the deed poll was signed, it was stipulated that twenty-five chief factors and twenty-eight chief traders should be appointed, to be named in alternate succession from the hudson's bay and the north-west company's servants. both were placed on an equal footing, the forty shares out of the hundred being again subdivided into eighty-five shares, in order that each of the twenty-five chief factors should receive two (or / ths), and each of the chief traders one of such shares. the remaining seven shares, to complete the eighty-five, were set apart for old servants, to be paid them during a term of seven years. [sidenote: plan of union.] the chief factors were to superintend the business of the company at their respective stations, while the chief traders under them were to conduct the commerce with the indians. the third class was the clerks, who were promoted to factorships and traderships, according to good conduct and seniority, but whose clerical salaries ranged from £ to £ per annum. the chief factors and traders, who wintered in the interior, were granted, in addition to their share of profits, certain personal necessaries free of cost. they were not, however, permitted to carry on any private trade on their own account with the indians. strict accounts were required of them annually. the councils at the various posts were empowered to mulct, admonish or suspend any of the company's servants. each year three chief factors and two chief traders were granted twelve months leave of absence. a chief factor or chief trader, after wintering three years in the service might retire, and hold his full share of profits for one year after so retiring, with half the share for the four succeeding years. if he wintered for five years, he was granted half profits for six years on retiring. retirements of chief factors and chief traders were made annually by rotation, three of the former, or two of the former and two of the latter. the heirs of a chief factor or chief trader who died after wintering five years received all the benefit to which the deceased or himself would have been entitled had he lived, or in proportion otherwise. everything was thus regulated, provision was effected for everything. the northmen, rough, enterprising, adventurous, as many of them were, found themselves part of a huge machine, operated with sleepless vigilance of a governor and committee in london. as for the profits, they were to be estimated after the entire expenses, both in london and the fur country, were deducted. they were then to be divided into fifths, of which three-fifths went to the proprietary and two-fifths to the chief factors, chief traders and clerks, who were to be thenceforward known as the "fur-trade" or the "wintering partners." no wonder that many of the northmen were constrained to cry out, in the language of one of their number[ ]: "alas, the north-west is now beginning to be ruled with an iron rod!" footnotes: [ ] benjamin frobisher was a native of york, england. [ ] at the trials at york in october, , sherwood, the north-west company's counsel, continually demanded to know why semple was called governor. "why," he exclaimed, with ludicrous energy, "why should this gentleman be continually dignified by the appellation of governor? the indictment charged that robert semple was killed and murdered; it said nothing about his being a governor. if he was a governor, then he was also an emperor. yes, gentlemen," shrieked the counsel, working himself up to fever heat, "i repeat, an emperor--a bashaw in that land of milk and honey, where nothing, not even a blade of corn, will ripen. who made him governor? did the king? did the prince regent? no; this pretended authority was an illegal assumption of power, arrogating to itself prerogatives such as are not exercised even by the king of england. i demand that robert semple be called robert semple--but as he was not a governor let us not be ----" "come, come," cried chief justice powell, "do let this trial go on! it is no matter whether he was or was not a governor, or what he was called, or called himself, he is not to be murdered, though he was not a governor." [ ] "ses postes," says senator masson, "avient été pillés et devastés; ses exportatiors considerablement sédintes." on the other hand, he adds, these losses were partly compensated for by the high prices secured in england for their furs. [ ] wentzel. chapter xxxiii. - . the deed poll -- a governor-in-chief chosen -- a chaplain appointed -- new license from george iv. -- trade on the pacific coast -- the red river country claimed by the states -- the company in california -- the oregon question -- anglo-russian treaty of -- the _dryad_ affair -- lieutenant franklin's two expeditions -- red river territory yielded to company -- enterprise on the pacific. by the terms of the deed poll, the immediate control of the company's affairs in its territory passed from the hands of a committee sitting in london, to a personage known as governor-in-chief of rupert's land and his council. his commission extended over all the company's lands and possessions, with an unlimited tenure of office. the council was to be composed of chief factors, and occasionally a few chief traders, who were to meet at some convenient centre for the purposes of consultation, this particular feature being a survival of the rendezvous of fort william. the chartered territories and circuit of commercial relations were divided into vast sections, known as the northern, southern, montreal and western departments. the northern extended between hudson's bay and the rocky mountains, the southern, between james' bay and canada, including a part of the eastern shore of hudson's bay. [sidenote: governor simpson.] such a governor-in-chief should be a person of energy, shrewdness and ability. mr. ellice had been struck by the qualities and special aptitude for this important post of a young scotchman, named george simpson. this young man was an illegitimate son of the maternal uncle of thomas simpson, the arctic explorer. while clerk in a london counting-house, george simpson had attracted the attention of andrew colville, lord selkirk's brother-in-law, who sent him to rupert's land in the service of the company. the responsibility was a tremendous one, but simpson did not flinch from accepting it; and the end showed the wisdom of the appointment. for nearly forty years this man stood at the head of the fur-trade: a potentate in the midst of the wilderness, the virtual ruler of almost one-half of a continent. governor simpson was a man of small stature, but he had "the self-possession of an emperor."[ ] accompanied by his voyageurs and clerks, he journeyed along the old ottawa and lake route, through the grand portage, or by fort william and lake of the woods, accomplishing this feat at least once a year throughout the entire period of his rule. at the outset of his career he perceived that the management of red river colony was an extremely difficult task--harder perhaps than the management of the fur-trade. but he attacked both with energy, resolved to serve his employers, and to create, at all hazards, harmony and prosperity in the territories. part of the time he spent at red river, part in oregon, in athabasca, and at hudson's bay. he crossed the rocky mountains at three different latitudes, and journeyed extensively over the vast territory of which he was truly the "commercial sovereign." the appointment of the rev. mr. west as principal chaplain to the company led to very great improvements in the moral and religious life at the forts. many of the traders and servants of the company were soon afterwards induced to marry the women with whom they had lived, a material step towards the amelioration of the condition of the indian and half-breed females. [sidenote: company obtains a new license.] the next step on the part of the honourable adventurers was to further safeguard their interests, and supplement their charter by a license from the new king, george iv. this license was for the exclusive privilege of trading with the indians in such parts of north america as were not part of the territories heretofore granted to the hudson's bay company. this royal license, dated the th of december, , at carlton house, was expressly issued to prevent the admission of individual or associated bodies into the british north american fur-trade, inasmuch as the competition therein had been found for years to be productive of enormous loss and inconvenience to the hudson's bay company and to trade at large, and also of much injury to the natives and half-breeds. [illustration: the board room, hudson's bay house, london.] to anticipate events, it may here be remarked that this license expired in , but prior to its expiration an extension was granted at the close of the first year of the reign of her present majesty,[ ] for a further term of twenty-one years. by virtue of these licenses the company was granted exclusive trade in the indian territories west of the rocky mountains. it must be borne in mind, and will be pointed out in a subsequent chapter, that it was of the utmost moment for great britain to obtain a standing in oregon and on the columbia river,[ ] and the licenses were framed to this great and desirable end. although, as has been shown, the north-west partners had made great efforts and borne great sacrifices, to maintain the trade on the pacific, they were contending against great odds. the russian establishments at norfolk sound, and at other places on the coast, even so far south as california, came to share in a virtual monopoly with the americans, who, after the treaty of ghent, began to send ships from boston to new york. the amalgamation of came about, and the hudson's bay company, invigorated by the infusion of new blood, believed it their duty to seek to regain the trade. they therefore set to work to re-establish british influence on the pacific. it was no easy task. the russians had gained a firm foothold, and the americans paused at no form of competition, nor any method by which they might secure their ends. the natives had already become debauched and now their debauchery spread from tribe to tribe, rendering dealings with them difficult and formidable. serious losses, both of lives and property, were sustained through their savage attacks on the company's agents and trading posts. but the work was in the hands of strong, able, and temperate men, who knew what the situation required of them and did not shrink from meeting it fully and fearlessly. by tact and vigorous measures the natives were restrained; at great expenditure of money and patience, order was restored; and in ten years time the company occupied the whole country between the rocky mountains and the pacific. it maintained six permanent establishments on the coasts, sixteen in the interior, and several movable posts and migratory brigades. by it had a fleet of six armed vessels, one of them propelled by steam, on the pacific. fort vancouver, its principal _entrepôt_ on the columbia river, was surrounded by large pasture and grain farms, maintaining large herds of horses and cattle, and was a profitable and growing establishment. it was a long time since the company had cut any considerable figure in international politics, but with the extraordinary growth of the american states and the increase of the fur traffic of the russians, contemporary european publicists came again to speak of the prospect of trouble over the company's rights and boundaries. [sidenote: claim of the united states to red river.] before this time there had arisen a cry, sedulously seconded by the company's enemies, that the red river region belonged to the united states. nothing can be clearer than that it was never for a moment contemplated either by the british or american government, that any of the hudson's bay lands, or any of the waters running into hudson's bay, would be included in the lines assigned as the boundaries between the possessions of great britain and those of the states. it is sufficiently demonstrated by the treaty concluded with america in that such an idea never existed in the minds of the negotiators. by the third article of that treaty, which permits the most perfect freedom of communication and intercourse between the subjects of both nations throughout their respective dominions, an exception is made of the country within the limits of the hudson's bay company, to be ascertained, of course, in conformity to their charter from which the americans are expressly excluded. the terms of the treaty concluded in with the united states show the express intentions of both nations to have been that the northern boundary of the united states should not, in any part, extend farther north than the river st. lawrence, or the lakes and streams which feed or fall into it. the unhappy feature of the matter was that a great part of the second article of the treaty of was drawn up in complete ignorance of the geography of the country. it is so full of contradictions that it became impossible afterwards to lay down a line which should follow that article literally. in this dilemma the only fair method of solving the difficulty was to return to the principles which governed the framing of the article. [illustration: red river cart.] [sidenote: the treaty of .] at the close of the revolution the chief aim of the american negotiators, as is evinced throughout their correspondence, was to obtain a recognition of the right of their country to the western territory as far as the st. lawrence on the north, and the mississippi on the west. when the british government acceded to this proposition it was regarded by the americans as an important concession, and their plenipotentiaries proceeded upon that concession as the principle on which their boundary towards canada, after it had struck the st. lawrence, was to be defined. they brought the line from nova scotia to the st. lawrence, and then followed up the main stream of the river to what they believed to be its principal source, and what was supposed to approach the nearest to the source of the mississippi. in fanciful conformity to this intention, the second article of the treaty of , after having carried the line to lake superior, stipulates that it shall be continued onwards through the middle of certain water communications to the north-west point of the lake of the woods, and thence due west to the mississippi. the fact, however, is that the waters of the lake of the woods feed streams which fall into hudson's bay, but have no communication with any waters which fall into lake superior. it is also a fact that a line drawn due west from the lake of the woods would never reach the mississippi, which lies far to the south of such a line. but there was a reason for such egregious blundering. the country had never been surveyed by men of science. its physical features had been derived from the vague and inaccurate accounts of ignorant traders and bushrangers, which had formed the basis for the current maps. these laid down a large river running from the lake of the woods and falling into lake superior. if there had been such a river in existence, there can be no doubt, from the body of waters contained in the lake of the woods, that it would have been a much larger stream than any of the feeders of lake superior. it was therefore most natural that the negotiators should suppose the lake of the woods to be the main source of the st. lawrence. at the same time this must have appeared to them the point at which the waters of the st. lawrence approached the nearest to the source of the mississippi, because in the maps of the bushrangers the mississippi is laid down as rising four or five degrees of latitude farther north than it does in fact, and as coming within a short distance of the lake of the woods on the west. as the negotiators in paris in reposed the greatest confidence in these crude productions of the cartographer, is it surprising that the second article of the treaty should be full of inconsistencies? on any other supposition the intention of the negotiators would be fatuous and incomprehensible. [sidenote: examination of american claims.] this brings us to the whole point involved in the american contention, which deprived great britain and the company of a vast territory to which the united states possessed no shadow of right. where the limits of a country have never been ascertained the conquest of the contiguous and encroaching territory may be justly considered as establishing the bounds originally claimed by the victorious nation; and this was the case with regard to canada and the territory of the company. but where between two powers there have been no defined limits, and no conquests have determined the claims of either, the pretensions of both might be fairly adjusted by laying down as a rule that "the priority of right should be considered as vested in each, to the respective countries, which each have either principally or exclusively frequented." the spaniards west of the mississippi never extended their establishments nearly so far north as latitude , while the hudson's bay limits were long frequented by the english. on what ground, therefore, could the americans, the successors merely to the rights derived from the spaniards, claim all the country of the sioux, the mandans and many other tribes on the upper branches of the missouri? nevertheless the states, after their purchase of louisiana, continued to put in claims for a more northerly and westerly boundary, with what ultimate result we shall see. it is only pertinent to remark here, that nothing could be more absurd than the idea that spain ever contemplated the cession of any territory on the pacific ocean, under the name of louisiana. the interior river waters of the sacramento and san joaquin had attracted the attention of the company even before the american trappers had reached them, and traders remained there in unmolested possession long after the russians had left the country. the feeble frontier guard could do nothing but protest, and ultimately when the trappers had nearly exhausted the outlying districts and desired to penetrate into the centre of the state, the american government admitted them under an agreement with the hudson's bay company, whereby a tax of fifty cents was to be paid for each beaver skin. a year before the amalgamation the north-west coast for the first time engaged the attention of the american government,[ ] and what came to be known as the oregon question had its birth. the states possessed no title to the country, but a strong party believed that they had a right to found by occupation a legitimate title to a large portion of the territory in question. the matter was brought up at several sessions of congress, and the utmost was done by such legislators as floyd and benton to flog it into an active issue. it was claimed that "the united states, through spain, france and her own establishments, had the undisputed sovereignty of the coast from latitude ° down to °." a bill was introduced for the occupation of the columbia, grants of lands to settlers, and regulation of indian affairs. but the government was by no means so sure of the wisdom of such a proceeding; the bill was repeatedly shelved. the restoration of fort george (astoria) by the british was one of the strong arguments used. in the meanwhile russia had declared that the north pacific coast down to latitude ° belonged to her exclusively. all foreign vessels were prohibited from approaching within a hundred italian miles of any part of the coast. america protested, and between and negotiations were carried on between the two powers. [sidenote: russian claims.] russia flatly asserted that the boundary question was one between herself and great britain, with which the americans had no legitimate concern; and offered proofs that the treaty with spain gave the united states a right only to territory south of °. a conclusion was, however, reached in the treaty of , by which the boundary was fixed at ° ', beyond which neither nation was to found any establishment, or to resort, without permission; while for a period of ten years both nations were to have free access for trade and fishery to each other's territory. in the following year was concluded a treaty between russia and great britain,[ ] by which the former again relinquished her claim not only to the region below latitude ° ', but to the vast interior occupied by the company up to the frozen ocean. no objection to this was urged by america, although some of her statesmen sought to take a hand in the matter, and proposed a joint conference. great britain's reply to this proposition was to decline to recognize the right of the united states to any interest in the territory in question. the recent promulgation of the monroe doctrine had given offence not only to her, but to russia as well, and both were prepared to combat american pretensions. although his majesty's ministers had refused to treat for a joint convention, yet in negotiations were begun in london, between great britain and america, for the ownership of the northern pacific coast. the british commissioners showed clearly that the americans had no valid claim to the territory occupied by the company. [illustration: fur train from the far north.] [sidenote: temporary arrangement between england and the states.] the mere entrance of a private individual, such as captain gray, into a river could not give the states a claim up and down the coast to regions which had been previously explored by officially despatched british expeditions like that of cook. it was emphatically denied that the restoration of fort astoria, under the treaty of ghent, had any bearing on the title. nevertheless, great britain was willing to accept as a boundary the forty-ninth parallel from the mountains to the columbia (then known as mcgillivray river), and down that river to the sea. but the americans were obdurate; a deadlock ensued and the convention of remained in force. the company repeatedly urged the government not to abandon one inch of territory rightfully under the crown, to the united states. nevertheless, a settlement of the oregon question was highly desirable. if in spite of the treaty of the states should attempt to occupy the territory, war would be inevitable. if on the other hand the treaty should expire without any attempt at american occupation, great britain would be, by the law of nations, the party rightfully in possession. a new conference was held in london, in ; but it was impossible to agree on a boundary, and the only thing possible was a compromise to the effect that the treaty of joint occupation should be indefinitely renewed subject to abrogation at any time by either party on twelve months' notice. thus the _statu quo_ was maintained, and the hudson's bay company remained in actual possession of the profits of the fur-trade for many years to come. in governor simpson believed it advisable to make a general survey of the western posts, with the object of impressing peace and good-will upon the natives, and also to acquire a further knowledge of the needs and abilities of the company's officers and servants in that quarter. this journey of the governor, undertaken in considerable state, was from york factory to the pacific. he was accompanied by a chief factor, archibald macdonald, and a surgeon named hamlyn. fourteen commissioned gentlemen, as the chief factors and chief traders were called, and as many clerks, accompanied the party to the canoes, and amidst great cheering and a salute of seven guns, bade them god-speed. simpson entered peace river on the th of august, and reached fort vermilion in due course, three hundred and twenty miles from the mouth, which was then in charge of paul fraser. from here he proceeded to fort st. james, the capital of western caledonia, and the chief depot for all the region north of the fraser forks to the russian boundary, including the babine country. forts alexandria, kamloops and vancouver were visited in due order, and in the following year simpson returned east by way of the columbia. in an attempt to enter the columbia river in , the company's ship from london, _william and ann_, was wrecked on land island. several of the crew escaped and landed on clatsop point, where they were immediately murdered by the natives, in order that the plunder of the vessel might be accomplished without interruption. news of the disaster was carried to fort vancouver, where the officer in charge, mclaughlin, sent messengers demanding a restoration of the stolen cargo. in response to this request, an old broom was despatched to the fort, with the intelligence that this was all the restitution the clatsops contemplated. the schooner _colbore_ was therefore sent on a punitive expedition. several of the tribe were wounded and a chief shot, after which the clatsops entered into a better frame of mind, and expressed contrition for their behaviour. under the anglo-russian treaty of , the company possessed the free navigation of streams which, having their rise in british territory, crossed russian territory in their course to the sea. the company were not long in availing themselves of this privilege. posts were successively erected, as far as the stickeen river; but seven years afterwards there was yet no permanent post on that stream. it was, therefore, decided to establish one, and a brig, the _dryad_, was accordingly fitted out and despatched from fort vancouver. but in that year, , the russian government had received the petition of its subjects to rescind the proviso in the treaty favourable to the british. the company's enterprise in thus encroaching on russian territory had alarmed wrangel, who was then in charge of the russian establishment[ ] at sitka, and he wrote to his superiors urging them to memorialize the emperor. he alleged that the hudson's bay company had violated its agreement to refrain from selling fire-arms or spirituous liquors to the natives--an allegation which was not founded on fact. [sidenote: the _dryad_ appears.] believing that the situation called for instant action, wrangel did not wait to learn what course his government would take in the matter, but at once despatched two armed vessels to the entrance of stickeen river. a fort was hastily built on the site of an indian village, guns were mounted, and the company's expedition awaited. all unconscious the _dryad_ force approached. suddenly a puff of smoke and a loud report arrested them, and several shots came from two vessels hitherto concealed in the offing. while the astonished captain and crew put the brig about, with a design to anchor out of range, a boat reached them from the shore, bearing an officer in russian uniform. he protested in the name of the emperor and the governor of the russian-american possessions, against the entrance of a british vessel into a river appertaining to those powers. the company's agent attempted to argue the matter, but his representations went unheeded. the russian was obdurate; they were all threatened with peril to their lives, and their vessel, if the _dryad_ did not immediately weigh anchor. there was consequently nothing to do but to return. the company was indignant at this outrage. the forts it had already built, together with the cost of fitting out the _dryad_ and other vessels, besides a vast quantity of provisions and perishable merchandise sent into that country, had amounted to £ , sterling. the emperor had granted the petition of the russian company; and both the british and the american governments received notification that the clause in the treaty would terminate at twelve months' notice. but the _dryad_ affair took place before this decision was made public. the british government very properly demanded immediate satisfaction, and for a time public interest was keenly aroused. the russian government merely consented to disavow the act of its officer; and issued instructions prohibiting further hindrance to the trading limits previously agreed upon. the matter did not, however, receive settlement until , in which year a convention was held in london to arrange the points long in dispute between the two companies. the matter was settled with despatch. the hudson's bay company's claim for compensation was waived in return for a lease from the russian company of all their territory on the mainland lying between cape spencer and latitude ° '. for this lease the company agreed to pay an annual rental of two thousand land-otter skins, and also to supply the russians with provisions at moderate rates. in the last chapter, the expedition in - of lieutenant (afterwards sir john) franklin, was alluded to. franklin and his party reached fort chippewyan on the th march, after having travelled on foot eight hundred and fifty-six miles, with the weather so intensely cold that the mercury continually froze in the bulb. in july, , they journeyed five hundred miles more to fort enterprise, where the party wintered, back returning to fort chippewyan to procure supplies for the next season's operations. he was eagerly awaited, and when he arrived, in march, , he had a tale of great hardship to relate. he had travelled over one thousand one hundred miles, sometimes going two or three days without food, with no covering at night but a blanket and deerskins to protect him from the fearful rigours of fifty-seven degrees below zero. in june the party started out from the coppermine to reach the sea, which they did in eighteen days. their subsequent sufferings were of the most dreadful description. when the survivors returned to york factory, they had travelled five thousand five hundred and fifty miles by land and water; but their object was still unaccomplished.[ ] in , franklin entered upon a second journey to the shores of the polar sea, again accompanied by lieutenant back and peter dease, one of the company's chief traders. "the governor and committee took," says franklin, "a most lively interest in the objects of the expedition, promised their utmost support to it, and forthwith sent injunctions to their officers in the fur countries to provide the necessary depots of provisions at the places which i pointed out, and to give every other aid in their power." franklin descended the mackenzie and traced the coast line through thirty-seven degrees of longitude from the mouth of the coppermine river, where his former survey began, to near the one hundred and fiftieth meridian, and coming within one hundred and sixty miles of the most easterly point reached by captain beechy, who was exploring from bering's strait. [illustration: sir george back, r.n.] in the protracted absence of captain (afterwards sir john) ross, who had sailed three years before for the polar regions, became cause for anxiety. it was decided to send an expedition, commanded by captain back, in search of this explorer, and the government granted £ , towards the expense, "it being understood that the hudson's bay company will furnish the supplies and canoes free of charge, and that the remainder of the expense, which is estimated at £ , , will be contributed by captain ross's friends." the expedition sailed, but after it had been absent one year, news reached them[ ] that ross had returned safe and sound in england; and captain back was ordered to attempt a completion of the coast line of the north-eastern extremity of north america. the company, through sir george simpson, nominated four officers, in its service, to be placed under back's command. in there was witnessed a confirmation of the deed poll of , with a more definite prescription of the duties and emoluments of the company's servants. it was not until the year that lord selkirk's heirs determined to give up their control of the red river colony, and to surrender the territories granted in . the expenses incurred by the earl in his expeditions, and in his costly law suits, were estimated at a large amount, and this the company agreed to assume. in a powerful blow was dealt at the prosperity of the company by the successful substitution of silk for beaver fur in the manufacture of hats. the price of beaver almost instantly fell, and continued to fall thenceforward for many years, inflicting great loss upon the company which was fortunately atoned for in other directions. in this same year the company, at the suggestion of chief factor mclaughlin, demanded and obtained of the russian fur company a ten years' lease for trading purposes of a strip of land ten leagues wide, extending north from latitude ° ', and lying between british territory and the ocean, paying therefor two thousand east side land otter, worth thirty-two shillings and sixpence each. statesmen in england marvelled at this arrangement, wondering why the company sought these ten leagues of russian seaboard. but traffic with the natives was only one of the objects of the company, for they also contemplated making a customer of the russians for european goods, as well as for those products of the soil which the inclemency of the more northern regions prevented their rivals from raising. acting upon this arrangement, a party was organized at montreal in to take possession of the leased territory. they set out from york factory in july, and travelled from thence by way of edmonton, jasper house and walla walla to fort vancouver. in the following year they proceeded to the redoubt st. dionysius, or as it was thereafter called, fort stickine, the russian post at the mouth of the stickine river, which was to be the british headquarters in the leased territory. in charge of the fort they found a russian officer with fifty men, guarded by a brig of thirty-two guns. the officer was informed by the company's pioneers that they would remain with eighteen men, at which the russians expressed astonishment. they informed young mclaughlin and w. g. rae, who had been appointed to the new post, that the savages were troublesome, that the chief had many slaves skilled in assassination and accustomed to obey his murderous orders. to which the company's men replied, "other forts we rule with twenty men, and we will hold stickine." [illustration: thomas simpson.] to this period belong the adventures and the tragic end of thomas simpson, the arctic explorer. as a youth, simpson had shown great scholastic promise, and seemed destined for medicine, when fortune tempted him to try the service of the company. his cousin, george simpson, was then governor of the company's territories, and repeated offers of a position decided the brilliant student to embark in the fur-trade. he began work as secretary to governor simpson, with whom he travelled from post to post for some time, until he settled down as accountant at fort garry. but soon the company had a duty for him to perform. in order to strengthen their hand when applying for a renewal of their general trading license, the honourable adventurers decided to spend some money in exploring the arctic coast. young simpson was requested to undertake this arduous task. exploration from the atlantic showed a defined coast line to within seven degrees of the great fish river, and it was to devolve upon simpson to explore the intervening gap. the important duty was laid upon him of completing the discovery of the northern coast of north america, and in accomplishing this it was thought that the long-looked for north-west passage would be brought to light. simpson set out from fort garry in the winter of - and travelled on foot the whole distance to lake athabasca, a matter of one thousand two hundred miles, where he encountered dease, the chief factor, who was nominally at the head of the expedition. in the spring the party descended the mackenzie in open boats, coasting along to the westward until they attained the farthest point attained by franklin. from here a successful journey was made to within a short distance of point barrow, when their progress was arrested by the ice. after wintering at great bear lake, in the spring of the expedition again started for the coast, crossing the coppermine river and descending that stream to its mouth. but to their great disappointment they found the coast ice-bound. in the following spring they were more fortunate, finding the sea comparatively open, and as before, simpson struck off along the coast on foot. the expedition returned by way of the coppermine and great bear lake to the mackenzie river, and here simpson wrote a narrative of the expedition while waiting for the freezing up of that stream. he departed from fort simpson on the nd december, and reached fort garry on st of february, covering a distance of one thousand nine hundred and ten miles in sixty-one days, many of which were spent in enforced delays at the company's forts on the way. simpson was greatly disappointed to find on his arrival at red river no letters from the company in london, inasmuch as he had offered to make another expedition to complete the seven degrees still remaining of unexplored coast. the company had accepted his offer, and wrote to that effect, but the letter arrived too late. the same mail also contained the news that the royal geographical society, in view of the success which had attended his first expedition, had awarded him its gold medal; while the british government had bestowed on him a pension of £ sterling per annum. simpson's later discoveries far excelled those he had made in , and no doubt the honours accorded him would have been very great; but in , while travelling, about three days' journey from fort garry, in what is now dakota, a tragedy took place, the details of which are still wrapt in mystery. it appears that the party of which simpson was a member were arranging their camp for the night. their horses were grazing hard by. all were armed with guns and pistols, for the sioux were on the warpath. one of the party was helping to pitch the tent when he heard the report of a gun. on turning around he beheld simpson in the act of shooting, first, john bird and then antoine legros, the former of whom fell dead, while the latter had time to give his son a last embrace. according to this witness, simpson then spoke for the first time, demanding if he knew of any plot to rob him of his papers. this was the last seen alive of the arctic explorer; next morning his dead body was found lying beside the others he had slain. there is little doubt that he was the victim of a fit of insanity, superinduced by the fear that one of his fellow-travellers might report the results of the expedition to the company in england before him. his death removed an able and distinguished explorer, who rendered good service to the company. in lord ashburton arrived in the united states, equipped with instructions and powers for the settlement of certain questions long pending between britain and america. it was expected that the oregon boundary matter would be one of these, but this was not the case.[ ] meanwhile the utmost excitement prevailed in oregon, the settlers of both nationalities claiming possession. political meetings were held on the part of the british, at which old hudson's bay company servants and ignorant voyageurs were nominated for office, the latter men, "whose ideas of government," says mckay, "were little above those of a grisly bear." travelling along the middle columbia at this time was by no means devoid of danger, owing to the animosity of the natives towards the americans. their faith in the company remained unshaken; but they were subject to fits of suspicion and ill-temper, which were occasionally fraught with considerable inconvenience for the hudson's bay servants. in , when j. w. mckay first came to fort vancouver, he found that many of the indians along the route were not to be trusted. early in mckay was dispatched to california to ascertain what arrangements might be made for securing certain supplies nearer than england, in case the company's farming establishment on the columbia should be surrendered to the united states. in joseph mckay was given the general supervision of the pacific establishments, in succession to james douglas. taking passage northward in the _beaver_ in october, according to the custom of the general agent, he visited the several stations and made such changes and left such instructions as he deemed advisable. the russians he found "affable and polite, but tricky." in august, , he mentions meeting a chief of the stickine indians, whom he had reason to believe perfectly trustworthy. "he told me that he had been approached by a russian officer with presents of beads and tobacco, and that he was told that if he would get up a war with the english in that vicinity and compel them to withdraw, he should receive assistance in the shape of arms and ammunition; and in case of success he would receive a medal from the russian emperor, a splendid uniform, and anything else he might desire, while his people should always be paid the highest prices for their peltries." in the east as in the west, at red river, at edmonton, and on the pacific, the old policy of procuring provisions and the necessaries of life from england had been abandoned. the company now raised horses, horned cattle, sheep, and other farm stock. it owned large farms in different parts of the country, grist mills, saw mills, tanneries, fisheries, etc. from its posts on the pacific it exported flour, grain, beef, pork, and butter, to the russian settlements; lumber and fish to the sandwich islands; hides and wool to england. it opened the coal mines at nanaimo, after an unremunerative expenditure of £ , in seeking coal at fort rupert. [sidenote: agricultural and mercantile enterprise.] on the pacific coast, as many of the company's men who could be spared from the business of the fort, as well as such natives as had a leaning towards civilization, were employed in clearing lands and establishing farms. it was not difficult to convince these indians that they were pursuing the best policy, and they set to with a will to help the white men and half-breeds, "becoming good bullock-drivers and better ploughmen than the canadians or ranakes," to whom, nevertheless, they gave freely of their women as wives, a circumstance which tended to promote good behaviour amongst the medley throng of company's servants. such natives were treated with all fairness, and paid wages as high as the other labourers, usually from £ to £ per annum. the company became banker for the thousands who thrived by hunting, trading, tilling or mining, within its domains. it issued notes, and so valid were they that it has been said "the hudson's bay company's note was taken everywhere over the northern continent when the 'shin plasters' of banks in the united states and canada were refused."[ ] [illustration: hudson's bay co., trade tokens.] footnotes: [ ] in march, , wentzel, one of the north-west partners, wrote: "the hudson's bay company have apparently relaxed in the extravagance of their measures; last autumn they came in the [athabasca] department with fifteen canoes only, containing each about fifteen pieces. mr. simpson, a gentleman from england last spring, superintends their business. his being a strange, and reputedly gentlemanly, man, will not create much alarm, nor do i presume him formidable as an indian trader." [ ] may th, . [ ] "such is the spirit and avidity exhibited by the council," wrote one of the company's factors, in , "that it is believed these discoveries will be extended as far as the russian settlements on the pacific ocean." [ ] on motion of mr. congressman floyd, a committee was appointed in december, , "to enquire into the situation of the settlements upon the pacific ocean, and the expediency of occupying the columbia river." [ ] see appendix for copy of this treaty. [ ] the russian company was incorporated under the patronage of the crown with a capital of two hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling. it had a large commerce with northern china which did not deal with canton; and it was in the northern part of the empire that the consumption of furs was greatest. canton was merely the _entrepôt_ where furs were received for distribution throughout china. [ ] from joseph berens, esq., the governor of the hudson's bay company and the gentlemen of the committee, i received all kinds of assistance and information, communicated in the most friendly manner previous to my leaving england; and i had the gratification of perusing the orders to their agents and servants in north america, containing the fullest directions to promote by every means the progress of the expedition.--_sir john franklin._ [ ] "the extraordinary expedition with which this despatch was transmitted by the hudson's bay company," says back, "is worthy of being recorded." [ ] indeed it cannot be doubted that great britain was wholly influenced by the position of the company. it has been said that she did not anticipate any permanent possession of the country. "the british have certainly no other immediate object," wrote mr. gallatin, the american commissioner, to henry clay, "than that of protecting the company in its fur-trade." [ ] sir edward walkin tells how, when he was for a short time, in and , shareholders' auditor of the company, he cancelled many of these notes which had become defaced, mainly owing to the fingering of indians and others, who had left behind on the thick yellow paper, coatings of pemmican. chapter xxxiv. - . the oregon treaty -- boundary question settled -- company proposes undertaking colonization of north america -- enmity and jealousy aroused -- attitude of earl grey -- lord elgin's opinion of the company -- amended proposal for colonization submitted -- opposition of mr. gladstone -- grant of vancouver island secured, but allowed to expire in -- dr. rae's expedition -- the franklin expedition and its fate -- discovery of the north-west passage -- imperial parliament appoints select committee -- toronto board of trade petitions legislative council -- trouble with indians -- question of buying out the company -- british government refuses help -- "pacific scheme" promoters meet company in official interview -- international financial association buys company's rights -- edward ellice, the "old bear." on the th of june, , the famous "oregon treaty" was concluded between great britain and america. [sidenote: the oregon boundary question.] by the second article of that instrument it is declared that: "from the point at which the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude shall be found to intersect the great northern branch of the columbia river, the navigation of the said branch of the river to the point where the said branch meets the main stream of the said river shall be free and open to the hudson's bay company, and to all british subjects trading with the same, and thence down the said main stream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river or rivers, it being understood that all the usual portages along the line thus described shall, in like manner, be free and open. in navigating the said river or rivers, british subjects, with their goods and produce, shall be treated on the same footing as citizens of the united states; it being, however, always understood that nothing in this article shall be construed as preventing, or intending to prevent, the government of the united states from making any regulations respecting the navigation of the said river or rivers not inconsistent with the present treaty." [illustration: hudson's bay co.'s employees on their annual expedition. (_from "picturesque canada," by permission._)] according to article iii, "in the future appropriation of the territory south of the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, as provided in the first article of this treaty, the possessary rights of the hudson's bay company, and of all british subjects who may be already in the occupation of land or other property lawfully acquired within the said territory, shall be respected." the oregon boundary question was thus settled. immigrants were pouring into oregon from all parts of america, and california was already receiving numerous gold miners. it was therefore natural that vancouver island and british columbia should receive attention. the climate was known to be almost perfect, and a motion to encourage colonization in those territories was made in the british parliament. but the company was quite alive to the situation. a letter was addressed to earl grey, the colonial secretary, dwelling on the efforts the adventurers had made in the british interest, and urging that vancouver island be granted to them. the negotiations continued until march, , when sir j. h. pelly, the governor of the company, again wrote to earl grey, informing him that the company would "undertake the government and colonization of all the territories belonging to the crown in north america, and receive a grant accordingly." such a proposition staggered her majesty's ministers, who were for the most part ignorant of the work the company had already accomplished, of the position it occupied, or of the growth of its establishment on the pacific. already it governed and was now busy colonizing the territory, doing both in a manner superior to that adopted by the americans in their adjacent territories. such a proposition, too, awakened all the jealousy and enmity against the company which had been latent for so long. [sidenote: enmity and jealousy aroused.] one of the most determined and virulent in his attacks on the company at this time was one a. k. isbister, who addressed a long communication to earl grey, besides other letters to public men in england. in answer to mr. isbister, earl grey forwarded the substance of a report which had been made by major griffiths, late in command of her majesty's troops at fort garry, to whom had been communicated the petition of certain residents of red river settlement. to all the petitions, memorials, and complaints of interested parties and self-seekers against the company, earl grey had but one answer. he said he had gone to the bottom of the matter, and he believed the company was honest and capable. if he had had any doubt about it, this doubt must have been removed by a remarkable despatch of lord elgin, governor-general of canada, under date of th june, . "i am bound to state," he wrote, "that the result of the enquiries which i have hitherto made is highly favourable to the company, and that it has left on my mind the impression that the authority which it exercises over the vast and inhospitable region subject to its jurisdiction, is, on the whole, very advantageous to the indians.... more especially it would appear to be a settled principle of their policy to discountenance the use of ardent spirits. it is indeed possible that the progress of the indians toward civilization may not correspond with the expectations of some of those who are interested in their welfare. but disappointments of this nature are experienced, i fear, in other quarters as well as in the territories of the hudson's bay company; and persons to whom the trading privileges of the company are obnoxious may be tempted to ascribe to its rule the existence of evils which are altogether beyond its power to remedy. there is too much reason to fear that if the trade were thrown open and the indians left to the mercy of the adventurers who might chance to engage in it, their condition would be greatly deteriorated."[ ] such was the opinion of the earl of elgin on the hudson's bay company, and it was the opinion of all who really understood the company's aims, its history and its position. "persons to whom the trading privileges of the company are obnoxious." it was thus that the earl laid his finger upon the cause of the whole onslaught. jealousy of the company's rights was at the bottom of the whole matter. [sidenote: opposition of mr. gladstone.] the vancouver island negotiations were suspended for a year, and then the company, seeing the opposition it had evoked, put forward a less extensive proposal, by which it offered to continue the general management of the whole territory north of the forty-ninth degree, and for colonizing purposes to except vancouver island alone. it agreed to colonize the island without any pecuniary advantage accruing to itself, and promised that all moneys received for lands and minerals should be applied to purposes connected with the improvement of the country. the proposition seemed a reasonable one; but in a certain rising statesman, who had inherited his opposition to the company from his father, and who had many followers, the honourable adventurers had a powerful enemy. his name was mr. w. e. gladstone, and his enmity to the measure caused the government to halt. the company was not without strong friends, as well as enemies. it drew up a deed of charter, and boldly relied on the earl of lincoln (afterwards duke of newcastle) to procure favour for it in the house of commons. on the th july the earl opened the subject, and drew from mr. gladstone a speech which occupies many columns of hansard's debates. with mighty energy he hurled argument, invective, appeal and remonstrance at the heads of his fellow-members. it was even suggested that he was actuated by personal malice. every statement, every slander that could wither or blacken the fair fame of a corporation which had deserved well of its country, was employed on this occasion, and his conclusion was that the company was incompetent to carry out its promises. mr. howard, who followed, believed that it would be "most unwise to confer the extensive powers proposed on a fur-trading company." yet he did not deny that as california had recently been ceded to america, it was a matter of the highest importance that a flourishing british colony should be established on the pacific coast as an offset to that power. lord john russell undertook to enlighten the house as to the achievements of the company, apart from fur-trading. he said that it already held exclusive privileges, which did not expire until ; that the western lands were controlled by a crown grant, dated th may, , confirming the possession by the company for twenty-one years from that date; that these privileges "could not be taken away from it without breach of principle and that if colonization were delayed until the expiration of this term squatters from america might step in and possess themselves of the island." [sidenote: the grant of vancouver island.] it was voted to refer the matter to the privy council committee for trade and plantations; and on the th september this body reported in favour of granting vancouver island to the hudson's bay company. the grant was duly signed, sealed and delivered on the th january, . the company, in the midst of its triumph, was not satisfied. it had aroused enmities which it was powerless to allay. it had been lured, by too zealous friends, into making promise of a policy which it foresaw could not be followed without ruinous cost. it also foresaw that the rush to the pacific, consequent upon the gold-fever of , would bring about new interests not its own and, in brief, that the colony would pass from its hands, and that all its outlay and labour would have been expended without profits. what it anticipated came about sooner than it expected. opposition had been collecting from without, and had been engendered from within. some of the adventurers announced that when, in , the grant would expire, they would object to its renewal. the company's enemies asserted that it had not exerted itself to bring about the desired colonization of vancouver island. the settlers forwarded a memorial asking to be relieved from the company's control. at the same time, the governor it had appointed, mr. douglas (afterwards sir james douglas), was popular, and when the grant was allowed to expire and vancouver island became a crown colony in , he was retained in the same office. soon afterwards, a government was organized, with mr. douglas at its head, on the mainland of british columbia. [illustration: sir george simpson receiving a deputation of indians.] meanwhile, in the eastern as well as the western extremity of the company's domains, agitation and malcontent was being fomented. certain residents of red river settlement had forwarded petitions to earl grey. lieutenant-colonel crofton, in command of her majesty's troops at fort garry, was asked to send in a report of the state of affairs at red river. at a little later period his successor, major griffiths, was requested to do the same. neither had any connection with the company, and both might therefore be regarded as unbiassed as well as fully informed. both exonerated the company from most of the charges brought against them, and as to the remainder, which were preferred on untrustworthy evidence, they professed ignorance. they rendered full credit to the company "for the manner in which it has of late years exercised its powers." in the year of the oregon treaty the company caused some valuable exploration to be made of its northern coasts. dr. rae and his party reached chesterfield inlet th july, , passed repulse bay safely, and conveyed their boats thence into committee bay, at the bottom of boothia gulf. the company's expedition wintered at repulse bay, and again entering committee bay, in april, , by the following month had completed a survey, with the exception of fury and hecla straits, of the entire northern coast of the north american continent. [sidenote: fate of the franklin expedition.] in the previous year, , sir john franklin, who had, since his last travels in rupert's land, been governor of tasmania, was offered the command of another expedition in search of the north-west passage by the british government. he embarked in the _erebus_ and _terror_, and his ships were last seen on the th of july in baffin's bay by a whaler. several years passed without tidings of the expedition. in traces of the missing ships were discovered by ommaney and penny, and it was thus ascertained that the first winter had been spent behind beechy island. no further news came until the spring of , when an expedition of the hudson's bay company, under dr. rae, from republic bay, received information from the esquimaux that four years before about forty white men had been seen dragging a boat over the ice near the north shore of king william's island. somewhat later in the same season of , declared the natives, the bodies of the entire party were found at a point a short distance to the north-west of the great fish river. to prove their assertion the esquimaux produced various articles which were known to have belonged to the ill-fated explorer and his party. the government having previously offered a reward of £ , "to any party, or parties who, in the judgment of the board of admiralty, shall, by virtue of his or her efforts, first succeed in ascertaining" the fate of the missing expedition, dr. rae laid claim to and obtained this reward. another expedition under anderson and stewart went in two canoes, in , down the great fish river, and further verified the truth by securing more european articles and clothing from the esquimaux. it now became clear that a party from the _erebus_ and _terror_ had sought to reach, by the fish river route, the nearest company's post to the south, and had been arrested by the ice in the channel near that river's mouth. in lady franklin, whose efforts to set at rest the fate of her husband had been most heroic, sent out the yacht _fox_, commanded by captain (afterwards sir leopold) mcclintock, who had already taken part in three expeditions despatched in search of franklin. in the following year more relics were obtained, closely followed by the discovery of many skeletons. in a cairn at point victory lieutenant hobson unearthed the celebrated record kept by two of the explorers, which briefly told the history of the expedition for three years, or up to april , . it appeared that sir john franklin had perished on the th of june, . it is believed that one of the vessels must have been crushed in the ice and the other stranded on the shore of king william's island, where it lay for years, a mine of wonderful implements and playthings for the esquimaux. [illustration: opening of cairn on point victory which contained the record of the franklin expedition.] [illustration: discovery of relics of franklin expedition.] franklin was virtually the discoverer of the long-sought north-west passage, inasmuch as he had all but traversed the entire distance between baffin's bay and bering's strait. [sidenote: the north-west passage discovered at last.] yet it should be observed that in commander mcclure, who was in charge of an arctic expedition from the pacific, was rescued near melville island by sir edward belcher, who came from the side of the atlantic, and both he and his ship's company returned to europe _via_ baffin's bay. thus the secret of the north-west passage was disclosed at last. it was now known that a continuous passage by water existed between baffin's bay and bering's strait, and that was the last of the voyages undertaken for the purpose through rupert's land. for ten years past the profits of the company had already increased. in , there were in its employ five hundred and thirteen articled men and thirty-five officers. it controlled a net-work of trading routes between its posts situated between the atlantic and the pacific oceans. in it had one hundred and fifty-two establishments under governor simpson's control, with sixteen chief factors and twenty-nine chief traders, assisted by five surgeons, eighty-seven clerks, sixty-seven postmasters, five hundred voyageurs and one thousand two hundred permanent servants, in addition to sailors on sea-going ships and other employees, numbering altogether above three thousand men. [sidenote: imperial parliament appoints select committee.] at the beginning of the opponents of the company were on the _qui vive_. they had at last succeeded in procuring a select committee of the imperial house of commons for the purpose of considering "the state of those british possessions in north america which are under the administration of the hudson's bay company, or over which it possesses a license to trade." the committee was composed of the following persons: the right honourable henry labouchere (afterwards lord taunton), sir john pakingham, lord john russell, mr. gladstone, the right honourable edward ellice, lord stanley, viscount sandon, and messrs. lowe, adderley, roebuck, grogan, kinnaird, blackburn, charles fitzwilliam, gordon, gurney, bell and percy herbert. evidence was taken from the th of february to the th of march, which comprised the first session of the committee. it sat again in may, and the examination of the numerous witnesses ended on the rd of june. public interest was aroused, and the company and its doings again became a standing topic at london dinner-tables. the honourable adventurers were again on their trial--would they come out of the ordeal as triumphantly as on the occasion of the previous great investigation a full century and a decade before? the list of witnesses comprised some of the best known names of the day. there were: sir john richardson, rear admiral sir george back, dr. rae, chief justice draper of canada, sir george simpson, hon. john ross, lieut.-colonel lefroy, lieut.-colonel caldwell, bishop anderson, hon. charles fitzwilliam, dr. king and right hon. edward ellice. at the second session messrs. gordon, bell and adderley retired, and viscount goderich, and messrs. matheson and christy took their places. the first witness examined was the honourable john ross, then president of the grand trunk railway of canada. "it is complained," said he, "that the hudson's bay company occupy that territory and prevent the extension of settlement and civilization in that part of the continent. i do not think they ought to be permitted to do that; but i think it would be a very great calamity if their control and power were entirely to cease. my reason for forming that opinion is this: during all the time that i have been able to observe their proceedings, there has been peace within the whole territory. the operations of the company seem to have been carried on, at all events, in such a way as to prevent the indian tribes within their borders from molesting the canadian frontier; while, on the other hand, those who have turned their attention to that quarter of the world must have seen that, from oregon to florida, for these last thirty years or more, there has been a constant indian war going on between the natives of american territory, on the one side, and the indian tribes on the other. now, i very much fear that if the occupation of the hudson's bay company were to cease, our fate in canada might be just what it is with americans in the border settlements of their territory." lord elgin had showed the weak spot of the opposition. mr. ross indicated it more precisely. "i believe," said he, "there are certain gentlemen at toronto very anxious to get up a second north-west company, and i daresay it would result in something like the same difficulties which the last north-west company created. i should be sorry to see them succeed. i think it would do a great deal of harm, creating further difficulties in canada, which i do not desire to see created." at the close of the evidence, mr. gladstone proposed resolutions unfavourable to the company, which were negatived by the casting vote of the chairman, lord taunton, the numbers being seven to seven. the committee agreed to their report on the st july. it recommended that the red river and saskatchewan districts might be "ceded to canada on equitable principles," the details being left to her majesty's government. the termination of the company's rule over vancouver island was advised; and this advice was not distasteful to the company. the committee strongly urged, in the interests of law and order, and of the indian population as well as for the preservation of the fur-trade, that the company "should continue to enjoy the privileges of exclusive trade which they now possess." [sidenote: toronto merchants petition legislative council.] as an illustration of the spirit prevalent in many quarters in canada towards the company, the petition which on the th of april, , reached the legislative council of canada, may be cited. it emanated from the board of trade of the city of toronto. after reciting in anything but a respectful manner the history and status of the company, it declared that the company acted under a "pretended" right, that it "assumed the power to enact tariffs, collect custom dues, and levy taxes against british subjects, and has enforced unjust and arbitrary laws in defiance of every principle of right and justice." the petitioners besought the attention of the government "to that region of country designated as the chartered territory, over which the said company exercises a sovereignty over the soil as well as a monopoly in the trade, and which said company claims as a right that insures to it _in perpetuo_, in contradistinction to that portion of the country over which it claims an exclusive right of trade, but for a limited period only." the "gentlemen from toronto" admitted that this latter claim was founded upon a legal right, but submitted that a renewal of "such license of exclusive trade was injurious to the interests of the country so monopolized, and in contravention of the rights of the inhabitants of canada." in this year the claims of the company in connection with the treaty of were finally arranged by a special treaty concluded through the hon. w. h. seward for america, and lord lyons, the british ambassador. the puget's sound agricultural company, which was an offshoot and subordinate concern of the hudson's bay company, for the purposes of wheat, wool, hides and tallow production, was also named as one of the interested parties. "whereas," so ran the new treaty, "it is desirable that all questions between the united states authorities on the one hand, and the hudson's bay and puget's sound agricultural companies on the other, with respect to the possessary rights and claims of these companies, and of any other british subjects in oregon and washington territory, should be settled by the transfer of those rights and claims to the government of the united states for an adequate money consideration: it is hereby agreed that the united states of america and her britannic majesty shall, within twelve months after the exchange of the ratification of the present treaty, appoint each a commissioner for the purpose of examining and deciding upon all claims arising out of the provisions of the above-quoted articles of the treaty of june , ."[ ] [sidenote: unwholesome temper amongst the indians.] the commercial rivalry existing between the russian-american company and the hudson's bay company, which held a trading lease of part of the sea-bound territory, naturally tended to engender and keep alive an unwholesome temper amongst the indians. they were frequently troublesome, and occasionally murderous. in may, , between two hundred and fifty and three hundred of the natives on the west side of chatham strait, twenty-five miles north of cross sound, seized on the quarter-deck the captain and chief trader of the company's steamer _labouchere_, of seven hundred tons and taking possession of the vessel, drove the crew forward. but the crew had a large gun trained aft, and parleying took place. the indians had not known that this was a company ship. it was agreed that both parties should discharge their rifles, and peace was proclaimed, the indians finally leaving the vessel. before their departure, however, they covered the deck with fine sea-otter and other skins as a present to the captain and traders, and as a token of peace. in september, , after an illness of but five days' duration, died sir george simpson, the governor-in-chief in rupert's land, amidst universal regrets. he had been often, indeed persistently, attacked by the company's enemies during his tenure of his office; indeed almost up to the day of his death he was charged with being autocratic and tyrannical, but none could deny him great ability and exceptional fitness for his post. he had taken a powerful interest in northern discoveries, and superintended the fitting out of several arctic expeditions. for his services in this direction he had been knighted in , and soon afterwards had set out on a journey round the world, of which he published an interesting relation. in his late years he resided at lachine, where he entertained the prince of wales, on his visit in . his successor was mr. a. e. dallas, who having made a considerable fortune in china, had for some time served the company on the pacific coast. thanks to his prudence, the landing in of general harney and a detachment of american troops on the island st. juan, between vancouver's island and the mainland, had been controlled and check-mated by the proposal of joint occupation until negotiations should settle the question of right. he was returning home to england, intending to retire, when he was persuaded to accept the governorship of rupert's land. [sidenote: proposals to buy out the company.] at the head of a scheme for a transcontinental road and telegraph system was mr. (afterwards sir) edward watkin, well known as the promoter of the grand trunk railway. for this scheme an imperial subsidy was sought. the dissensions which ensued between the various parties interested proved not unfruitful, for they led up to the great question of buying out the company. at the beginning, however, the duke of newcastle, then colonial secretary, had amiably undertaken to sound the company as to their willingness to allow a road and telegraphs through their territory.[ ] in response to this demand the aged governor answered, almost in terror, to the duke of newcastle, "what, sequester our very tap-root! take away the fertile lands where the buffaloes feed! let in all kinds of people to squat and settle, and frighten away the fur-bearing animals they don't hunt and kill! impossible! destruction--extinction of our time-honoured industry. if these gentlemen are so patriotic, why don't they buy us out?" to this outburst the duke quietly replied: "what is your price?" governor berens answered: "well, about a million and a half." [sidenote: discussions as to the price.] on hearing this, mr. watkin was anxious that the british government should figure among the purchasing parties. purchase seemed the only way out of the difficulty. the governor and company seemed to have made up their minds for a sale or else to withstand the project which mr. watkin and the rest had so dearly at heart. an endeavour was made to convince the duke that at the price named there could be no risk of loss, because the fur-trade could be separated from the land and rights, and after the purchase a new joint-stock company could be organized to take over the trading-posts, the fleet of ships, the stock of goods, and the other assets, rights and privileges affecting trade. such a company, it was figured, would pay a rental (redeemable over a term of years if necessary) of three or three and one-half per cent, on £ , , leaving only £ , as the value of a territory bigger than russia in europe. such a company would have to raise additional capital of its own to modernise its business, to improve the means of intercourse between its posts, and to cheapen and expedite the transport to and fro of its merchandise. it was pointed out that a land company could be organized in england, canada and america which, on a similar principle of redemption rental, might take over the lands, leaving a reserve of probably a fourth of the whole as the unpaid-for property of the government, at the price of £ , . "were these proposals to succeed, then," said mr. watkin, "all the country would have to do was to lend £ , , on such security as could be offered, ample in each case," in his opinion. but a condition was to be imposed if these plans were to be adopted. the hudson's bay territory must be erected into a crown colony like british columbia, and governed on the responsibility of the empire. as to the cost of government, there were three suggestions put forward. one was that it might be recouped by a moderate system of duties in and out of the territory, to be agreed upon between canada and british columbia on the one hand, and the united states on the other. the second was to sell a portion of the territory to america for five million dollars, which sum mr. watkin knew could be obtained. the third scheme was to open up portions of the fertile belt to colonization from the united states. when considering the second plan, the duke said he would not sell; he would exchange; and studying the map, "we put our fingers upon the aroostook wedge, in the state of maine; upon a piece of territory at the head of lake superior, and upon islands between british columbia and vancouver's island, which might be the equivalent of rectification of boundary on many portions of the westward along the th parallel of latitude." as for a name for the new proposed crown colony, dr. mackay had suggested to mr. watkin, "hysperia," and this name was mentioned to the duke. its similarity to "hysteria" probably caused it to be dismissed. [sidenote: opposition of the colonial office.] the decision of the duke of newcastle on the whole proposition was that were he a minister of russia he would agree to purchase the land from the hudson's bay company. "it is," said he, "the right thing to do for many, for all reasons; but ministers here must subordinate their views to the cabinet." nevertheless, he went so far as to believe that it was right. but the colonial office were in positive opposition to the scheme. it was now clear that the promoters of the pacific transcontinental railway could hope for no direct pecuniary aid from the british government. they must act for themselves. after some correspondence, it was arranged that the promoters of the "pacific scheme," as it was called, should meet the governor and committee of the hudson's bay company in an official interview. the date was the st of december, . "the room," writes sir edward watkin in his memoirs, "was the court room, dark and dirty. a faded green cloth, old chairs, almost black, and a fine portrait of prince rupert. we met the governor, berens, eden colville and lyell only. on our part there were mr. g. g. glyn (the late lord wolverton), captain glyn (the late admiral henry glyn), and messrs. newmarch, benson, blake and myself. mr. berens, an old man and obstinate, bearing a name to be found in the earliest lists of hudson's bay shareholders, was somewhat insulting in his manner. we took it patiently. he seemed to be astounded at our assurance. 'what! interfere with his fertile belt, tap-root,' etc." [sidenote: the "pacific scheme" discussed.] but the governor showed himself more reasonable; a calmer discussion ensued, and the promoters were informed that the company would be ready to make a grant of land for the actual site of a road and telegraph through their territory. nothing more would be vouchsafed, unless, as they had informed the duke of newcastle, they were paid for all their rights and property. [illustration: fort prince of wales. (_drawn from an old print._)] "the offer," observes sir edward, "of a mere site of a road and ground for telegraph poles was no use. so, just as we were leaving, i said, 'we are quite ready to consider your offer to sell; and to expedite matters, will you allow us to see your accounts, charters, etc.' they promised to consult their court." the result of this promise was that the promoters were put into communication with "old mr. roberts, aged eighty-five, their accountant, and with their solicitor, mr. maynard." many interviews took place at hudson's bay house between these parties. on the th of march, , mr. watkin met the governor, mr. ellice, junior (son of edward ellice, who had been nick-named the "old bear"), mr. matheson and mr. maynard, at hudson's bay house. a number of account books were produced. "next day i had a long private interview with mr. maynard, but could not see the balance-sheet the same day, i saw the duke with messrs. glyn and benson." on the following day, the chief promoter spent the forenoon with mr. roberts, the accountant, and his son and assistant, at hudson's bay house. "mr. roberts told him many odd things," he says; "one was, that the company had had a freehold farm on the site of the present city of san francisco of one thousand acres, and had sold it just before the gold discoveries for £ , , because two factors quarrelled over it. i learnt a great deal of the inside of the affair, and got some glimpses of the competing north-west company, amalgamated by mr. edward ellice, its chief mover, many years agone, with the hudson's bay company. pointing to some boxes in his private room one day, mr. maynard said, 'there are years of chancery in those boxes, if anyone else had them.' and he more than once quoted a phrase of the old bear, 'my fortune came late in life.'" [sidenote: the international financial association.] in spite of the duke's indisposition, he expressed the greatest interest in the progress of the negotiations. yet the prospect of government aid was now remote. two ways were open to raise the money for a purchase of the company's rights--to secure the names and support of fifteen persons, millionaires, for £ , each; the other to hand the proposed purchase over to the newly-organized international finance association, who were eager to find some important enterprise to put before the public. the first method seemed to recommend itself to the promoters; and the friends of the project could easily have underwritten the necessary amount. but the company now announced that it would give no credit. "we must take up the shares as presented and pay for them over the counter." there was, therefore, no alternative. mr. richard potter, acting for the capitalists, completed the negotiations. the shares were taken over and paid for by the international financial association, who issued new stock to the public to an amount which covered a large provision of new capital for the extension of business by the company, and at great profit to themselves. as regards the new hudson's bay shareholders, their two hundred and one shares were subsequently reduced by returns of capital to one hundred and thirty-one, and having attained a value of thirty-seven, during the "land boom" period twenty years later stood at two hundred and forty-one. a hudson's bay company prospectus was issued. it was understood that the international financial association were merely agents, that the shares would not remain in their hands, but would pass to the proprietors, who would, of course, only enjoy the rights such shares carried. they would, in fact, be a continuation of the company, only their efforts would be directed to the promotion of the settlement of the country; the development of the postal and transit communications being one of the objects to which they were pledged. a new council had been formed, and amongst its members was mr. eden colville, one of the old committee, whom the duke praised publicly in the highest terms, as a "man of business and good sense." there was one man in london who was astonished at what had taken place. edward ellice still lived, but his commanding figure was bent by the weight of years. as we have seen, it was he who, in , played the principal part in the amalgamation of the rival companies. he had grown to be proud of the company, proud of its history, of its traditions, of its service; and he seemed to detect in this transfer, its fall. a few months before his death, in , he met one of the negotiators at burlington house. he confronted him for some moments without speaking, in a state of abstraction. then he passed on, like a man "endeavouring to recollect a long history of difficulty, and to realize how strangely it had all ended." ellice had said, before the parliamentary committee of , in reply to a question put by a member as to what probability there was of a settlement being made, "within what you consider to be the southern territories of the hudson's bay company?" "none; in the lifetime of the youngest man now alive!" footnotes: [ ] lord elgin went on to say: "at the same time i think it is to be regretted that a jurisdiction so extensive and peculiar, exercised by british subjects at such a distance and so far beyond the control of public opinion, should be so entirely removed from the surveillance of her majesty's government. the evil arising from this state of things is forcibly illustrated in the present instance by the difficulty which i experience in obtaining materials for a full and satisfactory report on the charges which your lordship referred to me. it were very desirable, if abuses do exist, that government possessed the means of probing them to the bottom; and on the other hand it seems to be hard on the company, if the imputations cast upon it be unfounded, that government, which undertakes the investigation, should not have the power of acquitting it on testimony more unexceptionable than any which is at present procurable. it has been stated to me that your lordship has it in contemplation to establish a military officer at some point within the territories of the company, and that the company is disposed to afford every facility for carrying out this arrangement. i trust that this report may prove to be well founded." [ ] the treaty having provided for a joint commission, mr. a. s. johnston and the hon. (afterwards sir) john rose were appointed to act for america and great britain, respectively. these commissioners, on the th of september, , issued an award from washington, directing the payment of $ , by the united states to the hudson's bay company, and $ , to the puget's sound company. there was, as usual, considerable delay in making this payment. on the th of july, , $ , was appropriated by congress for this purpose, and a like sum by another appropriation in the following year. [ ] "i am glad to tell you that since i received your letter of saturday last, the hudson's bay company has replied to my communication; and has promised to _grant_ land to a company formed under such auspices as those with whom i placed them in communication. the question now is, what _breadth_ of land they will give, for of course they propose to include the whole length of the line through their territory. a copy of the reply shall be sent to mr. baring, and i hope you and he will be able to bring this concession to some practical issue. "i was quite aware of the willingness of the company to _sell_ their _whole_ rights for some such sum as £ , , . i ascertained the fact two months ago and alluded to it in the house of lords in my reply to a motion by lord donoughmore. i cannot, however, view the proposal in so favourable a light as you do. there would be no immediate or _direct_ return to show for this large outlay, for of course the trade monopoly must cease, and the sale of the land would for some time bring in little or nothing--certainly not enough to pay for the government of the country. "i do not think canada _can_, or if she can, ought to take any large share in such a payment. some of her politicians would no doubt support the proposal with views of their own--but it would be a serious, and for some time unrenumerative addition to their very embarassing debt. i certainly should not like to _sell_ any portion of the territory to the united states--_exchange_ (if the territory were once acquired) would be a different thing--but that would not help towards the liquidation of the purchase money."--_letter of the duke of newcastle, th august, ._ chapter xxxv. - . indignation of the wintering partners -- distrust and misgivings arise -- proposals of governor dallas for the compensation of the wintering partners in exchange for their abrogation of deed poll -- threatened deadlock -- position of those in authority rendered untenable -- failure of duke of newcastle's proposals for surrender of territorial rights -- the russo-american alaskan treaty -- the hon. w. mcdougall's resolutions -- deputation goes to england -- sir stafford northcote becomes governor -- opinion of lord granville as to the position of affairs -- lack of military system company's weakness -- cession now inevitable -- terms suggested by lord granville accepted -- first riel rebellion -- wolseley at fort garry. all this had taken place in london. the sale had been negotiated between financiers. not a word of what was impending had crossed the atlantic to the hunting-grounds of the north-west--to the body of men who were, as much as the governor, the committee and the sleeping partners, members of the great company. yet their voice had never been heard, nor their consent to the transaction obtained. by the deed poll it was provided that the profits of the fur-trade (less interest on capital employed) were to be divided into one hundred parts, sixty parts going to the stockholders and forty to the "wintering partners." what would the "wintering partners" say to this brilliant "game of chess" which had been played with the stockholders for interests which were jointly theirs? [sidenote: indignation of the wintering partners.] no sooner had the papers been signed, and the million and a half sterling paid over, than misgivings seem to have seized the minds of those directly interested. yet, on their behalf, it was urged that the company's posts and hunting grounds still remained. that the factors and traders would be as well off under the new _régime_ as the old--that the mere change of one body of shareholders for another could affect them nothing--that, in fact, they would really benefit by having men of newer ideas and a more progressive spirit. the news, once in the newspapers, travelled fast, and in a few weeks at the less distant posts, and in a few months at the more remote ones, the rumour ran that the company had sold out--that the london partners had betrayed the real workers in the wilderness. [illustration: fort garry.] a large number of the company's chief factors and traders had, it appeared, addressed a memorial to the company in london, when first the rumour of a sale had reached them. they declared that they had been informed that no transfer was probable, but if it took place it would not be without previous consultation. they now learned for the first time from the newspapers that these arrangements had been made. an influential member of the new company predicted that a general resignation of the officers from labrador to sitka would ensue, followed by a confederation amongst themselves, in order to carry on the fur-trade in competition with the company. they had, they said, "the skill, the will, and the capital to do it." it was said that the appearance of mr. lampson's name as deputy governor of the new company had heightened the first feeling of distrust, for this gentleman and his commercial connections had long been the company's great rivals in the fur marts, carrying on a vigorous competition at all accessible points.[ ] [sidenote: governor dallas's suggestions.] governor dallas, almost immediately upon his arrival in montreal, caused a circular to be issued, addressed to all the factors, completely refuting all these charges and innuendoes. many conferences took place between dallas and watkin as to the working of the company in the fur territories on the new basis. dallas kept the governor and committee in london fully advised of the state of affairs, accompanied by proposals as to the compensation to be allowed the aggrieved wintering partners. an interesting object, which it was desired to accomplish at this time, was an exchange of boundary between the company and the united states, so as to permit superior city being brought into british territory by means of a fair payment and exchange of land. the negotiations looking to this end, although at one time promising, proved a failure. it was believed that the first measure necessary towards the re-organization of the hudson's bay service would be the abolition or modification of the deed poll, under which the trade was then conducted. the wintering partners (chief factors and chief traders) had certain vested rights, and these could not be interfered with without compensation.[ ] one mode suggested by governor dallas of removing the difficulty was to ascertain the value of a retired interest, and bestow a money compensation to each officer on his entering into an agreement to consent to the abrogation of the deed poll. as regarded the shares held in retirement, some of the interests had nearly run out and none of the parties had any voice in the business. the value of a (one-eighty-fifth) share was ascertained to be (on the average of the previous thirteen "outfits") about £ , at which rate a chief factor's retired interest would amount to £ , , and a chief trader's to £ , . adding the customary year's furlough on retiring, a factor's retired allowance would be £ , , and a trader's £ , . on such a scale of commutation it would cost the company £ , to buy out its officers. as a set-off to this outlay governor dallas suggested a substantial reduction in salaries. under the then existing organization the pay of officers in the service was £ , to the governor-in-chief, £ , amongst sixteen chief factors, £ , to thirty-five chief traders, and £ , to the clerks, a total officers' pay-roll of £ , . he proposed to cut this down as follows: governor-in-chief £ , lieutenant-governor , four councillors at £ , twenty-five chief traders at £ , one hundred clerks at various salaries , ------ £ , but sir edmund and his colleagues thought otherwise. the wintering partners were not yet to reap any profit from the sale of the company's assets. the deed poll remained in full force until , when they were paid £ , out of the money received from canada for rupert's land and the north-west. [sidenote: threatened deadlock in red river settlement.] in the company's government had almost come to a deadlock in the red river settlement. two cases had just occurred of prisoners having been forcibly rescued from gaol; and they, with about thirty to fifty others implicated in the riots, continued at large, fostering discontent. the only paper published, the notorious _nor'-wester_, was in the hands of the company's bitterest enemies.[ ] the position of those in authority was so disagreeable that it was with great difficulty that governor dallas persuaded the magistrates to continue their duties. governor mctavish, who was in charge of assiniboine, resigned, and others were prepared to follow his example, including the governor-in-chief himself. fortunately the open malcontents were few in number and the volunteer force was sufficient to protect the gaol and support law and order, were it not for the unwise zeal of the company's partisans who were ready to engage in a free fight with the agitators. this, beyond question, would have led to a repetition of the semple tragedy of . it may be noted that the company's unpopularity in the red river country, according to governor dallas, "arose entirely from the system, not from the faults of its administrators." the agitation against the company still continued, but slowly. it seemed difficult for the parties interested in the abolition of the company's rights to agree upon a single scheme which would be permanently satisfactory, and not too costly. sir edmund head expressed himself in favour of a complete sale of rights and ownership to the imperial authorities. but this scheme was, as has been seen, beset with almost insuperable difficulties. in november, , sir edmund suggested that an equal division be made of the territory fit for settlement between the company and the crown, with inclusion of specified tracts in the share of the former; secondly, that the company construct the road and telegraph; thirdly, that the crown purchase such of the company's premises as should be required for military use, and to pay the company a net third of all future revenue from gold and silver. in his speech from the throne, on the th february, , lord monk, the governor-general of canada, alluded to the matter, which was beginning to engross the public mind. "the condition," said he, "of the vast region lying on the north-west of the settled portions of the province is daily becoming a question of great interest. i have considered it advisable to open a correspondence with the imperial government, with a view to arrive at a precise definition of the geographical boundaries of canada in that direction. such a definition of boundary is a desirable preliminary to further proceedings with respect to the vast tracts of land in that quarter belonging to canada, but not yet brought under the action of our political and municipal system." it was hoped by many that the company could be induced to sell out its rights to the imperial government, and out of the territory to carve out a new crown colony. in the course of the ensuing debate on the address, the honourable william mcdougall, minister of crown lands, who was officially concerned in the matter, stated that "the government of canada had reached a conclusion upon the advisability of determining whether the red river territory belonged to canada or to some other country." the consequence was that a correspondence had been opened with the imperial government upon the subject. mr. mcdougall thereupon announced his individual view of the case as being that "canada was entitled to claim as a portion of its soil all that part of the north-west territory that could be proved to have been in possession of the french at the time of the cession of canada to the british." it was not at all likely that the duke of newcastle would share such a view, or that he would entirely acquiesce with the suggestion of sir edmund head on behalf of the company. under date of the th of march, and th of april, , he formulated the appended proposals:-- . the company to surrender to the crown its territorial rights. . to receive one shilling for every acre sold by the crown but limited to £ , in all, and to fifty years in duration, whether or not the receipts attained that amount. . to receive one-fourth of any gold revenue, but limited to £ , in all, and to fifty years in duration. . to have one square mile of adjacent land for every lineal mile constructed of road and telegraph to british columbia. [sidenote: the surrender of territorial rights.] these proposals were carefully considered by sir edmund head and his colleagues, and it was decided at a meeting on the th of april to accept them, subject to certain alterations. it was urged that the amount of payments within fifty years should either not be limited or else placed at the sum of £ , , sterling, instead of a quarter of that sum. the company also suggested that a grant be made to it of five thousand acres of wild land for every fifty thousand acres sold by the crown. in the meantime the duke of newcastle had been succeeded in the colonial secretaryship by mr. cardwell, who on the th of june wrote to say that he could not entertain the amendments of the company. for several months nothing was done, but in december the honourable adventurers again met and again showed their desire for an amicable and reasonable arrangement. they offered to accept £ , , for the territory which they then defined, and which was substantially in extent the whole region granted them in the charter of charles ii. in the hon. george brown went to england to come to terms over the proposed transfer, but without success. [sidenote: america purchases alaska.] the charter of the russian company was about to expire. it had underlet to the hudson's bay company all its franchise on the mainland between ° ' and mount st elias; and now it was proposed that an american company, holding direct from the russian government, should be substituted, and it seemed to the americans a good opportunity to organize a fur-trading company to trade between the states and the russian possessions in america. but before the matter could mature, the american and russian governments interposed with a treaty, by which alaska was ceded to the states for $ , , in gold. few treaties have ever been carried out in so simple a manner. russia was glad to be rid of her possessions in north america. the sum of $ , , was originally agreed upon; but when it was understood that a fur company and an ice company enjoyed monopolies under the existing government, it was decided to extinguish these for the additional sum. on st july, , the confederation of the scattered british provinces of north america was made an accomplished fact, amidst general rejoicings. on the th of december, mr. mcdougall, who was now minister of public works for the new dominion of canada, brought in, at the first session of parliament, a series of resolutions directly relating to the acquisition of rupert's land and the great north-west:-- . that it would promote the prosperity of the canadian people and conduce to the advantage of the whole empire if the dominion of canada, constituted under the provisions of the british north america act, , were extended westward to the shores of the pacific ocean. . that the colonization of the lands of the saskatchewan, assiniboine, and red river settlements, the development of the mineral wealth which abounds in the regions of the north-west, and the extension of commercial intercourse through the british possessions in america from the atlantic to the pacific, are alike dependent upon the establishment of a stable government for maintenance of law and order in the north-west territories. . that the welfare of the sparse and widely-scattered population of british subjects of european origin, already inhabiting these remote and unorganized territories, would be materially enhanced by the formation therein of political institutions bearing analogy, as far as circumstances will admit, to those which exist in the several provinces of this dominion. . that the th section of the british north america act, , provides for the admission of rupert's land and the north-west territory, or either of them, into union with canada upon terms and conditions to be expressed in addresses from the houses of parliament of the dominion to her majesty, and which shall be approved of by the queen in council. . that it is accordingly expedient to address her majesty, that she would be graciously pleased, by and with the advice of her most honourable privy council, to unite rupert's land and the north-west territory with the dominion of canada, and to grant to the parliament of canada authority to legislate for their future welfare and good government. . that in the event of the imperial government agreeing to transfer to canada the jurisdiction and control over this region, it would be expedient to provide that the legal rights of any corporation, company, or individual within the same will be respected; and that in case of difference of opinion as to the extent, nature, or value of these rights, the same shall be submitted to judicial decision, to be determined by mutual agreement between the government of canada and the parties interested. such agreement to have no effect or validity until first sanctioned by the parliament of canada. . that upon the transference of the territories in question to the canadian government, the claims of the indian tribes to compensation for lands required for purposes of settlement would be considered, and settled in conformity with the equitable principles which have uniformly governed the crown in its dealings with the aborigines. [sidenote: deputation goes to england.] in the following year a delegation to arrange the terms for the acquisition by canada of rupert's land and the north-west territory arrived in england. it consisted of sir george Étienne cartier and mr. william mcdougall. on presenting themselves at the colonial office they were invited by the duke of buckingham and chandos, then secretary of state for the colonies, to visit him at stowe "for the purpose of discussing freely and fully the numerous and difficult questions involved in the transfer of these great territories to canada." to the duke's country-seat the delegates accordingly went. here, one of the first things the duke communicated to them was that the company being lords-proprietors were to be treated as such, and not as parties having a defective title and fit subjects for that "spoliation" previously deplored by cartier.[ ] there can be no manner of doubt that, taking this view, the company's demands were most reasonable. but the canadian delegates were not content to take this view. there had been so much irresponsible hue-and-cry about the weakness of the company's title, that they doubtless felt themselves privileged to hold out for better terms. while negotiations were thus pending in london, the duke of buckingham quitted office with his colleagues, and was succeeded by earl granville. almost at the same time the earl of kimberley, the company's governor, resigned, and was replaced by sir stafford northcote. in january, , the new colonial secretary transmitted to the delegates the reply of the company, declining their counter-proposals, and inviting them to communicate to him any observations they might desire to offer further on the situation. "we felt reluctant," to quote the language of the delegates, "as representatives of canada, to engage in a controversy with the company concerning matters of fact, as well as questions of law and policy, while the negotiation with it was being carried on by the imperial government in its own name and of its own authority." [sidenote: canada exerts pressure on the company.] nevertheless, these scruples were soon overcome. they accepted lord granville's invitation, and on the th february stated at length their views upon the various points raised by the governor of the company, which views clearly demonstrated that the dominion was by no means prepared to deal with the honourable adventurers in a spirit of generosity or even of equity. lord granville now came forward with plans of his own, but these were not agreeable to sir george cartier and mr. mcdougall. while the negotiations were in progress the company lodged an indignant complaint against the canadian government for undertaking the construction of a road between the lake of the woods and the red river settlement without first having procured its consent. stormy meetings of the honourable adventurers were held; it seemed impossible to resist the pressure which was being brought to bear. had the old governor and committee been in existence it is possible this pressure would have been longer withstood. the delegates returned to canada, but they had succeeded in no slight measure in impressing upon the imperial government their peculiar views. on the th of march, lord granville employed the following language to the governor of the company: "at present the very foundations of the company's title are not undisputed. the boundaries of its territory are open to questions of which it is impossible to ignore the importance. its legal rights, whatever these may be, are liable to be invaded without law by a mass of canadian and american settlers, whose occupation of the country on any terms it will be little able to resist; while it can hardly be alleged that the terms of the charter, or its internal constitution, are such as to qualify it under all these disadvantages for maintaining order and performing the internal and external duties of government." [sidenote: lack of military system company's weakness.] there was the company's weakness. no sovereign in europe had a clearer right to his or her dominions, perhaps no rule was wiser or more beneficent, but the one powerful, indispensable adjunct to sovereign authority it lacked--a military system.[ ] with a standing army the company's rights would have been secure--but it was a king without soldiers. it required ten thousand drilled men to defend its frontiers--it was too late in the day to organize such a force, it could only submit gracefully to its envious and powerful neighbours. cession was perhaps inevitable; the terms which lord granville now proposed it decided to accept. . the hudson's bay company to surrender to her majesty all the rights of government, property, etc., in rupert's land, which are specified in and victoria, clause , section ; and also all similar rights in any other part of british north america, not comprised in rupert's land, canada, or british columbia. . canada is to pay to the company £ , when rupert's land is transferred to the dominion of canada. . the company may, within twelve months of the surrender, select a block of land adjoining each of its stations, within the limits specified in article . . the size of the blocks is not to exceed ---- acres in the red river country, nor , acres beyond that territory, and the aggregate extent of the blocks is not to exceed , acres. . so far as the configuration of the country admits, the blocks are to be in the shape of parallelograms, of which the length is not more than double the breadth. . the hudson's bay company may, for fifty years after the surrender, claim in any township or district within the fertile belt, in which land is set out for settlement, grants of land not exceeding one-twentieth of the land so set out. the blocks so granted to be determined by lot, and the hudson's bay company to pay a ratable share of the survey expenses, not exceeding ---- an acre. . for the purpose of the present agreement, the fertile belt is to be bounded as follows: on the south by the united states boundary; on the west by the rocky mountains; on the north by the northern branch of the saskatchewan; on the east by lake winnipeg, the lake of the woods, and the waters connecting them. . all titles to land up to the th of march, , conferred by the company, are to be confirmed. . the company to be at liberty to carry on its trade without hindrance, in its corporate capacity, and no exceptional tax is to be placed on the company's land, trade or servants, nor an import duty on goods introduced by them previous to the surrender. . canada is to take over the materials of the electric telegraph at cost price, such price including transport, but not including interest for money, and subject to a deduction for ascertained deteriorations. . the company's claim to land under agreement of messrs. vankoughnet and hopkins to be withdrawn. . the details of this arrangement, including the filling up of the blanks in articles and , to be settled at once by mutual agreement. [sidenote: cession to canadian government.] on such terms did the canadian government acquire this vast territory of two million three hundred thousand square miles. in that portion designated the fertile belt, comprising three hundred million acres, there were agricultural lands believed to be capable of yielding support to twenty-five million people. filled with high hopes as to the future of the country they had thus acquired, the canadian government was confronted by the necessity of providing it with a suitable form of government to replace that of the company. little did the public men who had interested themselves in the negotiations ponder on the difficulties of the task. apparently they undertook it with a light heart. during the session of an act was passed at ottawa providing a provisional form of government in the territory, and in october of the same year the hon. william mcdougall received the appointment of lieutenant-governor. but before he set out on his duties surveying parties had been busy in the red river settlement, laying out townships and instituting an extended series of surveys. [sidenote: forlorn case of the métis.] in order to be in the place of his government when by the queen's proclamation it should become a portion of the dominion of canada, mcdougall, in the month of november, found himself at the frontier of his province. but the transfer was not to be consummated without bloodshed. a portion of the little community of red river raised its voice in vehement protest against the arrangements made between the government of canada and the company. these malcontents, chiefly french half-breeds, headed by louis riel, expelled the governor appointed by the dominion and planned a resistance to all authority emanating from the same source. they assembled in large numbers, and, after fortifying portions of the road between pembina and fort garry, had taken possession of the latter post. upon consideration of the case of these wild and ignorant métis, it is difficult to withhold from them sympathy. settled government, forms of law, state duty, exactions of citizenship, the sacrifices and burdens of urban civilization--of these he knew but dimly, and held them in a vague horror. he knew that men lived and ground out their lives in cities afar off, and that by means of their wealth they possessed power; that they had cast envious eyes on the hunting-grounds of the indian and his half-brother the métis; that they sought to wrest him from his lands and mark it off into town lots, people his beloved prairies and exterminate his race. they must mean him ill or they would not work in such a silent, stealthy fashion to dispossess him and drive him farther west into unfamiliar fastnesses. there were fifteen thousand souls in the country bordering on red river, and the majority objected, not without reason, that such an arrangement as had just been carried out should be done without their consent or having been consulted. was it wonderful that the half-breed, resenting this march of civilization which would trample him and his possessions to atoms, should arise, seize his rude weapons, and prepare for war? it is true the insurrection of - could have been averted. it would have been easy, through an agent of tact and eloquence, to have dispelled the illusions which had taken possession of the métis, and to have restored confidence as to the policy of canada. but was it the hudson's bay company's duty to enlighten the aggrieved inhabitants? the company who had been bullied and badgered and threatened with confiscation unless it agreed to a renunciation of its rights? was it the fault of the company that several thousand wild métis children of the wilderness, passionately attached to the old order of things, were in their hearts loyal to the company, which fed and clothed and administered law to them?[ ] the insurgents, growing bolder, had taken possession of fort garry, where a council of half-breeds was held and the inhabitants called upon to send delegates to a national convention. the english colonists accepted the invitation, but were soon made aware that riel and his supporters were resolved on more desperate measures than they could themselves countenance. the authority of the company had been observed; but it was now disregarded; the books and records of the council of assiniboia were seized, and on the st december a "bill of rights" was passed by the "provisional government." this act of open rebellion caused the secession of the english; insurgency was now rampant and many of the inhabitants found themselves incarcerated in gaol. then followed the illegal infliction of capital punishment upon thomas scott, a young orangeman, and the despatch of colonel (now lord) wolseley to the seat of trouble. leaving toronto on the th of may, , wolseley and his force, after a long and arduous journey, arrived at fort garry on the th of august. but the rebellion was already over, and the chief instigator and his companions had fled. for many years the company's officers in charge of the various districts in rupert's land had annually met in council for the regulation and discussion of affairs of the fur-trade in general. regarding themselves as true partners of the company, they naturally looked to share with the shareholders in the sum agreed to be paid by canada for its territory. [sidenote: turbulent meetings at hudson's bay house.] in july, just one month before the entrance of the future hero of tel-el-kebir and the british troops into fort garry, a last meeting of the council of officers of the honourable hudson's bay company was held at the post known as norway house. it was presided over by fort garry's governor, mr. donald alexander smith,[ ] a servant since boyhood of the company. at this meeting it was decided to represent the claims of the officers to the partners in england. to this end mr. smith was unanimously appointed their representative, he undertaking the task of presenting their claims. the london shareholders were by no means immediately acquiescent. but although sir stafford northcote presided over some turbulent meetings in fenchurch street, the claims of the "wintering partners" were ultimately recognized in the only manner possible. out of the £ , paid by the dominion, the sum of £ , was divided amongst the officers for the relinquishment of their claims. the governor of the company, in his report to the shareholders in november, stated that "since the holding of the general court on the th june, the committee have been engaged in proceeding with the re-organization of the fur-trade, and have entered into an agreement with the chief factors and chief traders for revoking the deed poll of , and settling claims arising under it upon the terms sanctioned by the proprietors at the last general court. they have also prepared the draft of a new deed poll adopted to the altered circumstances of the trade." a new era had thus begun in the history of the honourable company of merchants-adventurers trading into hudson's bay. footnotes: [ ] "to my mind the worst feature in the new company is that of allowing a foreigner (american) to hold office. he owes allegiance to the united states, and his position gives him knowledge which no american should possess. 'blood is thicker than water,' says the proverb: 'no man can serve two masters.' as to the idea that being in the fur-trade his experience and influence will benefit the new company, will any furrier believe that? if the company will sell all the furs, i would never rest satisfied while an american was in the management.'"--william mcnaughten, the company's agent at new york. [ ] the eighty-five shares belonging to the wintering partners, in , were held as follows: chief factors shares chief traders " retired chief factors " retired chief traders " -- shares. [ ] "its continued attacks upon the company," wrote governor dallas, "find a greedy ear with the public at large, both in the settlement and in canada." [ ] "with regard to the hudson's bay matter," wrote cartier to watkin, under date of th of february, , "not the least doubt that the speech of 'john a.,' was very uncalled for and injudicious. he had no business to make such a speech, and i told him so at the time--that he ought not to have made it. however, you must not attach too much importance to that speech. i myself, and several of my colleagues, and john a. himself, have no intention to commit any spoliation; and for myself in particular, i can say to you that i will never consent to be a party to a measure or anything intended to be an act of spoliation of the hudson's bay's rights and privileges." [ ] "the present state of government in the red river settlement is attributable alike to the habitual attempt encouraged, perhaps very naturally, in england and in canada, to discredit the tradition and question the title of the hudson's bay company, and to the false economy which has stripped the governor of a military force, with which, in the last resort, to support the decisions of the legal tribunals. no other organized government of white men in the world, since william penn, has endeavoured to rule any population, still less a promiscuous people composed of whites, half-breeds, indians and borderers, without a soldiery of some sort, and the inevitable result of the experiment has, in this case, been an unpunished case of prison-breaking, not sympathized in, it is true, by the majority of the settlers, but still tending to bring law and government into contempt, and greatly to discourage the governing body held responsible for keeping order in the territory."--_governor dallas._ [ ] "it is an undoubted fact," remarks general sir william butler, "that warning had been given to the dominion government of the state of feeling amongst the half-breeds, and the phrase, 'they are only eaters of pemmican,' so cutting to the métis, was thus first originated by a distinguished canadian politician." [ ] the distinguished philanthropist, the present lord strathcona and mount royal, high commissioner for canada in london and governor of the hudson's bay company. [illustration: the trading room at a hudson's bay post.] chapter xxxvi. - . the company still king in the north-west -- its forts described -- fort garry -- fort vancouver -- franklin -- walla walla -- yukon -- kamloops -- samuel black -- mountain house -- fort pitt -- policy of the great company. the company, in yielding the sovereignty of the great north-west to canada, was still a king, though crown and sceptre had been taken from it. its commercial ascendancy was no whit injured; it is still one of the greatest corporations and the greatest fur company in the world. but new interests have arisen; its pristine pride, splendour and dignity, would now be out of place. the old lion has been shorn of its mane, and his roar is now no longer heard in the great north-west. it no longer crouches in the path of progress determined to sell dearly the smallest sacrifice of its ancient rights and privileges; it is ready to co-operate with the settler and explorer, and all its whilom enemies. [sidenote: canada's debt to the company.] yet, since , its history has not been without many stirring passages. its long record of steady work, enterprise, and endurance, has never been greater. its commanding influence with the indians, and with a large number of the colonists, has enabled it to assist the authorities in many ways and often in forwarding the public interests, suppressing disorder and securing the good-will of the red men who inhabit canada. the great dominion owes much to the great company. the posts of the company reach from the stern coasts of labrador to the frontiers of alaska, and throughout this enormous region it yet controls the traffic with the aborigines. to-day there are one hundred and twenty-six posts at which this active trade is conducted, besides those numerous wintering stations or outposts, which migrate according to circumstances and mercantile conditions. [illustration: york factory. arrival of hudson's bay co.'s ship. (_by permission, from "picturesque canada."_)] [sidenote: latter-day forts of the company.] the forts of the company in rupert's land and on the pacific, with few exceptions, all resembled each other. when permanent, they were surrounded by palisades about one hundred yards square. the pickets were of poles and logs ten or fifteen inches in diameter, sunk into the ground and rising fifteen or twenty feet above it. split slabs were sometimes used instead of round poles; and at two diagonally opposite corners, raised above the tops of the pickets, two wooden bastions were placed so as to command a view of the country. from two to six guns were mounted in each of these bastions--four six or twelve-pounders, each with its aperture like the port-hole of a ship. the ground floor beneath served as a magazine. within the pickets were erected houses, according to necessity, store and dwelling being most conspicuous. [illustration: fort pelly.] the older forts have already been described. when fort garry was constructed it became the company's chief post and headquarters. high stone walls, having round towers pierced for cannon at the corners, enclosed a square wherein were substantial wooden buildings, including the storehouses, dwellings, the governor's residence and the gaol. some distance below fort garry, on red river, was stone fort, which comprised about four acres, with numerous buildings. the chief establishment of the saskatchewan district was fort edmonton. it was of sexagonal form, with pickets, battlemented gateways and bastions. here were the usual buildings, including the carpenter's shop, blacksmith's forge and windmill. at fort edmonton were made and repaired, boats, carts, sleighs, harness and other articles and appliances for the annual voyage to york factory, and for traffic between posts. there was also here a large and successful farm, where wheat, barley and vegetables were raised in abundance. how different was fort franklin, a rough, pine-log hut on the shore of great bear lake, containing a single apartment eighteen by twenty feet! it was roofed with sticks and moss, and the interstices between the logs were filled with mud. [sidenote: fort vancouver.] in was built fort vancouver, the metropolitan establishment of the company on the pacific. it stood on the north side of the columbia river, six miles above the eastern mouth of the willamette. at first located at the highest point of some sloping land, about a mile from the river, this site was found disadvantageous to transport and communication, and the fort was moved a few years later to within a quarter of a mile of the columbia. the plan presented the familiar parallelogram, but much larger than usual, of about seven hundred and fifty feet in length and five hundred in breadth. the interior was divided into two courts, with about forty buildings, all of wood, except the powder magazine, which was of stone. in the centre, facing the main entrance, stood the governor's residence, with the dining-room, smoking-room, and public sitting-room or bachelors' hall, the latter serving also for a museum of indian relics and other curiosities. single men, clerks and others, made the bachelors' hall their place of resort, but artisans and servants were not admitted. the residence was the only two-storey house in the fort, and before its door were mounted two old eighteen-pounders. two swivel guns stood before the quarters of the chief factor. a prominent position was occupied by the roman catholic chapel, to which the majority of the fort's inmates resorted, the dining-hall serving for the smaller number of church of england worshippers. the other buildings were dwellings for officers and men, school and warehouses, retail stores and artisan shops. the interior of the dwellings exhibited, as a rule, an unpainted pine-board panel, with bunks for bedsteads, and a few other simple pieces of furniture. [illustration: fort simpson.] another post on the pacific, of different character and greater strength, was fort walla walla. it stood on the site of fort nez percé, which was established when the indians attacked ogden's party of fur-traders here in . the assault was repelled; but it was found necessary as a safeguard to rear this retreat. fort walla walla was built of adobe and had a military establishment. a strong fort was fort rupert, on the north-east coast of vancouver island. for a stockade, huge pine trees were sunk into the ground and fastened together on the inside with beams. round the interior ran a gallery, and at two opposite corners were flanking bastions mounting four nine-pounders. within were the usual shops and buildings, while smaller stockades protected the garden and out-houses. fort yukon was the most remote post of the company. it was beyond the line of russian america, and consequently invited comparison with the smaller and meaner russian establishments. its commodious dwellings for officers and men had smooth floors, open fire-places, glazed windows, and plastered walls. its gun room, fur press, ice and meat wells were the delight and astonishment of visitors, white and red. [illustration: york factory.] after the treaty of , by which the united states obtained possession of oregon territory, the headquarters of the company on the pacific coast were transferred from fort vancouver to fort victoria. this post was enclosed one hundred yards square by cedar pickets twenty feet high. at the north-east and south-west corners were octagonal bastions mounted with six six-pounders. it had been founded three years earlier as a trading post and depot for whalers, and possessed more than three hundred acres under cultivation, besides a large dairy farm, from which the russian colonies in alaska received supplies. old fort kamloops was first called fort thompson, having been begun by david thompson, astronomer of the north-west company, on his overland journey from montreal to astoria, by way of yellowhead pass, in . it was the capital of the thompson river district, and one of the oldest in all the oregon region. after thompson, hither came alexander ross, who, in , conducted operations there on behalf of astor's pacific fur company. after the coalition in , the veteran fur-trader, john mcleod, was in charge of the thompson river district. then came ermatinger, who presided at kamloops in , when governor simpson visited the fort and harangued the neighbouring indians, beseeching them to be "honest, temperate and frugal; to love their friends, the fur-traders, and above all to bring in their heaps of peltries, and receive therefor the goods of the company." [sidenote: legend of kamloops.] the post was not without thrilling legends and abundance of romance. it was here that the company's officer in command, samuel black, in , challenged his brother scot, and guest, david douglas, the wandering botanist, to fight a duel, because the latter bluntly, one night, over his rum and dried salmon, had stigmatized the honourable adventurers as "not possessing a soul above a beaver skin." black repelled in fury such an assertion; but douglas refused to fight. he took his departure, only to meet his death shortly afterwards by falling into a pit at hawaii, while homeward bound. if this was the fate of the calumniator of the company, that of its defender was not less tragic; for soon after his display of loyalty, while residing at fort kamloops, he was assassinated by the nephew of a friendly neighbouring chief, named wanquille, "for having charmed his uncle's life away." black's successor, john tod, built a new fort on the opposite side of the river, which differed but little from the later fortresses of the company. there were seven houses, including stores, dwellings and shops, enclosed in palisades fifteen feet in height, with gates on two sides and bastions at two opposite angles. early in a small post was erected by the company on the fraser river, near a village of the lachincos, adjacent to the rapids ascended by alexander anderson the previous year. the fort was called yale, in honour of chief factor yale, who was at that time in charge of fort langley. it was the only post on that wild stream, the fraser, between langley and alexandria, a distance of some three hundred miles. two causes led to its erection: the waiilatpu massacre in , and the conclusion of the oregon treaty of , which placed the boundary line several degrees north of the lower columbia. [illustration: father lacombe.] [sidenote: mountain house.] perhaps one of the most remarkable of the company's posts was mountain house. "every precaution known to the traders," writes a visitor of thirty years ago, "has been put in force to prevent the possibility of a surprise during 'a trade.' bars and bolts, and places to fire down at the indians who are trading, abound in every direction; so dreaded is the name borne by the blackfeet, that it is thus their trading-post has been constructed." eighty years ago, the company had a post far south of the bow river, in the very heart of the blackfeet country; but, despite all precautions, it was frequently plundered and finally burnt down by the blackfeet, and no attempt was since made to construct another fort in their country. the hilly country around fort pitt was frequently the scene of indian ambush and attack, and on more than one occasion the post itself has been captured by the blackfeet. the surroundings are a favourite camping-ground of the crees; and it was found difficult to persuade the blackfeet that the factors and traders there are not the active friends and allies of their enemies. in fact, they regarded both fort pitt and fort carlton as places belonging to another company from that which ruled at mountain house and edmonton. "if it was the same company," they were wont to say, "how could they give our enemies, the crees, guns and powder; for do they not give us guns and powder, too?" the strength of the company throughout the vast region where their rule was paramount, was rather a moral strength than a physical one. its roots lay deep in the heart of the savage, who in time came to regard the great corporation as the embodiment of all that was good, and great, and true, and powerful. he knew that under its sway justice was secured to him; that if innocent he would be unharmed, that if guilty he would inevitably pay the penalty of his transgression. the prairie was wide, the forests were trackless, but in all those thousands of miles there came to be no haven for the horse-thief, the incendiary or the murderer, where he would be free, in his beleaguered fastness, to elude or defy nemesis. the company made it its business to find and punish the real offender; they did not avenge themselves on his friends or tribe. but punishment was certain--blood was paid for in blood, and there was no trial. often did an intrepid factor, trader or clerk, enter a hostile camp, himself destitute of followers, walk up to the trembling malefactor, raise his gun or pistol, take aim, fire, and seeing his man fall, stalk away again to the nearest fort. "this certainty of punishment," it was said, "acted upon the savage mind with all the power of a superstition. felons trembled before the white man's justice, as in the presence of the almighty." that sense of injustice which rankled in the bosoms of the other indians of the continent, causing them to continually break out and give battle to their tormentors and oppressors--a warfare which, in , had cost the united states more than five hundred million of dollars, could not exist. the red men, as red men, could have no well-founded grievance against the company, which treated white and red with equity. [sidenote: the great company's policy.] "i have no hesitation in attributing the great success attendant for so many years upon the indian policy of the hudson's bay company," wrote an american commissioner, lieutenant scott, in , "to the following facts:-- "the savages are treated justly--receiving protection in life and property from the laws which they are forced to obey. "there is no indian bureau with attendant complications. "there is no pretended recognition of the indian's title in fee-simple to the lands on which he roams for fish or game. "intoxicating liquors were not introduced amongst these people so long as the hudson's bay company preserved the monopoly of trade. "prompt punishment follows the perpetration of crime, and from time to time the presence of a gunboat serves to remind the savages along the coast of the power of their masters. not more than two years ago the fort rupert indians were severely punished for refusing to deliver up certain animals demanded by the civil magistrate. their village was bombarded and completely destroyed by her britannic majesty's gunboat _clio_." what was the direct consequence of such a policy? that among distant and powerful tribes trading posts were built and maintained, well stocked with goods tempting to savage cupidity, yet peacefully conducted by one or two white men. there was not a regular soldier in all this territory (except the marines on shipboard and at esquimault) and yet white men could hunt through the length and breadth of the land in almost absolute security. [illustration: gateway to fort garry. (_drawn by edmund morris, from a photo taken in ._)] search all europe and asia, and you will find no parallel to the present sway of the company, for it feeds and clothes, amuses and instructs, as well as rules nine-tenths of its subjects, from the esquimaux tribes of ungava to the loucheaux at fort simpson, thousands of miles away--all look to it as to a father. the communication with the outside world is slight, yet the thread that binds is encrusted with hoar frost, reaching far away to that little island in the north sea which we call britain. if these strong men, immured for years in the icy wildernesses are moved by the news which reaches them twice in the year, through a thousand miles and more of snow, it is british news. kitchener's victory at khartoum sent a patriotic thrill through thousands of bosoms six months after it became known to the englishman who is content to live at home. the hudson's bay posts. in their report of th june, , the governor and committee report the details of the varied posts from ocean to ocean of the hudson's bay company, as follows:-- _statement of land belonging to the hudson's bay company, exclusive of their claim to one-twentieth of the land set out for settlement in the "fertile belt."_ ========================+====+==========================+======= | | | acres district. | | post. | of | | | land ------------------------+----+--------------------------+------- lake huron | | la cloche | , temiscaminque | | kakababeagino | superior | | long lake | united states | | georgetown | , | | | manitoba, or } | | fort garry | red river settlement } | | lower fort | | | white horse plains | manitoba lake | | oak point | portage la prairie | | | , | | | lac la pluie | | fort alexander | | | fort frances | | | eagles nest | | | big island | | | lac du bennet | | | rat portage | | | shoal lake | | | lake of the woods | | | white fish lake | | | english river | | | hungry hall | | | trout lake | | | clear water lake | | | sandy point | | | | swan river | | fort pelly | , | | fort ellice | , | | qu'appelle lakes | , | | touchwood hills | | | shoal river | | | manitoban | | | fairford | | | | cumberland | | cumberland house | | | fort la corne | , | | pelican lake | | | moose woods | , | | the pas | | | moose lake | | | grand rapid portage | | | | acres | | |at each | | |end of | | |portage saskatchewan | | edmonton house | , | | rocky mountain house | | | fort victoria | , | | st. paul | , | | fort pitt | , | | battle river | , | | carlton house | , | | fort albert | , | | whitefish lake | | | lac la biche | , | | fort assiniboine | | | lesser slave lake | | | lac st. anne | | | lac la nun | | | st. albert | , | | pigeon lake | | | old white mud fort | | | | english river | | isle à la crosse | | | rapid river | | | portage la loche | | | green lake | | | cold lake | | | deers lake | | | | york | | york factory | | | churchill | | | severn | | | trout lake | | | oxford | | | jackson's bay | | | god's lake | | | island lake | | | | norway house | | norway house | | | berens river | | | grand rapid | | | nelson's river | | | | albany | | albany factory | | | martin's falls | | | osnaburg | | | lac seul | | | | east main | | little whale river | | | great whale river | | | fort george | | | | moose | | moose factory | | | hannah bay | | | abitibi | | | new brunswick | | | | rupert's river | | rupert's house | | | mistassing | | | temiskamay | | | woswonaby | | | meehiskun | | | pike lake | | | nitchequon | | | kamapiscan | | | | kinogumissee | | matawagauinque | | | kuckatoosh | | | | labrador | | fort nascopie | | | outposts do | | | fort chimo (ungava) | | | south river, outposts | | | george's river | | | whale river | | | north's river | | | false river | | | | athabasca | | fort chippewyan | | | fort vermilion | | | fort dunvegan | | | fort st. john's | | | forks of athabasca river | | | battle river | | | fond du lac | | | salt river | | | | mckenzie river | | fort simpson | | | fort liard | | | fort nelson | | | the rapids | | | hay river | | | fort resolution | | | fort rae | | | fond du lac | | | fort norman | | | fort good hope | | | peel's river | | | lapierre's house | | | fort halkett | ------------------------+----+--------------------------+------ western department. ===============+========================================+====== | | acres district. | post. | of | | land ---------------+----+-----------------------------------+------ vancouver's | | victoria, including town lots, | island | | about | | | esquimault (puget's sound | | | company's land) | , | | uplands farm | , | | north dairy farm | | | | british | | fort alexander | columbia | | fort george | | | fraser's lake | | | stuart's lake | | | mcleod's lake | | | connolly's lake | | | babine | | | chilcotin | | | five other places | | | fort dallas | | | fort berens | | | fort shepherd | | | fort simpson | | | salmon river | | | langley and langley farm | , | | yale, sundry small blocks | | | hope | | | kamloops | , | | similkameen | , | | barkerville } | town | | quesnel } | lots. ---------------+----+-----------------------------------+------- appendix. the charter incorporating the hudson's bay company. _granted by his majesty king charles the second, in the nd year of his reign, a.d. ._ charles the second, by the grace of god, king of england, scotland, france and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting: whereas our dear entirely beloved cousin, prince rupert, count palatine of the rhine, duke of bavaria and cumberland, &c.; christopher duke of albemarle, william earl of craven, henry lord arlington, anthony lord ashley, sir john robinson, and sir robert vyner, knights and baronets; sir peter colleton, baronet; sir edward hungerford, knight of the bath; sir paul neele, knight; sir john griffith and sir philip carteret, knights; james hayes, john kirk, francis millington, william prettyman, john fenn, esquires; and john portman, citizen and goldsmith of london; have, at their own great cost, and charges, undertaken an expedition for hudson's bay in the north-west part of america, for the discovery of a new passage into the south sea, and for the finding some trade for furs, minerals, and other considerable commodities, and by such their undertaking have already made such discoveries as to encourage them to proceed further in pursuance of their said design, by means whereof there may probably arise very great advantages to us and our kingdom. and whereas the said undertakers, for their further encouragement in the said design, have humbly besought us to incorporate them, and grant unto them and their successors the sole trade and commerce of all those seas, straits, bays, rivers, lakes, creeks and sounds, in whatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie within the entrance of the straits commonly called the hudson's straits, together with all the lands, countries and territories upon the coasts and confines of the seas, straits, bays, lakes, rivers, creeks and sounds aforesaid, which are not now actually possessed by any of our subjects, or by the subjects of any other christian prince or state. now know ye, that we, being desirous to promote all endeavours tending to the public good of our people, and to encourage the said undertaking, have, of our especial grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, given, granted, ratified and confirmed, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do give, grant, ratify and confirm, unto our said cousin, prince rupert, christopher duke of albemarle, william earl of craven, henry lord arlington, anthony lord ashley, sir john robinson, sir robert vyner, sir peter colleton, sir edward hungerford, sir paul neele, sir john griffith and sir philip carteret, james hayes, john kirk, francis millington, william prettyman, john fenn and john portman, that they, and such others as shall be admitted into the said society as is hereafter expressed, shall be one body corporate and politic, in deed and in name, by the name of "the governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay," and them by the name of "the governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay," one body corporate and politic, in deed and in name, really and fully forever, for us, our heirs and successors, we do make, ordain, constitute, establish, confirm and declare by these presents, and that by the same name of governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, they shall have perpetual succession, and that they and their successors, by the name of the governor and company of adventures trading into hudson's bay, be, and at all times hereafter shall be personable and capable in law to have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy and retain lands, rents, privileges, liberties, jurisdictions, franchises and hereditaments, of what kind, nature or quality so ever they be, to them and their successors; and also to give, grant, demise, alien, assign and dispose lands, tenements, and hereditaments, and to do and execute all and singular other things by the same name that to them shall or may appertain to do; and that they and their successors, by the name of the governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, may plead and be impleaded, answer and be answered, defend and be defended, in whatsoever courts and places, before whatsoever judges and justices and other persons and officers, in all and singular actions, pleas, suits, quarrels, causes and demands whatsoever, of whatsoever kind, nature or sort, in such manner and form as any other our liege people of this our realm of england, being persons able and capable in law, may or can have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy, retain, give, grant, demise, alien, assign, dispose, plead, defend and be defended, do, permit and execute: and that the said governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, and their successors, may have a common seal to serve for all the causes and businesses of them and their successors, and that it shall and may be lawful to the said governor and company, and their successors, the same seal, from time to time, at their will and pleasure, to break, change, and to make anew or alter, as to them shall seem expedient. and further we will, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do ordain that there shall be from henceforth one of the same company to be elected and appointed in such form as hereafter in these presents is expressed, which shall be called the governor of the said company; and that the said governor and company shall or may select seven of their number, and in such form as hereafter in these presents is expressed, which shall be called the committee of the said company, which committee of seven, or any three of them, together with the governor or deputy governor of the said company for the time being shall have the direction of the voyages of and for the said company, and the provision of the shipping and merchandises thereunto belonging, and also the sale of all merchandises, goods and other things returned, in all or any the voyages or ships of or for the said company, and the managing and handling of all other business, affairs and things belonging to the said company: and we will, ordain and grant by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that they, the said governor and company, and their successors, shall from henceforth for ever be ruled, ordered and governed according to such manner and form as is hereafter in these presents expressed, and not otherwise; and that they shall have, hold, retain and enjoy the grants, liberties, privileges, jurisdictions and immunities only hereafter in these presents granted and expressed, and no other: and for the better execution of our will and grant in this behalf we have assigned, nominated, constituted and made, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do assign, constitute and make our said cousin prince rupert, to be the first and present governor of the said company, and to continue in the said office from the date of these presents until the th november then next following, if he, the said prince rupert, shall so long live, and so until a new governor be chosen by the said company in form hereafter expressed: and also we have assigned, nominated and appointed, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do assign, nominate and constitute the said sir john robinson, sir john vyner, sir peter colleton, james hayes, john kirk, francis millington and john portman to be the seven first and present committee of the said company, from the date of these presents until the said th day of november then also next following, and so on until new committees shall be chosen in form hereafter expressed: and further we will and grant by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor and company for the time being, or the greater part of them present at any public assembly, commonly called the court general, to be holden for the said company, the governor of the said company being always one, from time to time elect, nominate and appoint one of the said company to be deputy to the said governor, which deputy shall take a corporal oath, before the governor and three or more of the committee of the said company for the time being, well, truly and faithfully to execute his said office of deputy to the governor of the said company, and after his oath so taken, shall and may from time to time, in the absence of the said governor, exercise and execute the office of governor of the said company, in such sort as the said governor ought to do: and further we will and grant by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, unto the said governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, and their successors, that they, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor for the time being or his deputy to be one, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, shall and may have authority and power, yearly and every year, between the first and last day of november, to assemble and meet together in some convenient place, to be appointed from time to time by the governor, or in his absence by the deputy of the said governor for the time being, and that they being so assembled, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor or deputy of the said governor, and the said company for the time being, or the greater part of them which then shall happen to be present, whereof the governor of the said company or his deputy for the time being to be one, to elect and nominate one of the said company, which shall be governor of the said company for one whole year then next following, which person being so elected and nominated to be governor of the said company, as is aforesaid, before he be admitted to the execution of the said office, shall take a corporal oath before the last governor, being his predecessor, or his deputy, and any three or more of the committee of the said company for the time being, that he shall from time to time well and truly execute the office of governor of the said company in all things concerning the same; and that immediately after the said oath so taken he shall and may execute and use the said office of governor of the said company for one whole year from thence next following: and in like sort we will and grant that as well every one of the above-named to be of the said company of fellowship, as all others hereafter to be admitted or free of the said company, shall take a corporal oath before the governor of the said company or his deputy for the time being to such effect as by the said governor and company or the greater part of them in any public court to be held for the said company, shall be in reasonable and legal manner set down and devised, before they shall be allowed or admitted to trade or traffic as a freeman of the said company: and further we will and grant by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that the said governor or deputy governor, and the rest of the said company, and their successors for the time being, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor or deputy-governor from time to time to be one, shall and may from time to time, and at all times hereafter, have power and authority, yearly and every year, between the first and last day of november, to assemble and meet together in some convenient place, from time to time to be appointed by the said governor of the said company, or in his absence by his deputy; and that they being so assembled, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor or his deputy, and the company for the time being, or the greater part of them which then shall happen to be present, whereof the governor of the said company or his deputy for the time being to be one, to elect and nominate seven of the said company, which shall be a committee of the said company for one whole year from thence next ensuing, which persons being so elected and nominated to be a committee of the said company as aforesaid, before they be admitted to the execution of their office, shall take a corporal oath before the governor or his deputy, and any three or more of the said committee of the said company, being their last predecessors, that they and every of them shall well and faithfully perform their said office of committees in all things concerning the same, and that immediately after the said oath so taken, they shall and may execute and use their said office of committees of the said company for one whole year from thence next following: and moreover, our will and pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant under the said governor and company, and their successors, that when and as often as it shall happen, the governor or deputy governor of the said company for the time being, at any time within one year after that he shall be nominated, elected and sworn to the office of the governor of the said company as is aforesaid, to die or to be removed from the said office, which governor or deputy governor not demeaning himself well in his said office we will to be removable at the pleasure of the rest of the said company, or the greater part of them which shall be present at their public assemblies commonly called their general courts, holden for the said company, that then and so often it shall and may be lawful to and for the residue of the said company for the time being, or the greater part of them, within a convenient time after the death or removing of any such governor or deputy governor, to assemble themselves in such convenient place as they shall think fit, for the election of the governor or the deputy governor of the said company; and that the said company, or the greater part of them, being then and there present, shall and may, then and there, before their departure from the said place, elect and nominate one other of the said company to be governor or deputy governor for the said company in the place and stead of him that so died or was removed; which person being so elected and nominated to the office of governor or deputy governor of the said company, shall have and exercise the said office for and during the residue of the next year, taking first a corporal oath, as is aforesaid, for the due execution thereof; and this to be done from time to time so often as the case shall so require: and also our will and pleasure is, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the said governor and company, that when and as often as it shall happen any person or persons of the committee of the said company for the time being, at any time within one year next after they or any of them shall be nominated, elected and sworn to the office of committee of the said company as is aforesaid, to die or to be removed from the said office, which committees not demeaning themselves well in their said office, we will to be removable at the pleasure of the said governor and company or the greater part of them, whereof the governor of the said company for the time being or his deputy to be one, that then and so often, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor, and the rest of the company for the time being, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor for the time being or his deputy to be one, within convenient time after the death or removing of any of the said committee, to assemble themselves in such convenient place as is or shall be usual and accustomed for the election of the governor of the said company, or where else the governor of the said company for the time being or his deputy shall appoint: and that the said governor and company, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor for the time being or his deputy to be one, being then and there present, shall and may, then and there, before their departure from the said place, elect and nominate one or more of the said company to be the committee of the said company in the place and stead of him or them that so died, or were or was so removed, which person or persons so nominated and elected to the office of committee of the said company, shall have and exercise the said office for and during the residue of the said year, taking first a corporal oath, as is aforesaid, for the due execution thereof, and this to be done from time to time, so often as the case shall require: and to the end the said governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay may be encouraged to undertake and effectually to prosecute the said design, of our more especial grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, we have given, granted and confirmed, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do give, grant and confirm, unto the said governor and company, and their successors, the sole trade and commerce of all these seas, straits, bays, rivers, lakes, creeks and sounds, in whatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie within the entrance of the straits, commonly called hudson's straits, together with all the lands and territories upon the countries, coasts, and confines of the seas, bays, lakes, rivers, creeks and sounds aforesaid, that are not already actually possessed by or granted to any of our subjects, or possessed by the subjects of any other christian prince or state, with the fishing of all sorts of fish, whales, sturgeons and all other royal fishes, in the seas, bays, inlets and rivers within the premises, and the fish therein taken, together with the royalty of the sea upon the coasts within the limits aforesaid, and all mines royal, as well discovered as not discovered, of gold, silver, gems and precious stones, to be found or discovered within the territories, limits and places aforesaid, and that the said land be from henceforth reckoned and reputed as one of our plantations or colonies in america, called "rupert's land." and further we do, by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, make, create, and constitute the said governor and company for the time being, and their successors, the true and absolute lords and proprietors of the same territory, limits and places, and of all other the premises, saving always the faith, allegiance and sovereign dominion due to us, our heirs and successors, for the same to have, hold, possess and enjoy the said territory, limits and places, and all and singular other the premises hereby granted as aforesaid, with their and every of their rights, members, jurisdictions, prerogatives, royalties and appurtenances whatsoever, to them the said governor and company, and their successors for ever, to be holden of us, our heirs and successors, as of our manor at east greenwich, in our county of kent, in free and common soccage, and not in capite or by knight's service, yielding and paying yearly to us, our heirs and successors, for the same, two elks and two black beavers, whensoever and as often as we, our heirs and successors, shall happen to enter into the said countries, territories and regions hereby granted. and further, our will and pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor and company, and their successors, from time to time, to assemble themselves, for or about any the matters, causes, affairs, or business of the said trade, in any place or places for the same convenient, within our dominions or elsewhere, and there to hold court for the said company and the affairs thereof; and that also, it shall and may be lawful to and for them, and the greater part of them, being so assembled, and that shall then and there be present, in any such place or places, whereof the governor or his deputy for the time being to be one, to make, ordain and constitute such and so many reasonable laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances as to them, or the greater part of them, being then and there present, shall seem necessary and convenient for the good government of the said company, and of all governors of colonies, forts and plantations, factors, masters, mariners and other officers employed or to be employed in any of the territories and lands aforesaid, and in any of their voyages, and for the better advancement and continuance of the said trade or traffic and plantations, and the same laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances so made, to put in use and execute accordingly, and at their pleasure to revoke and alter the same or any of them, as the occasion shall require: and that the said governor and company, so often as they shall make, ordain or establish any such laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances, in such form as aforesaid shall and may lawfully impose, ordain, limit and provide such pains, penalties and punishments upon all offenders, contrary to such laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances, or any of them, as to the said governor and company for the time being, or the greater part of them, then and there being present, the said governor or his deputy being always one, shall seem necessary, requisite or convenient for the observation of the same laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances; and the same fines and amerciaments shall and may, by their officers and servants from time to time to be appointed for that purpose, levy, take and have, to the use of the said governor and company, and their successors, without the impediment of us, our heirs or successors, or any of the officers or ministers of us, our heirs, or successors, and without any account therefore to us, our heirs or successors, to be made: all and singular which laws, constitutions, orders, and ordinances, so as aforesaid to be made, we will to be duly observed and kept under the pains and penalties therein to be contained; so always as the said laws, constitutions, orders and ordinances, fines and amerciaments, be reasonable and not contrary or repugnant, but as near as may be agreeable to the laws, statutes or customs of this our realm. and furthermore, of our ample and abundant grace, certain knowledge and mere-motion, we have granted, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do grant unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that they and their successors, and their factors, servants and agents, for them and on their behalf, and not otherwise, shall forever hereafter have, use and enjoy, not only the whole, entire, and only trade and traffic, and the whole, entire, and only liberty, use and privilege of trading and trafficking to and from the territory, limits and places aforesaid, but also the whole and entire trade and traffic to and from all havens, bays, creeks, rivers, lakes and seas, into which they shall find entrance or passage by water or land out of the territories, limits and places aforesaid; and to and with all the natives and people inhabiting, or which shall inhabit within the territories, limits and places aforesaid; and to and with all other nations inhabiting any the coasts adjacent to the said territories, limits and places which are not already possessed as aforesaid, or whereof the sole liberty or privilege of trade and traffic is not granted to any other of our subjects. and we, of our further royal favour, and of our more especial grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, have granted, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do grant to the said governor and company, and to their successors, that neither the said territories, limits and places hereby granted as aforesaid, nor any part thereof, nor the islands, havens, ports, cities, towns, or places thereof or therein contained, shall be visited, frequented or haunted by any of the subjects of us, our heirs or successors, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, and by virtue of our prerogative royal, which we will not have in that behalf argued or brought into question: we straightly charge, command and prohibit for us, our heirs and successors, all the subjects of us, our heirs and successors, of what degree or quality soever they be, that none of them, directly or indirectly do visit, haunt, frequent, or trade, traffic, or adventure, by way of merchandise, into or from any of the said territories, limits, or places hereby granted, or any or either of them, other than the said governor and company, and such particular persons as now be or hereafter shall be of that company, their agents, factors and assigns, unless it be by the license and agreement of the said governor and company in writing first had and obtained, under their common seal, to be granted upon pain that every such person or persons that shall trade or traffic into or from any of the countries, territories or limits aforesaid, other than the said governor and company, and their successors, shall incur our indignation, and the forfeiture and the loss of the goods, merchandises and other things whatsoever, which so shall be brought into this realm of england, or any of the dominions of the same, contrary to our said prohibition, or the purport or true meaning of these presents, or which the said governor and company shall find, take and seize in other places out of our dominion, where the said company, their agents, factors or ministers shall trade, traffic or inhabit by the virtue of these our letters patent, as also the ship and ships, with the furniture thereof, wherein such goods, merchandises and other things shall be brought and found; and one-half of all the said forfeitures to be to us, our heirs and successors, and the other half thereof we do, by these presents, clearly and wholly, for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant unto the said governor and company, and their successors: and further, all and every the said offenders, for their said contempt, to suffer such other punishment as to us, our heirs and successors, for so high a contempt, shall seem meet and convenient, and not be in any wise delivered until they and every of them shall become bound unto the said governor for the time being in the sum of one thousand pounds at the least, at no time then after to trade or traffic into any of the said places, seas, straits, bays, ports, havens or territories aforesaid, contrary to our express commandment in that behalf set down and published: and further, of our more especial grace, we have condescended and granted, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do grant unto the said governor and company, and their successors, that we our heirs and successors, will not grant liberty, license or power to any person, or persons whatsoever, contrary to the tenor of these our letters patent, to trade, traffic or inhabit, unto or upon any of the territories, limits or places afore specified, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, without the consent of the said governor and company, or the most part of them: and, of our more abundant grace and favour of the said governor and company, we do hereby declare our will and pleasure to be, that if it shall so happen that any of the persons free or to be free of the said company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, who shall, before the going forth of any ship or ships appointed for a voyage or otherwise, promise or agree, by writing under his or their hands, to adventure any sum or sums of money towards the furnishing any provision, or maintenance of any voyage or voyages, set forth or to be set forth, or intended or meant to be set forth, by the said governor and company, or the most part of them present at any public assembly, commonly called their general court, shall not, within the space of twenty days next after warning given to him or them by the said governor or company, or their known officer or minister, bring in and deliver to the treasurer or treasurers appointed for the company, such sums of money as shall have been expressed and set down in writing by the said person or persons, subscribed with the name of the said adventurer or adventurers, that then and at all times after it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor and company, or the more part of them present, whereof the said governor or his deputy to be one, at any of their general courts or general assemblies, to remove and disfranchise him or them, and every such person and persons at their wills and pleasures, and he or they so removed and disfranchised, not to be permitted to trade into the countries, territories, and limits aforesaid, or any part thereof, nor to have any adventure or stock going or remaining with or amongst the said company, without the special license of the said governor and company, or the more part of them present at any general court, first had and obtained in that behalf, any thing before in these presents to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding. and our will and pleasure is, and hereby we do also ordain, that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor and company, or the greater part of them, whereof the governor for the time being or his deputy to be one, to admit into and to be of the said company all such servants or factors, of or for the said company, and all such others as to them or the most part of them present, at any court held for the said company, the governor or his deputy being one, shall be thought fit and agreeable with the orders and ordinances made and to be made for the government of the said company: and further, our will and pleasure is, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the said governor and company, and to their successors, that it shall and may be lawful in all elections and by-laws to be made by the general court of the adventurers of the said company, that every person shall have a number of votes according to his stock, that is to say, for every hundred pounds by him subscribed or brought into the present stock, one vote, and that any of those that have subscribed less than one hundred pounds, may join their respective sums to make up one hundred pounds, and have one vote jointly for the same, and not otherwise: and further, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we do, for us, our heirs and successors, grant to and with the said governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson's bay, that all lands, islands, territories, plantations, forts, fortifications, factories or colonies, where the said company's factories and trade are or shall be, within any of the ports or places afore limited, shall be immediately and from henceforth under the power and command of the said governor and company, their successors and assigns; saving the faith and allegiance due to be performed to us, our heirs and successors, as aforesaid; and that the said governor and company shall have liberty, full power and authority to appoint and establish governors and all other officers to govern them, and that the governor and his council of the several and respective places where the said company shall have plantations, forts, factories, colonies or places of trade within any of the countries, lands, or territories hereby granted, may have power to judge all persons belonging to the said governor and company, or that shall live under them, in all causes, whether civil or criminal, according to the laws of the kingdom, and to execute justice accordingly; and in case any crime or misdemeanor shall be committed in any of the said company's plantations, forts, factories, or places of trade within the limits aforesaid, where judicature cannot be executed for want of a governor and council there, then in such case it shall and may be lawful for the chief factor of that place and his council to transmit the party, together with the offence, to such other plantations, factory or fort where there shall be a governor and council, where justice may be executed, or into this kingdom of england, as shall be thought most convenient, there to receive such punishment as the nature of his offence shall deserve: and moreover, our will and pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do give and grant unto the said governor and company, and their successors, free liberty and license, in case they conceive it necessary, to send either ships of war, men or ammunition into any of their plantations, forts, factories, or places of trade aforesaid, for the security and defence of the same, and to choose commanders and officers over them, and to give them power and authority, by commission under their common seal, or otherwise, to continue to make peace or war with any prince or people whatsoever, that are not christians, in any place where the said company shall have any plantations, forts or factories, or adjacent thereto, and shall be most for the advantage and benefit of the said governor and company and of their trade; and also to right and recompense themselves upon the goods, estates, or people of those parts, by whom the said governor and company shall sustain any injury, loss or damage, or upon any other people whatsoever, that shall in any way, contrary to the intent of these presents, interrupt, wrong or injure them in their trade, within the said places, territories and limits granted by this charter: and that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor and company, and their successors from time to time, and at all times from henceforth, to erect and build such castles, fortifications, forts, garrisons, colonies or plantations, towns or villages, in any parts or places within the limits and bounds granted before in these presents unto the said governor and company, as they in their discretion shall think fit and requisite, and for the supply of such as shall be needful and convenient to keep and be in the same, to send out of this kingdom to the said castles, forts, fortifications, garrisons, colonies, plantations, towns or villages, all kinds of clothing, provisions or victuals, ammunition and implements necessary for such purpose, paying the duties and customs for the same, as also to transport and carry over such number of men being willing thereunto, or not prohibited, as they shall think fit, and also to govern them in such legal and reasonable manner as the said governor and company shall think best, and to inflict punishment for misdemeanors, or impose such fines upon them for breach of their orders as in these presents are formally expressed: and further, our will and pleasure is, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the said governor and company, and to their successors, full power and lawful authority to seize upon the persons of all such english, or any other our subjects, which shall sail into hudson's bay, or inhabit in any of the countries, islands or territories hereby granted to the said governor and company, without their leave and license, and in that behalf first had and obtained, or that shall contemn and disobey their orders, and send them to england; and that all and every person and persons, being our subjects, any ways employed by the said governor and company, within any the parts, places and limits aforesaid, shall be liable unto and suffer such punishment for any offences by them committed in the parts aforesaid, as the president and council for the said governor and company there shall think fit, and the merit of the offence shall require, as aforesaid; and in case any person or persons being convicted and sentenced by the president and council of the said governor and company, in the countries, lands or limits aforesaid, their factors or agents there, for any offence by them done, shall appeal from the same, that then and in such case it shall and may be lawful to and for the said president and council, factors or agents, to seize upon him or them, and to carry him or them home prisoners into england, to the said governor and company, there to receive such condign punishment as his case shall require, and the law of this nation allow of; and for the better discovery of abuses and injuries to be done unto the said governor and company, or their successors, by any servant by them to be employed in the said voyages and plantations, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said governor and company, and their respective president, chief agent or governor in the parts aforesaid, to examine upon oath all factors, masters, pursers, supercargoes, commanders of castles, forts, fortifications, plantations or colonies, or other persons, touching or concerning any matter or thing in which by law or usage an oath may be administered, so as the said oath, and the matter therein contained be not repugnant, but agreeable to the laws of this realm: and we do hereby straightly charge and command all and singular our admirals, vice-admirals, justices, mayors, sheriffs, constables, bailiffs, and all and singular other our officers, ministers, liegemen and subjects whatsoever to be aiding, favouring, helping and assisting to the said governor and company, and to their successors, and their deputies, officers, factors, servants, assigns and ministers, and every of them, in executing and enjoying the premises, as well on land as on sea, from time to time, when any of you shall thereunto be required; any statute, act, ordinance, proviso, proclamation or restraint heretofore had, made, set forth, ordained or provided, or any other matter, cause or thing whatsoever to the contrary in anywise notwithstanding. in witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. witness ourselves at winchester, the second day of may, in the two-and-twentieth year of our reign. by writ of the privy seal. pigott. the alaska boundary line. it has been said that but for the hudson's bay company british columbia would not have been preserved to the british crown. on the imperial frontier to the far north and west the company early established its posts, and vigorously sought to maintain them against, first, russian, and afterwards american, aggression. [illustration: sketch map of south-east alaska (_showing points in controversy_). (_by permission of messrs. houghton, mifflin & co., publishers of the "atlantic monthly."_)] the american purchase of alaska from russia in included a strip of the coast (_lisière de côté_) extending from north latitude ° ' to the region of mt. st. elias. it was generally understood that this strip was separated from the british possessions by a mountain range (then believed to exist) parallel to the coast, as in event of this range being too remote, by a line parallel to the windings (sinuosities) of the coast, nowhere greater than ten marine leagues from the same. there is nothing to lead one to suppose that the strip of coast was designed to be continuous from the parallel of ° ' north latitude. the recent great development of the north-west has shown the singular value of this strip, which the american authorities, ignoring the exact possessions of the anglo-russian treaty of , has assumed to be their territory. recent american writers have been quick to perceive the weakness of their case, and one of these, writing in the _atlantic monthly_, uses this language: "arbitration is compromise.... once before a board of arbitration, the english government has only to set up and vigorously urge all its claims, and more that can easily be invented, and _it is all but absolutely certain_ that although _by tradition and equity_ we should decline _to yield a foot of what we purchased_ in good faith from russia, and which has become doubly valuable to us by settlement and exploration, our lisière will be promptly broken into fragments, and with much show of impartiality divided between the two contracting parties." the italics are mine. tradition and (the american idea of) equity are hardly equal to the language of a treaty negotiated so recently as .[ ] convention with russia. his majesty the king of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, and his majesty the emperor of all the russias, being desirous of drawing still closer the ties of good understanding and friendship which unite them, by means of an agreement which may settle, upon the basis of reciprocal convenience, different points connected with the commerce, navigation, and fisheries of their subjects on the pacific ocean, as well as the limits of their respective possessions on the north-west coast of america, have named plenipotentiaries to conclude a convention for this purpose, that is to say--his majesty the king of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, the right hon. stratford canning, a member of his said majesty's most hon. privy council, etc.; and his majesty the emperor of all the russias, the sieur charles robert count de nesselrode, his imperial majesty's privy councillor, a member of the council of the empire, secretary of state for the department of foreign affairs, etc., and the sieur pierre de poletica, his imperial majesty's councillor of state, etc.; who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon and signed the following articles:-- art. i.--it is agreed that the respective subjects of the high contracting parties shall not be troubled or molested, in any part of the ocean commonly called the pacific ocean, either in navigating the same, in fishing therein, or in landing at such parts of the coast as shall not have been already occupied, in order to trade with the natives, under the restrictions and conditions specified in the following articles. ii.--in order to prevent the right of navigating and fishing, exercised upon the ocean by the subjects of the high contracting parties, from becoming the pretext for an illicit commerce, it is agreed that the subjects of his britannic majesty shall not land at any place where there may be a russian establishment, without the permission of the governor or commandant; and, on the other hand, that russian subjects shall not land, without permission, at any british establishment on the north-west coast. iii.--the line of demarcation between the possessions of the high contracting parties, upon the coast of the continent, and the islands of america to the north-west, shall be drawn in the manner following:--commencing from the southernmost point of the island called prince of wales's island, which point lies in the parallel of degrees, minutes, north latitude, and between the st and rd degree of west longitude (meridian of greenwich), the said line shall ascend to the north along the channel called portland channel, as far as the point of the continent where it strikes the th degree of north latitude; from this last-mentioned point the line of demarcation shall follow the summits of the mountains situated parallel to the coast, as far as the point of intersection of the st degree of west longitude (of the same meridian); and, finally, from the said point of intersection, the said meridian line of the st degree in its prolongation as far as the frozen ocean, shall form the limit between the russian and british possessions on the continent of america to the north-west. iv.--with reference to the line of demarcation laid down in the preceding article, it is understood:-- st: that the island called prince of wales's island shall belong wholly to russia. nd: that wherever the summit of the mountains which extend in a direction parallel to the coast, from the th degree of north latitude to the point of intersection of the st degree of west longitude, shall prove to be at the distance of more than ten marine leagues from the ocean, the limit between the british possessions and the line of coast which is to belong to russia, as above-mentioned, shall be formed by a line parallel to the windings of the coast, and which shall never exceed the distance of ten marine leagues therefrom. v.--it is moreover agreed, that no establishment shall be formed by either of the two parties within the limits assigned by the two preceding articles to the possessions of the other; consequently, british subjects shall not form any establishment either upon the coast, or upon the border of the continent comprised within the limits of the russian possessions as designated in the two preceding articles; and, in like manner, no establishment shall be formed by russian subjects beyond the said limits. vi.--it is understood that the subjects of his britannic majesty, from whatever quarter they may arrive, whether from the ocean or from the interior of the continent, shall forever enjoy the right of navigating freely, and without any hindrance whatever, all the rivers and streams which in their course towards the pacific ocean may cross the line of demarcation upon the line of coast described in article iii of the present convention. vii.--it is also understood, that for the space of ten years from the signature of the present convention, the vessels of the two powers, or those belonging to their respective subjects, shall mutually be at liberty to frequent without any hindrance whatever, all the inland seas, the gulfs, havens, and creeks on the coast mentioned in article iii for the purpose of fishing and of trading with the natives. viii.--the port of sitka, or novo archangelsk, shall be open to the commerce and vessels of british subjects for the space of ten years from the date of the exchange of the ratification of the present convention. in the event of an extension of this term of ten years being granted to any other power, the like extension shall be granted also to great britain. ix.--the above-mentioned liberty of commerce shall not apply to the trade of spirituous liquors, in fire-arms or other arms, gunpowder or other warlike stores; the high contracting parties reciprocally engaging not to permit the above-mentioned articles to be sold or delivered in any manner whatever, to the natives of the country. x.--every british or russian vessel navigating the pacific ocean, which may be compelled by storms or by accident to take shelter in the ports of the respective parties, shall be at liberty to refit therein, to provide itself with all necessary stores, and to put to sea again, without paying any other than port and lighthouse dues, which shall be the same as those paid by national vessels. in case, however, the master of such vessel should be under the necessity of disposing of a part of his merchandise in order to defray his expenses, he shall conform himself to the regulations and tariffs of the place where he may have landed. xi.--in every case of complaint on account of an infraction of the articles of the present convention, the civil and military authorities of the high contracting parties, without previously acting or taking any forcible measure, shall make an exact and circumstantial report of the matter to their respective courts, who engage to settle the same in a friendly manner, and according to the principles of justice. xii.--the present convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at london, within the space of six weeks, or sooner if possible. in witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the same and have affixed thereto the seals of their arms. done at st. petersburg, the th ( th) day of february, in the year of our lord, . stratford canning. the count de nesselrode. pierre de poletica. footnote: [ ] t. c. mendenhall, in _atlantic monthly_ for april, . governors of the hudson's bay company. his highness prince rupert - h.r.h. james, duke of york (afterwards king james ii.) - john, lord churchill (afterwards duke of marlborough) - sir stephen evance, kt. - the rt. hon. sir william trumbull - sir stephen evance, kt. - sir bibye lake, bart. - benjamin pitt - thomas knapp - sir atwell lake, bart. - sir william baker, kt. - bibye lake - samuel wegg - sir james winter lake, bart. - william mainwaring - joseph berens, junior - sir john henry pelly, bart. - andrew colville - john shepherd - henry hulse berens - rt. hon. sir edmund walker head, bart., k.c.b. - rt. hon. the earl of kimberley - rt. hon. sir stafford h. northcote, bart., m.p. (earl of iddesleigh) - rt. hon. george joachim goschen, m.p. - eden colville - lord strathcona and mount royal, g.c.m.g. - deputy-governors of the hudson's bay company. sir john robinson, kt. - sir james hayes, kt. - the hon. sir edward dering, kt. - samuel clarke - john nicholson - thomas lake - sir bibye lake, bart. - captain john merry - samuel jones - benjamin pitt - thomas knapp - sir atwell lake, bart. - sir william baker, kt. - captain john merry - bibye lake - robert merry - samuel wegg - sir james winter lake, bart. - richard hulse - nicholas caesar corsellis - wm. mainwaring - joseph berens, junior - john henry pelly - nicholas garry - benjamin harrison - andrew colville - john shepherd - henry hulse berens - edward ellice, m.p. - sir curtis miranda lampson, bart. - eden colville - sir john rose, bart., g.c.m.g. - sir donald a. smith, g.c.m.g. - the earl of lichfield - index. agricultural and mercantile enterprise, alaska boundary line, albanel, father, journeys to the north, albany, fort, " " attack on, " " capitulation of, " " renamed st. anne, " " the english regain, " " attacked by the french, _albany_, " fate of the, albemarle, duke of, allemand, pierre, america purchases alaska, anglo-russian treaty of , argenson, d', arlington, lord, letter to, ashburton, lord, assiniboines, the, " radisson and groseilliers first meet the, _astarte_, astor, john jacob, astoria--fort george, , astronomers at hudson's bay, athabaska, fort, avagour, governor m. d', back, captain, bad lake, the robbery at, baffin, expedition of, bailey, charles, governor of rupert's land, , balmerino, lovat, and kilmarnock, lords, barillon, sieur, barlow, capt. george, commanding the _albany_, " governor of albany fort, barre, m. de la, " " receives letter from lewis, " " recalled, barrow, sir john, beaver, varieties of, beechy, captain, bellicose instructions from the company, berens, thomas, bering, capt. vitus, commanding russian expedition, bering's discoveries, bladen, martin, bladen's description of the commission, bois-brulés, the, bolingbroke's letter, bonrepas, sieur, boundaries between french and english territory, bourbon, fort, bourdon, jean, boyle, robert, letter to, _brazen_, bridgar, arrival of, " john, governor of the new settlement at port nelson, " taken prisoner by the french, bristol, defence of, brown, honorable george, browne, sir richard, butterfield's, mrs. mary, letter, button, sir thomas, pursues hudson's discoveries, button's bay, _california_, callieres, m. de, memoir, canada, conquest of, " exerts pressure on the company, " jurisdiction act, canada's debt to the company, cardwell, mr., colonial secretary, carr, robert, cartwright, george, catherine of braganza, cession to canadian government, charles, fort, " fort, jesuit priest at, " the first, " the second, " the second, death of, charlie's, prince, stock confiscated, charlevoix, quotation from, charlton island, winters at, charter, the royal, chechouan river, discovers the, chesnaye, m. de la, chouart surrenders to radisson, _churchill_, " caught in the ice, " captured by the french, churchill, lord, succeeds king james as governor of the company, clandestine trade, , coats, captain, " " death by his own hand of, _colbore_, cole, captain, colbert, m., , colonial neutrality, negotiations for, coltman, colonel, company's losses by french, comportier, gauthier de, convention with russia, cook, captain, corrigal case, the famous, council of trade, couture, m., craven, lord, crees, the, croix, sieur de la, cumberland house built, dablon, father, dallas, a. e., succeeds simpson as governor, " governor, issues a circular, davis, captain john, duluth's letter to m. de la barre, denonville's letter to seignely, denonville, marquis de, succeeds m. de la barre as governor, " plans the capture of fort nelson, deputation goes to england, _dering_, diggs, sir dudley, _discovery_, dobbs, arthur, " and the north-west passage, " petition rejected by parliament, dobbs' _galley_, douglas, fort, attacked, " thomas, earl of selkirk, " t. m., governor of vancouver island, drummond, sir gordon, governor of canada, _dryad_, duchesneau, intendant, " protests against english encroachment, duffell, duluth in the west, " builds a fort on lake nepigon, duqué, commander of _profound_, duquet, sieur, king's attorney for quebec, east india company, " " transfer of province of bombay, _eddystone_, elgin, lord, governor-general of canada, ellice, edward, , _engageante_, england at war with france, english, departure of, _erebus_, esquimaux, first sight of the, " the, expedition to explore the north-west passage, fishery and fur company, the, fitzgerald, james, fletcher, major, fort, construction of the first, forts, building of stone, fox, captain luke, france, joseph la, " war with, franklin, expedition of, " " fate of the, " lieutenant, french activity, " fur trade, " and english ships, meeting of, french attack fort prince of wales-- , " attack york factory, " declare war against england, " encroachment on trade, " prisoners taken by the _churchill_, " repulsed at albany fort, " send fourteen ships, " surrender of the company's ships to the, " the, at michilimackinac, " the, capture a company's ship, frobisher, sir martin, " intercepts company's indians, " escapes from york factory, _furnace_, fur trade, furs, first sale of, general court held, george the fourth, ghent, treaty of, gibraltar, fort, captured, gillam, zachary (capt. of _nonsuch_), , " benjamin, " " meets his father, gladstone, opposition of mr., godey, captain, attaché to lord preston, gorst, thomas, secretary to governor bailey, government assistance, grant, cuthbert, granville, lord, green, henry, grey, earl, letter to, grimington, captain, groseilliers (medard chouart), " death of first wife, " first marriage, " first time in english capital, " in boston, " second marriage, _hampshire_, " goes down with nearly all on board, _happy return_ sails for hudson's bay, _hardi_ goes to the bottom with all on board, hawke, sir edward, hays' island fort, " " " burned, head, sir edmund, hearne returns to england, " blamed for surrendering, hearne's expedition of discovery, " second expedition, " third expedition, henry's expedition, henry, prince, herault, mlle. elizabeth, herbert, sir edward, lord-keeper, hobart, lord, holder, john, holmes, captain, horner, captain john, discharged, horth's, john, meetings at, , _hudson's bay_, " " surrendered to the french, hudson's bay company apply for vancouver island, hudson's bay company, arms of the, hudson's bay company, list of nations visiting, hudson's bay company in difficulties, hudson's bay company obtains a new license, hudson's bay company, plan to re-organize, hudson's bay company seek act of parliament to confirm charter conferred by charles ii., hudson's bay company's claims, hudson's bay company's claims after treaty of ryswick, hudson's bay posts, the, , , , . hudson's bay, the, governor and company of merchants-adventurers charter from the king, , , hudson, captain henry, " " " fate of, humes, edward, captain of the _merchant of perpetuana_, hyde, edward, afterwards lord chancellor clarendon, iberville, captures two company's ships, " demands surrender of the fort, " given the rank of lieutenant in the french royal navy, " goes to france, " sails for home in the _envieux_, " sails for quebec in the _hampshire_, " sieur d', accompanies de troyes on his expedition, " takes fort nelson, " treacherous plan, _imploy_ to sail in the spring, iroquois--english allies, ivett, robert, imperial parliament appoints select committee, indian treachery, " country, indians as hunters, " effect of intoxication on the, " intelligence of the, " liking for liquor, " superstition of the, international financial association, isbister, a. k., " joseph, isle a la crosse, lake of, james, captain, " king, applied to for protection, jesuits, relations des, , joliet, louis, jonquiere, fort, jenyn's, soame, letter to pitt, ka-chou-touay, kamloops, legend of, kas-kidi-dah, chief of the nodwayes, kilistineaux, makes treaty with the, kirke, sir john, kelsey, henry, recommended for bravery, receives sum of forty pounds, , " voyage, knight, governor, " death of, " letter from the company to, l'anglois, jean, labau, murder of, lack of military system company's weakness, lacombe, father, la couture, sieur, " " mythical voyage, lampson, mr., law, john, , letters of marque to the company's ships, lewis unwilling to oppose the english, " proposes boundaries, lincoln, earl of, louisburg, fall of, lyddal, william, to supersede bailey as governor, mackenzie, alexander, " reaches the arctic, " sets out for the pacific, " sir alexander & co., mackenzie's expedition to the arctic, " sir alexander, letter, maissoneuve (voyage from rochelle), matonabee, maverick, samuel, ménard, réné, meuron, colonel de, " de, regiment of, mezy is recalled, middleton, captain christopher, , " explores for a north-west passage, " has trouble with his men, " lord, " returns without discovering the passage, middleton's report, migichihilinons, milnes, sir robert, _merchant of perpetuana_ captured by the french, monk, lord, governor-general of canada, montreal merchants combine, moon, captain, moor, captain william, moose factory, capture of, moose river fort erected by the french, " " first visit to, " " bailey at, mounslow, captain, mountain house, mowat, trial of, _musquash_, . mcclintock, captain, mcdonnell, miles, first governor of the new colony, " surrenders, mcdonnell's proclamation, mcdougall, honorable william, minister of crown lands, mctavish, simon, " " death of, mctavish, governor, resigns, nadouichiouecs, wintered with the, nekauba, dablon reaches, nelson, fort, burning of, " " erection of, , " " evacuated by the french, " " surrendered to the french, " " surrendered to the english, " " surrendered to the french, nelson, port, fox landed at, nepisingues, nichols, richard, nodwayes, , , _nonsuch_ anchors in hudson's bay, " set sail in the, _nonsuch_ weighs anchor, " sails with cargo, norton, governor, , " death of governor, new amsterdam, into english hands, new north-west company, new severn fort captured by the french, north-west association formed, north-west association, expedition of the, north-west company, - north-west company oppose selkirk's scheme, north-west company partners arrested, , north-west passage discovered, north-westers demand evacuation of fort douglas, oldenburgh, letter written by, the secretary of the royal society, ontario boundary commission, oregon question, the, ottawas, make treaty with the, " treaty, _owner's love_, pacific scheme, _palmier_, parliament and the north-west passage, parliamentary enquiry, _pelican_, pelly, sir j. h., pérouse, admiral, " la, in the pacific, peter the great, " " " death of, petition to the lords of treasury, phipps' letter to the company, phipps, william, new governor, pishapocanoes, _poli_, policy, the great company's, pond, peter, pontiac at detroit, pontchartrain, " letter to the marquis de vaudreuil, portman, john, , preston's, lord, letter to rupert, preston, lord, informed of the return of radisson and groseilliers, preston, lord, induces radisson to join the english, prickett, habbakuk, prettyman, william, _profound_, pulteney, daniel, radisson and groseilliers leave quebec, " arrives in london, " arrives in quebec, " assisted by the jesuits, " captures hays' island fort, " captures the _susan_, " " fort nelson, " departs for hudson's bay, " discovers young gillam, " first marriage of, " in france, " offers his services to the french navy, " overawes the indians, " pierre, , , " receives pension from the company, " sails from hudson's bay, " takes john bridgar, governor of fort nelson, prisoner, rae, dr., expedition of, red river claimed by united states, red river settlement threatened deadlock, _reformation_, " loss of the, remin, daniel de, seigneur de courcelles, resolution isle sighted, reward offered for radisson's capture, richmond, duke of, governor of canada, riel, louis, robertson, colin, " governor, taken prisoner, robinson, john, lord bishop of london, " sir john, ross, captain, rupert created earl of holdernesse and duke of cumberland, " fort, captured by the french, " illness of, " is sworn a member of the privy council, also the tangier commission; is elected a fellow of the royal society; is appointed member of the council of trade; and also is a member of the royal african company, " second marriage of, " sends for groseilliers, " sent to command the guinny fleet, " prince, , " prince, granted charter by king, " prince, is paid a lump sum, rupert, prince, death of, first governor of hudson's bay company, _rupert, the prince_, arrival of, " " " sails from gravesend, " " " to sail in the spring, " " " stuck in the ice, " " " wreck of, rupert's river, russia looks toward the new world, russians on the west coast, russian-american fur company, russian claims, ryswick, treaty of, , , _salamandre_, sanford, robert, sargeant, governor, , , saxon, sir charles, _sceptre_, scroggs, john, captain of the _whalebone_, _shark_, _seahorse_ captured by the press-gang, seignely, marquis de, selkirk arrives at fort william, " captures " " winters at " " death of, " lord, arrives in canada, " the earl of, selkirk's immigrants arrive, " project, " proposal accepted, semple, death of, " robert, semple's murderers, trial of, _shaftesbury_, arrival of the, sharpe, mr., company's solicitor, shepherd, captain, of the _shaftesbury_, ships besieged by peddlers, shrewsbury, duke of, " death of thomas, " " sir george, " expedition to the northern coast, " thomas, " george, governor-in-chief of the amalgamated companies, , smallpox epidemic, smith, cape, " smith, francis, " donald alexander, governor, south sea company, , , spanish claims, " main, the, spence, governor, stanion, john, stanton, governor, at moose factory, stickeen river, strange, lord, strathcona, lord, strike of the company's men, strong, william, engaged as secretary to rupert, _st. anne_, " destruction of the, st. peter, fort, st. simon, sieur de, _st. pierre_, " arrives at mouth of st. lawrence, " destruction of the, " re-built, superior, lake, , " " reaches shore of, _susan_ returned to the new england merchants, sutherland, lord, tabiti indians encountered, tadoussac, talon, jean, intendant, , , " returns to france, " writes colbert, tast, admiral, arrival of, thompson, david, three rivers, territorial rights, the surrender of, _terror_, tionnontates, or the tobacco nation, toronto merchants petition legislative council, treaty between russia and great britain, " of , " of neutrality, " with red river indians, troyes, chevalier de, " chevalier de, receives commission to drive the english from northern bay, " de, expedition of, turbulent meetings at hudson's bay house, turner's exploration, union of the two companies, upland indians, utrecht, treaty of, valiere, sieur de, vancouver, fort, vancouver island granted to the company, varennes, death of, " peter gauthier de, , , " sieur de, marries, " sets out to explore the west, " son reaches the rockies, vaughan, captain david, commanding the _discovery_, vermilion, fort, attack on, _violent_, _wales, prince of_, " prince of, " prince of, fort, built of stone, " prince of, fort, surrenders to the french, walker, jeremiah, william, king, declares war against france, " fort, , " fort, restored to the north-westers, " of orange landed at plymouth, " the third's accession to the throne, _william and ann_ wrecked, winnipeg, lake, meeting at, _weesph_, _welcome_, western company, the, west, rev. mr., principal chaplain, weymouth, viscount, _whalebone_, wolseley, lord, expedition of, york, duke of, , " " to succeed rupert as governor, " " ascends the throne, " fort, desperate condition of the french at, " factory, " " surrenders to the french, yukon, fort, * * * * * transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. on page , arrét perhaps should be arrêt. on page , englishmen perhaps should be englishman. on page , fort anne perhaps should be fort st. anne. on page , matonabbee perhaps should be matonabee. on page , peace--leaving should perhaps be peace-loving. on page , secretary pitts should perhaps be secretary pitt. on page , and in the index, admiral pérouse should perhaps be la pérouse. on page , anglaise perhaps should be anglais. on page , unrenumerative should perhaps be unremunerative. the book uses both medard and médard. the book uses both serigny and sérigny. vol. i january, no. [illustration: _the beaver_ _a journal of progress_] [illustration: camping out at ° below _a hudson's bay company's post inspector camping for the night near great slave lake. defying the snows, these hardy men "mush" with dog teams from fort to fort across the vast silent spaces of the great north, keeping h.b.c. communications open and taking account of furs traded at each post of the district._] [illustration: _devoted to the interests of those who serve the hudson's bay company_] bidding for world's fine furs at london auction sales _four weeks' annual selling of pelts draws cosmopolitan crowd of buyers from all quarters of the globe--h.b.c. auction of chief interest._ by j. d. j. forbes (_london fur warehouse_) if a stranger were to ask where the fur quarter in the city of london is situated, perhaps the simplest answer would be to tell him to make for the guildhall, and then to walk due south towards the river thames. he would proceed along king street (which is continued as queen street after cheapside is passed) and in less than five minutes would be at his destination. what the rue d'aboukir is to paris and the bruehl to leipzig, queen street is to london. it stands for the heart and centre of the london fur trade. except for the hudson's bay company's warehouse, which stands apart, all the most important fur merchants and commission houses are located within a stone's throw of the college hill public saleroom--the entrance to which is in queen street--where the world's fur produce is periodically put up for auction. _world's buyers assemble in saleroom_ in the saleroom itself there is little to suggest a fur market; no skins or pelts are to be seen; no samples are displayed to catch the eye of possible buyers; there is no odour of furs or naphthalene. the saleroom reminds one of a large classroom with its rows of desks and forms facing a narrow rostrum whereon the selling broker and his assistants sit. here three times a year assemble fur buyers from all over the world. the typically english features of the brokers contrast strangely with the faces of the cosmopolitan crowd which throngs the saleroom benches; and when in the intervals of selling a buzz of conversation is heard, it seems incredible that one is in the heart of london and not in some levantine port. _selections are made from catalogs_ each buyer brings to the saleroom his catalogues, containing valuations and descriptions of the pelts he has inspected at the various fur warehouses. for the most part, only a very small proportion of the lots catalogued are seen by the prospective buyer; these are "show" lots and represent the bulk, which could not be properly examined in the short time at his disposal. there are usually about twenty catalogues--some of which contain only a few hundred lots but most of which run into thousands of lots--and as the fur collections are distributed amongst a dozen different wharves and warehouses, where the skins are lotted and placed "on show," only a few days before the sales takes place, it will be appreciated that the thorough-going dealer who wishes to acquaint himself with the whole collection of furs on the market has plenty to do! _the order of the sale_ at one time the order of selling was rather haphazard, but in recent years the sale arrangements have been revised and co-ordinated. catalogues are now divided into definite sections, and the entire market supply of furs contained in section of the various catalogues is offered for sale before section is dealt with, and so on--the brokers balloting among themselves for precedence. in accordance with long-established custom, the first goods to be put up for sale are those coming from china and the far east (these auctions are referred to as the "china sales"); next comes the catalogues of australian furs, followed immediately by any offerings there may be of fur seals. _h.b.c. auction premier attraction_ although these auctions occupy the whole of the first sale week, they are of secondary importance when compared with the sales of the choicer north american and siberian furs, which commence on the monday of the second week with the hudson's bay company's sale. needless to say, the company's auction always proves the greatest attraction of the whole series and never fails to draw a crowded room. the company's catalogue is the only one now sold in its entirety without a break, and this for the very good reason that it provides the most reliable basis for comparison of values and enables the experienced buyer to appraise market fluctuations with confidence. the rest of the week following the company's sale is taken up with the disposal of "fine" furs (such as beaver, ermine, foxes, marten, otter and sables) from other catalogues; the third week sees the "staple" lines (such as skunk, opossum, musquash and raccoon) offered for sale; and in the fourth and final week sundry south american and lower grade skins are offered. _the flexible eyebrow an aid in bidding_ the method of bidding at the fur auction is by what is known as the "silent" system. the auctioneer usually starts the bidding himself at a moderate figure and the buyers interested signify their bids by various methods--such as by a nod, or a wink, or even a flick of the pencil; sometimes indeed a buyer will merely look at the auctioneer whilst the bids are being taken and only remove his gaze when his limit has been exceeded. it is often amusing to notice the tactics adopted by two bidders, each of whom wants a particular lot: one may perhaps be seated in the front row and he will perhaps bid by _raising his eyebrows_; the other (seated further back) will not look at the broker at all but will narrowly _watch his rival's hat_ (the movement of which betrays the bidding) whilst he records his own bids by _moving his little finger_! as a rule, bids advance by a definite amount, which varies with the value of the article in question: bids for beaver skins, for example, may start at s. and advance by s. steps to s., beyond which the advance is by s. steps; in the case of musquash an advance of d or d per bid is sufficient. when demand is keen and bidding brisk, buyers frequently discard the silent method, and the broker is assailed with a chorus of "up! up!" from all parts of the room. as it is often difficult in such cases to distinguish between bidders, the possession of a good pair of lungs is a decided advantage for a buyer. _furs sold at "per skin" rate_ most lots are sold "at per skin"--that is to say, when a lot of musquash containing skins, for instance, is put up, the auctioneer needs to register the price of only one skin--the value of the lot being times that figure. although sitting for weeks in the saleroom buying sundry lots of skins from this catalogue and that may seem a dull job, yet the buyer with imagination finds the fur trade fascinating. he realizes that the skins he buys have taken months of patient toil and careful handling to assemble from the uttermost parts of the earth. to him, the sale mark "mkr" denotes not merely a particular quality of fur, but suggests the mighty river of the great northwest threading its lonely way from the plains to the arctic sea. it is this sense of the world-wide ramifications of the fur trade, and the knowledge that the company's organization has played, and still plays, a notable part in its development that make one feel proud to belong to the hudson's bay company. an american account of an ancient selkirk settlement caravan the public archives of canada at ottawa contain the following characteristic description of a red river caravan from the old selkirk settlement, as printed in the _wisconsin herald_ of september th, : "on the th of july, there appeared at the village of st. paul, on the upper mississippi, the most novel and original caravan that has ever appeared since noah's ark was evacuated. our readers are aware that there is an isolated settlement of several thousand inhabitants in a high latitude of british north america, known as the 'selkirk settlement.' cut off from the commerce of the world, they rely entirely upon their own resources, their farms, their flocks and fishing for support--being a community, so to speak, of robinson crusoes. their crops having failed the last two seasons, they have been forced to break out of the wilds again and seek food in the markets of the great brawling world. formerly their chief point of contact with commerce was toronto; but now, owing to the increase of supplies on the upper mississippi, and the abundance of game and forage on that route, they trade at st. paul, and the head of steamboat navigation on the mississippi river. "into st. paul they came, on the th of july, a caravan of one hundred and twenty carts, in a single file, wearily moving along by moonlight. long after the head of the caravan had reached the village, the lengthened train of followers could be seen moving over the undulating prairie, partly visible and partly hidden between the billowy ridges of the extended plain, crawling onward like some huge serpent, the extreme rear still invisible and partly hidden in the dimness of the distance. they had travelled southward over the prairie six hundred miles, having been nineteen days on their way, through a region abounding in buffaloes--encamping at night in a tent, around which the carts were drawn in a circle, to fence in the cattle.... they brought along a large elk, a bear, and some other animals they had captured on their way--and many packages of furs. they had a very choice lot of buffalo robes, well dressed, which they sold at st. paul by the lot at $ . each. "they had with them also an abundance of specie, and waited a few days at st. paul for the arrival of a steamboat load of flour and groceries. the caravan was made up of men and boys of all ages, kindreds, tongues and complexions.... their dresses were as various as could be imagined, being uniform in only a single article of apparel--all wore moccasins. the carts were made wholly of wood and hides, the hubs being covered with bandages of green hide, drawn on while soft and then shrinking until they became nearly as tight as bands of iron. some of these odd two-wheeled vehicles were drawn by little horses, and others by oxen, each animal--horse or ox--being geared in a harness of green hide. they are now again on their way back to the frozen wilds of the north, many of them probably never again to commune with the great world." how smith's landing became fitzgerald _heroic sacrifice of r.n.w.m.p. officer led to his name being given to h.b.c. landing_ fitzgerald, originally known as smith's landing, is at the end of the athabasca river navigation, approximately three hundred miles below mcmurray. it is an important point in the transportation system, as cargoes are there discharged and portaged sixteen miles to fort smith, where they are loaded into other steamers navigating the mackenzie river. in , a commissioned officer of the mounted police named fitzgerald, along with three members of the force, left fort mcpherson for dawson. the party encountered severe storms, and lost their way in the mountain passes. after wandering for several weeks, they decided to return, but owing to lack of food and inability to procure game of any kind they suffered great privation. finally, they were obliged to kill their dogs for food. one of the members of the party died and the position of the survivors was desperate, as two of the remaining members were unable to proceed. fitzgerald left these men with all the clothing and whatever else they had that might benefit them and continued _alone_ in an endeavor to get back to fort mcpherson and bring help. on reaching a point about twelve miles of the post--which was then actually in sight--he was too exhausted to travel further and was frozen to death. meanwhile, the non-arrival of this patrol in dawson caused the mounted police to send out a search party from that end on the assumption that fitzgerald's party might have been held up nearby, but the search party had to continue within this short distance of mcpherson before finding the evidence of the tragedy. fitzgerald was held in high regard by all the people in the northwest territory in which he served and application was made to the authorities at ottawa to change the name of smith's landing to fort fitzgerald to commemorate his worthy but unfortunately unsuccessful effort to secure relief for his party. "uplands," the ancient h.b.c. farm on vancouver island _onetime natural park and grazing ground now being subdivided at victoria_ by c. h. french, _district manager for b.c._ when victoria was established by the hudson's bay company in all that tract of land between cadboro bay and the willows was a park, being studded here and there with beautiful oak trees and plentifully supplied with grass in which the elk loved to scamper about. _farm required to support post_ at all hudson's bay company's forts, the self-supporting feature was always given first consideration. at victoria it was not only necessary to raise sufficient grain, butter and beef to support the fort, but also sufficient to supply russian america, or alaska as we now know it. uplands was one of the first farms established to gain those ends. the farm buildings were always just where they now are, but the road leading to them was different, in that where it now takes a bend where the golf links association put up their sign, it continued straight through the cultivated fields to the farm buildings. an examination will show the trees and rocks still marking this road. _riding to uplands for the view_ the officers at the fort had saddle horses and it was to the uplands they went when desiring a ride on horseback. many officers of her majesty's ships immediately on landing made arrangements for a horseback ride to this wonderful piece of country. it has an elevation--without seeming to climb--sufficient to present perhaps the finest marine view to be found anywhere. the view was obtainable from almost any part of the thousand acres contained in the farm. the handsome oak and maple trees were just sufficiently scattered not to obstruct the view of the olympic mountains to the south; san juan and other islands to the east and southeast, which were overlooked by glorious mount baker, always standing out as if a sentinel clothed in white, guarding a country so rich in minerals, lumber and fish that its equal has yet to be discovered. looking north, towards james and salt spring islands, one is almost speechless with admiration of the beauty that is stretched before the eye. _indian villages are at strategic points_ indian villages were in earlier times established only at points where the food supply was abundant, but in this particular instance the village was established for strategic reasons. there were two points occupied by indians; one toward the northern side of the bay, where the present cadboro bay hotel is to-day located, and the other just inside the point, east of the present yacht clubhouse. those living on the north side of the bay were the custodians of a portage from telegraph bay to cadboro bay, while the indians on the south side of the bay were the real defenders of the tribe as a portage from there to rock bay had to be blocked to all enemies as it was to this point that retreats were made and where also was stored their winter supply of food. _the songhees had a magic spring_ the songhees on the southeast end of vancouver island had, i believe, the most strategic situation of any tribe on the coast. from their central village at concordance arm the all-important route was by cadboro bay, principally because the great spring that was regarded by them as possessing certain medicinal qualities was located at that point. this spring was surrounded by willows and was so carefully camouflaged that one could hardly find it, excepting that the ground from the spring to the waterfront was more or less wet. in the improving of uplands, this spring was drained in some way and, i am told, does not show on the surface now, but probably is diverted to the sea beach. hoot mon! th' roarin' game is on wi' lads o' the h.b.c. _land, retail and wholesale departments at winnipeg get away to fast start--some already displaying mid season form_ by out turn at winnipeg, the respective curling associations of the land department, retail store and wholesale depot are making up for lost time, the season having started late. extent of the enthusiasm displayed in the company's winnipeg establishments for the grand old game is indicated by the hundred and ten yelling, sweeping adherents who turn out once and twice a week. ice has been good and the weather just cold enough to induce lively work behind every skip. it is to be noted that more rocks are getting across the "hog" than the first part of last season. [illustration: "_meet me face to face_"] if ice holds after present schedules are completed, it is planned to bring the victorious rinks together in an h.b.c. "bon spiel" for a decision on the company curling championship for winnipeg. [illustration: "_draw weight, we'll sweep it!_"] sketched are two well-known "skips" heading land department rinks and one "skip" who cuts a lot of ice in wholesale circles. our staff artist caught him as he was shooting his first rock of the season, using the follow-through system. he is usually more dignified than as portrayed (on next page) and the editor remarks a terrific shift of latitude here as this arctic "skip" was but lately a strutting toreador. the two land department "skips" pictured on this page wear no disguise and need no introduction but we'll give a made beaver to anyone who'll guess their identity. it is of course too early to make predictions as to probable winners in the various departmental associations. we cannot get any sort of a prognostication from our usually very opinionated sporting editor. for next issue, he promises to analyze the performance of the leading rinks and tell messrs. harman, vesey and sparling exactly what their respective chances are. on the following page is the standing of the rinks as at th january: [illustration: _wholesale boys! "do you know him?"_ --!!! _sweep her-up--she'll never reach_] h.b.c. curling associations. winnipeg, _land department_ ------------------------------------- |games | | | skip |played|won|lost|standing ------------+------+---+----+-------- harman | | | | . mcdill | | | | . bellingham | | | | . joslyn | | | | . ------------------------------------- _retail store_ ------------------------------------- macgregor | | | | . mills | | | | . scott | | | | . pearen | | | | . parker | | | | . healy | | | | . tait | | | | . sidey | | | | . sparling | | | | . ogston | | | | . pugsley | | | | . bowdler | | | | . ------------------------------------- _wholesale depot_ ------------------------------------- swan | | | | . a. thompson | | | | . iveson | | | | . veysey | | | | . poitras | | | | . phelan | | | | . brock | | | | . o. thompson | | | | . mcmicken | | | | . ross | | | | . _how many "advertisers" has h.b.c.?_ by mrs. jack hawkshaw some one will answer, "there's one ad-man in winnipeg, one in edmonton, one in calgary, one in yorkton, one each in lethbridge, nelson, vernon, kamloops and vancouver." if that is all, then i am afraid it's time to be up and doing. each employee in the company's service should be "on the advertising staff," _to promote good feeling and optimism_. think what a great thing it would be right now at the beginning of a new year and on the threshold of a new season, if the company's thousands of employees took a leading part in the advertising of the company's stores. _tree years old bears apples_ _vancouver, washington, dec. th (special)_--two apples grown on the famous old apple tree in vancouver barracks were picked to-day by a. a. quarnberg. this apple tree is the oldest in pacific northwest, if not the united states, having been planted in by bruce, the gardener for the hudson's bay trading company. this makes the apple tree more than ninety-five years old. the seeds were brought around the horn in a sailing-vessel by an hudson's bay trading company official who carried them in a waistcoat pocket. the tailor was cleaning out the pockets and found these apple seeds and he gave them to the gardener who planted them. many trees were raised. all have died except one. _more than benefits paid in _ the hudson's bay employees' welfare association at winnipeg retail continues to flourish despite the many demands made on the "exchequer" during the past twelve months. upwards of one hundred individual employees have received benefits during and the secretary, p. harrison, reports that the balance in hand at present is larger than at any time since the inception of the plan. c. h. french has long experience in h.b.c. fur trade _british columbia district manager entered service in lake winnipeg district, ; sent to new caledonia on important mission in _ by f. s. garner [illustration: _mr. french in the b.c. district office_] c. h. french, district manager of the company's british columbia fur trade district, is a man whose experience in the service during years, from lake winnipeg to the pacific coast and north to alaska, has excellently fitted him to narrate countless stories of brave adventure and stern duty under the h.b.c. flag in the great northwest. mr. french, though , carries his years lightly. true, his hair is grizzled; upon his face is delineated the tale of dangers met and hardships overcome. yet one would not place his age at over , if even that. seasoned as an oak, with hard and healthful living in a climate which eliminates all but the fittest, mr. french, now in lovely victoria, may know at least a measure of the relaxation and joy of living such as is seldom granted the fur trader. the "spring" in his step and the active interest he takes in the life and development of vancouver island identify in him a youthful spirit which well might be envied by many men under thirty. mr. french was born in markham township, twelve miles north of toronto, ontario, on rd july, . he served a full apprenticeship at printing. then he acquired a fair knowledge of bread-baking, fishing and sailing, which experience he says stood him in good stead after entering the service. in mr. french joined h.b.c. in the lake winnipeg district, doing work of various kinds, one job being the sailing of the boat "beaver" under mr. w. j. mclean at lower fort garry, and afterwards mr. flett at fort alexander. during this period he brought the body of chief factor belanger in from the lake and delivered it at the selkirk roman catholic church. the chief factor was drowned at norway house. fur trade commissioner wrigley went out of office and while his successor, mr. c. c. chipman, was commissioner, he had the able support of such men as william clark. it was with william clark that mr. french engaged to go to new caledonia district, british columbia (march, ) to break up a ring that was pilfering merchandise from the babine, b.c., warehouse. this was successfully accomplished, and mr. french was given charge of babine post, remaining there until , when installed as fur buyer at victoria, under mr. james thomson. he was in charge of that work until february, , when he was made district manager for british columbia. send it in if you have a bit of news, send it in. or a joke that will amuse, send it in. a story that is true, an incident that's new, "we want to hear from you," send it in. never mind about your style, if it's only worth the while, send it in. will it make a paragraph? send it in. if some good your words can teach, if some distant reader reach, if you have a glowing speech, send it in. miss d. l. bens, _winnipeg retail_ how the eskimo hunts the musk-ox _description of eskimo's method of hunting musk-oxen in the arctic regions as given by capt. french, r.n.w.m.p., one of the patrol who went north to investigate the killing of messrs. bradbury and street, sent out by smithsonian institute and national museum at ottawa._ the eskimo, sighting a small band of musk-oxen--usually a bull, cow and one or two calves--lets loose two or three husky dogs (part dog and part wolf) which encircle the animals. the bull and cow turn their heads towards the dogs, with the calf or calves in the centre, and prepare to give fight. once the oxen are "anchored," the eskimos turn loose all their dogs which serve to keep the oxen "anchored" instead of taking to their heels, and proceed themselves with bow and arrows and dispatch the animals. [illustration] these musk-oxen are very fierce and warlike animals, hence the necessity of the eskimo protecting himself with dogs. in the case of a wounded bull charging an eskimo, the dogs immediately rush to attack it and withdraw its attention from the eskimo who may thereby find time to string another arrow to his bow and then dispatch it.--_w.e.a._ [illustration: holding the musk-oxen at bay] _there'll be no more slacker contributors if they all read this_ _barriere post, ontario, editor, the "beaver," winnipeg._ _it is, i think, the duty of all of your readers to wish the beaver a very happy new year._ _you cannot realize what the magazine means to us who live in the silent places far removed from social intercourse with our fellow creatures._ _we who have access to such little reading material to interest us in our lonely lives will look forward eagerly to the arrival of the beaver._ _and i can assure you that i wish it every success in the years to come, and i trust that all the readers will recognize the fact that it is their bounden duty to contribute either in writing or photographs from time to time._ _i think that it is not to our commissioner alone that we should look for guidance nor to our district managers, but to our friendly intercourse one with another, which can only be accomplished through the medium of the beaver and i sincerely trust that this friendly intercourse will grow stronger and stronger as the years roll by, and so help to strengthen and firmly cement together the bonds of good fellowship._ _i have the honor to be, sir, yours obediently, (signed) ashton alston, post manager._ _issued every now and then in the interests of those in the service of the hudson's bay company_ [illustration] the beaver "_a journal of progress_" copyright, , by the hudson's bay company address all communications to editor, "the beaver," york and main streets, winnipeg, canada vol. i january, no. fortunate canada! the big war is all over but the paying. a whole "bale" of little wars, however, have been engaging the attention of the world until recent settlements were effected. famine in china. russian chaos and irish thunderclouds. inoculation against the "bolshevik bug" in every quarter of the globe. fortunate canada! industrial depression, unemployment and foreboding grips the united states. canada has had a tinge of this malady, too, during price convulsions--but canada is sound. canada--especially western canada--is busy, optimistic and possessed of a confidence unbounded. a happier or more prosperous christmas and new year's that just past in canada, never has been. for twelve months ending october, , canada's volume of trade was _up five hundred million dollars_ over the year previous. canada is fortunate. to the sweet uses of peace, she is applying herself assiduously. the yankee balloonists the beaver refrains from elaborating upon current newspaper reports about the u.s. navy balloonists who drifted from new york city to moose factory and were rescued by h.b.c. men at james bay--until the report of our associate editor at moose factory and his photographs have been received. it is expected these will come out to mattice by next packet, and _the beaver_ will then be able to give authentic details. ambition ambitious men raise themselves like the tallest trees high above the shrub growth of somnolent spirits and so are "most in the power of the winds of fortune." your chance for success is not lacking as long as the spark of ambition is alive within you. with some men, ambition dies between thirty and forty; with others it remains unquenched. some men have made fortunes and lost them at forty-five, then have turned in and made other fortunes before retiring. scores of great successes have been recorded after the age of fifty; cases where ambition, the "divine discontent," was never downed. without ambition, the fire under the boilers of industry would die and the pop-valves of commerce would cease to reveal live power that drives the pistons of progress. a martian at the rink picture a man from mars, just descended, as he steps into an h.b.c. curling rink during the ninth "end"--when scottish excitement is at its hottest. try to comprehend his bewilderment as he hears frenzied shouts of "_sweep, sweep, sweep 'er up! get it across the hog!_" and again--"_out turn, mac; draw-weight and a wick off this one. just come to it!_" and sweatered, mufflered figures contort themselves in fantastic fox-trots on the ice as they swing mad brooms in the van of the skidding stones. the grey rocks curl and thump--or twist uncannily to a berth behind guardian stones. "_we lie_," bursts in raucous chorus from steaming throats. "a marvelous confession thinks the man from mars." the roarin' game of cur-r-r-lin' is in full fling at many of the company's branches. young and old all become _younger_ in a fast and furious "draw." buy a broom and a pair of "galoshes" and get on the ice. forget business, bid dull care begone. curl ten "ends" and then you'll say "where's that pack of worries that was hounding me this afternoon?" egotism the large proportion of the human race which is afflicted with "self importance" can draw pointed conclusion from the facts that: ( ) michelson the scientist has discovered an accurate method of measuring the distant stars, by which it is determined that one star in orion is _twenty-seven trillion times as large as the earth_, and twenty-seven million times as large as the sun. (it's no use trying to visualize this tremendous planet. even a _billion_ is incomprehensible to the human mind; a _trillion_ simply cannot be embraced in our thought.) ( ) latest available figures indicate that there are about _two billion people living on the earth_, despite the slaughter of war. we are somewhere in that crowd. if we ever feel ourselves getting "chesty in the head," let us repress even the faintest stirrings of egotism, for we're only one in two billion (never would be missed!) riding to an unticketed destination on a "pin-point planet" that swirls every day a million miles nearer to that gigantic sun, _alpha orionus_ (see it any clear night in the heavens) which is so tremendous in dimension that our poor little earth at the instant of contact would sputter out like a tiny drop of grease on a big stove. our reporters the beaver should be _all-seeing, all-knowing_--as far as h.b.c. events are concerned. if a single incident which affects the company or its employees escapes being reported to this journal, we are not fulfilling our mission. if any other publication tells of an h.b.c. event or reports any h.b.c. employees' activities which do not reach _the beaver_--_then we're_ "_scooped_," in the parlance of the press. you faithful readers of _the beaver_ who daily are giving your time and thought to h.b.c. affairs--_you_ are the eyes and ears of this journal. we have a good many "live-wire" reporters, but need more. let every member of staff take a personal interest in forwarding to _the beaver_ intelligence of every description that might interest h.b.c. people. the wanderers the lure of exploration has not lost its power since the two main prizes--both poles--were achieved. recently it was announced that a considerable number of new expeditions would set out in to various remote quarters of the globe--one to baffins land, one to the north of siberia, one to central africa and so on down the list. amundsen is now trying to drift across the north pole. the challenge of discovery ever has greater power than strong drink to inflame the blood of daring men, particularly of the british and scandinavian races. they will never tire until the last "back-lot" of the earth has been carefully scanned, mapped and staked for science and civilization. reputation a man may live a lifetime of virtue and honesty; then by one false step destroy the delicate structure of reputation which he has so painstakingly constructed. the _good name_ of h.b.c. has taken two hundred and fifty years to build. yet _one year's departure_ from h.b.c. ideals and h.b.c. standards would serve to corrode the foundations underlying this priceless reputation. when acting or speaking in the name of the company, employees who appreciate the insecurity of reputation _think twice before saying or doing anything_ that might be adjudged _un-hudson's bay_. the prize contest "how i earned my first dollar" contest is stirring up much interest among "old timers" in the ranks. first letters are beginning to come in. please do not delay in sending the facts about your early start. two hundred words are enough to give the main details--and are soon written. _some people in the east and the west are whimpering and whining!_ pessimistic over the outlook for spring business. some people think the bottom has fallen out of things, when the fact is things are as good as ever they were. only that with the getting back into the condition that prevailed before the war prices are falling, and many people have contracted a fever which was very prevalent in the states a short time ago called pessimania. _we've got to do our part to create a spirit of optimism_, for if we all join the army of pessimists, it's going to be bad for ourselves, bad for the company, and bad for the country too. _besides, we have every reason to be optimistic and here are the reasons_--first, there is the good news of lower prices on nearly all kinds of goods, and people who have been doing without can now buy freely again. second, the government has abolished the undesirable luxury tax. encourage your customers and friends to buy now, for prices cannot jump down below what they are now for the spring, and the more they buy the more it will add prosperity to the country. no country's prosperity was ever built up on fear, but faith. the low prices are here now. people have money for necessities and we must do our part by talking and thinking hopefully for the coming spring. that's it! have you ever stopped to think of the wonderful power of thought. like the pebble dropped in the lake, ever widening in circles, your tiny thought of hopefulness and helpfulness will have an ever-widening effect. every word that you say with belief behind it stimulates other people to be optimistic, and so your influence increases. this is what makes _power_. every added sale that we make will not only increase our own record but it will add its quota to the prosperity of canada. let everybody think good times, talk good times, and buy for good times' sake, then the ranks of the unemployed will melt before the sunshine of prosperity! won't we make a resolution to start being _peptimists_ to-day?--_f. s. garner._ mottoe for ye newe yeare _modernized by a. seymour h.b.c. post, d- _ there arre noe byrdes in nexte yeare's neste. in nexte yeare's creame there arre no flyes. noe vaine regrettes disturb my breaste for aught yt in ye futurre lyes ande laste yeare's flyes ande laste yeare's byrdes arre paste ye reache of tearres ande wordes. ? ? ? ? --chaucer. start the new year well by joining the vast and ever increasing multitude of those who find in life insurance the one sure way of protecting dependent ones--while making timely provision for their own future at the same time. join the ever increasing number who have found, in the policies of the great-west life assurance company, all that can be desired in profitable life insurance. thus you will obtain protection at low cost, and will secure a share in the remarkable profits that are being paid to policyholders of the great-west life assurance company dept. "d. " head office: winnipeg c. w. veysey always pushed the work--never let it push him _general manager of winnipeg wholesale developed himself so consistently with h. b. c. at vancouver that he was called to fill a big man's shoes_ by a. brock, _associate editor_ the career of mr. c. w. veysey, manager h.b.c. wholesale, winnipeg, furnishes an excellent example of the company's appreciation of, and reward for, faithful service and ability to apply one's business acumen in the company's interests. [illustration: c. w. veysey, esq. _general manager, wholesale department_] _a nova scotian who early came west_ born in the little town of north sidney, nova scotia, of english parentage, mr. veysey was privileged to spend the first years of his life in that country and community which produced so many of the leading business men now in the west. when he was thirteen his parents decided to move to british columbia. they arrived in vancouver in october, . a few years spent at the west end and central schools, vancouver, brought mr. veysey to that stage where he decided that it was about time he was learning to paddle his own canoe. _began business life in b.c. refinery_ the b.c. sugar refinery was the scene of his first labors, given in exchange for what at that time seemed the magnificent remuneration of $ per month, with the promised reward of an increase to $ in three months, providing the service he rendered was satisfactory to his employer. it is interesting to recall that the company's present general manager at vancouver, mr. h. t. lockyer, was at that time also connected with the b.c. refinery in the capacity of accountant; and mr. veysey was fortunate in forming a friendship in those days which later proved to be a source of great help when the experience and assistance of an "older head" were needed to straighten out, ofttimes, the rough business road he had to travel. _joined h.b.c. service in _ a period of five years, however, completed mr. veysey's connection with the refinery. during this time mr. lockyer had entered the h.b.c. service as accountant and perhaps in view of the association begun at the refinery it was not strange that an opportunity should shortly present itself enabling mr. veysey also to join the company's service. on st november, , he commenced his duties in the vancouver office. mr. e. j. cuchinay was the company's accountant at vancouver at that time, but on account of ill health was being transferred to one of the company's steamers as purser. consequently, his position at vancouver had to be filled. _mr. lockyer got him a new job_ feeling, as shakespeare says, that there is a "tide in the affairs of men," mr. veysey decided to approach mr. lockyer (who by this time had attained the position of general manager) and ascertain if he could not be allowed to show his ability for the position. mr. lockyer informed him that _he had already wired_ commissioner chipman, recommending his appointment and showed him the wire. mr. veysey experienced anxious days while awaiting the reply from winnipeg; but eventually word was received approving the appointment. _mr. lockyer gave him lesson in self-reliance_ perhaps a little incident that occurred soon after mr. veysey's appointment will be appreciated by a great many of the present aspiring accountants of the company. the time of the month had arrived when the famous "form " had to be compiled and with the help of mr. lockyer this task was successfully accomplished. the next month, however, the young accountant found not a little difficulty in completing this form unassisted. he thought of mr. lockyer's kindly assistance the previous month and again approached the general manager for help; but much to mr. veysey's surprise, he was met with the reply, "why, charlie, i showed you how to do that last month. go back and do it." and back he went, and what is more important, _he did it_. mr. veysey often remarks that that was one of the best turns mr. lockyer ever did him. _handled big business during yukon rush_ mr. veysey has many pleasant reminiscences of the days of the yukon rush and what it meant to vancouver. h.b.c. business was so great at that time that it meant working every night until midnight for five months. mr. lockyer will also remember this strenuous time, as he bore his share with the rest. midnight would often come and find him still on the job. _promoted to assistant managership_ promotion again was the order of the day, and mr. veysey was made assistant general manager at vancouver. in , however, he was approached by messrs. kelly douglas and company to join their firm as credit office manager, which position he filled until , when he was asked by the hudson's bay company to go to winnipeg in the capacity of general manager of the depot and wholesale branch, which had been rendered vacant by the death of that valued servant of the company, mr. g. w. cochrane. _became wholesale general manager_ mr. veysey arrived in winnipeg in july, , and immediately applied himself diligently to the task of building up a wholesale business which should be second to none in the west. it was by no means an easy task, but perseverance eventually prevailed and h.b.c. winnipeg wholesale has registered great gains. since mr. veysey's appointment at winnipeg, wholesale branches of the company have been established at saskatoon and regina, saskatchewan, under his management. the h.b.c. candy factory, at winnipeg, owes its inception to his efforts for expansion of the company's business. _serves fur trade and stores efficiently_ one of his greatest ambitions has been to operate the depot so efficiently that the service given both to the fur trade posts and retail stores would be as near perfect as it was possible to make it. the company's many district managers and store managers all over canada acknowledge and appreciate the efforts which have been put forward in this direction by mr. veysey's organization. amongst the staff it may be said without fear of contradiction no man could be held in higher esteem than mr. veysey. exacting, but human, he is and always ready to lend a helping hand. having climbed up from the foot of the ladder himself he believes in employees' earning every step of their advancement, but he is always prepared to recognize and reward merit where demonstrated. _mr. veysey always active in sports_ in the world of sport, mr. veysey is an ardent devotee of the ancient and honourable game of golf, and many predict that some day the burbidge cup will be seen reposing in his office. mr. veysey also takes a wholesome interest in curling. his enthusiasm and ability as a "skip" usually helps place his rink "on top of the league" at the wholesale. rupert's house notes _staff changes_ j. s. c. watt, late in charge of fort chimi, succeeds mr. a. nicolson, retired. r. j. sherlaw, late in charge of mistassinny post, to charge of rupert's house post. a. brebner, of aberdeen, scotland, apprentice clerk. _mistassinny post_ f. mcleod, late clerk at albany post, succeeds r. j. sherlaw in charge of mistassinny post. _woswanaby post_ h. hawkins, late clerk at rupert's house, succeeds d. m. stuart, in charge of woswanaby post. mr. stuart left on board the s.s. "nascopie," for a holiday in england. buffalo river post news we have had considerable sickness among the people of this district but are glad to say that only a few are now incapacitated. a considerable number died during last summer. mr. j. m. cumines, manager of h.b.c. buffalo river, recently made a very pleasant trip to toronto, to visit his mother, who was ill. lamson hubbard canadian fur company have opened their new store at buffalo river. (_but h.b.c. is still here doing business._) b.c. district office news mr. and mrs. c. h. french= received congratulations on the birth of a fine daughter on december st. mr. f. b. wombwell=, b.c. district accountant, returned from a visit to mayo brothers, rochester, minn. during the past month the h.b.c. victoria office has had the pleasure of visits from: _captain evan j. edwards, of montreal, h.m. senior trade commissioner in canada and newfoundland; mr. l. b. beale, of winnipeg, his majesty's trade commissioner, department of overseas trade, london; captain louis knaflich, of the kuskokwim fishing and transportation company, from whom the hudson's bay company chartered the "ruby" for western arctic district; captain j. bernard._ _requires long trip to inspect b.c. posts_ to those of our readers who are "city folk" or whose travel is limited, the following might prove interesting: to make an inspection trip to the hudson's bay company's posts in british columbia district alone a distance of miles must be covered as follows: _ miles by trails._ _ miles by rivers._ _ miles by lake._ _ miles by automobile._ _ miles by railroad._ _ miles by steamboat._ a seaplane visits moose factory august , , will be well remembered by the natives of moose island, as it marks the arrival of the first air machine to any h.b.c. post in james bay district. a high-pitched, droning noise heralded the approach of the machine; and soon the 'plane came into view, flying at an altitude of about three thousand feet. a fine sight it was to see the great bird coming nearer, suddenly "bank," and, with a great flash of silver, as the sun's rays glinted on the tilted planes, it nose-dived and planed down to the "landing" stretch of water, which had been previously marked with a buoy and red flag. this channel of deep water runs between moose island and a smaller island, the river at this point being of delta formation. meanwhile the inhabitants and the company's staff had gathered on the bank, the latter all armed with cameras. a canoe shot out from the river side and the airmen were soon exchanging greetings with us. the seaplane to the indians was a matter of great mystery and for long bands of them stood gazing at the craft which the white men had handled so dexterously. during their subsequent trips to their base near cochrane they very kindly carried our outward mails. the object of the seaplane's journey was the recording by motion pictures the life and customs of the inhabitants of northern canada.--_g.f._ famous trips by h.b.c. dog teams miles from dawn to dark by h. m. s. cotter, _cumberland house_ in the year i was in charge of h.b.c. northwest river post on the labrador. it was customary for the post managers to assemble annually at district headquarters which at that time was located at rigolet on the coast. this council was usually held in april on a specified date. rigolet is ninety-two miles from northwest river by the winter trail. the trip occupies two days as a rule, and when we left the post it was the intention as usual _to run the first fifty miles and camp_ for the night at a place named the lowlands. [illustration: _the feet of the dogs are protected by deerskin moccasins from laceration on sharp edges of the ice_] we had the ordinary length of sled or "komatik," which is about twelve feet long and weighs about a hundred pounds. we carried a load of about six hundred pounds, which in that part of the country is considered light. we left the post at . a.m. april th, , just before dawn. the sky was somewhat overcast and a light wind was blowing from southwest. the travelling was good, particularly in the early morning, as the melted snow of the previous day had dried up during the night. our nine dogs were in the very pink of condition. they displayed a fierce eagerness to reach the sealing grounds, nine miles below the post. "lieutenant" was the leader's name, and second leader, "friday." both these dogs were famous as seal hunters. there was "nothing on four legs," it was claimed, ever approached them either in respect of speed or ability to scent seals at long distance. after we reached the sealing grounds the team broke into a mad pace. no sooner had they run down one batch of seals than the leaders would scent others long before they were visible. in this way the speed of the whole team was maintained at a high rate. as the local saying was, the dogs were "seal mad" and getting out of hand. i had been over these sealing grounds many times, but never had seen so many seals as on this day. around the seal or blowing holes they were not in large numbers, but along the cracks which opened across the bay and ran for fifteen or twenty miles, the seals were literally in thousands. it was good sport chasing them. we stopped several times and speared four, adding about three hundred pounds to our load. but this seemed to make no difference in the speed of the dogs. finally we got into the lowlands just before noon, having covered fully sixty-five miles of our journey. as it was yet early and the dogs appeared fresh as when they started, we decided after having a light lunch, to go on to the next stopping place seventeen miles below. the going was excellent and we did the first twelve miles in ninety minutes; but coming to rough and hummocky ice we had to bear in towards the shore to get around it. the wind had swept the rocks clean of snow. just as we got on land some caribou appeared across our course immediately ahead. well, talk about dogs moving! their former speed seemed slow in comparison. they raced over the naked rocks like wolves. i remember looking behind and seeing a stream of fire flying from the steel shoeing of the sledge like a shower of sparks from a high-speed emery wheel. the caribou moved off into the valley and we had a tough job to get the team onto the ice again. here we came in sight of more seals. off we went again from our course and past the stopping place we had planned; so we decided to go right on to our destination. _we arrived at rigolet before p.m._ the post managers came out and greeted us warmly, remarking however that we had made slow time, arriving so late in the evening. _they thought we had left the previous day._ when i announced that we had left only that morning they said "like ---- you did." we had lost two hours, but in the fourteen and a half hours we had been actually travelling we had covered a hundred and seven miles. i am not claiming this is a record, but it is one of the fastest trips ever made by an h.b.c. dog team with full load. _editor's note--mr. james fraser, who later became h.b.c. district manager in esquimaux bay, made the trip from rigolet to northwest river in one day on a previous occasion, but as he lost a twenty-eight pound keg of white lead on the way up much of the glory vanished. the foregoing is the first of a series of authentic stories which the beaver plans to carry in a regular department which may be styled the "dog column"--just plain dog. men of the hudson's bay: bestir your "recollection equipment" and let us know if you have a better dog story than mr. cotter's. particularly are we expecting to hear from j. j. g. rosser, of isle a la crosse, and ashton alston, of barriere, both famous "dog skinners."_ little journeys to the haunts of canada's fur-bearing animals i. the beaver (_continued from last issue_) they have their young during june. when one year old they have two or three only, the next year as many as six, but in after years the average number is four. the young stay with their parents for two years and in the third year they leave and make a home or mate with others who are making homes for themselves. under the old unwritten laws of the indians, a trap must not be set closer than two hundred yards from a house, because the young beaver never go that far away from home, therefore only the two years and older ones would be caught. _method of drowning beaver_ owing to their custom of immediately using their teeth on anything that interferes with their liberty, a trap must be set in such a way that the animal drowns or he will in a very few seconds cut his imprisoned foot off close to the shoulder. the system of drowning is as simple as it is effective. every trap chain has a ring on the end of it and is usually set on the edge of fairly deep water with the chain ring over a stick that has about half an inch of each branch left on, and has been shoved in the mud out in deep water. the first thing the beaver does when caught is to spring out into the water, taking of course train and trap with him, and the ring easily and naturally slips down the pole and when it reached the bottom immediately checks the flight of the beaver and does not allow him to even come to the surface again. consequently, he is drowned in a very few moments. ordinarily he can stay under water for about ten minutes, but when excited and fighting as he would do when caught, will drown quickly. _beaver tail useful implement_ the beaver uses its tail to steer with while swimming and to carry the mud necessary to construct his house. he will scratch a little pile of earth up with his fore paws, then turn around and scoop his tail under the loose mud, holding it stiff and straight out behind on the level of the water while he swims off to where building operations are going on. [illustration: _two fine, fat, pound beaver_] _how the beaver stores food_ the beaver's winter store of food is not put too close to the house, but usually a considerable distance off; sometimes in deep water in the middle of a pond or under a bank where the water is too deep to freeze to the bottom. sticks of cottonwood, cut as large as can conveniently be handled, are pulled or even carried on their shoulders while they walk in an upright position to the water, then floated to the spot selected. these sticks are not shoved into the mud as has often been stated, but are piled up or built up just as we would build a raft--the first layer lying one way, and the second layer crossways on top, each layer having all crevices filled up with mud until the larder is sufficient for his winter's needs, and is weighed down level with the top of the water. when he starts to draw from this store, he pulls a stick out from the bottom and takes it off to his tunnel leading to the bank close by his house where meals are served. _easy to approach beaver from windward side_ animals usually can detect the approach of danger if it comes from the windward side. the beaver is not an exception, but one can be within a few feet of them when the wind is blowing in the opposite direction, and they fail to get the scent. for example, an indian wanted a beaver to eat and as just before camping for the night he had passed some cuttings only a little way back on the trail, he decided to go back after dark and see what luck there was for him. he was careful to approach the workings from the windward side and after listening attentively he could hear a beaver cutting trees up on the hill side above him. he selected a sheltered spot in some brush on the windward side of the slide or the road that was used by the beaver to skid down the cut wood. presently along came the animal, struggling with a large piece of cottonwood. the indian waited until after the beaver had passed him, then reached out and caught the stick, holding it firmly, and as soon as the beaver was satisfied that it was caught it walked back with the intention of cutting it loose only to get hit on the head with a stick and killed by the indian. _the beaver a castorum factory_ both male and female have a pair of glands lying lengthways on the inside of the skin at the lower extremities, which does not appear to be controlled as other organs are, but are emptied with the hand by a downward pressure. the secretion contained in these two bags is a solid from which oil is extracted and is completely emptied once each year. close by every house a handful of dry grass is gathered up and the castorum deposited, then a few tail-fulls of mud are put on top of it. what this is done for i am not certain but think it is like a challenge or a sign that all trespassers will have to fight. when the bags are emptied in the fall the beaver visit jackpine forests and eat largely of the gum, i am told by the indians, for the purpose of replenishing the castorum supply, and this is likely true, because the odor and character of the deposit is not unlike pine gum. castorum has a peculiar attraction for all wild animals, and the indians put it to account by using it as a trap scent. another advantage it has is that though an oil substance it is of such a nature that when rubbed on iron traps and set under water it will not leave the trap and float up like all other oil substances will do. commercially it is used as a body in perfumes, likely also on account of its being able to retain the perfume for such a long time. (_to be continued_) g. l. bellingham won way from clerkship in land dept. _assistant land commissioner--a man to whom accuracy is next to godliness--has earned continuous promotion through years._ by b. a. everitt, _associate editor_ mr. g. l. bellingham, assistant to the land commissioner, hails from wales but he has been so long in canada and has for so many years dealt with h.b.c. farm lands that he knows his adopted country possibly better than his native soil. mr. bellingham is so intimately in touch with the company's widespread land holdings that he can almost tell one the value, topography, the soil and the tonnage of wild hay on any h.b.c. parcel out of several thousand dotted over the prairie maps. _likes to see a "square deal" all round_ mr. bellingham is keen, active and earnest, with a typical british temperament, which often reminds one that he is a fighting man all through--prepared to hold his own in any transaction. those who know him best admire his faculty for getting at the "root of things" quickly and his insistence on absolute justice being meted out to all concerned. _insists on clear understanding_ any arrangement made with mr. bellingham could not possibly be misunderstood or confused. his mastery of details and clearcut registering of all salient points--always followed by a careful recapitulation--makes issues unforgettable, whether the occasion be the sale of a section of land or the arrangement of a curling match. he is as careful in even the most unimportant dealings as if making a legal contract. [illustration] mr. bellingham was born at newport, monmouthshire, wales, june th, . educated in london and north of england, he entered a lancashire stockbroker's office in , where he remained for two years. for ten years, subsequently, he was in the employ of the town council, resigning the position of assistant secretary in , to embark for canada. _has a try at tilling the soil_ the desire to get "back to the land" had got a strong hold upon him, and canada's great west presented the most alluring prospects to the young and adventurous agriculturist. one week of the farm's hard labor sufficed. mr. bellingham's illusions of the joy of currying the prairies as a means of enticing wealth broke and died as the proverbial bubble. his first farm job was either too "hefty" for mr. bellingham or he was not powerful enough for it. _joined h.b.c. as clerk in _ in winnipeg, may th, , he applied for and obtained a junior position in the company's land department, of which mr. montague aldous was chief clerk and mr. c. c. chipman, commissioner. _faithful effort gains promotions_ mr. bellingham applied himself earnestly to learning all there was to know about land and h.b.c. methods of doing business. he was assigned one duty after another and, as his good work came to the notice of his superiors, "graduated" from each new position to a better one. to-day, he is assistant to the land commissioner, mr. h. f. harman. when the company's edmonton townsite sale of was inaugurated, mr. bellingham was chosen to take charge of the edmonton branch, in which capacity he remained until june, , being then recalled to winnipeg to deputize for the assistant land commissioner during the latter's absence in france. what happened at moose factory during summer and fall, extracts from the post journal from entries by j. l. gaudet, post manager july st--our steamer, the "inenew," left this morning on her first trip to charlton island, taking the district staff to the island for the summer, as this is our summer distributing point. dr. stewart and rev. w. g. walton were passengers. july th--the steamer returned with a cargo for moose factory of charlton depot stock. the steamer returned to charlton with a load of lumber which i am shipping to the straits. july th--the steamer returned with her second cargo from charlton, and took another load of lumber for the strait posts. mr. johansen of the biological branch of the naval department of the canadian government, was a passenger on his way to fort george. mr. fred mcleod and family were also passengers on their way to woswonaby post. mr. mcleod is going there in the capacity of post manager. july st--mr. f. d. wilson arrived here to-day with two apprentice clerks, messrs. beveridge and findlay, both from aberdeen, scotland. aug. rd--mr. aurey, the government treaty paymaster, arrived here on his annual trip, paying treaty to the indians. mr. aurey is assisted by dr. baker. aug. th--mr. russell and family, mr. john louttit and family, arrived with the schooner "fort george." these gentlemen are on their way out to civilization. mr. russell was in charge of fort george post. aug. th--mr. romanet, general fur trade inspector, arrived here with mrs. romanet and two children. mr. romanet says he is here on an official visit from the fur trade commissioner's office. inspector phillips and sgt. joy, of the r.c.m. police, also arrived to-day. they are on their way to the belcher islands to investigate some eskimo murder case. aug. th--a large seaplane, "the caaz," with capt. maxwell as pilot and mr. doan as engineer, landed here this afternoon. this is the first flying machine to come to moose factory and was quite a sight for our indians. aug. th--the general inspector left on the schooner "fort george" for charlton island this morning at o'clock. a canoe carrying the ship's papers and two apprentice clerks, mr. gregory and mr. bremner, arrived at p.m., just a few hours late to catch the schooner which i was holding for that purpose, so i had to get busy and send off our hay-boat with this mail to charlton island. aug. rd--the seaplane landed here to-day on her second trip from remy lake, which is a few miles from cochrane, with two moving picture men, mr. blake and mr. tash. they claim that they are being sent by the ontario government to take pictures. aug. th--we had a visit from capt. mack to-day. he came with our schooner "fort charles" from charlton island, and states that they had a hard and trying trip coming through the straits. mr. and mrs. mayer were also passengers. mr. mayer is our worthy post manager at great whale river and is on his way out to civilization on a few months' leave. aug. th--the seaplane "caaz" brought us some newspapers from cochrane, dated aug. th, with the latest news. aug. st--we have at last managed to extinguish the bush fire which was started by the rev. mr. haythornthwaite on the th inst., after working day and night since it started. this will be quite a relief to the many families who are still camped across the river, as they were afraid to come back. sept. nd--our steamer "inenew" landed here to-day with our district manager, mr. rackham, mr. romanet, the general inspector, mr. griffith, manager of albany post, who is acting as private secretary to the general inspector, messrs. blake and tash, movie men, and the rev. mr. walton were passengers. the seaplane "caaz" also arrived from remy lake with mr. griffin, representing the toronto _star_, as passenger. sept. st--mr. a. nicolson and family arrived this evening from rupert's house, after a hard and trying trip around the coast. mr. nicolson has been in the employ of the hudson's bay company for forty years. it is with much regret that we see mr. nicolson severing his active services with the good old company. sept. rd--mr. and mrs. j. w. anderson and child landed here to-day after spending a few months' holiday in civilization. mr. anderson is on his way to his post, which is attawapiskat. oct. st--the steamer "inenew" landed here to-day with the district office staff and the balance of our outfit. this finishes our season's transport. oct. th--capt. g. r. redfearn, a. guibeau, engineer, inspector phillips, sgt. joy, mr. johansen and mr. sainsbury left this morning for clute. oct. th--hauled out the s.s. "inenew" to winter quarters and stored away the hauling gear. oct. th--packet canoes returned from the line to-day and by them received the first issue of our magazine, _the beaver_. oct. th--mr. g. r. ray, fur trade inspector, and mr. j. b. neil arrived here to-day at mid day. nov. th--the river is frozen over, and hardly any snow on the ground as yet. we are having fine weather.--j. l. gaudet, post manager. the ghost is foiled in lac seul's haunted room by r. o. otten it was christmas at lac seul post, that historic place, well known to men of the north. quite a number of the outpost managers had come in to spend christmas with the post manager and his family. the last to arrive was mr. r. he had travelled over miles by dog team and cariole to get there. after the hand-shaking was over, mr. m., the post manager, drew mr. r. aside and asked if he believed in ghosts. mr. r. laughed and said he didn't believe in any kind of spirits, except the kind they used to have at christmas in the old days, but wanted to know what the joke was. the post manager told him that he had only one room left vacant, and nobody had slept in that room for years as it was supposed to be haunted. the story was that on two different occasions at the usual christmas gathering of the outpost managers, there had been tragic endings to several guests who had occupied that room. both had died from having their throats cut from ear to ear--and no one had slept there since. mr. r. said he didn't believe in such nonsense as ghosts, and wanted to be shown to the room, as he wanted to get a shave and clean-up before dinner. he said any kind of a room would look good to him after sleeping in the snow for the past week. the post manager showed him to the room which was situated at the rear of the large dwelling house, away from the rest of the guests. mr. r. had just laid out his "glad rags" and was commencing to shave--he had the razor in his hand--when a feeling came over him that _he was not alone in the room_. looking into the mirror, he was horrified to see there the reflection of a horrible face peering over his shoulder. he felt his wrist grasped by a claw-like hand. his hand was being forced slowly up and up, towards his throat. mr. r. tried to call out for help, but he was powerless to utter a sound. the hand was still forcing the razor towards his victim's throat, then it started to draw it across. mr. r. gave himself up for lost, when he felt the grip on his wrist loosen and a baffled expression came over the horrible face. that ghost was up against modern science. _mr. r. was using a safety razor._ saskatchewan district office news congratulations would appear to be in order for mr. and mrs. armstrong, of fort a la corne post, and their daughter norah on the success attained by the latter at the recent st. alban's college (prince albert) term examinations. the following is a quotation from the local paper: "miss norah armstrong, the gold medalist of the year at st. alban's college, prince albert, holds an enviable record in the college. miss armstrong has been a student at st. alban's for the past four years, taking her grade diploma in . she was successful in passing her junior matriculation examination in june, and now holds the st. alban's scholarship to the university of saskatchewan. in addition to her marked progress in her studies, miss armstrong has found time to distinguish herself along athletic lines, having won the tennis cup in singles, and also with miss phyllis clarke in the doubles." "skippering a scow" on the athabasca (_continued from last number_) by n. a. howland [illustration] when the men in the scow realized their position they did not shout frenziedly for help. to them the most important business of the moment was to get a smoke. _they smoked while facing death_ the _frenzied_ people were all on shore. under the calming influence of tobacco, the wrecked crew surveyed the damage. the boat was intact though leaking a little. it was impossible for them to extricate themselves. even if any of them could swim, an attempt to make the shore would have proved fatal. they relied on us. their hope was founded on a rock as surely as their craft. _getting ready for the rescue_ it was not long ere some of the sixty odd men, at mr. cornwall's direction, on the island had run to the warehouse to get rope. fortunately being on the scene, he took matters in hand, and as soon as the necessary tackle had been brought, essayed to rescue the endangered crew. the only way that this could be done was to get a line aboard the scow and pull her off. the distance from shore was too great to permit of a rope being thrown, but there was a rock standing well out of the water about half way between, from which it might be possible to hurl a stick; so cornwall, taking a club in his hand to which was attached a long cord held by the men on shore, started to work his way out to the vantage point through the rock-studded stream, struggling from boulder to boulder, the swirling water gripping and tearing at his legs in an effort to sweep him away. _fighting the torrent_ to the tense crowd of men watching it seemed impossible that he could attain his object, but in spite of the great physical strain slowly and surely the figure--now waist deep in the current, now pulling himself up on to a rock, clinging always to the meagre support with a tenacity that the raging torrent could not break--reached its goal. _getting a line aboard the wreck_ a sense of relief came to those who watched, but not for long. he rested for a moment to recover his breath; then coolly gathering the small rope into a coil he made the first throw. a gasp went up from the crowd on shore. the distance was too great; the stick hit the water fully twenty feet short. again and again the attempt failed. sometimes the missile fell so close that the rope could almost be reached but they had no boat-hook aboard. the thrower could not stand up with good footing to do his work, but from a precarious position threw with arms alone. he rested, tired by his exertions. suddenly he gathered all his strength and at imminent hazard of hurling himself into the river sent the stick with unerring aim over its mark. _we pulled the scow off the rock_ a mighty cheer went up from all the watchers. it was but a moment's work to haul in the cable and make it fast to the end of the scow; every available man on shore found a place on the line, and pulled with might and main to the cry of "yo heave ho!" that she creaked in every seam and her square end was drawn bow-shaped under the strain on that fragile rope. pull as we might, our efforts to dislodge her were unavailing. something had to give, however. it was the line which parted with a snap, hurling us to the ground. a groan went up from those in danger, for in a moment they fell from the highest hope to the lowest depth of despair. they were in worse plight than before, but steadfastly the business of renewing communication with the scow proceeded without delay. cornwall's efforts were again crowned with success. little by little our task was accomplished and we were gratified to see the men who were in the water scramble aboard in great haste, as with a rousing cheer we let go the cable. _a tenderfoot spectator_ when we had first arrived at the head of the rapids the previous day, a little man with a large outfit was found encamped on the river bank unable to proceed any further, waiting for something or somebody to turn up. ten days had passed before help arrived. he had been brought hither by a gasoline engine and canoe, his only companions so far as is known being two spaniels. this gentleman styled himself a prospector ostensibly bound for fond-du-lac to investigate the silver strike there; but his proceedings and appearance belied the assertion, for if there were a man who should not have left the shelter of the paternal wings, it was he. the impression gained was that he was one of those helpless useless atoms of humanity that are misfits anywhere, but in the north, where one must be self-reliant, doubly out of place. he having arranged with mr. cornwall for a "lift" from there to fort mcmurray, lay all day on his bedding in the sand surrounded by his goods and chattels, playing with his dogs, bestirring himself only to take a photograph occasionally or get a bite to eat. _fondled his spaniels and looked on_ he was apparently oblivious to the tragedy being enacted within a hundred yards of him. this man called down upon himself the contempt and scorn of all men present by remaining inert, lazily fondling his spaniels whilst men's lives trembled in the balance. his hand upon the rope would not perhaps have helped much, but we should at least have known that he was a man. the sequel to his apathy was that next day he was deposited on the main land below the rapids and where it was intimated to him that his company was no longer desirable. _an all night mosquito raid_ whether fired by a spirit of recklessness by the events of the day, or whether the writer was too tired to return to his camp on the mainland with the men is of little consequence, but be it known that his mosquito-bar was there. needless to say, the mosquitoes were victorious. we needed no alarm clock that morning because the enemy forced me out of bed during the night to upbraid myself for a fool. not a wink of sleep for me as a result; however, we got an early breakfast out of it. _the tug "crester" wrecked_ my russians were making good progress removing the rails, the freight having been all portaged, and the scows run through the previous day were being drawn up to the island and reloaded. about o'clock captain barber started to run the tug "crester" through the rapids without steam, steering with auxiliary in case of accident. disaster dogged the footsteps of the railroad party apparently. nothing had gone well so far. the climax had arrived. those who were watching the river gave a shout. all eyes went to the rapid immediately; there was the "crester" shooting down through the roughest of the water well over on the land side, out of control. we learned later that her rudder had been smashed. we saw her take a few bad bumps from a distance of two hundred yards; then with a final heave she seemed to be lifted bodily and dashed on the rocks close inshore where she lay a wreck with her bottom stove in, broadside to the current with the waves breaking over her. [illustration] _the "crester" dismantled_ there were no casualties. with the aid of spars, the crew were easily able to make the land. it was the middle of the afternoon before it was possible for me to go over and see the tug. in the space of six hours the captain, engineer and boatmen had her completely dismantled and all her "innards" ashore, whilst preparations were being made to pull her off and float her down the rest of the way into the big eddy, where she could be patched up. (_to be continued_) moose island afire _clergyman's bonfire grows into conflagration, threatening h.b.c. post and natives' homes_ by geo. findlay, moose factory a journal extract, dated august th, , states briefly that: "the rev. mr. haythornthwaite while burning old tree stumps at the back of the mission allowed the fire to run on, thereby setting alight the adjoining bush." that day, a wednesday, was excessively hot, and, as the whole summer had been very warm, all the bush and undergrowth must have been perfectly dry. at o'clock in the afternoon the cry of "fire" went up, and from the southwest end of the island a big column of smoke began to darken the air, blowing in the direction of the post. for some minutes the natives stood gazing and then the realization that the island was afire broke upon them. something akin to panic set in. canoes were loaded. food, blankets and tents were thrown haphazardly into them, and they were swiftly paddled to the opposite bank of the river by the fear-stricken natives. imagine the scene: the river dotted with canoes, with their multicoloured loads; the roar of the ever-increasing fire, as it was fanned by a slight breeze, and the strange stillness that pervaded the post, which can be sensed only in a deserted place. the servants returned as soon as their families were safely "entrenched" on the other side of the river, and each with his axe hurried to the scene of the outbreak. in company with mr. gaudet, our post manager, i went to see the progress made by the fire. often we were compelled to change our route through the bush on account of the terrific heat and the choking, blinding smoke. in many places great patches of undergrowth were blazing quite a distance from the body of the fire, sparks having been blown ahead by the wind. the roar of the fire was deafening as it caught fresh trees, shooting great lurid tongues of flame up their entire thirty feet. darker and darker grew the air; the heat became fiercer; the fire advanced as if to satisfy its terrible hunger by enveloping the entire island in its scorching clutch; and as we walked back to the deserted post thoughts of having to abandon it ran through our minds. however the wind dropped, and the little band of fire fighters worked hard to accomplish their task. had the wind risen, the whole island would have been devastated. all that night, and the succeeding five days and nights, gangs of natives (who had by this time got over their fright) and servants watched the fire until it was successfully stamped out. [illustration: _assembly of indians who received h.b.c. long service medals at fort alexander_] [illustration: _robust sons of post manager w. a. murray, at fort alexander, manitoba_] winnipeg resolved _jan. , _ that new year's resolutions are not going out of fashion, as witnessed by the following answers to the query, "what is one of your new year's resolutions." _j. h. pearen_--to remain young that i may laugh with my children. to be considerate at all times of the aged and infirm or those in need of encouragement. _w. ogden_--to think more, talk less and to go through each day fully realizing that the opportunities which come to me lie in the present and not in the future. _thos. f. reith_, card-writer--that i try to emulate the well-known beaver and turn out heaps of b_right_ e_ffective_ a_rtistic_ v_igorous_ e_nterprising and_ r_eadable_ show cards, tickets and signs during , in which case i expect to "be-a-ver-"y busy card-writer. _geo. w. ashbrook_--it is my opinion that a new year's resolution, if sincere, should be confined to the individual's eye alone and not open to the gaze of the public. _s. kaufman_--one of my resolutions for is to endeavor to reduce my weight twenty pounds by applying myself assiduously to the royal sport of curling during the winter season and by strenuously playing tennis during leisure hours in the summer time. _miss d. bens_--to be true to my word, my work and my friends. to make all i can, to save all i can and give all i can. _j. w. frankish_--we are aiming at % efficiency in selling our merchandise. it should be sold on the same basis as we buy it. more attention by sales staff in introducing all the new merchandise as it enters the department. this is our intention in departments and for . _chas. healey_--do it now! this is my new year's resolution. it is so easy to put things off when just a little "pep," a little extra energy is needed. so much can be gained and greater satisfaction can be given to all. do it now! _a. c. dunbar_--i will increase my efficiency--(power to produce)--by studying, plus analyzing, plus determination, plus application, equals increased efficiency. _j. whalley_--that every business act of mine will be executed with the full belief that it is for the best interest of the firm. _saml. drennan_--to continue placing more confidence in the washboard than in the ouija board. _i. n. cognito_--not to engage any more handsome looking salesgirls, as those i now have are all engaged--and may get married. _w. r. ogston_--one of my resolutions for the new year will be to govern my actions, thought and speech towards my fellowmen by the well-known principle of "the golden rule" and to do my work in such a way that at the close of each day i may feel that i have accomplished something. winnipeg moustache club _semi-annual report_ just prior to the closing of the outfit ending january st, , a careful inventory discloses the following state of affairs. the showing is not entirely satisfactory, but it is felt that some progress is being made. _moustaches on hand_--none. _moustaches on upper lip_--twenty divided among the following "heads of stocks": messrs. frankish, goody, grant, moore (tailoring), lade, fuller, hughes, lackie, weeden, blowers, leveque, dickens, harrison, hardiman, keeley, chambers, duckneau, breitner, clark, pugsley (?). _new member_--mr. t. nichols. (greetings, brother). _under suspicion_--mr. c. m. thomas, mr. c. robinson, mr. robt. cunningham. _the club's national anthem_--"the bonnie bloomin' heather." _legend for club's new escutcheon_--"the weight of a hair will turn the scales."--_shakespeare._ _remarks_--all members and supporters are urged to consult mr. saalfeld re irregularities of growth observed from time to time. renovation for spring should be undertaken early. special rates to members for loan of hoover electric sweepers. use of garden rakes or weeders will result in suspension from club privileges. special attention is called to the alarming recurrence of the grasshopper plague prophesied for june and july. [illustration: do you remember this remarkable aggregation? this is the formidable h.b.c. football team, season - . _from left to right_--madill, jones, medland, isaacs, everitt, paul, brodie, dyde, foulks, sheldon, campbell, mr. a. h. doc, law, smith, allan.] managers' social dramatic affair as merry a company as ever graced a festal board met at the store buyers', managers' and assistants' social in the lunchroom, thursday evening, january sixth. the highly edible and diversified "wittles" were disposed of with a display of "wim" and "wigor" which did justice to all traditions. entire arrangements for the occasion were undertaken by the ladies, and the zest with which the entertainment proceeded brought down the applause of the whole assembly. speech, anecdote, jest, song and a three-act drama, starring the celebrated tragedian, samuel drennan, were features of an altogether enjoyable and profitable evening. are we per cent efficient? by r. j. hughes i wonder how many of us could answer the question at the head of this article truthfully without a considerable amount of self-study, and if we did stop and analyze ourselves would we find that we could say, "yes, i am per cent. efficient." now, let us consider for a minute what "efficient" really means. turning to your dictionary, you will find the definition, "capable of producing the desired results." are we really prepared to say "yes, i am capable of producing the desired results." if you can't, you are not per cent. efficient and must find the reason why. it does not matter what position you hold or what the nature of your work is, if you are efficient, advancement is bound to be waiting. in a recent issue of _the beaver_ was a copy of what was called "a man-rating chart" and a statement that stores' staff promotions are governed by efficiency. study this chart and see how many points you can honestly claim to have mastered. whatever you do, don't go round like some people saying, "i am per cent. efficient." if you really are, the management will soon notice it and promotion will come your way. next month i will tell you what an important part memory takes in efficiency. y-o-u! _what's the matter with you, anyway?_ by elmer pugsley there are two ways, 'tis said, by which to get into "society"--either by flattering or shocking it. but though the writer had the honeyed tongue of the anteater, this is no time to coddle and soothe you with some linseed-poultice sort of caressing lullaby. it's new year's and i am deliberately setting out to fire up your "dander." of course, you may be able to prove an alibi, but, otherwise, if these few plodding lines succeed in making you really boiling, red-hot "mad"--(not just angry, you understand)--that will be the best proof that you're still conscious--and there's hope for you. we shudder when we read of "so and so" being picked up unconscious, but i could pick up numbers of people in that pitiable predicament any day--people who somehow got into the business world, strange to say. you stand at the outset of a new year. scientists think there have been living beings on this old planet for , of those time-measures we call years--but there is _only one_ you can be sure of--that's _this_ year. it's a wonder you didn't think of that without being told! glance back over the old year's glimmering trail now fading into whatever such things fade into. it is strewed with regrets and wasted opportunities that slipped through your careless fingers! aren't you ashamed? what's the matter with you anyway? don't you care much? aren't you interested in the big proposition called "life", more than just enough to watch the procession of progressive mortals passing? you'll never keep up with them if you don't pad right along! wouldn't you like to strike out for a real goal, eh? you have the stuff in you if you'd just shake yourself a little to rouse your rusting gifts. don't turn over the key to the bailiff just because you weren't born under a favorable sign in the zodiac. even if your teacup doesn't read right--pshaw! you wouldn't let a thing like that spoil your future! never mind if the bumps on your head are in the wrong place; jump into the scuffle and you'll receive any other bumps you need before you're through. a chap is said to have advertised his brains for sale the other day--"good as new--never been used." he never served in the hudson's bay, that fellow. no, sir! * * * * * the very air is surcharged with pleas to you to launch out and distinguish yourself. self advancement is the theme of the age. no one can do as much for you as you can do for yourself. you're a regular "powerhouse" of possibilities if you have enough gumption to utilize them. you remember you turned down a smashing good chance to get ahead, when, for the sake of a few paltry frivolities, you sacrificed that special study course which you could have mastered in . you know better than that. you saunter along through life as if you had a thousand years to put in here. train the microscope on your freckled career and set about to remedy things. come now, get hold of yourself! it's all beginning over again--new year--new page--new everything! tackle something that's so much bigger than you that it scares you! that's the way to grow accustomed to accomplishing big things. this is _your_ year! how do you know that you're going to have another as good? make this your motto--pin it to your new year's resolutions--"this is _my_ year!"--and in sooth it _will_ be your year! miss mccheyne's name was inadvertently omitted from the formerly published list of names of those completing ten years' service. since the change in markets miss winslow, our postmistress-in-general, is worried for fear someone is going to tear in one of these days and ask what the new replacement price is on two cent postage stamps. someone turns in an unsigned report about the prevalence of "sparklers" getting hard on the eyes around the bureau of adjustment. first snowshoe tramp by land staff eighteen members of the land department staff snowshoed out to the home of mr. b. everitt, our genial associate editor, at east kildonan, saturday evening, december th. the party gathered at redwood bridge and tramped north by way of red river. about half way it was found necessary to call a halt owing to the guide being missing. his rejuvenated appearance upon eventually overtaking the main party led to some doubt as to the generally accepted meaning of "air holes," which were reported to be the cause of the delay. while there was not sufficient snow to make real good tramping, what was lacking in this respect was more than compensated for by the enjoyable time provided by the host and hostess at the conclusion of the hike. here games and dancing were indulged in until midnight, when the party was brought to an end with the singing of "auld lang syne."--_f.h.n._ _an error rectified_ as some error in the names of the long service medalists had been made at the opening of the anniversary celebration, our general manager's office was the scene the other day of a pleasant little ceremony when mr. chas. e. robinson was made the recipient of his long service medal. it was presented by sir augustus nanton, chairman of the canadian advisory committee, mr. fitzgerald and mr. sparling being also present. "charlie" has been with the store since june , , and is one of the bulwarks. mr. james thomson, former commissioner of lands and furs, was warmly welcomed home at winnipeg, december rd, after an absence of several months in the orkney's and scotland. edmonton land office [illustration: _our photograph shows mr. j. r. mcintosh, h.b.c. land agent in charge of the edmonton land office, with his secretary and mr. henderson (standing). mr. mcintosh and staff who are actively associated with the company's housing scheme, operate from these modern offices in the mcleod building._] retail store notes recent changes among store's department heads changes never seem to come singly, for since the first appearance of _the beaver_ no less than five important executive appointments have been made in the store; and another is scheduled for the very near future. * * * * * mr. chasey, the new buyer for the men's clothing departments, and miss m. doherty, the new buyer for the hosiery and gloves, are now firmly established on their feet and are making noteworthy progress. * * * * * we now welcome to our ranks three more recent arrivals: * * * * * mr. pallett is another easterner who has heard the call of the west. mr. pallett succeeds mr. jenkins as buyer of the trimmings and ribbons. he was previously with the t. eaton company for several years. mr. pallett is very favorably impressed with the city of edmonton and predicts a great future for the store. mr. secord is the new buyer of the ladies' ready-to-wear, and successor to mr. woodman. mr. secord was previously with the robert simpson co., of toronto, nine years buyer of the ladies' ready-to-wear and fur department. since coming to the store, mr. secord has won the esteem of the entire staff and we predict a rosy future for the department under his supervision. mr. j. mcleod has succeeded mr. mckee as buyer of the cigar and candy departments. mr. mcleod was recently floor manager on the second floor and was previously manager of the grocery department, hudson's bay company, retail, vernon, b.c. hail to our new assistant "chief" this new appointment was effective on december th, . besides holding the position of assistant manager, mr. mckenzie will also act in the capacity of merchandise manager, thereby relieving mr. f. f. harker of a big burden. mr. harker has for the past twelve months acted in the dual capacity of manager of the store as well as merchandise manager. mr. g. m. mckenzie was born in edinburgh, scotland, serving his apprenticeship in the dry goods and men's wear business. in he came to canada and joined the firm of jaeger & company, subsequently holding the position of stores manager and supervisor of the factory in montreal. in mr. mckenzie heard the call of his country and proceeded to the front, serving with his majesty's forces in france until march, . upon returning to canada he accepted a position with the r. j. tooke company as general manager of the retail stores in montreal. his recent appointment as assistant manager of the edmonton store will fill a long felt want. * * * * * [illustration: _mr. p. a. stone, president of the amusement and athletic association, which has grown to embrace a dozen varied athletic and social activities since its inauguration in september, ._] * * * * * mrs. lewis recently rejoined the staff after an absence of two years. she is in charge of the lace and neckwear department. we are glad to welcome her back. miss law is also an old member of the staff who has recently come back to the store. during her absence she was with the company's store at calgary. she is resuming her duties here in the ribbon department. miss mcadam, who has been in the company's service for the past seven years, has left us for the coast. miss mcadam was a very popular member of the staff and we regret exceedingly to lose her. mr. howey, of the men's furnishings department, is an expert hockey player. we have no doubt he will be a valuable acquisition to the store's team. mr. c. stapells, house furnishings buyer, and mr. hewes are very busy these days supervising the draperies and furnishings for the palatial new empire theatre. we have heard that a certain young lady on the third floor has lost her heart and is going to sign a life contract in the very near future. the a. and a. a. concert reveals real artists another of those very enjoyable concerts which are staged periodically through the winter months by the amusement and athletic association, was held in the "hudsonia" dining room on thursday evening, december nd, at which about members and their friends were present. the association was again fortunate in hearing mr. r. l. bateman, who rendered "she is far from the land" and, in response to a hearty encore, "for you alone" was all that could be desired. miss kate hamilton sang "bird songs" in which her beautiful voice was heard to very great advantage. mrs. roy carbert sang tosti's "good bye," and as an encore, "angus macdonald." mr. bert crockett sang "there's life in the old dog yet," which was very much appreciated, he being vociferously encored. all the other artists are members of the staff and their songs were all rendered in admirable style. one exceptionally pleasing number was the duet, "tenor and baritone," mr. t. a. crockett's tenor and mr. digney's baritone voices blending in perfect harmony. miss edna southen and miss k. riddle were two excellent sopranos, whilst miss w. e. crowther's sweet contralto voice has never been heard to greater advantage. mr. t. a. crockett and mr. george saunders have fine tenor voices, whilst mr. g. robert's deep bass was used with effect in "out on the deep." mr. c. digney was splendid in "captain mack" and later his rendering of "my old shako" was perfect. miss moore acted as accompanist throughout and in addition gave a duet in company, with her sister. one cannot speak too highly of miss moore's assistance, as she is always ready and willing to help in any way that will add to the enjoyment of the staff, whether it be as accompanist or soloist. mr. p. a. stone, president of the amusement and athletic association, acted as chairman. community singing is getting results community singing for the staff, which was inaugurated at the edmonton store, november st, , is reported to be an unqualified success. the staff arrive at . a.m. and sing usually two songs before . a.m. bell sounds, when the covers are removed preparatory to the day's business. the initiative was taken by the amusement and athletic association. the fact that it is still retaining the original interest proves that the all-important co-operation has been obtained; hence the success. whilst it is impossible yet to gauge the full extent of the benefits derived from community singing, it may be said that the early morning "grouch" is dissipated, and that alone makes it worth while, as it leaves the staff in a happier frame of mind. this cannot but conduce to the betterment of the service afforded to customers. from community singing to a trained choir is but a step, since even the untrained singer gradually falls into and holds the time and rhythm of the piece being sung, so that from an untrained band of voices a perfectly functioning choir is created. this is the aim of the edmonton amusement and athletic association, and with a continuance of the staff's co-operation that end will be attained. the ad. man's destiny mr. jack prest was going home one night in the street car. it was late, and the man sitting next to him began to talk. "what business are you in?" he asked. "the advertising business," replied jack. "is that so? well, well, i used to be in the advertising business myself. i gave it up though and went into the rag-and-old-bottle business. i was a sandwich man for the empire theatre for six months." "say," and he leaned over confidentially, "ain't it hard when the wind blows?" calgary the rank and file by f. r. reeve the newspapers recently had much to say concerning the remarkable honors paid in england and france to the bodies of two unknown soldiers who fell on the battlefields. it was a nation's whole-hearted recognition of the fact that victory was after all due to the efforts and self-sacrifice of the rank and file. in the scheme of life each one of us has a definite sphere to fill. lest those who now constitute the rank and file in the service of the company should be inclined to regard their positions with something of dissatisfaction, as being of no importance, i would have them take a lesson from the honors paid to these two unknown soldiers. upon those who constitute the front rank, those who come in contact with the public, the whole success of this great company depends. behind you it is true, stretches a long line that reaches back from the junior buyer, through to the governor himself, but the work accomplished by this wonderful organization does not reach its greatest success except through your co-operation. the transaction between a customer and salesperson is not just so much money changing hands for a certain article. it represents the crowning success of a long series of operations, that, through your hands as the h.b.c. representative, reaches the goal for which it was intended, an appreciative buying public. upon the conduct of the rank and file--upon the impressions that are derived from your personality--is this company judged. the courtesy, helpfulness and efficiency that are displayed by you are the greatest assets this company has. to know and to realize that no matter what your position in the service of the company may be, that the company is absolutely depending on your efforts will be to create in you a greater desire for helpfulness and efficiency which cannot fail to mean greater success for yourself and company too. vancouver _everybody boost for our hockey team_ it has been asked of the editor why there were not more attending the hockey games last winter, and why the h.b.c. employees were very backward in supporting their own team, being especially conspicuous by their absence. we've a dandy team this year, folks, and the boys sure would like some "rooters." come along and bring your friends and the horn off the old ford. help the team make a name for themselves in the commercial league. the following are the names of our players: _w. e. almas (capt.)_ _e. herbert_ _p. timmins_ _chub anderson_ _r. m. mair_ _j. gilroy_ _j.c. hamm_ _j. mcdonald_ _j. d. barber_ _c. boe_ * * * * * we were very grieved to hear on december th of the death of mr. patterson, husband of mrs. w. patterson, cashier in our children's shoe department. * * * * * we are also bereaved of one of our old employees, mr. james hallisy, who passed away at his home on december th. the deceased was on our night staff, and had been in the company's employ since . * * * * * the army and navy league hall again witnessed a popular h.b.c. dance. approximately attended and tripped the light fantastic to the strains of garden's orchestra. mr. skelly, chairman, and his competent committee had charge of the affair, which was carried off without a hitch to a very successful ending. _mr. lockyer elected president of vancouver exhibition association_ holding their first meeting since taking office, the directors of the vancouver exhibition association on dec. th elected mr. h. t. lockyer, manager of the hudson's bay company, vancouver retail store, as president for the ensuing year.--_vancouver province._ * * * * * mr. w. w. frazer, the popular buyer for china and glass, left for europe in the interests of his section, early this month. many laudatory remarks were overheard by eastern and american tourists anent his last collection of lovely china. mr. frazer apparently knows where to get them. "where do they get all these pretty patterns--there's not an ugly one among them"--exclaimed a lady from ottawa recently, and went on to say she had never seen a better display in new york, montreal or toronto. but that's mr. frazer's secret. we wish him bon voyage and the best of luck this time. * * * * * miss a. k. smith, too, buyer of notions, neckwear, laces, trimmings, hankies and fancy jewellery, has been chosen for a trip abroad after the airy fairy "nothings"--"the stuff that dreams are made of"--that are so dear to feminine hearts. her return from europe ladened with spoils will be looked forward to with interest by her constituency in vancouver. you may be sure miss smith will not overlook any of the cute or smart little knick-knacks that are being shown in the marts over there, and we shall all have an opportunity to be more than ever up-to-date on her return. vancouver is to be congratulated on having two buyers in whom the company has so much faith and confidence as to entrust with this important foreign buying. _the tell-tale inventory_ a vancouver bailiff went out to levy on the contents of a house. the inventory began in the attic and ended in the cellar. when the dining-room was reached the tally of furniture ran thus: _one dining room table, oak._ _one set of chairs ( ), oak._ _one sideboard, oak._ _two bottles of whiskey, (full)!_ then the word "full" was stricken over and replaced by "empty" and the inventory went on in a hand that struggled and lurched across the page, until it closed with: "_one revolving door mat._" _mr. greer gets a regular shower of good things_ by e. bell of the recent year end festivities enjoyed by hudson's bay employees perhaps none had more of the _vivres_ and relish of the days of real sport than the banquet tendered mr. greer by his staff in the display department. this event took place in the barron hotel to begin with and ended at a box party to the opera to witness the "dance shop." the menu of the dinner, which was enjoyed both wisely and well, gives some of the unlucky individuals who were not invited an appetizer even to read: _greer soup_ _goose a la greer_ _oyster cocktail, y.m.c.a._ _celery a la celestial citizen_ _brussels sprouts a la lulu island_ _fried sweet potatoes, brunette_ _hot toasted rolls, blonde_ _combination salad a la display_ _french pastry translated cake, devilled_ _creme de chaufroid cafe d'hots d'el_ (_n.b.--s.o.s. calgary. m. laparique, please note. can you beat it?_) having done full justice to these delectable viands the innocent occasion of so much mirth was next trotted to the opera, where his friends had taken the precaution to present him with a lorgnette or opera glass, we forget which. (anyway it was not a monocle.) notwithstanding, to the everlasting credit of the display department, they all turned up next morning on time and in the best of spirits. _old-time employees visit the store_ among the guests of the store last month were mr. and mrs. alexander j. baird, both old-time employees of the company, who devoted a number of years of faithful service in the old store and two or three years in the new store. mr. baird was secretary to the general manager, mr. lockyer. in , he went to honolulu for a new field to conquer. he was there but a little while before he sent for his fiancee, miss beck, then the general manager's stenographer. as soon as she arrived in honolulu they were married. being accustomed to speculating and used to seeing money made out of land, mr. baird (in face of much opposition) bought a piece of land and built three cottages thereon--an investment which proved a good one and a money maker. kamloops h.b.c. kamloops store dates back to _location has changed several times to keep pace with growth of city_ by a.e. dodman the company's store at kamloops dates back to the year and it is therefore one of the oldest establishments at present existing in the stores department. the original location was some distance from the present store site, as, like all western towns, the business centre has changed several times, and the company found it necessary to change from time to time in order to keep pace with the natural growth of the city. the present premises were purchased and remodelled by the company in , and have a frontage of feet on victoria street, extending feet on second avenue with two entrances on victoria and one on second avenue. the building consists of two stories and basement. in addition the company also operates a wholesale and retail tobacco and candy business on rented premises situated at the corner of victoria street and third avenue. the business at kamloops comprises eight departments--general dry goods, ladies' wear, men's furnishings, boots and shoes, crockery and hardware, house furnishing, groceries and tobaccos. miss brooke, of the grocery staff, resigned her position with the company and was married on january st, . she was presented with a travelling bag by the staff. we wish her all kinds of joy and happiness in her new venture. she was a real "good fellow" and will be greatly missed by us. miss muir has accepted the position made vacant by miss brooke of the grocery department. we wish miss muir every success. miss cozens says she was never "locked out" in her life, but she experienced the feeling of being "locked in." she says "never again." the staff presented mr. a.e. dodman, our store manager, and mrs. dodman with a christmas gift of a very handsome tea set with best wishes. * * * * * a rumour is heard to the effect that mr. mcdonald, the accountant, has become an expert dancer, and has accepted an invitation to teach three ladies the fine points in dancing. nice for mac, but kind of tough on the ladies. * * * * * after a very busy and most successful christmas trade the staff have settled down for the most successful january sale we have ever had. vernon _entire staff a santa claus to mr. pout, xmas_ on christmas eve, at the close of the biggest day in the history of the vernon store, the staff gathered for a few minutes to extend good wishes and exchange tokens of friendship. at the conclusion, mr. pout was captured when trying to tip-toe off, set securely within the smiling circle, and compelled to listen to the following effusion which tom bone, the store poet, says he did not compose. it is now being blamed on jack ricketts, and so far jack hasn't denied it. _our dear respected mister pout we guess you guess what we're about; if not, you won't be long in doubt, but get the sense, so we shall quickly put to rout your dread suspense._ _it's christmas time, as you well know, and we have gathered here to show that years may come and years may go, with rush and zest, but our good feelings far outgrow this timely test?_ _it gives us joy to give to you this coffee service, bright and new, and wish that all things good and true that hope conjures, may travel all the next year through with you and yours._ mr. pout was too full for words (_honi soit qui mal y pense_), but he managed to express his hearty thanks for the splendid support and co-operation he had received from the entire staff during the christmas rush, also for the kind thought which prompted the giving of such a beautiful gift. the coffee pot was one of those long narrow "prohibition" coffee pots that you are unable to tell what is inside of until you taste the contents. tom harrison struck up "he's a jolly good fellow." "arry" thought it was "auld lang syne" and started off on his own, while james henderson, in an endeavour to put them both right, commenced "will you no come back again." when the company broke up, those three were still at it, and nobody could tell which was winning.--_r.w._ * * * * * miss cridland, treasurer of our sisters' sewing circle, has been absent from the meeting several week. we were surprised to see her at the last meeting. she says her absence has been due to the fact that she had to attend "prayer meetings." we have since learned that a certain young man's "tin lizzie" is being overhauled. may it take all winter--so gladys will be at every meeting. * * * * * miss phillys ripley, the girl with the sparkling eyes, assisted for several weeks in the hardware department but is back once again at her old stand tying bows for the kiddies. her eyes still sparkle and there are many beaus waiting for her to cast her spell on one of them so that two may be tied into one bow. "wonderful how popular some men are," said watson, when he heard what happened christmas eve. the girls in the dry goods department placed mistletoe on the light over mr. andrews' desk--and not one missed him, even mabel had hers. nuff sed. mr. tom bone, assistant manager of the grocery department, the staff poet, has changed his vocation and now spends his evenings making musical instruments. we wonder if it will be jazz or operatic music. we are glad to learn that mrs. griffin, wife of c. griffin of the men's department, is home once again after being confined to the hospital several weeks with typhoid fever. we all wish her a speedy recovery. vernon, gem of the okanagan --_and the h.b.c. store, one of its institutions_ thirty years ago, there were only two stores in vernon, the hudson's bay company and w.f. cameron, both firms carrying a general line of merchandise. the only other stores in the okanagan valley, at this period, were one at enderby, landsdowne, okanagan mission and penticton, so that these stores supplied the necessities of life practically to the whole of the okanagan valley, reaching from sicamous to fifty miles beyond penticton and from grand prairie to the white valley district. the towns of armstrong and kelowna, at this period, were not in existence. travelling in the early days was by stage and boat in summer, the boat running from sicamous to enderby, thence by stage to vernon, and the only method of travelling in winter was by stage or pack horse. mail, also, was received by these means of transportation. the great bulk of trading, at that time, was done with victoria, which was a greater commercial centre than vancouver. all merchandise from the coast was carried by freight trains to sicamous, transferred there to a small steamer as far as enderby and thence by wagon to vernon. business conditions and the manner of trading in the early days were entirely different to the present day method. there were no banks in the valley, all banking being done through vancouver, cheques often passing around as currency and would have as many as a dozen endorsations before reaching the bank. yearly credit was the system of trading. farmers, ranchers, trappers and indians paid their accounts once a year after they had received money for their crops and catch of furs; the amusing feature in regard to the credit in these days being that the average customer would ask of his account, simply looking at the total and settling up without checking up. considerable business was done in the bulk, tea sold by the chest, flour and sugar by the ton, and other commodities in similar large quantities. thirty years ago the valley was passing through a stage of transition from stock-raising to wheat producing. r. p. rithet & co. of victoria controlled a large flour mill at enderby, where all the wheat of the district was taken and milled. wheat then sold as low as $ . per ton at the mill, the farmer doing his own hauling. a few years later $ . per ton was considered a wonderful price. during the period under review, very little fruit was grown and it was not until that the growing of fruit was given any serious thought. at that time, lord aberdeen purchased the land now known as the coldstream ranch and started fruit growing on a fairly large scale, the land being purchased from forbes g. vernon. after him the city of vernon was named. he was, at that time, member for the okanagan valley, also minister of labor and works. at this period the population of vernon was about and, generally speaking, were considered prosperous. a mr. gray of nicola was the largest cattle buyer and a general round-up of cattle was made twice a year, when he would make his purchase from the ranchers and drive the cattle out to the coast or prairie markets. (_to be continued_) [illustration: beaver chips] _the secret of success_ in the fall a methodist minister came into the edmonton exhibition offices and inquired where he could purchase a good, reliable horse. he was directed to r. b. hill's stables, where, after a judicious amount of deliberation, he decided on a horse which suited his fancy and pocket, and took him home. two days afterwards he came back to mr. hill and stated that the horse was blind, and within the rules as prescribed by the methodist church he told mr. hill just what he thought of the deal, and asked him why he had not been informed that the horse was blind, before purchasing him. mr. hill very modestly replied that he had not thought he should tell him, as the man from whom he got the horse in the first place had said nothing about this defect, and he thought it was a secret!! _no wonder_ editor--"we are sorry to lose your subscription, mr. jackson. what's the matter? don't you like our politics?" mistah jackson--"t'aint dat, sah; t'aint dat. mah wife jes' been an' landed a job o' work for me by advertisin' in youh darned ole papah." _didn't need to_ a young irishman recently applied for a job as life-saver at the municipal baths. as he was about six feet six inches high and well built, the chief life-saver gave him an application blank to fill out. "by the way," said the chief life-saver, "can you swim?" "no," replied the applicant; "but i can wade like blazes!" _he got the job_ police commissioner--"if you were ordered to disperse a mob what would you do?" applicant--"pass around the hat." p.c.--"you'll do." _two strings to her beau_ he--"if you could only have two wishes come true, what would you wish for?" she (frankly)--"well, i'd wish for a husband." he--"that's the only one." she--"i'd save the other wish until i saw how he turned out." _well! well!_ "i say, who was here with you last night?" "only myrtle, father." "well, tell myrtle that she left her pipe on piano." _fifty-fifty_ a man from toronto reported that an african resident of that city did a rattling business in rabbit sausages, until some of his customers began to question the quality of the goods. a committee waited on the merchant, and asked him if any meat other than that of rabbits went into the sausages. he reluctantly admitted that there was another meat in them, and when pressed further said that the dilution was by means of horse meat. the chairman of the committee then asked him the proportion of the two ingredients, and he said fifty-fifty. the committee started to withdraw when a heretofore silent member raised the question as to what the merchant meant by "fifty-fifty." "why, boss, by fifty-fifty ah means one rabbit and one hawss." _all engaged_ an irishman who had lately come over was sent to call a taxi. in about half an hour he returned and reported as follows: "some wan be the name of hire has the most of thim ingaged, and the only wans he didn't have some wan else had." _slim, slimmer, slimmest_ last week we read of a firm--manufacturers of petticoats--which went into bankruptcy. they stated in explanation that women, in the shrinking process of appearing taper, had ceased wearing 'em. to-day we notice the advertisement of a ladies' tailor: "suits made to order, with or without material." without material? gad zooks! we cut out that ad and burned it lest our wife should find it. _some ditty_ there was a young man from the city, who met what he thought was a kitty; he gave it a pat and said, "nice little cat!" and they buried his clothes out of pity. _vaccination problem_ classical dancer--"doctor, i want to be vaccinated somewhere where it won't show." doctor--"well, miss, i'm afraid i will have to vaccinate internally." _the safety vent_ "a friend of mine fell asleep in the bathtub with the water running." "did the tub overflow?" "nope; luckily he sleeps with his mouth open." [illustration: the smoking tobacco of yesterday, to-day and tomorrow] h.b.c. imperial mixture "_canada's national smoke_" _the tin with the humidor top_ [illustration: --_obtainable in / , / , / and lb. tins at good dealers everywhere_] * * * * * transcriber's notes: obvious unintentional spelling (canadian english) & punctuation errors repaired. vol. i july, no. _the beaver a journal of progress_ [illustration: an h.b.c. fur brigade] _devoted to the interests of those who serve the hudson's bay company_ the "lords of the north" in annual conclave _commissioned officers of h.b.c. met in grand councils to formulate annual plans for administration of vast fur districts; a typical meeting in _ by j. brown "lords of the north" was the appellation sometimes applied to those intrepid factors and chief factors of h.b.c. who for many years gathered in annual conclave at some central fort to arrange for the administration and provisioning of the great fur-trade districts. norway house, fort carlton on the saskatchewan, fort garry on the red and the "stone fort" were successively the meeting places of these ancient councils. when the season's furs had been gathered and stoutly baled and marked with the cryptic signs which destined them for the far-away auction mart at london--when the shouting, chanting fur brigades of the north went swinging away down roaring watercourses to meet the sailing ships on the great bay--just at this time the bearded chieftains of the inland districts mobilized their voluminous accounts, dried their goose quill pens and shot away in swift birchbarks to the grand council. some of these officers travelled a thousand miles; others, at more southerly stations had not far to go. but in any case their only carriers were the canoe, the york boat, the plodding oxen or the pony of the plains. the council was not usually complete until early july. then the grizzled veterans of the fur service sat down to "talk musquash" under the chairmanship of the chief commissioner, and in the space of a fortnight had deliberated upon the commerce and government of a wilderness empire and promulgated the specific orders that would control the victualing, the supply and the trade, the commercial, civic, industrial and religious life of the vast unplotted north country for another year. weighty problems of transport were solved at these historic meetings, so that the chain of h.b.c. communication might be unbroken; mail packets, freight and furs traversed the forest leagues and the expanse of mountain and prairie under "timetables" placed in effect by this council. and rare indeed was there instanced the loss of a package of merchandise or pelts--or even a letter--notwithstanding the extraordinary difficulties of travel, the storm and stress of climate. some idea of the plan under which the grand council operated may be conveyed by the following extracts from the minutes of a typical meeting of the factors and chief factors held at fort carlton, beginning the first of july, : minutes of council, memoranda having reference to a meeting at carlton called by the chief commissioner for the purpose of receiving advice and information regarding the trade and requirements of the several districts in northern department from the officers in charge of the same commencing on the st day of july, , at which the undermentioned qualified commissioned officers were present by request: richard hardisty, chief factor. lawrence clarke, chief factor. the following factors, chief trader and junior chief trader were also invited to attend: archibald mcdonald, factor. horace belanger, factor. wm. mckay, "c", factor. james mcdougall, chief trader. j. ogden grahame, junior chief factor. _article _--that the appointments of commissioned officers for the current outfit be as follows, viz.: mckenzie river--julian s. camsell, factor; john wilson, junior chief trader; charles f. gaudet, chief trader. peace river--james mcdougall, chief trader; alexr. mackenzie, "a" junior trader. athabasca--rodk. mcfarlane, chief factor: henry j. moberly, chief trader; john mcaulay, junior chief trader; william f. gairdner, junior chief trader. english river--ewen mcdonald, chief trader. edmonton--richard hardisty, chief factor. saskatchewan--lawrence clarke, chief factor; wm. mckay, "c" factor. cumberland--horace belanger, factor; pierre deschambeault, senior chief trader. [illustration: _an h.b.c. fur trade council at one of the north-central forts during the later years of the nineteenth century. the artist has here caught much of the facial likeness of such commissioned officers as mcdougall, camsell, mckay, mcdonald, livock and king, who were all present at the last council of the company's fur trade officers, held at athabasca landing, july, ._] grand rapids--alexander matheson, chief trader. norway house--roderick ross, factor. island lake--cuthbert sinclair, junior chief trader. york factory--joseph fortescue, factor. swan river--archibald mcdonald, factor; william j. mclean, junior chief trader. manitoba--wm. clarke, junior chief trader. red river--john h. mctavish, chief factor; wm. flett, chief trader; joseph j. hargrave, junior chief trader; duncan matheson, junior chief trader; alexr. christie, junior chief trader. lac la pluie--alexr. r. lillie, chief trader; james b. mckenzie, "a" junior chief trader. general service--george s. mctavish, inspt. chief factor; j. ogden grahame, junior chief trader. _article _--winter arrangements, - _english river_ isle a la crosse--ewen mcdonald, chief trader; walter b. west, apprentice clerk; francois maurice, clerk. portage la loche--nicol sinclair, clerk; pierre laliberte, clerk. green lake--scott w. simpson, clerk. outpost--charles lafleur, interpreter. disposable--fredk. s. church, apprentice clerk. _article _--that servants, including tradesmen and interpreters, and about pieces of goods including winter allowances and servants' equipments constitute the current outfit of english river district, the goods to be conveyed inland via carlton and green lake. _article _--that the appointments of clerks and postmasters, summer , be made by chief trader ewen mcdonald as he may deem expedient and that he be directed to superintend the transport of outfits and returns of a. & r. districts between green lake and portage la loche. _article _--that the country-made articles for english river district for outfit be provided at fort garry, summer . _article _--winter arrangements, - . _edmonton_ edmonton house--richard hardisty, chief factor; john sinclair, clerk; frank wilson, clerk; wm. leslie wood, clerk. lac ste. anns--james kirkness, clerk. victoria--wm. r. brereton, clerk. bow river--angus fraser, interpreter. white fish lake--joseph nooskeyah, clerk. lesser slave lake--harrison s. young, clerk; charles anderson, interpreter. lac la biche--wm. e. traill, clerk. disposable--joseph favel, pilot. _article _--that engaged and temporary servants with about pieces of goods including winter allowances and servants' equipments constitute the current outfit for the edmonton district, the goods to be conveyed from fort garry by steamers. _article _--that chief factor richard hardisty be instructed to assist saskatchewan district with country produce required for general service as far as his means will admit. _article _--that chief factor hardisty be authorized to make the necessary and proper arrangements for the summer business of the district, , and to change the appointments of the clerks if he deem it necessary. _article _--that chief factor hardisty be instructed to be prepared to forward to lesser slave lake from to pieces of goods intended for the peace river and athabasca outfit, , as early as possible after the same shall have reached edmonton and that he superintend the transport between edmonton and smoky river. _article _--that the following country produce be forwarded to lesser slave lake from edmonton for the transport service between that point and smoky river: bags flour. bags pemmican, each pounds. whole buffalo skins. _article _--that the following supplies for new caledonia outfit be forwarded from edmonton to peace river for delivery at hudson's hope on or before the th september, : whole buffalo skins. lbs. common pemmican. lbs. sinews. _article _--that the country-made articles required for the trade of edmonton district for outfit be provided at fort garry, summer . _article _--winter arrangements, - _saskatchewan_ carlton house--l. clarke, chief factor; george mccrum, clerk; jas. k. simpson, clerk; angus mckay, apprentice clerk. fort pitt--wm. mckay, "c" factor. cold lake--wm. mckay, "j" clerk. turtle lake--daniel villebrun, interpreter. battleford--august h. bastien, postmaster. prince albert--philip turner, clerk; colin mcintyre, apprentice clerk. fort a la corne--george goodfellow, clerk. _article _--that chief factor lawrence clarke be authorized to make the necessary and proper arrangements for the summer business of the district season , including the forwarding of the outfit for the districts north of carlton and that he change the appointments of clerks in his district as he may deem necessary. _article _--that the following country produce be deposited at cumberland house in the spring of for the use of passing brigades and for the trade of that district: bags common pemmican. whole dressed buffalo skins. large dressed moose skins. leather tents, each skins. _article _--that the following country produce be forwarded to green lake, autumn , or spring of , for transport service in english river district, season , viz: bags common pemmican, each lbs. whole dressed buffalo skins. large dressed moose skins. leather tents, each skins. _article _--that the following country produce be furnished by the saskatchewan district, season , for distribution , among the districts of norway house, york factory and island lake, and that the same be forwarded to grand rapids for that purpose: bags common pemmican, each lbs. leather tents, each or skins. whole buffalo skins. half buffalo skins. _article _--that the country-made articles for the saskatchewan district for outfit be provided at fort garry, summer . _article _--that chief factor clarke be instructed to comply with no additional requisitions for country produce of any kind except he is satisfied there may be a hitch in the transport for the want of them. article --winter arrangements, - . _cumberland_ cumberland house--horace belanger, factor; nicol mcdougall, clerk. le pas--charles adams, clerk; robert ballendine, postmaster. moose lake--john mcdonald, "d" clerk. pelican narrows--john e. stewart, apprentice clerk; antoine morin, "b" interpreter. lac du brochet--pierre deschambeault, chief trader; pierre morin, postmaster. rapid river--philip mcdonald, clerk; angus mcleod, interpreter. disposable--joseph hourston, postmaster. _article _--that servants and pieces of goods, including winter allowances and servants' equipments, constitute the current outfit for cumberland district, the goods to be conveyed from fort garry by steamers. _article _--that factor belanger be authorized to make the necessary arrangements for the summer business of the district, season , and that he change the appointments of commissioned officers and clerks in his district as he may deem necessary. _article _--that factor belanger be instructed to forward to norway house, spring , the following country produce, viz: lbs. large snowshoe netting. lbs. small snowshoe netting. _article _--that factor belanger take measures to have rendered at portage la loche, summer , on or about th july but not later than st august, boat loads, each boat load to consist of pieces of the athabasca outfit which will be landed from the steamer "northcote" at cumberland, and that on the return trip the crews of the boats be engaged to take in each boat not less than packs furs and deliver the same at the grand rapid should the steamer "northcote" have ceased running. _article _--that the country-made articles for cumberland district, outfit , be provided at fort garry, summer . _article _--winter arrangements, - . _grand rapids_ grand rapids--alex. matheson, chief trader; colin thompson, apprentice clerk. _article _--that chief trader alexander matheson be instructed to receive at the grand rapids all goods intended for the northern districts that may be sent there and have conveyed by the steamer northcote to cumberland the goods intended for that district and pieces of those intended for athabasca district, sending to carlton by the same steamer the goods intended for the districts of saskatchewan, english river, edmonton, peace river and mckenzie river as well as the remainder of those intended for "i." _article _--that the country-made articles for grand rapids district for outfit be provided for at fort garry, summer . _article _--summer arrangements, - . _norway house_ norway house--roderick ross, factor; d. c. mctavish, clerk; james flett, "c" apprentice clerk; walter franklin, apprentice clerk. nelson river--wm. isbister, clerk. berens river--james flett, "b" clerk. [illustration: "_playmates of the north._" _this chubby lad, who seems to have the entire confidence of the lead dog of the team, is the son of mr. john j. loutit, post manager at fort chipewyan._] grand rapids--john moar, postmaster. poplar river--alex. stout, postmaster. disposable--john c. sinclair, postmaster. _article _--that servants and pieces of goods, including winter allowances and servants' equipment, constitute the current outfit for norway house district and that the outfit be conveyed from fort garry by steamer or otherwise as most convenient. _article _--that factor roderick ross be instructed to forward per boats to the grand rapids, summer , any goods on depot at norway house intended for the trade of the northern districts outfit as early as navigation will permit and have brought back from there to norway house any returns or country produce intended for the supply of norway house, island lake or york factory districts or for shipment to england from the latter place. _article _--that factor ross be instructed to make arrangements with factor fortescue as to the number of boats requisite to bring up from the factory any gunpowder or other articles intended for shipment inland and avail himself of the freight room downwards to forward to the factory as large a portion as possible of the returns of norway house district besides any castorum, buffalo tongues and quills received from other districts for shipment to london, after providing for the country produce intended for island lake and york factory. _article _--that the country-made articles for norway house district for outfit be provided at fort garry, summer . _article _--winter and summer arrangements, - _island lake_ oxford house--cuthbert sinclair, junior chief trader. island lake--thos. m. linklater, clerk. _article _--that servants and pieces of goods constitute the current outfit for island lake district, the same to be conveyed from york factory by the oxford house boats and provided for in york factory requisition. _article _--that the island lake boats make one round trip between norway house and york factory, summer , laden with such cargoes as the officers in charge of these districts may have to go forward should they be required to do so. _article _--winter and summer arrangements - _york factory_ york factory--joseph fortescue, factor; john k. mcdonald, clerk; a. o. t. bennett, apprentice clerk; james cowie, apprentice clerk; george grieve, postmaster. severn--john taylor, postmaster. trout lake--james tod, clerk. churchill--john r. spencer, clerk. _article _--that servants, including mechanics, constitute the summer and winter establishments of york factory district and that the outfits and returns of the posts of severn and trout lake be transported in the usual manner and those of churchill landed from and shipped in the annual vessel from london which is directed to call at churchill on its way out to york factory. _article _--that factor fortescue be instructed to have in readiness, spring , for shipment to oxford house the outfit intended for the trade of island lake district, , and that he direct mr. cuthbert sinclair to send to york factory by boats the returns of island lake district as early in the summer as possible providing at the same time a sufficient number of men and boats for the transport of the outfit for . _article _--that factor fortescue be instructed to forward to norway house as opportunity offers the gunpowder and country-made articles on hand at york factory (exclusive of beads, country-made articles, etc.) which are set aside for the inland districts. _article _--winter arrangements, - . _manitoba_ oak point--wm. clark, junior chief trader; geo. f. kinnaird, apprentice clerk. manitoba house--isaac cowie, clerk. water hen river--alexr. munro, clerk. shoal river--donald mcdonald, "a" clerk. fairford--an interpreter. _article _--that junior chief trader william clark be authorized to make the necessary and proper arrangements for the summer business of the district, season , and change the disposal of the clerks if he may think it necessary. _article _--that servants and pieces of goods, including winter allowances and servants' equipments, constitute the current outfit of manitoba district and be imported via st. paul to fort garry and thence by carts to oak point. _article _--that the live stock on inventory in manitoba district be priced at their market value in the district, less - / % article --that junior chief trader william clark be instructed to procure at fairford and forward to berens river for the use of norway house district, summer : fathoms birch bark for canoe bottoms. fathoms birch bark for canoe sides. _article _--that the country-made articles for manitoba district, outfit , be provided at fort garry, summer . _article _--winter and summer arrangements, - _swan river_ fort ellice--archibald mcdonald, factor; david armit, clerk; hugh mcbeath, clerk. riding mountain--james c. andy, clerk. qu'appelle--wm. j. mclean, junior chief trader; george dreyer, postmaster. fort pelly--adam mcbeath, clerk; john calder, apprentice clerk. touchwood hills--angus mcbeath, clerk; thomas w. lillie, apprentice clerk. egg lake--henry mckay, clerk. _article _--that servants and pieces of goods, including winter allowances and servants' equipments, constitute the current outfit of swan river district and be imported via st. paul to fort garry and thence by carts to the district. _article _--that factor archibald mcdonald be authorized to make the necessary and proper arrangements for the summer business of the district, season , and change the disposal of clerks if he may think it is necessary. (_note_--articles to of the minutes are of a similar nature to the foregoing.) little journeys to fur trade posts of the hudson's bay co. hudson's hope post, b.c. by john gregg the post is situated at the head of navigation on the peace river. from here to vermillion there is good water for stern-wheelers and gasoline boats, for five hundred fifty miles. immediately to the west is the famous rocky mountain canyon, which makes a horseshoe of twenty-five miles; and from the head of the canyon to finlay forks there is another good stretch of water. the peace river here cuts through the butler range, the most easterly range of the rockies. the climate is excellent. in winter chinook winds break up the cold snaps. the extreme minimum last winter was below on two nights. in summer, the maximum sometimes rises over . one peculiarity is that during winter there are no winds excepting the warm chinooks. the country generally is well wooded. many streams are unexcelled for fly-fishing. at moberly lake ( miles south) trout very often scale more than pounds. the "town" consists of the honourable company's buildings, postoffice, telegraph, police offices and the freighter. close in are several homesteaders. there is also a meteorological station, deputy mining recorder's post and hydrometric station. during the summer business is brisk, for usually there are government geological parties in the field, tourists passing through and trappers going outside to "blow in their wads." in winter things are somewhat dull, for there are not enough indians to keep business steady. then it is that the violin, gramophone and h.b.c. library are called on to relieve _ennui_ in the evenings, for there is no theatre nearer than edmonton. for industrial possibilities, hudson's hope undoubtedly occupies a strategic position. it is known that extensive bodies of the hardest soft coal in the world are in the immediate vicinity, but owing to lack of transport facilities they have not been worked to any extent. some gold is found forty miles west on branham flat and a few outfits will be in this summer to work there. a marvellous mountain of copper and silver was reported up north some two years ago, but for some reason or another nothing definite has transpired regarding it. for the past three years government geologists have been examining the vicinity for oil possibilities and their reports have been so good as to lead one or two drilling outfits this way. although all grains and vegetables grow here to perfection the agricultural aspect of the country is not to be enthused over, for the arable land is along the river bank only. a cattle ranch has started on the south fork of the halfway river. it should be added that the river invariably opens for navigation the first week in may. this year the spring was early--bluebirds and robins on the th of april, geese on the th, with poplars in bud. discovery and exploration of the yukon (pelly) river by robert campbell, f.r.g.s. (_former h.b.c. chief factor_) _note--sir george simpson expressed his satisfaction regarding these explorations in a letter to mr. campbell, the author, and spoke of the arrangement made by h.b.c. with russia for a great stretch of alaskan territory. the letter follows:_ red river settlement, th june, . to r. campbell, esq., fort halkett. dear sir: i have much pleasure in acknowledging receipt of your letter of th september, and have to express my entire satisfaction with your management in the recent voyage down the pelly or stickine river, bearing ample evidence that the confidence reposed in you was well placed. i was always of the opinion that the pelly and stickine rivers were identical, but many of my friends in this country thought differently. you have at length, however, set the question at rest, and your writing the note to our gentlemen on the coast was very judicious. i last winter concluded an arrangement for the company with baron wrangle, acting on behalf of the russian-american company, by which we become possessed of the whole of the russian mainland territory (for a term of ten years) up to cape spencer. by that means we become possessed of their establishment situated on point highfield, entrance of stickine river, immediately, and have access to the interior country through all the rivers falling into the pacific to the southward of cape spencer. this arrangement renders it unnecessary for us now to extend our operations from the east side of the mountains or mackenzie river, as we can settle that country from the pacific with greater facility and at less expense. your services will now therefore be required to push our discoveries in the country situated on the peel and colville rivers and i am quite sure you will distinguish yourself as much in that quarter as you have latterly done on the west side of the mountains. with best wishes, believe me, very truly yours, (signed) george simpson. the yukon is the largest river that flows from the american continent into the pacific ocean. rising as the pelly in the rocky mountains on the northern frontier of british columbia, it maintains a westerly direction for several hundred miles. it crosses the st meridian, which forms the eastern boundary of alaska, and holding a northwest course for more than six hundred miles, it is joined by the porcupine river from the north. up to this point it is called the pelly, but for the remaining miles of its course to its embouchure in behring sea it is known as the yukon. after the failure of previous efforts to establish a hudson's bay company's trading post at dease's lake, i volunteered my services for that purpose; and in the spring of , after overcoming many difficulties, i succeeded in my mission, and then crossed over the mountains to the west side, where i struck the source of a rapid river, which i ascertained from the hordes of indians i met to be the stikene (afterwards the great highway to the northern gold fields of british columbia), a discovery which caused no small commotion and surprise at the time among h.b.c. men, especially from the fact that a young man with only a half-breed and two indian lads had effected what had baffled well-equipped parties under prominent and experienced hudson's bay officers from both sides of the mountains. this led to part of the coast being leased by the company from the russian government. on returning to dease's lake, we passed a winter of constant danger from the savage russian indians and of much suffering from starvation. we were dependent for subsistence on what animals we could catch, and, failing that, on "tripe de roche." we were at one time reduced to such dire straits that we were obliged to eat our parchment windows, and our last meal before abandoning dease's lake, on th may, , consisted of the lacing of our snowshoes. in the spring of i was appointed by sir george simpson to explore the north branch of the liard river to its source, and to cross the rocky mountains and try to find any river flowing westward, especially the headwaters of the colville, the mouth of which was in the arctic ocean, discovered by dease and simpson. in pursuance of these instructions i left fort halkett in may with a canoe and seven men, among them my trusty indians, lapie and kitza, and the interpreter hoole. after ascending the stream some hundreds of miles, far into the mountains, we entered a beautiful lake, which i named frances lake, in honor of lady simpson. the river thus far is rather serpentine, with a swift current, and is flanked on both sides by chains of mountains, which rise to a higher altitude in the background. the country is well wooded with poplar, spruce, pine, fir and birch. game and fur-bearing animals are abundant, especially beaver, on the meat of which, with moose, deer, geese and ducks, we generally lived. the mountain trout are very fine and plentiful, and are easily taken with a hook and any bait. about five miles farther on the lake divides into two branches round "simpson's tower." the south, which is the longer branch, extends forty miles. leaving the canoe and part of the crew near the southwest extremity of this branch, i set out with three indians and the interpreter. shouldering our blankets and guns, we ascended the valley of a river which we traced to its source in a lake ten miles long, which, with the river, i named finlayson's lake and river. the lake is situated so near the watershed that in high floods its waters flow from both ends down both sides of the mountains towards the arctic on the one hand and the pacific on the other. from this point we descended the west slope of the rocky mountains, and on the second day from finlayson's lake we had the satisfaction of seeing from a high bank a splendid river in the distance. i named the bank from which we caught the first glimpse of the river "pelly banks," and the river "pelly river," after our home governor, sir h. pelly. i may mention, in passing, that sir george simpson in a kind letter called them both after me, "campbell's banks and river," but in my reply i disclaimed all knowledge of any such places. after reaching the actual bank of the river, we constructed a raft, on which we embarked and drifted down a few miles on the bosom of the stream, and at parting we cast in a sealed tin can with memoranda of our discovery and the date. highly delighted with our success, we retraced our steps to frances lake, where we rejoined the rest of our party, who during our absence had built a house on the point at the forks of the lake which we called "glenlyon." returning, we reached fort halkett (on liard river) about the th of september, and forwarded the report of our trip by the party who brought up our outfit. [illustration] the company now resolved to follow up these discoveries, and with this view i was ordered in to establish a trading post on frances lake so as to be ready for future operations westward. in , birch bark for the construction of a large canoe to be used in exploring the pelly was brought up from fort liard with the outfit, and during the winter was sent over the mountains by dogsleighs to pelly banks, where the necessary buildings were put up, and the canoe was built in the spring of . early in june, i left frances lake with some of the men. we walked over the mountains to pelly banks, and shortly after i started down stream in the canoe with the interpreter hoole, two french canadians and three indians. as we advanced, the river increased in size and the scenery formed a succession of picturesque landscapes. about twenty-five miles from pelly banks we encountered a bad rapid--"hoole's"--where we were forced to disembark everything; but elsewhere we had a nice flowing current. ranges of mountains flanked us on both sides; on the right hand the mountains were generally covered with wood; the left range was more open, with patches of poplar running up the valleys and burnsides, reminding one of the green braeface of the highland glens. we frequently saw moose and bear as we passed along, and at points where the precipice rose abruptly from the waters edge the wild sheep--"big horn"--were often seen on the shelving rocks. they are very keen-sighted, and when once alarmed they file swiftly and gracefully over the mountain. when we chanced to get one we found it splendid eating--delicate enough for an epicure. in this manner we travelled on for several days. we saw only one family of indians--"knife" indians--till we reached the junction of the pelly with a tributary which i named the lewis. here we found a large camp of indians--the "wood" indians. we took them by no ordinary surprise, as they had never seen a white man before, and they looked upon us and everything about us with some awe as well as curiosity. two of their chiefs, father and son, were very tall, stout, handsome men. we smoked the pipe of peace together, and i distributed some presents. they spoke in loud tones as do all indians in their natural state, but they seemed kind and peaceable. when we explained to them as best we could that we were going down stream, they all raised their voices against it. among other dangers, they indicated that inhabiting the lower river were many tribes of "bad" indians--"numerous as the sand"--"who would not only kill us, but eat us." we should never get back alive, and friends coming to look after us would unjustly blame them for our death. all this frightened our men to such a degree that i had reluctantly to consent to our return, which under the circumstances was the only alternative. i learned afterwards that it would have been madness in us to have made any further advance, unprepared as we were for such an enterprise. [illustration: _dinnertime on the east coast of hudson bay. h.b.c. "tripping" party enjoying a snack at sixty degrees below--with gloves on!_] much depressed, we that afternoon retraced our course upstream; but before doing so i launched on the river a sealed can containing memoranda of our trip. i was so dejected at the unexpected turn of affairs that i was perfectly heedless of what was passing; but on the third day of our upward progress i noticed on both sides of the river fires burning on the hill-tops far and near. this awoke me to a sense of our situation. i conjectured that, as in scotland in the olden time, these were signal-fires and that they summoned the indians to surround and intercept us. thus aroused, we made the best use of paddle and "tracking-line" to get up stream and ahead of the indian signals. on the fourth morning we came to a party of indians on the further bank of the river. they made signs to us to cross over, which we did. they were very hostile, watching us with bows bent and arrows in hand and would not come down from the top of the high bank to the water's edge to meet us. i sent up a man with some tobacco--the emblem of peace--to reassure them; but at first they would hardly remove their hands from their bows to receive it. we ascended the bank to them and had a most friendly interview, carried on by words and signs. it required, however, some finesse and adroitness to get away from them. once in the canoe we quickly pushed out and struck obliquely for the opposite bank, so as to be out of range of their arrows, and i faced about, gun in hand, to observe their actions. the river was there too broad either for ball or arrow. we worked hard during the rest of the day and until late. the men were tired out, and i made them all sleep in my tent while i kept watch. at that season the night is so clear that one can read, write or work throughout. our camp lay on the bank of the river at the base of a steep declivity which had large trees here and there up its grassy slope. in the branches of one of these trees i passed the greater part of this anxious night, reading "_hervey's meditations_" and keeping a vigilant lookout. occasionally i descended and walked to the river bank, but all was still. two years afterwards, when friendly relations had been established with the indians in this district, i learned to my no small astonishment that the hostile tribe encountered down the river had dogged us all day, and when we halted for the night had encamped behind the crest of the hill, and from this retreat had watched my every movement. with the exactitude of detail characteristic of indians they described me sitting in the tree holding "something white" (the book) in my hand, and often raising my eyes to make a survey of the neighborhood; then, descending to the river bank, taking my horn cup from my belt, and even while i drank glancing up and down the river and towards the hill. they confessed that had i knelt down to drink they would have rushed upon me and drowned me in the swift current and after thus despatching me would have massacred the sleeping inmates of my tent. how often without knowing it are we protected from danger by the merciful hand of providence! next morning we were early in motion and were glad to observe that we had outwitted the indians and outstripped their signal-fires. after this we travelled more at leisure, hunting as we advanced, and in due time reached frances lake. for a few years after this we confined our operations to trading between frances lake and pelly banks; but during the summer we sent hunting parties down to pelly to collect provisions for our establishments; and by this means we obtained accurate information respecting the pelly river, its resources and indian tribes. in the winter of - we built boats at pelly banks and, sending off our returns to fort simpson, we started off early in june, , to establish a post at the forks of pelly and lewis rivers, which i named fort selkirk. ever since our discovery of the pelly in various conjectures were hazarded as to what river it really was and where it entered the sea. fort yukon was, i think, established in , from peel river near the mouth of the mackenzie. from the first i expressed my belief, in which hardly anyone concurred, that the pelly and the yukon were identical. in , having obtained sir george simpson's permission, i explored the lower river, descending a distance of about miles and by reaching fort yukon proved the correctness of my opinion. from fort yukon i directed my boat and party upwards into the porcupine river. i was accompanied by mr. murray, who was conveying the returns and whose duty it was to take back with him the yukon outfit from la pierre's house at the head of the porcupine river, to which point supplies were transported over the mountains in winter by dogsleighs from peel river. la pierre's house duly reached, we left our boat there and walked over the mountains to peel river, about ninety miles; thence by boat we ascended the mackenzie river to fort simpson. i thus performed a circuit of several thousand miles from my point of departure on the liard river. great astonishment was felt by all my friends and acquaintances when they saw me reach fort simpson by coming up the mackenzie river instead of descending the liard, for no one entertained a suspicion that the pelly river had any connection with the yukon or that the pelly was linked with the porcupine, peel and mackenzie rivers. thenceforward this new route, so unexpectedly found out, was made the highway for the transport of outfits to, and results of trade from the pelly and all intermediate posts. when i visited england in this vast stretch of country--until then a blank on the map and untrodden and unknown of white men--was under my direction correctly delineated on his map of north america by j. arrowsmith, hudson's bay company's topographer; and hence it happens that many of these rivers and places of note are named after my friends or after the rivers in my native glens. [illustration: _chipewyan indians returned to h.b.c. post with a fine bag of the great grey geese that flock in thousands over lake athabasca._] i may mention that in these explorations, which embraced a period of fifteen years, we had to rely for the means of existence almost entirely on the natural resources of the scene of our operations, however dreary and barren a region it might be. we were once cut off from all supplies and connection with our people, to the extreme peril of our lives, for over two years--from may, , till september, --during which time we received neither a letter nor supplies, and the opening up of communication with the outside world was ultimately brought about by our own unaided and determined efforts in the face of appalling obstacles. the pelly-yukon is a magnificent river, increasing in size as it is joined by the many affluents that swell its tide. it sweeps in a gentle, serpentine course round the spurs of the double mountain range that generally skirts each side of the valley. of these twin ranges the more distant is the loftier. many of its summits are dotted with wreaths of snow, while others wear a perpetual mantle of white. at a distance of some forty-five miles from yukon the mountains recede, the river widens and for miles wanders among countless islands. many of the pelly's tributaries are large streams--especially the m'millan, lewis, white, and stewart rivers. four kinds of salmon ascend the river in great numbers in their season; and then comes a busy harvest time for the indians, who assemble in large camps along the river and handle their spears with great dexterity. large numbers of salmon are killed, some for present and some for winter use. this fish has been seen and killed above pelly banks, which is more than two thousand miles from the sea. steamers from the pacific have already ascended to fort yukon (twelve hundred miles); and during the freshet they can ascend more than twelve hundred miles further (to hoole's rapid). the lakes all over the country abound in excellent white fish. the fauna of the country is abundant and varied. it includes moose and reindeer, bears (black and grizzly), wolves and wolverines, rats and hares, the fox and lynx, the beaver, the mink, and the marten. i saw the bones, heads and horns of buffaloes; but this animal had become extinct before our visit, as had also some species of elephant, whose remains were found in various swamps. i forwarded an elephant's thigh bone to the british museum, where it may still be seen. the flora of the country is rich and diversified. i forwarded several specimens of the vegetation to sir william j. hooker, director of the kew gardens, i also sent him specimens of all the rocks from yukon to pelly banks. the climate is more pleasant and genial than in the same latitude on the east side of the mountains. aged fur trader moves h. j. moberly, , fur trader in the employ of the hudson's bay company for thirty-seven years, passed through edmonton, june th, on his way from cedarvale, b.c., to his home at duck lake, sask. this aged veteran of the h.b.c. fur trade service has the distinction of having seen edmonton at an earlier date than any living white man. he reached the saskatchewan at edmonton in , sixty-seven years ago. mr. moberly has been staying for the past year at the fruit ranch of his son, forty miles west of hazelton, b.c. _published monthly by the hudson's bay company for their employees throughout the service_ [illustration] the beaver "_a journal of progress_" copyright, , by the hudson's bay company address all communications to editor, "the beaver," york and main streets, winnipeg, canada. vol. i july, no. a national flag for canada canada has no flag; a startling assertion, but true. the dominion emblem so familiar to canadians is a marine ensign authorized by the imperial government many years ago _for use on canada's merchant shipping_. no flag has ever been officially adopted by the canadian people. among designs submitted for a distinctive canadian flag, one which most appeals to the sense of fitness displays the union jack in the upper left quarter and nine blue stars in the form of the great dipper and north star on a field of white in the remaining three quarters. one star for each province, in the form of the familiar constellation of the northland, sealed with the symbol of empire! the antipodean dominion of new zealand has the southern cross on a field of red, with the union jack, for her official flag. this design was adopted from several hundred submitted by citizens. canada too should have a flag of her own--an emblem to emphasize her essential nationhood--of a design that will connote her stewardship of this north portal of the empire. carrying water a motorist, mired down on a country road, asked a passing lad with a team to pull him out. paying the boy's price of two dollars the car owner remarked, "well, son, do you make much money at this sort of thing?" "you are the fifth i have pulled out to-day," replied the boy. "i should work nights, too, at that rate," said the motorist. "i do," said the boy, "at night i haul water for the mud-hole." in business many young men are like the boy and the mud-hole. they have a single eye to making the job _last_. fixed in a situation with certain routine things to do they lose ambition and are chiefly concerned with stretching their duties to fill a day. no origination. no progress. no increasing of efficiency to fit themselves for greater responsibilities. they are "carrying water" in this blind way oftentimes until it's too late to stride out into bigger things. don't "carry water." mend the road, and find a way to speed up traffic. the pay will be higher and the work more satisfying. arena lust the day of the gladiator is not past. near new york this month the pugilistic champion of the united states, for the consideration of merely a million dollars, will stand up for something less than an hour to pummel and be pummeled by the pugilistic champion of europe. nearly seventy thousand fervid partisans will look on, eating peanuts--primordially yelling for blood. among them, it is said, will be hundreds who figure prominently in bradstreet's, the blue book and the society column. gentlewomen will be there--in the fifty dollar seat section. roustabouts and longshoremen, barristers, doctors and preachers, business men and government officials--and small boys roosting in neighboring trees--all with "thumbs down" when one bruiser weakens. who is there to stop wars and rumors of wars while the spirit of the gladiatorial combat is thus rampant in human society, breaking through the carefully laid veneer of civilization? h.b.c. enters consignment fur business _company takes over warehouses of defunct nesbitt firm; will strengthen london market_ by pro pelle one of the most interesting events in the fur trade last month was the announcement by the hudson's bay company of its intention to accept consignments of skins for sale at its london auctions. the news came as a surprise to many, as it has long been known that the famous old company took particular pride in offering no skins for sale at its auctions save those collected by its own posts and graded with that excellency which has earned for the company the reputation of setting an accepted standard for all skins. to those who are familiar with the past history of h.b.c., the news did not come altogether as a surprise. the company has demonstrated on many occasions in the past that it does not hesitate to reverse its decisions and alter its policies when the changes wrought by time and economic progress in the domain of the company make such changes a business necessity. many in the fur trade wondered why the company did not enter the consignment business sooner but the sequence of events has since demonstrated that by keeping out of that end of the business until after the speculators had had their fling, the company was able to enter on the "ground floor," so to speak, and with everything in its favor. the establishment of great fur auction companies in st. louis, new york and montreal tended to deprive london of its old-time prestige, and, naturally, anything that detracted from the influence of the london fur market also affected the hudson's bay company. with the passing of the famous old firm of nesbitt, the london fur market lost one of the best-known consignment houses in the world. this house was particularly happy in its connection with the american trade and enjoyed the confidence and respect of the best american firms. when the nesbitt firm was forced to liquidate in order to save as much as possible for its clients, it was felt that the london market had lost one of its landmarks and was, to a certain extent, weakened in its uphill fight to regain its leadership in the fur trade. by taking over the warehouses and offices of the nesbitt company and announcing its willingness to accept consignments of fur skins, the hudson's bay company carries on where nesbitt ltd. left off. h.b.c. will now be in a position to hold its auctions on its own premises. the london market will be made all the stronger by the entrance of the company as a consignment house, as it will naturally follow that the class of goods consigned will have to be up to a fine standard and will only be accepted from reputable and first-class firms. by taking the lead in the london market, by setting the standard for all the trade, both in goods and in business principles, by inducing the best firms to send their best goods to the london market, by eliminating speculative bidding and by having great financial strength and sound business methods back of it, the hudson's bay company has once more proved its ability to come through all kinds of trials and tribulations with flying colors. impressions of the store managers' conference by f. f. harker being comparatively a newcomer with the hudson's bay company, judging by the long records of service of other managers present, i felt deeply moved by the cordial spirit of comradeship shown me by my co-partners. i was greatly impressed by the frank way we were received by the canadian advisory committee. the conference was a remarkable one in many ways. it created a precedent, insofar that it was the first time in the history of the company that managers of the many h.b.c. stores were gathered together for consultation, advice and mutual benefit. i feel that this conference will prove the forerunner of an era of singular prosperity to the company and of increased efficiency throughout the company's stores. humorous extracts from some official letters written in all seriousness and not in the least intended to be humorous by c. c. sinclair in an official letter from an outpost manager the activities of the opposition were reported upon as follows: "_the opposition ain't raisin' no 'ell._" by which it was assumed that the outpost manager was holding his own. "_dear brother and fellow superior:_ "_i have spent a lonely and dissolute_ (meaning desolate) _winter, owing to the loss of two good hunters and a beloved wife._" * * * * * "..._the canoes you sent up last fall arrived safely. everything was in order with the exception of one or two destitute items in the displacement._" * * * * * "_i am very thankful for the increase of salary accorded to me by the commissioner. now that i have my new eyes_ (meaning glasses) _i am able to see better, and my new teeth help me to masticate my food better, which aids the "deegestion" and keeps me in better health so that i can do more work now. now i think i am capable of taking charge of a much larger post than the one i am at._" * * * * * "_i could not make my cash agree with the books, but it agrees now, because i made an entry 'to cast to cook the account, $ . .'_" * * * * * "_i am sorry that i caused you so much worry last fall when i wrote you that i was at death's door and asking you to send my successor, as i expected soon to enter the pearly gates._ "_i am sorry to say i recovered soon after and the black suit i asked for to be buried in was not required. i had no mourning envelopes on hand, so i blackened the edges of an official envelope with ink, to advise you befittingly of my approaching demise._" * * * * * "_hereafter i am to receive my instructions from fort ----. i am sorry to leave you. we have differed sometimes about the orders issued from time to time, but i have endeavoured to carry out the instructions when i thought they were for the good of the post._" * * * * * "some reputation" in looking over an old hudson's bay wharf with a view to repairs, the contractor remarked: "well! the piles are so badly eaten away, i'm hanged if i know what keeps the wharf up." a bystander promptly replied: "nothing but the company's reputation is keeping up that wharf, sir." suggestion competition--labrador district in connection with awards made in the th anniversary suggestion competition (fur trade department) it is to be noted that h.b.c. men in hudson's straits and ungava (labrador district) were without the opportunity of participating, owing to their extreme isolation in the far north. first word of the competition was conveyed to these men by the company's supply ship in august, . with the landing of the supplies and preparation of the annual accounts, there was no opportunity for the men to write out their suggestions before the sailing of the supply ship on her homeward voyage. since that time there has been no communication whatever with these posts. it is regretted that owing to the short time between the receipt of the instructions regarding the competition and the date by which replies were to be in winnipeg it was impossible for northern labrador posts to participate. fort mcmurray news _the h.b.c. motor tug_ "nechemus," left mcmurray for the north on may th, laden with horses and wagons together with the season's first shipment of freight for fitzgerald. _the h.b.s.s. "fort mcmurray"_ sailed on may th on her second trip, bound for fitzgerald with a hundred and twenty tons of supplies for the northern posts. passengers on the steamer included: j. g. m. christie and wife, who are going to mcpherson and back. mr. christie is a retired employee of the company and is looking forward to renewing old acquaintances with h.b.c. men along the mackenzie. mrs. c. c. sinclair, with miss sinclair, are going down to mcpherson, and will join mr. sinclair, manager of athabasca-mackenzie district. bishop lucas, of the anglican diocese of mackenzie, was on his way to the land of the midnight sun. the bishop spent the winter in the old country, and is bound for his headquarters at chipewyan. h.b.c. fur trade post on san francisco bay, _company did not own million acres of california land, as reported, but had two fur posts and farms, closed in - ._ by c. h. french _note.--in a leading western canadian newspaper we read: "it is not commonly known that at one time the hudson's bay company owned a million acres of land in california surrounding the present site of the city of san francisco. the importance of the great harbour now known as the golden gate was not recognized and the area was sold for one dollar an acre."_ when in , shortly after the amalgamation of h.b.c. with the northwest company, the fur brigades under sir george simpson swept to the verge of the pacific, north, west and southwest, the flag of h.b.c. was carried far down the california coast. one new fur trading establishment was planted by the company at the golden gate san francisco bay; another was erected at umpqua, not many miles to the northward. up to the only fur post on the pacific coast between sitka, alaska, and southern california was fort george. this post had been first opened by astor of new york, but was taken over by h.b.c. at the time of the amalgamation with the nor'westers. meanwhile it had been re-christened "fort george" by captain black of h.m.s. "raccoon" in . from fort william at the head of the great lakes came dr. john mclaughlin, james douglas and john work, ordered by the company to fort george to take charge of the newly created western department of the h.b.c. fur trade. dr. mclaughlin was in charge, james douglas was accountant and john work was what might be termed an explorer. dr. mclaughlin was a versatile man, but leaned towards the development of farming and stockraising, while john work's only interest was in fur trading. in they arrived at fort george and at once mapped out plans for development of their department. it was decided to abandon fort george because the farming possibilities of the neighbourhood were not so promising as those of the country further up the river. a new site was selected just below the willamette river, and the construction of fort vancouver (washington) was commenced. at that time the whole territory was known as oregon territory. the country was also known as columbia district, and when the boundary line between canada and the united states was established, the part to the north of the line was named british columbia district, and still retains this name in the company's organization. in order to stock the newly established farms, the company sent men south for sheep, cattle and horses, and i believe that it was on this account that posts were opened at umpqua and san francisco bay in or , and operated until , when they were abandoned and there is nothing in the records to indicate that the hudson's bay company ever afterwards claimed one foot of soil in or around san francisco. in fact, there is information that would make it appear that the san francisco bay post alone was closed in and umpqua not until a later date, as a letter written by sir george simpson to captain j. sheppard, r.n., dated th may, , mentions umpqua as being still in existence. sir george said the names of posts west of the mountains were at that time: _american territory, south of °_ fort colville, flat head house, fort okanagan, fort nez perces, fort bois, fort hall, fort vancouver, fort umpqua, fort george, fort nisqually, cowlitz farm. _british territory, north of °_ victoria, simpson, langley, hope, kamloops, thomson, alexandria, george, fraser, st. james, connolly, kilmaurs (babine), mcleod, chilcotin. europeans employed at these posts numbered six hundred, besides hundreds of indian laborers. there were seven vessels employed in the service: barques, carrying goods to and from europe, steam vessel brig schooner sloop in order to take care of the russian american company's and the h.b.c. posts' requirements, large farms and dairies were necessary, and suitable land was plentiful between the puget's sound and the columbia river. when the negotiations between the hudson's bay company and the united states government were under way to settle the oregon dispute, the company claimed , acres of land as being farmed and grazed by them. there has undoubtedly been a tendency on the part of historians and newspaper writers to confuse the company's oregon land claim with the lands at the h.b.c. san francisco bay post, but there is absolutely no connection. h.b.c. aided wilderness wanderer the following letter of appreciation was recently received by the company from j. p. burns, an engineer who met with misfortune in the wilds of british columbia: "_because of a serious accident last fall i was compelled to call at one of your trading posts situated at the junction of the dease river and liard, run by mr. f. j. bass. mr. bass did all in his power for me at a time when i was almost destitute and in a very low state of health owing to a broken bone in my right foot and a bad wound on my right side. i wish you would thank mr. bass for his hospitality and hope and trust that the hudson's bay company will long remain and prosper in regions where engineers and dogs struggle for life and civilization._ _yours faithfully, j. p. burns._ pas mountain post news by alex horne the excitement which always prevails during the breakup around this reserve was perhaps of a more serious nature this spring than previous years. usually the carrot river on the banks of which the post is situated, overflows every other second year or so, but this time the flood proved to be a record. the ice broke up on the rd of april and started going out on the th. during that day it travelled well. as it was the first breakup i had ever witnessed, the sight was most interesting and fascinating. some of the blocks, i estimated, were perhaps ninety by thirty feet and eighteen to twenty inches thick. these huge blocks were to cause us a considerable amount of discomfort before the day was over. towards evening it was noticed that the ice was travelling very slowly on the east bend of the river. as the river flows directly south past the post and then takes a turn east, our view for over a mile is fairly good. we watched with strained eyes and beating hearts, for already the water was rising. ah! yes, it was only too true, there was a jam! soon the water was coming over in front of the house. immediate action was necessary. canoes had to be attended to, boards, posts, boxes and barrels moved to a place of safety. [illustration: _the swirling waters in front of the store._] very soon the water was making a noise like a waterfall and sweeping everything before it. in a short time the sidewalk was trying to pilot its way through the garden gate. a cord of wood made an effort to follow suit but did not succeed. that night the roaring waters sang us to sleep. all day the ice and driftwood kept going by. at o'clock in the evening the post was completely surrounded by water and a canoe was for the next few days to be our only mode of travelling. towards twilight the last of the ice and driftwood passed. we gave a sigh of relief and were about to retire when our attention was attracted by a noise in the bush on the opposite bank of the river; on looking, it was no little surprise to see a birch bark, and three indians come into sight. from the conversation, we gathered that the country for miles around was under water. many cattle belonging to the indians in this reserve were drowned, also an old house was carried away and where it once stood we have now a small creek running from the river to a muskeg. stanley post (sask.) notes the last of the freighters reached here on april th, on their return trip to prince albert, having delivered all the freight for lac du brochet post at south deer lake. the season being late, they had to work night and day, under adverse weather conditions. one big snowstorm lasted a day and a night, and the wind was terrible, the track being covered up a few moments after it had been opened. the rain and the soft weather we had in march formed a hard crust on the deep snow, which was very bad for the horses.--thos. bear, post manager. buying everything in sight by p. h. godsell, _fort simpson_ the article by mr. forbes in connection with the london auction sales calls to mind a rather amusing incident that occurred when i once attended a h.b.c. fur sale at college hill, london. being young, i took a keen interest in everything, especially in the actions of the auctioneer. i studied my catalogue and notes closely and when a lot would be called by the auctioneer invariably raised my head and _looked him in the eye._ as i was leaving the sale room at the termination of the afternoon sale i passed mr. ingrams and mr. randall. they remarked that i must feel very well satisfied with my afternoon's business, as _i should be the owner of almost every lot that was put up_. it was not until then that i learned that by even such a small sign as a direct look a lot would be knocked down by the broker, and that i had to all appearances bought everything in sight! as they were we begin in this number publication of a series of "youthful portraits" depicting present-day h.b.c. employees as they appeared at a "tender age." it appears that considerable interest will be demonstrated by our readers in trying to discover familiar likenesses in these quaint old photographs. mckay post manager dies _b. f. cooper served h.b.c. thirty-seven years in north_ b. f. cooper, an old timer and hudson's bay fur trader, died at fort mcmurray, may th, after an illness of some weeks. mr. cooper was an englishman, an old "blue-coat school" boy, brought up in london. instead of moving in the limelight of politics mr. cooper chose the quiet and lasting work of pioneering on the frontier posts of the empire and for thirty-six years had been a trusted and faithful servant of the hudson's bay company, in charge of the fort mckay post. [illustration: b. f. cooper] a few weeks before his death, an urgent message was sent to fort mcmurray for medical help and immediately the company chartered a motor boat to bring mr. cooper from mckay. he was given every possible care. the funeral took place on sunday, may th, in the little presbyterian church at mcmurray, the coffin being covered with the hudson's bay flag and borne by hudson's bay men, c. c. sinclair, j. cunningham, l. lane, g. petty, h. porter, captain mcleod, ed. jones and j. sutherland. the little church was crowded with people who followed to the cemetery the remains of the respected old timer whose only relative present was a son of sixteen years. mr. cooper leaves a wife and seven children. his record with the company follows: date capacity post - clerk n.d. office, winnipeg - in charge fort ellice - in charge touchwood hills - accountant chipewyan - clerk in charge fond du lac - clerk onion lake - clerk fort smith - post manager chipewyan - post manager mckay tried for north pole by balloon _h.b.c. was on lookout for ill-fated andree polar party, _ by h. m. s. cotter while i was stationed at north west river post on the labrador coast in , the government of norway and sweden sent out an arctic expedition in a polar balloon to make an attempt at reaching the north pole. the company, anxious to lend a hand to the success of this scientific exploration to the top of the earth, despatched to its many far northern posts drawings of the balloon like the illustration shown, accompanied by the notice: "in the summer of a balloon (an object like that shown on the drawing) may be seen floating in the air. this balloon will convey a party of three swedish scientists who have been making explorations towards the north pole by these means. the government of sweden and norway has requested that the explorers may receive all possible assistance. natives should therefore be told that the balloon is not a dangerous thing, but merely a mode of conveyance in the air just as a ship is in the water. natives should be told to approach the people in it without fear and to give them all the help in their power. if the balloon is seen only, the natives should be told to communicate the day and hour, the direction and time it was visible, and the direction of the wind. if the people arrive, having lost the balloon, the natives to be told to give them all possible assistance. it is requested that the travellers may be supplied with passport and all necessary official documents, the names being: mr. solomon august andree, aged ; dr. nils gustaf ekholm, aged ; mr. nils strindberg, aged ." [illustration: _the drawing of andree's polar balloon._] according to instructions, i informed all the indians to be on the lookout for the balloon. early one morning an indian rushed into the store to say he had heard an awful "ringing of bells" away up in the heavens and was sure it was the balloon passing. i could see or hear nothing, but the native persisted in his story. i told him it might have been andree ringing the breakfast bell. i could only get him calmed down by giving him some tobacco. probably that was all he was after. traces of andree were said to have been found at cape mugford, northern labrador, but no positive proof was ever obtained. another story came from ft. churchill to the effect that an eskimo had found some clothing supposed to have been from the balloon, but these were said to have been left behind by mr. j. b. tyrrell on one of his expeditions. what happened at fort simpson, n.w.t. during winter, ? _from entries in the post journal by manager a. f. camsell_ jan., --the usual reception was given the indians this morning and a dance will take place in the evening till p.m. --mail arrived from liard this evening; they were ten days coming down. --mail arrived from providence at a.m. --mr. p. h. godsell with robbillard, driver, and two liard men left for liard this morning. mr. godsell goes to liard on an inspection trip. the mail left yesterday for mcpherson. --five men and two trains of dogs arrived from the south this afternoon en route to the norman oil fields to stake claims. --tony neis and a party of oil men arrived from the south this evening en route to the norman oil fields to stake claims; corporal doke and constable brackett of the mounted police also arrived and are to be stationed at norman. --clear and cold, below. --mr. t. w. harris and w. george left for norman this morning in connection with the staking of claims below norman. --inspector godsell returned today from a trip to liard. feb. --wind north. mr. godsell, mr. jackson, clerk, robbillard, w. sibbiston and john hope, forerunner, left for good hope this morning with two trains of dogs. wind north. --mail arrived from the south today, days behind schedule time. --clear and fine. mr. conibear and two sons arrived from smith with two trains of dogs to stake claims at norman. --clear and mild, thawing in the sun for the first time this season. norwegian arrived from rabbit skin river with a good bunch of furs. mar. --most of the oil prospectors left for the south today after recording their claims here. --mr. harry mcgurn arrived with the mail from the north last night. mr. wada and party accompanied him from wrigley. --mail arrived from providence today, days behind time. this mail will do down as far as mcpherson. --cloudy and thawing. h. camsell and w. johnson went for a moose across the river this morning. two airplanes arrived this morning at : a.m. from peace river. they were one hour and forty minutes travelling time from providence. apr. --w. johnson, h.b.c. engineer, making propellor for airplane. --one of the airplanes started for norman this morning and met with an accident in starting, smashing the prop. and damaging one of the wings. --one of the airplanes took a trial trip with a new prop. this afternoon and appeared to give satisfaction. --w. johnson left this morning at a.m. with two trains of dogs and supplies for work on the s.s. liard at spence river. --wind north and snowing most of the day. both airplanes are now ready, and they will be leaving for peace river as soon as the weather is favourable. the englishman and the "grizzly" _a bear story with a stinger_ by c. h. french leaving wrangell, alaska, for telegraph creek, british columbia, in the spring of , i overtook an englishman who intended to spend the summer in the interior of british columbia, and after enjoying a big game hunt in the fall would return to civilization. before we had got far up the river, night overtook us, making it necessary for the "gas" boat on which we were travelling to tie up for the night. the beach on which we landed was a sandy one that would permit of walking along the shore for some distance; so my friend, the englishman, started out to stretch his legs. not far up the beach there commenced a large piece of low, swampy country and just before coming to it my friend caught a glimpse of what he thought was a large grizzly bear going speedily through the bush. wasn't the englishman excited! a few well-directed spider-like movements landed him back on the launch. after his struggle for breath was over we learned the exciting news. we agreed that our friend should be allowed to do all the execution, while we kept in the background in order to help out should the brute attack. guns were made ready and a stealthy advance was commenced. at length the rifle of our friend went to his shoulder and bang! in a moment the monster was dead. by this time it was quite dark, so we made haste and prepared to drag the game to the launch to be skinned. finally, after tugging and working with all our strength, with perspiration pouring off our foreheads, we concluded the carcass was too heavy to be handled by only six ordinary men. a suggestion was then made to run a line from the boat and attach it to the hand capstan and haul him along in that way. this scheme was tried and after working hard (putting more grease on the gears every ten minutes) our enthusiasm began to wane and before another half hour had passed it was decided to leave the monster where it was until daylight, when it would be skinned where it lay. we were up bright and early the next morning and while breakfast was being prepared the hunting and skinning knives were ground and sharpened to a fine edge and fit to cut the toughest hide or even to shave with. breakfast was finished and we trooped off to where lay the king of the forest (especially the low-lying swampy fringed forest) and after coats were thrown off and sleeves rolled up to above the elbows the operation of skinning was ready to commence. our friend the englishman was naturally anxious that the job be a neat one, as he certainly was anxious to have that hide mounted, especially on account of its large size and its being the first specimen of big game killed by him in cassiar, and he suggested that we wait a few minutes longer until it was full daylight. at last the light of the rising sun commenced to show brightly in the east until it ended in one great burst of brilliant glory which held us as in a trance admiring its beauty. finally we turned to the animal and the work of skinning. one glance in the improved light was sufficient to show that there was something wrong, and that our grizzly bear was not a bear after all. but what was it? owing to my years of experience the matter was referred to me, and after making a close examination i was able to announce with surety that the supposed grizzly bear was _only a common, everyday stikine river mosquito_, of perhaps a little greater size than is usually encountered. it was then up to everyone to remark that they were sure from the first that it was not a bear. but the climax was reached when the englishman _expressed surprise that we had any doubts about what the animal really was_ right from the start, because he had killed it _only to get the stinger_, which, he was told, made an excellent golf club. pigeon trap in the june issue i note a reference to the pigeon trap at h.b.c. calgary gun club. as a devotee of the gun myself, and without any wish to presume to dictate to mr. chamberlain or any member of the gun club, i would respectfully draw his attention to the fact that the practice of shooting live pigeons sprung from traps has received severe condemnation; so much so that it is contemplated to discontinue the "sport" at monte carlo, biarritz, and many other fashionable resorts. also the british parliament intended to set the seal of its disapproval on this pastime by an act which would render it prohibitive. _the times_ of april th, , says: "_a standing committee of the house of commons, over which mr. hodge presided, yesterday considered the bill introduced by sir burton chadwick to prohibit the use of captive birds in all shooting carried on under artificial conditions._ "_sir burton chadwick moved a minor amendment to clause , which renders any person concerned in shooting of captive birds liable to a maximum fine of £ , or imprisonment for a term not exceeding three months or to both._" again on may th, _the times_ reports: "_we are able to state on high authority that the directors of the casino at monte carlo have decided to abandon the use of living birds in the pigeon-shooting competitions at monte carlo._" _john mcmurray, chief accountant's office, winnipeg_ old fur trader ill joseph sinclair, , a former h.b.c. fur trader at york factory and in the saskatchewan district, was admitted to the winnipeg general hospital on april st. mr. sinclair is suffering from cancer, a rodent ulcer on the face. he has had an attack of pneumonia while in hospital, but recovered and according to his physician is doing as well as could be expected. the vanished buffalo herds of north america _kingly race that once roamed a continent almost wiped out for "a dollar a hide"; straggling survivors carefully guarded_ by w. e. anderson about the year a party of metis hunters came to the plains southwest of the present situation of regina, saskatchewan, to hunt buffalo. the party consisted of the father, a man then on the elderly side of middle age, but who had been in his youth a noted buffalo runner and indian fighter; his wife, a heavy half-breed woman of some fifty years; and his daughter, a girl of about seventeen of a comely and attractive appearance. the father, according to his custom, followed the chase on horseback, the old woman, seated amongst robes and camp baggage, drove the creaking red river cart, whilst the young girl was in and out of the vehicle like an eager young spirit of the prairie. that season there were very few carts which came to the plains after buffalo. the great herds that used to blacken the country to the rim of the horison had thundered away into the limbo of the lost, and all that was left of them was a few stragglers that still haunted some of the more remote valley bottoms. the halfbreeds had strange and superstitious ideas about the passing of the buffalo. they could not believe that they had gone never to return. it was only yesterday that the plains were black with the shaggy herds. their trails and wallows were still to be seen everywhere. [illustration: _our map diagram indicates the approximate distribution of the buffalo grounds prior to ; limitations, mississippi river, rocky mountains, gulf of mexico and great slave lake._] this particular metis hunter believed that they had gone to some new pasturage, and that if they could be found the hunting would again be as good as in the days of yore. so for a period of years he led his family up and down the plains. one season they wintered at wood mountain, another they wandered as far north as ile a la crosse, then again at the milk river; but in all their wanderings they found none of the vanished herds. one winter they came to fort edmonton, and there the mother who had suffered for years from goitre, and was doubtless wearied with much wandering, lay down and quietly died. towards the close of the winter there came to the post a touchwood indian who had been in the slave river country as a dog driver for a hudson's bay officer. he told the halfbreed hunter that in the northern country of the lakes and rivers he had heard strange tales of great herds of buffalo. he had actually seen some himself. they were larger than the old-time buffalo of the plains, and their coats were longer and silkier. the old hunter brightened at the news. here at last was the word of the missing herds; making a company of travel with an iroquois river man, they penetrated through labyrinths of waterways to the region of the far north. there is no doubt but that the old hunter had been misled by rumors of the herd of wood-buffalo which had existed for many years in the slave river country, and which are today carefully protected by the northwest mounted police patrol. the original area over which the buffalo ranged began almost at tide-water on the atlantic coast. it extended westward through a vast tract of dense forest, across the alleghany mountains to the prairies along the mississippi, and southward to the delta of that great stream. although the vast plains country of the west was the natural home of the species, where it flourished most abundantly, it also wandered south across texas to the burning plains of north-eastern mexico, westward across the rocky mountains into new mexico, utah and idaho, and northward across a vast treeless waste to the bleak and inhospitable shores of great slave and hudson bay. vast herds of bison seemed to clothe the prairies in a coat of brown. they roamed the country around the headwaters of the qu'appelle river in tens of thousands. catlin has given some idea of the enormous numbers of bison that were killed during the first half of the nineteenth century. in he stated that , to , robes were marketed annually, which meant a slaughter of , , or perhaps , , bison. so great was the destruction that he prophesied their extermination within eight or ten years. the death knell was struck when the construction of the union pacific railway was begun at omaha in . prior to the advent of the first transcontinental railway the difficulties of marketing the results of the slaughter served as a slight check on the rate of extermination. the destruction began in earnest in and was complete four years later. the facility for shipping out the hides over the new railways was the cause of the rapid disappearance of the buffalo. in the united states, buffalo hunters grew prosperous shooting down the animals for "a dollar a hide." while the accompanying map is approximately correct, the feeding ground was necessarily subject to food material. in such years, for instance, as the grasshoppers spread devastation over large tracts of the northwest--when for miles and miles not a blade of grass could be seen--it is only reasonable to expect that the buffalo changed his regular stamping ground. william t. hornaday, the naturalist, estimated, january st, , the number of wild bison in the rocky mountains at , and the number in canada at . about are captive in europe, and in the united states, bringing the total number of pure bred bison up to . a large herd is under the protection of the canadian government in the park at wainwright, alberta. the more notable american herds are found in corbin's game preserve, new hampshire; in oklahoma; in the yellowstone national park; and on various private ranches in the western part of the united states. famous h.b.c. captains and ships (continued from the june issue) by h. m. s. cotter, cumberland house the "pelican" once scraped the sunken ledges near cartwright, but no h.b.c. ship has left her "bones" to rot on that iron-bound shore. little is known of the wrecks that do take place on this coast, but i have heard of appalling disasters amongst the hardy fishermen. on the nova scotian coast, collision with ice and subsequent loss of life is not infrequent. every year there are wrecks of some kind. ocean-going steamers have been forced ashore and become total wrecks. and so it is remarkable that h.b.c. ships have never met with disaster, especially considering their many ports of call. in i was a passenger on the "pelican" (captain alex. grey) bound for fort chimo, ungava. from the time we left quebec till we passed cape harrison, north of hamilton inlet, labrador, we had enjoyed fair weather. but the clouds and rising sea denoted a change. we were then standing off the coast nearly twelve miles and steaming at about seven knots. the wind kept veering between n. and n.e., finally blowing straight down the coast about north. we stood farther out to sea. at nightfall it was blowing half a gale with rain coming down--and mist. our speed then was not more than three knots and gradually getting less till about o'clock in the morning when the wind increased to a living gale, screeching and howling through the rigging and stopping all progress. it was then decided to run for shelter, but the nearest harbour was forty miles south, a place named _webek_. captain grey had been in this harbour only once, about twenty-five years before, and no one else aboard had ever anchored there. they turned the ship and we came scudding south in the blackness of night, then lay-to till dawn, and picking up the land approached at half speed. to give some idea of the gale outside, when we finally came to an anchorage about o'clock in the morning, the swell was so great in the harbour with the continued violence of the wind that we kept steaming to the anchors to prevent dragging and as the sailors say we were rolling "like maggots in an oak apple." several fishing schooners had run in the day before and even in shelter the crews had abandoned some of the vessels, as they were dragging their anchors and in imminent danger of going ashore. the captain was on the bridge all night. for hours he stood in the bow of the boat hanging in the starboard davits peering through the gloom and mist, looking for landmarks and the harbour entrance. he had on a black sou'wester and oil-skin coat and great long sea-boots. his face was streaming with the rain and spray--a gigantic, picturesque figure, and on this particular morning, unusually silent. when the ship was snug and safe he came off the bridge, and all he said was, "aye, aye, a little wind," and then he turned in. the entries in the log were quite commonplace--all in the day's work, as it were--and one would never glean from them that a ship and cargo worth a quarter of a million had been safely brought to a haven of refuge through exceptional seamanship and courage. it was in that captain grey in the "erik," when near resolution island at the entrance of the straits, ran into an iceberg. it happened at night in a thick fog. the ship was moving slowly at the time and before the lookout saw or could give warning she had poked her nose into the 'berg. her long bowsprit of pitch pine was crumpled up like so much matchwood, and the gear attached to it and one of the catheads was carried away. masses of ice came thundering down on her forecastle head, doing much damage to the woodwork. in the meantime the lookout sprinted aft, the watch below came tumbling up on deck and made for safety. the ship was put astern and hove to till daylight. they steamed up next day close enough to see a hole as big as a house which they had punched in the side of the 'berg. all the damage to the ship fortunately was done above the water line. when the "erik" returned to rigolet in october she was sporting a dinky little jib-boom made from one of the spare spars carried on deck for just such an emergency. mr. john ford, a passenger on his way to georges river post, told me he never saw captain grey more cool or collected. he gave orders as if nothing unusual were taking place. and at breakfast next morning all he said in reference to it was, "aye, aye, a little ice." f. t. c. o. notes ralph parsons, district manager for labrador, left st. john's, newfoundland, june st for inspection of fur trade posts in his district, including cartwright, rigolet, northwest river and davis inlet. mr. parsons will later board the h.b.c. supply ship at grady, off the labrador coast, and proceed north to the hudson straits section of his district. _l. romanet_, fur trade general inspector, left vancouver at the end of may for inspection of posts in the british columbia district. he will return in august. _t. p. o'kelly_ was to go on company's business with the "lady kindersley," which was scheduled to sail from vancouver for the western arctic, june th. _w. r. mitchell_, post manager at fort churchill, left winnipeg june th for his station, going via the pas and york factory. _john bartleman_, district manager for keewatin, left winnipeg june th for his regular summer inspection trip of fur trade posts. _the company has engaged_ twelve apprentice clerks in scotland for service at h.b.c. fur trade posts in northern canada. the party of young men sailed from southampton june th on the "corsican" for montreal. _j. j. barker_, district manager for saskatchewan, left prince albert june th on summer inspection trip. he will return august st. _mrs. owen griffith_, wife of the post manager at albany, james' bay district, was in winnipeg during june visiting her mother, mrs. allan nicolson. kamloops, b. c. store news _miss smith_, of the ready-to-wear department, returned june st after two weeks' vacation, part of which was spent with her mother and sisters at barriere. _mr. madill_, of the shoe department, made a short visit to calgary to meet mr. purves, manager of shoe department of winnipeg depot. _miss weatherby_, of the dry goods department, is on a two weeks' vacation trip to the coast cities. _mrs. munn_, wife of our grocery manager, who has just undergone two very trying operations in vancouver hospital, is home again and we are pleased to note her marked improvement. _harry campbell_ is the latest addition to our grocery staff and is welcomed by all. [illustration: youthful portrait no. ] who is it? send your guess to the photograph editor, _the beaver_ and watch for the name next month. _mrs. l. g. mayer_, wife of the post manager at great whale river, was visiting relatives in fort william during june and has returned to the post. _nixon, our esteemed_ checker and shipper, is a recognized expert in all matters pertaining to horticulture. when the north kamloops may-day committee was making preparations for their celebration this year and wanted something very special in the way of flowers for the may queen's crown they appointed mr. nixon a committee of one to grow flowers for this purpose and to make the crown. a true fish story by geo. r. robson, esquimalt, b.c. if one chanced to be in the neighbourhood of the naas river in the early spring of the year, when the bolachan (candle fish) run begins, he could not fail to notice the large number of ducks gathered in the bays and the eagles perched on almost every tree skirting the beaches, all on the watch for the coming feast. sit down for a while and notice what is going on. ah! there is a fishhawk darting into the water of the bay. it is up again with a fish clutched in its talons; see, there comes an eagle in full chase rapidly overtaking the hawk which is now soaring up and up. it is useless; the eagle soon rises above and swoops down on the osprey. the fish abandoned and falling is followed by the eagle and caught before it reaches the water. so it goes on day by day while the run continues. at nelson one sunday afternoon when walking towards town, looking towards the lake i saw a hawk rise with a fish, and sure enough an eagle just starting in pursuit. (i pointed them out to my wife and children who were with me.) they were coming in our direction, flying low. thinking the eagle might be driven off, i gathered a few pebbles, and when the birds were almost above us threw them and shouted loudly. to my surprise the hawk dropped the fish and both birds wheeled about and flew in the direction of the lake. the fish fell in the brush about a hundred feet away. i ran to the spot; there was a fine trout wriggling in the grass. jack gibson, the drug store man, had appeared on the scene and called out, "what have you got there?" "oh, only to-morrow's breakfast," i replied. [illustration: _guests at kitchen shower given for miss smith_] gets wheelbarrow-full of aluminum pans miss smith, manager of the ready-to-wear department, who is leaving shortly to be married, was the guest of honor at a kitchen shower given at the home of miss stella cozens by the lady members of our staff and friends, who represented in almost every instance former members of the staff. the shower consisted of aluminum kitchen utensils in a wheelbarrow decorated with crepe paper and flowers, surmounted by two kewpie dolls dressed as bride and groom. after lunch was served and everybody felt happy and comfortable, miss dougans gave a little exhibition of acrobatic skill. montreal * * * * * _h.b.c. eastern buying agency news_ the following buyers for the new h.b.c. victoria store were in the east during june: miss j. murdock. miss a. g. mclaren. mr. hunter. mr. gordon. _miss f. o'grady and mr. frankish_, from the winnipeg retail branch, were with us june th, and mr. thomas ross, of the winnipeg depot, also spent a few days in montreal. _miss kate currie, of vancouver_, recently paid us a visit and is now en route for home. winnipeg _retail store news_ _at a recent meeting_ of the managers and buyers of the store two of our associates were honored for their service records. miss f. smith had just attained ten years' service, all of which was given in winnipeg store. mr. roland hoccon had just completed twenty years in the company's employ. in the name of the governor, mr. sparling commented upon the creditable records of both miss smith and mr. hoccon, and presented mr. hoccon with a twenty-year bar to his long service medal. _tom johnson_, of the men's clothing department, was a busy man during the week of june st. tom is a hard working member of the manitoba football association and was on the reception committee from manitoba to welcome the visiting aggregation of scottish football experts. _everyone regrets_ that we are losing miss netta mcewan, who will occupy an important position in the new victoria store. miss mcewan's pleasing personality has won her many friends during her years of association with us and we are, frankly, jealous of victoria store. _suppose mr. saalfeld_ would probably like to present us with a crate of retired eggs--one at a time--for saying so, but it just occurred to us that an advertisement of the following character should be productive of considerable business during the summer months: "_the beauty parlors announce for wednesday a sale of stylish new moustaches. these will be made up for two simoleons, in color desired to match any facial decoration scheme--waxed, fitted and attached free of extra charge. line forms on the left!_" _miss kandie, miss garnier and miss girourd_ have all left us, amid showers of confetti, during the last little while. object, matrimony. [illustration: youthful portrait no. ] who is it? if you "have a hunch" send in your guess and watch for name in the august issue. listening-in at an h.b.c. dance! (imaginary scraps of desiccated conversation collected at a company dance). "_i have just two left open." "say, isn't he lanky!" "who is that dressed in copen?" "there--i've lost my hankie!_" "_hear that saxophone whine!" "who's your friend, may i ask?" "have yu tried the grape-vine?" "whew! this three-step's some task!_" "_now, you take a pace back." "see here--when do we eat?" "like a sea-going hack-- "stepped all over my feet!_" "_such a long intermish!" "do you wish lemonade?" "she's like dorothy gish." "yes, that's imported jade._" "_i could fox-trot all night." "and never grow weary!" "m-m-m! my face is a sight; "slip me your puff, dearie._" "_there's those two, cheek to cheek!" "ho! see that man bowing." "now, don't jump when i speak-- but your ears are showing!_" "_'home, sweet home!'--you live far?" "why you're really so kind,-- but then art. bro't his car; i am sure you won't mind._" --_from_ "piebald pomes and other atrocities" by the akoond of swat. joe scott tends goal against all-stars by t. reith joe scott was pleasantly surprised when he received a handsome gold watch fob bearing the following inscription: _presented to joseph scott by his admirers in hudson's bay store for splendid display as goalkeeper against scottish all-star football team,_ _winnipeg, june th, ._ joe is an esteemed member of our delivery department and was honored by manitoba footballers in being chosen to keep goal for manitoba against the visiting scottish stars. said the one and only jimmy mcmenemy: "we won with ease, but there is one consolation left for the home boys, and that is that they are the best team we have yet opposed. "your goalkeeper, joe scott, is a worthy custodian. facing a blinding sun and having to handle a lively ball, he put up a great game between the sticks. i thought that some of his saves were particularly fine." [illustration: _joe scott stopping a "hot shot" from andy wilson of the visiting stars._] wholesale depot _miss rose paradis_, late steno star, was our first "june bride." rose was married at sedan on wednesday, june th. _miss maude poole_, who came out from england, joining the staff of steno stars, was our next "june bride," being married on saturday, june th, to mr. l. keeble, of winnipeg. the wedding took place at st. luke's church, fort rouge, at o'clock. the girls of the staff presented miss poole with an electric table lamp as a token of their appreciation. _poor bobby_ (miss gow) is on the sick list and is unfortunately compelled to miss the first part of the tennis season. bobby was one of our enthusiasts last year. _miss fairbanks_ is another unfortunate one on the sick list. _football_--the team in the commercial league are still going at a great gait--government telephones and eaton's wanderers being beaten - and - , respectively. to date the wholesale have played four games, winning two and drawing two. _tennis_--like bears awakening after the winter's sleep, so the long evenings and fine weather is luring the tennis fans on to the courts. the latest converts are miss kellet, miss vusom, miss smeaton and bill paul. all members of the staff are welcome and we wish that more would come out and take advantage of the courts. _quoits._--the wholesale section of the depot are going to try for the quoits championship this year. many are coming out for practice games, and as one remarked the other night, "watch our smoke." modern canoes for northland a carload of modern peterboro canoes will go forward shortly from edmonton to fort mcpherson, at the mouth of the mckenzie river, for distribution among the northernmost posts of h.b.c. this modern type of canoe is being shipped in to take the place of the old time birchbark, and this summer will see them being paddled by eskimos and indians who hitherto have never navigated anything more modern than a kayak or birchbark canoe. the new canoes weigh but forty pounds each, although twelve feet in length. they are intended especially for the requirements of the lone hunter. there are twelve canoes in all going to the far north in this shipment, including the various types and sizes from the big cruiser to the trapper's craft. lethbridge (alta.) store news an enjoyable time was had on may th at the club house on henderson lake by the members and friends of the hudson's bay athletic association of lethbridge. baseball, boating, music and dancing provided entertainment for the large crowd. in the afternoon a presentation of a knife and fork cabinet was made to mr. charles briggs, who recently took unto himself a wife. the presentation was made by mr. c. h. fair on behalf of the management and staff. _miss reeves_ attended the gossard corset demonstration at calgary recently. _mr. w. thomson_, who recently arrived in canada from scotland, and who has served overseas with the imperial army as french and german interpreter with the army of occupation, is now manager of the house furnishings department. mr. thomson has had a number of years' experience in glasgow. _mr. charles briggs_ has been transferred to the managership of our grocery department. _miss patterson_ left for a short visit to vancouver where she has undergone an operation and we are pleased to know that she is progressing favorably and able to enjoy the scenic wonders of the coast city. _mrs. mars_ is now back with us after a short illness. _mr. george burns_, manager of the shoe department, is on the sick list, but we hope to see him back in his department shortly. general office (winnipeg) news the publicity department removed june th from york street to the executive offices at main street. _t. h. irvine_, caretaker, was heard talking to himself, chuckling, and saying something about a "prize bairn." mrs. irvine is doing well, and thomas henry is the name of the fine new baby. _colin urquhart_, whose retirement was reported in our issue of december, , was a visitor last month. he looked the picture of health. _miss peggy boyle_ and mr. w. a. wylde, of the chief accountant's office were on holidays from june th to th. [illustration: winnipeg dry goods staff, . any familiar faces here?] vancouver [illustration: _this up-and-coming aggregation of h.b.c. vancouver baseball artists has been playing in hard luck so far, but enthusiastic rooting will encourage them to fight for a place at the top. our 'photo shows the players from left to right: mcreery, leaney, vater, stedham, barber, anderson, jopson, cline, rawlinson, adams._] watch these ball players from now on by l. a. keele out of four games played the team has yet to win a game, but the boys are trying hard and with a little co-operation and support from the rest of the store staff the ball team will yet be seen in the form of a championship contender. all games are played immediately after the close of business and it is hard to expect the boys to be on hand and ready to play at a moment's notice. however, that is one of the hardships they are working under and if the supporters of our team will have patience until the team gets into its stride they will see the team win ball games. support the team. come out to every game; let the boys who are playing know that you are behind them. make a noise when you are there and don't let the players think that the whole crowd is rooting for the other team. city senior baseball is good and any team that can make good in the league are ball players. in view of the fact that this is the h.b.c. store's first attempt to field a team in the city league, and all other teams have the rest of the city to choose from, whereas the h.b.c. team is being confined to store boys, we have a very formidable aggregation. no skirts for this -foot climb by a. humphreys a party of five of the younger set--misses e. martin, l. geach, v. fairhurst, a. humphreys and m. phillips, started out for a hike up grouse mountain on a sunday in june. after an enjoyable ride on the ferry they boarded the car for the mountain, started to climb about ten o'clock and reached mosquito creek ( feet) about noon. there camp was struck. the climb was continued to the summit, which was reached about o'clock. a lively game of snowball was enjoyed by these ardent alpine spirits, who nothing daunted by the -foot grade, declared they had the time of their lives. many of the staff will no doubt want to follow in the footsteps of these pioneer trail-breakers. but girls, side-step skirts and get into riding trousers for this climb! * * * * * _mr. h. pout_, h.b.c. manager at vernon, who has been recently appointed to position of merchandise manager at victoria store, was in vancouver during june making arrangements for entering his new sphere in the company's service. presentation to mr. horne j. s. horne, assistant accountant, who has devoted twelve years of faithful service at the vancouver store, was presented on june th with a gold watch and chain as a mark of the regard in which he is held by the staff, the occasion being the transfer of mr. horne to the new store soon to be opened at victoria. mr. lockyer, general manager, made the presentation in the presence of representatives from the different departments of the store. h.b.c. cribbage players win baxter cup the aggregate scores for the season in the vancouver inter-club and cribbage association show the hudson's bay company players as winners of the t. s. baxter cup for single points, while g.w.v.a. has carried off the double championship and with it the cup donated by h. t. lockyer. wholesome minds a few thoughts for our younger folks (older ones not barred) _by mrs. jack hawkshaw_ when a young woman's skirt or a young man's trousers show bulging creases over the knees, their owners are living a sedentary life or have never learned to walk correctly. stand erect with the upper part of the chest "leading." breathe deeply, laugh deeply and smoothly. don't giggle and squirm, girls. have poise. it is the most wonderful health inspirer on earth. how many of us realize that a flustered mind is the cause of more disease than the inoculation of poisonous germs? physicians are coming more and more to see the power of mentality. a great deal of practice of the now-a-days physician is in "cheering up" his patients and routing morbid fears. every thought has an effect of some sort on the human body. how often an unreasoning fear of a disease will bring about conditions which make for the "catching" of it! we would have fewer cases of "chronic ailments" if only folks would realize that if it is "chronic" then it can not be very "killing" trouble, else people would not last for years (sometimes for more than half a century) with some affliction that they become so attached to they could not live without. you know in every community there is the chronic sufferer from insomnia who forty-nine times out of every fifty nights has not "slept a wink." sleeplessness is his hobby. by all means let us throw the windows of our minds wide open to the blessed breezes of heaven and rejoice in this "best of all possible worlds." live vitally, energetically. really "enjoy your work" and throw yourselves with might and main into play. and remember, the hudson's bay company, which has existed for years, does not require _you_ to be its atlas when you go home at night. it will get along quite as well if you lay business aside, out of your mind, and relax and "air your brain" from the fatigues of the day and then come back in the morning full of "pep" ready to give good measure in the service you have sold them. some of our young ladies like to do a little bit of homekeeping in their spare time; one we know of has a wonderful little "cabin home" on the wooded shores of burrard inlet. on wednesdays and sundays she dispenses hospitality to a chosen friend or two. we heard of a most entertaining "party" held not so long ago. it would appear that the guests foregathered at a rendezvous to be driven to "ozocomfy" in another young lady's motor car. they all had a wonderful day of it, notwithstanding the fact that the motor tires blew off, and the gas gave out. they pluckily stuck to the game and arrived home after a most hilarious outing. leaving for new posts at victoria those about to leave vancouver for their new appointments at victoria store are as follows: _mr. porte, manager_; _mr. stanhope, manager, furniture department_; _mr. marten, manager, draperies_; _mrs. grew, librarian_; _mr. stewart, manager, ladies' shoes_; _miss mclaren, manageress, whitewear_; _miss grimason, manageress, ready-to-wear_; _mr. wilkinson, manager, delivery_; _mr. horne, accountant_; _mr. mcbain, traffic manager_. the wild man "_who's the stranger, mother dear? look! he knows us! ain't he queer?" "hush, my own! don't talk so wild, "that's your father, dearest child!" "he's my father? no such thing! father died, you know, last spring!" "father didn't die, you dub! father joined a golfing club, but they closed the club, so he had no place to go, you see! no place left for him to roam, that's why he's coming home. kiss him--he won't bite you, child, all these golfing guys look wild!_" edmonton [illustration: _a pyramid of pretty players who are upholding the honor of h.b.c. edmonton retail in the lively game of basketball. won one, lost two. more wins soon._] retail store topics _miss vera solick_ has recently been promoted as assistant to mr. briggs in the whitewear section. _miss winnie campbell_, of the whitewear department, is leaving, to be married. the event will take place the latter part of june. _miss a. lavoy_, of the underwear department, leaves on the st of july for the coast, a change being absolutely necessary for her health. _mrs. k. duncan_, our corsetiere, is leaving for calgary to attend the "gossard school of instruction" which is being held in that city. _miss ritchie_, of the transfer desk, has changed her name. mr. yuill, of h.b.c. wholesale department, is the cause of this drastic procedure. the whole store staff tenders them their most hearty congratulations. _miss opal jobe_, recently of the whitewear section, has been transferred to the drug department. _miss e. rudder_, of the library, is once more back in her old place at the stationery counter. _mr. saunders_, of the drug department, is a newcomer and we welcome him to our ranks. _miss lillian ritchie_, bride-to-be, was the recipient of a linen shower, given june th by her friends of the store, at the home of miss jennie jones, bonnie doon. _a certain buyer_ on the main floor went fishing during may, but reports that all he caught was a "bully cold." our buyer didn't get a bite, but as he sat with his friend on the bank of the river he imagined that a big one was trying to take away his pole which was propped among rocks while he went for a drink of gingerbeer. he made a dash for the pole, stumbled on a stone and in trying to avoid a fall, grabbed his companion. they both rolled into the cold waters of the river. thus ended disastrously a promising fishing excursion. a. & a.a. early season sports events _football_--our team continues to win and is at the head of the league table, having played four league games and won them all by scores of - , - , - , and - , and there seems to be nothing to stop us from annexing the league championship. _baseball_--the baseball team has played three league games so far, and won them all, so they too are strongly in the running, being the only unbeaten side so far. _basketball_--our girls have played three games since the last report and have won one of them, losing the others by a single point in each instance. _tennis_--the two new tennis courts which have been in course of construction were opened on friday, june rd, and a great number took advantage of the sport provided. a tournament is being planned. judging by the number of entrants, it should be a great success. let's forget it by j. prest _if you see a tall fellow ahead of a crowd, a leader of men, marching fearless and proud, and you know of a tale whose mere telling aloud would cause his proud head in grief to be bowed, it's a pretty good plan to forget it._ _if you know of a skeleton hidden away in a closet, and guarded, and kept from the day, in the dark, and whose showing, whose sudden display would cause grief and sorrow and lifelong dismay, it's a pretty good plan to forget it._ _if you know of a thing that will darken the joy of a man or a woman, a girl or a boy, that will wipe out a smile or leastway annoy, or cause a fellow any gladness to cloy, it's a pretty good plan to forget it._ how much brighter and how much more joyful would this old world be if we all got together and practised that old adage, "do unto others as ye would that they do unto you." this world is too full of sorrow and pain already, and we are all too ready to condemn when we ought to condone. what is the matter with us anyway? if one has taken a false step in the past, is there any reason why they should be given the "cold shoulder," especially when they are endeavouring to lead a straight life? man or woman is entitled to a square deal, no matter what the past may have been. once the turning point has been passed between right and wrong, and a firm endeavor is made to keep to the "narrow way," then let us help and encourage instead of raking up the past and by so doing help wreck a human soul. we are all human; many are subject to temptations from which others are immune. it is usually a case of environment, therefore judge not your neighbor harshly. let's all try to practice the suggestions in the above poem; let's judge fellow beings by the present--not by the past. masquerade baseball match amuses a big turn-out marked this amusing event on saturday, june th, at the company's grounds. about two hundred marched from the store, headed by a comic jazz band, dressed in almost every conceivable sort of costume. on arrival at the baseball grounds the fun began in earnest. a troop of horsemen proved a circus in itself. no less than nine fiery chargers in the persons of messrs. crockett, ferris, edwards, fleming, arnold, plowman, crockett jr., and hardaker, provided fun which was a "scream" from start to finish. frequently the crowd of onlookers were charged by these cavorting and prancing steeds. towards the end of the evening, however, crockett's horse had its head knocked off and one or two more lost tails and other parts of their anatomy. never had edmontonians witnessed such a motley crowd as those who took part and attended this masquerade baseball match. the store manager, mr. f. f. harker, dressed as a stalwart chinese mandarin, umpired the game. the rival teams were as follows: "_harmony has-beens_"--miss peterson, miss doherty, miss mcewen, miss larandeau, miss meghy, mr. digney, mr. mckenzie, mr. b. stephens, mr. graham. "_peerless misfits_"--miss mcleod, miss bennet, mrs. astley, miss h. stephens, miss urquhart, mr. roberts, mr. ferris, mr. p. plowman, mr. stephens. _score_--"misfits," . "has-beens," . [illustration: youthful portrait no. ] who is it? send in your guess now and watch for name next month. calgary _retail store news_ [illustration: officers and executive of h.b.a.a.a., season, standing--_a. wilkinson_, _lou doll_, _g. benson_, _t. walsh_, _h. lambert_, _s. mckellar_. seated--_miss miller_, _f. r. reeve, secretary_; _j. s. smith, vice-president_; _j. m. gibson, president_; _r. w. mason, treasurer_; _miss mcray_.] new department as a sales-stimulant during june it was decided to take two complete sections of the fourth floor and create a new department to be known as fourth floor bargain centre. this department was opened up in connection with _june stock unloading campaign_ which ran for a period of eight days. special advertising called attention not only to fourth floor bargain centre but to main floor bargain tables and rendezvous bargain tables as well. fourth floor signs were placed on all elevators and on different floors calling attention to the bargains to be found there. considerable interest has been taken by the staff in the formation of this department and all buyers are very keen to get their merchandise displayed. if this attitude is reflected by the public there is no doubt that the creation of this department will prove a decided success. * * * * * _holiday time_ is here and several members of the staff are enjoying themselves in the country and elsewhere. miss burrows, of the ladies' underclothing department, has taken a big risk; she has gone to ponoka. hopes are entertained that she will come back greatly benefited by her sojourn there. _mrs. marks_, who has resided in vancouver for a few years, has joined the whitewear department. she was formerly employed in the blouse department. the adventures of sales book no. (_continued from june issue_) after the trouble that resulted from my being lost, of which i told you last month, my owner was for a time very careful where she put me, but when one is doing one thing and thinking of something altogether different it won't be long before there is a mistake made--and sure enough that is what happened. a lady came up to the counter and my owner, who did not happen to be serving at the time, asked her what she could show her. the customer mentioned some little c article. my owner produced what was required and the customer said she would take two. i was then taken up and the sale was written down, but she did not notice, nor did the cashier, who knowing the price and looking on the sale slip for c saw that and nothing else. on the sale slip was written ---- | . it was intended to mean two articles at c ea.-- c; but my owner had placed the c in the $ column, making it look like $ . . you cannot imagine how humiliated i felt at the trouble one of my sale slips was, i felt sure, going to cause; however, i will let it tell its own tale. _the story of sale slip no. _ as you know, i am really meant to stand for c, but look like $ . . the cashier, not noticing the error, stamped me _paid_, tore me in half, placed the duplicate portion in the parcel and the original on her file with a lot of others. before long others were put on top of me and i stayed there till store closing time when we were all taken off the file, tied up and taken to the fourth floor and put in a box with a lot of other bundles. in the morning we were taken to the audit department where each bundle was summed up in turn by comptometer operators. the turn of my bundle soon came; the slips were rapidly added and when it came to me, sure enough into the machine went $ . . when the total of the bundle was compared with the deposit slip it showed the cashier as being $ . short. the bundle was turned back to be re-added; another operator went through it, and arriving at the same total, and it was the same with two others who added the bundle. mr. cunningham was then flashed for and the report given to him that the cashier was $ . short. he questioned the cashier but she could not help him. meanwhile the audit department were sorting the sale slips and when they had all the slips for each salesperson in rotation they compared them with the tallies. when they came to me they saw $ . and on the tally only c. they were just about to add $ . more on to the tally when they noticed that the article written on my face was only a c article. then they realised that the " " was out of place and that i represented only c. by looking at the cashier's stamp number and referring to the cashier's report they saw she was listed as $ . short. i was then taken to the saleslady who made me out and showed to her. her only comment was, "oh, that's nothing, it's only a little out of place." _note._--_the above was an actual occurrence. the sale slip in question was sent to_ the beaver _but cannot be reproduced here_. attend eighth annual field sports with the exception of a short shower, ideal weather and a bumper crowd of joyous members made the eighth annual field day of the h.b.a.a.a. one of the most successful on record. it was held on wednesday afternoon, june th, on the athletic grounds at parkdale. the big programme was run off without a hitch. the membership to date is the highest on record and well over the mark. mr. kitson, of the membership committee, promises to reach before the season has passed. mr. mason and his refreshment committee went to a great deal of trouble to make the refreshment end a success, and that they did so will be borne out by each one of the people who partook of them. through courtesy of the local military headquarters, the loan of an army field kitchen was obtained which materially helped the handling of the liquid refreshments. [illustration: _the happy throng at h.b.c. field day, calgary, june th, _] music was supplied by an all-star band during the afternoon, and the comedy police proved an added feature in patrolling the grounds during the day. they made several amusing arrests and a court was busily engaged in pinning on the assessments. the police tug-of-war team beat the h.b.c. strongmen handily. this is the same "cop" aggregation that won the title from the firemen at the gymkhana. a grand prize drawing was held and twenty-four athletic events for men, women and girls during the afternoon. it is regretted that space will not permit to listing here of all the prizes and winners. the land department branch at victoria has removed from the district building on wharf street, and is now established at pemberton building. miss mccoll wins prize in music festival miss julia mccoll, of h.b.c. credit office staff, won second prize in the contralto solo competition; marks, per cent. and per cent.; total, per cent. miss mccoll and miss i. ramsay also won second prize in vocal duet competition; marks, per cent. adjudicators were t. f. noble, m.a., f.r.c., a.r.c.m., of new york, and walter henry hall, professor of choral music, columbia 'varsity, new york. h.b.c. marine and river transport news the "lady kindersley" made her trial trip off vancouver june th and proceeded june th to seattle and ladysmith where she loaded coal and fuel oil, returning to vancouver june th to take on cargo for h.b.c. western arctic posts. she sailed for herschel island on her maiden trip, june th. _the h.b.c. schooner "casco"_ arrived safely at petropavlosk, kamchatka peninsula, siberia, on june th, according to a wireless message from that port which was relayed by cable from japan. _the river boats "hubaco"_ and "nechemus" arrived at fort mcmurray june th from fort fitzgerald after completing the second trip of the season to the portage. the "hubaco" left mcmurray again for the north, june th, with a house-boat in tow carrying the treaty party which will pay the annual government obligation to the indian tribes of the athabasca and mackenzie. the "nechemus" left for fitzgerald june th. _the h.b.s.s. "fort mcmurray"_ completed her second trip of the season to fort fitzgerald on june th, and left mcmurray for the north again on june th with freight and supplies for the mackenzie. _the h.b.s.s. "mackenzie river"_ came south from winter quarters, arriving at fort smith june st. _the h.b.s.s. "nascopie"_ sailed from st. nazarre, france, june th for st. john's and montreal, where she will load supplies for hudson bay posts. _the company has purchased_ the auxiliary schooner "l. burry" at st. john's, newfoundland. the vessel has been rechristened the "fort chesterfield" and will be utilized for the redistribution of supplies from the h.b.c. post at chesterfield inlet to the several posts and outposts of the district. mr. a. berthe, late of the nelson river district, is in st. john's superintending the overhauling of the boat and will accompany her to chesterfield. _the h.b.s.s. "baychimo,"_ of sixteen hundred tons deadweight, is a big steel steamer which has recently been purchased by the company owing to the extension of its trade in the hudson bay and straits districts. the "baychimo" will supplement the "nascopie," "pelican" and "discovery" which had been found insufficient to cope with the great supply tonnage going into the sub-arctic. the new steamer sailed from st. nazarre, france, on june st for montreal. _the h.b. schooner "fort churchill,"_ now lying in james' bay, will be transferred this season to the nelson river district (york factory.) captain kean is proceeding from montreal by way of mattice and the missanabie to take charge of the vessel on her voyage up the bay. hudson's bay company incorporated a.d. [illustration] "_everything for your game_" select good equipment for a good game you can't expect to beat colonel bogey with golf equipment of doubtful origin. the better your clubs, the better your game. be satisfied with nothing less dependable than h.b.c. quality. _it will profit you to get the best; your score card will show. let us help in the selection of suitable equipment from these famous lines_: _burke grand prize_ _harry vardon_ _j. h. taylor_ _carnoustie_ the wilson "success" . ball and the best in all accessories [transcriber's note: inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.] [illustration: prince rupert, _first governor_. james, duke of york, _second governor_. lord churchill, _afterwards_ duke of marlborough, _third governor_. lord strathcona and mount royal, _present governor_. four great governors of the hudson's bay company.] [_frontispiece._] the remarkable history of the hudson's bay company including that of _the french traders of north-western canada and of the north-west, x y, and astor fur companies_ by george bryce, m.a., ll.d. professor in manitoba college, winnipeg; dÉlÉguÉ rÉgional de l'alliance scientifique de paris; member of general committee of british association; fellow of american association for advancement of science; president royal society of canada ( ); member of the commission on canadian resources ( ); member of the royal commission on technical education ( ); author of "manitoba" ( ); "short history of canadian people" ( ), makers of canada series (mackenzie, selkirk and simpson); "romantic settlement of lord selkirk's colonists" ( ); "canada" in winsor's nar. and crit. hist. of america, etc., etc. _third edition_ with numerous full-page illustrations and maps london sampson low, marston & co., ltd. preface the hudson's bay company! what a record this name represents of british pluck and daring, of patient industry and hardy endurance, of wild adventure among savage indian tribes, and of exposure to danger by mountain, precipice, and seething torrent and wintry plain! in two full centuries the hudson's bay company, under its original charter, undertook financial enterprises of the greatest magnitude, promoted exploration and discovery, governed a vast domain in the northern part of the american continent, and preserved to the british empire the wide territory handed over to canada in . for nearly a generation since that time the veteran company has carried on successful trade in competition with many rivals, and has shown the vigour of youth. the present history includes not only the record of the remarkable exploits of this well-known company, but also the accounts of the daring french soldiers and explorers who disputed the claim of the company in the seventeenth century, and in the eighteenth century actually surpassed the english adventurers in penetrating the vast interior of rupert's land. special attention is given in this work to the picturesque history of what was the greatest rival of the hudson's bay company, viz. the north-west fur company of montreal, as well as to the extraordinary spirit of the x y company and the astor fur company of new york. a leading feature of this book is the adequate treatment for the first time of the history of the well-nigh eighty years just closing, from the union of all the fur traders of british north america under the name of the hudson's bay company. this period, beginning with the career of the emperor-governor. sir george simpson ( ), and covering the life, adventure, conflicts, trade, and development of the vast region stretching from labrador to vancouver island, and north to the mackenzie river and the yukon, down to the present year, is the most important part of the company's history. for the task thus undertaken the author is well fitted. he has had special opportunities for becoming acquainted with the history, position, and inner life of the hudson's bay company. he has lived for nearly thirty years in winnipeg, for the whole of that time in sight of fort garry, the fur traders' capital, or what remains of it; he has visited many of the hudson's bay company's posts from fort william to victoria, in the lake superior and the lake of the woods region, in manitoba, assiniboia, alberta, and british columbia; in those districts he has run the rapids, crossed the portages, surveyed the ruins of old forts, and fixed the localities of long-forgotten posts; he is acquainted with a large number of the officers of the company, has enjoyed their hospitality, read their journals, and listened with interest to their tales of adventure in many out-of-the-way posts; he is a lover of the romance, and story, and tradition of the fur traders' past. the writer has had full means of examining documents, letters, journals, business records, heirlooms, and archives of the fur traders both in great britain and canada. he returns thanks to the custodians of many valuable originals, which he has used, to the governor of the hudson's bay company in , right hon. g. j. goschen, who granted him the privilege of consulting all hudson's bay company records up to the date of , and he desires to still more warmly acknowledge the permission given him by the distinguished patron of literature and education, the present governor of the hudson's bay company, lord strathcona and mount royal, to read any documents of public importance in the hudson's bay house in london. this unusual opportunity granted the author was largely used by him in and again in . taking the advice of his publishers, the author, instead of publishing several volumes of annals of the company, has condensed the important features of the history into one fair-sized volume, but has given in an appendix references and authorities which may afford the reader, who desires more detailed information on special periods, the sources of knowledge for fuller research. preface to the third edition the favor which has been shown to the "remarkable history of the hudson's bay company" has resulted in a large measure from its being written by a native-born canadian, who is familiar with much of the ground over which the company for two hundred years held sway. a number of corrections have been made and the book has been brought up to date for this edition. it has been a pleasure to the author, who has expressed himself without fear or favor regarding the company men and their opponents, that he has received from the greater number of his readers commendations for his fairness and insight into the affairs of the company and its wonderful history. george bryce. kilmadock, winnipeg, _august , _. contents chapter i the first voyage for trade. page famous companies--"the old lady of fenchurch street"--the first voyage--radisson and groseilliers--spurious claim of the french of having reached the bay--"journal published by prince society"--the claim invalid--early voyages of radisson--the frenchmen go to boston--cross over to england--help from royalty--fiery rupert--the king a stockholder--many hitherto unpublished facts--capt. zachariah gillam--charles fort built on rupert river--the founder's fame chapter ii. hudson's bay company founded. royal charters--good queen bess--"so miserable a wilderness"--courtly stockholders--correct spelling--"the nonsense of the charters"--mighty rivers--lords of the territory--to execute justice--war on infidels--power to seize--"skin for skin"--friends of the red man chapter iii. methods of trade. rich mr. portman--good ship _prince rupert_--the early adventurers--"book of common prayer"--five forts--voting a funeral--worth of a beaver--to hudson bay and back--selling the pelts--bottles of sack--fat dividends--"victorious as cæsar"--"golden fruit" chapter iv. three great governors. men of high station--prince rupert primus--prince james, "nemine contradicente"--the hero of the hour--churchill river named--plate of solid gold--off to the tower chapter v. two adroit adventurers. peter radisson and "mr. gooseberry" again--radisson _v._ gillam--back to france--a wife's influence--paltry vessels--radisson's diplomacy--deserts to england--shameful duplicity--"a hogshead of claret"--adventurers appreciative--twenty-five years of radisson's life hitherto unknown--"in a low and mean condition"--the company in chancery--lucky radisson--a company pensioner chapter vi. french rivalry. the golden lilies in danger--"to arrest radisson"--the land called "unknown"--a chain of claim--imaginary pretensions--chevalier de troyes--the brave lemoynes--hudson bay forts captured--a litigious governor--laugh at treaties--the glory of france--enormous claims--consequential damages chapter vii. ryswick and utrecht. the "grand monarque" humbled--caught napping--the company in peril--glorious utrecht--forts restored--damages to be considered--commission useless chapter viii. dreams of a north-west passage. stock rises--jealousy aroused--arthur dobbs, esq.--an ingenious attack--appeal to the "old worthies"--captain christopher middleton--was the company in earnest? the sloop _furnace_--dobbs' fierce attack--the great subscription--independent expedition--"henry ellis, gentleman"--"without success"--dobbs' real purpose chapter ix. the interesting blue-book of . "le roi est mort"--royalty unfavourable--earl of halifax--"company asleep"--petition to parliament--neglected discovery--timidity or caution--strong "prince of wales"--increase of stock--a timid witness--claims of discovery--to make indians christians--charge of disloyalty--new company promises largely--result nil chapter x. french canadians explore the interior. the "western sea"--ardent duluth--"kaministiquia"--indian boasting--père charlevoix--father gonor--the man of the hour:--verendrye--indian map-maker--the north shore--a line of forts--the assiniboine country--a notable manuscript--a marvellous journey--glory, but not wealth--post of the western sea chapter xi. the scottish merchants of montreal. unyielding old cadot--competition--the enterprising henry--leads the way--thomas curry--the elder finlay--plundering indians--grand portage--a famous mart--the plucky frobishers--the sleeping giant aroused--fort cumberland--churchill river--indian rising--the deadly smallpox--the whites saved chapter xii. discovery of the coppermine. samuel hearne--"the mungo park of canada"--perouse complains--the north-west passage--indian guides--two failures--third journey successful--smokes the calumet--discovers arctic ocean--cruelty to the eskimos--error in latitude--remarkable indian woman--capture of prince of wales fort--criticism by umfreville chapter xiii. forts on hudson bay left behind. andrew graham's "memo."--prince of wales fort--the garrison--trade--york factory--furs--albany--subordinate forts--moose--moses norton--cumberland house--upper assiniboine--rainy lake--brandon house--red river--conflict of the companies chapter xiv. the north-west company formed. hudson's bay company aggressive--the great mctavish--the frobishers--pond and pangman dissatisfied--gregory and mcleod--strength of the north-west company--vessels to be built--new route from lake superior sought--good will at times--bloody pond--wider union, --fort alexandria--mouth of the souris--enormous fur trade--wealthy nor'-westers--"the haunted house" chapter xv. voyages of sir alexander mackenzie. a young highlander--to rival hearne--fort chipewyan built--french canadian voyageurs--trader leroux--perils of the route--post erected on arctic coast--return journey--pond's miscalculations--hudson bay turner--roderick mckenzie's hospitality--alexander mackenzie--astronomy and mathematics--winters on peace river--terrific journey--the pacific slope--dangerous indians--pacific ocean, --north-west passage by land--great achievement--a notable book chapter xvi. the great exploration. grand portage on american soil--anxiety about the boundary--david thompson, astronomer and surveyor--his instructions--by swift canoe--the land of beaver--a dash to the mandans--stone indian house--fixes the boundary at pembina--sources of the mississippi--a marvellous explorer--pacific slope explored--thompson down the kootenay and columbia--fiery simon fraser in new caledonia--discovers fraser river--sturdy john stuart--thompson river--bourgeois quesnel--transcontinental expeditions chapter xvii. the x y company. "le marquis" simon mctavish unpopular--alexander mackenzie, his rival--enormous activity of the "potties"--why called x y--five rival posts at souris--sir alexander, the silent partner--old lion of montreal roused--"posts of the king"--schooner sent to hudson bay--nor'-westers erect two posts on hudson bay--supreme folly--old and new nor'-westers unite--list of partners chapter xviii. the lords of the lakes and forests.--i. new route to kaministiquia--vivid sketch of fort william--"cantine salope"--lively christmas week--the feasting partners--ex-governor masson's good work--four great mackenzies--a literary bourgeois--three handsome demoiselles--"the man in the moon"--story of "bras croche"--around cape horn--astoria taken over--a hot-headed trader--sad case of "little labrie"--punch on new year's day--the heart of a "vacher" chapter xix. the lords of the lakes and forests.--ii. harmon and his book--an honest man--"straight as an arrow"--new views--an uncouth giant--"gaelic, english, french, and indian oaths"--mcdonnell, "le prêtre"--st. andrew's day--"fathoms of tobacco"--down the assiniboine--an entertaining journal--a good editor--a too frank trader--"gun fire ten yards away"--herds of buffalo--packs and pemmican--"the fourth gospel"--drowning of henry--"the weather cleared up"--lost for forty days--"cheepe," the corpse--larocque and the mandans--mckenzie and his half-breed children chapter xx. the lords of the lakes and forests.--iii. dashing french trader--"the country of fashion"--an air of great superiority--the road is that of heaven--enough to intimidate a cæsar--"the bear" and the "little branch"--yet more rum--a great irishman--"in the wigwam of wabogish dwelt his beautiful daughter"--wedge of gold--johnston and henry schoolcraft--duncan cameron on lake superior--his views of trade--peter grant, the ready writer--paddling the canoe--indian folk-lore--chippewa burials--remarkable men and great financiers, marvellous explorers, facile traders chapter xxi. the impulse of union. north-west and x y companies unite--recalls the homeric period--feuds forgotten--men perform prodigies--the new fort re-christened--vessel from michilimackinac--the old canal--wills builds fort gibraltar--a lordly sway--the "beaver club"--sumptuous table--exclusive society--"fortitude in distress"--political leaders in lower canada chapter xxii. the astor fur company. old john jacob astor--american fur company--the missouri company--a line of posts--approaches the russians--negotiates with nor'-westers--fails--four north-west officials join astor--songs of the voyageurs--true britishers--voyage of the _tonquin_--rollicking nor'-westers in sandwich islands--astoria built--david thompson appears--terrible end of the _tonquin_--astor's overland expedition--washington irving's "astoria, a romance"--the _beaver_ rounds the cape--mcdougall and his smallpox phial--the _beaver_ sails for canton chapter xxiii. lord selkirk's colony. alexander mackenzie's book--lord selkirk interested--emigration a boon--writes to imperial government--in looks to lake winnipeg--benevolent project of trade--compelled to choose prince edward island--opinion as to hudson's bay company charter--nor'-westers alarmed--hudson's bay company's stock--purchases assiniboia--advertises the new colony--religion no disqualification--sends first colony--troubles of the project--arrive at york factory--the winter--the mutiny--"essence of malt"--journey inland--a second party--third party under archibald macdonald--from helmsdale--the number of colonists chapter xxiv. trouble between the companies. nor'-westers oppose the colony--reason why--a considerable literature--contentions of both parties--both in fault--miles macdonell's mistake--nor'-wester arrogance--duncan cameron's ingenious plan--stirring up the chippewas--nor'-westers warn colonists to depart--mcleod's hitherto unpublished narrative--vivid account of a brave defence--chain shot from the blacksmith's smithy--fort douglas begun--settlers driven out--governor semple arrives--cameron last governor of fort gibraltar--cameron sent to britain as a prisoner--fort gibraltar captured--fort gibraltar decreases, fort douglas increases--free traders take to the plains--indians favour the colonists chapter xxv. the skirmish of seven oaks. leader of the bois brûlés--a candid letter--account of a prisoner--"yellow head"--speech to the indians--the chief knows nothing--on fleet indian ponies--an eye-witness in fort douglas--a rash governor--the massacre--"for god's sake save my life"--the governor and twenty others slain--colonists driven out--eastern levy meets the settlers--effects seized--wild revelry--chanson of pierre falcon chapter xxvi. lord selkirk to the rescue. the earl in montreal--alarming news--engages a body of swiss--the de meurons--embark for the north-west--kawtawabetay's story--hears of seven oaks--lake superior--lord selkirk--a doughty douglas--seizes fort william--canoes upset and nor'-westers drowned--"a banditti"--the earl's blunder--a winter march--fort douglas recaptured--his lordship soothes the settlers--an indian treaty--"the silver chief"--the earl's note-book chapter xxvii. the blue-book of and the north-west trials. british law disgraced--governor sherbrooke's distress--a commission decided on--few unbiassed canadians--colonel coltman chosen--over ice and snow--alarming rumours--the prince regent's orders--coltman at red river--the earl submissive--the commissioner's report admirable--the celebrated reinhart case--disturbing lawsuits--justice perverted--a store-house of facts--sympathy of sir walter scott--lord selkirk's death--tomb at orthes, in france chapter xxviii. men who played a part. the crisis reached--consequences of seven oaks--the noble earl--his generous spirit--his mistakes--determined courage--deserves the laurel crown--the first governor--macdonell's difficulties--his unwise step--a captain in red--cameron's adroitness--a wearisome imprisonment--last governor of fort gibraltar--the metis chief--half-breed son of old cuthbert--a daring hunter--warden of the plains--lord selkirk's agent--a red river patriarch--a faithful witness--the french bard--western war songs--pierriche falcon chapter xxix. governor simpson unites all interests. both companies in danger--edward ellice, a mediator--george simpson, the man of destiny--old feuds buried--gatherings at norway house--governor simpson's skill--his marvellous energy--reform in trade--morality low--a famous canoe voyage--salutes fired--pompous ceremony at norway house--strains of the bagpipe--across the rocky mountains--fort vancouver visited--great executive ability--the governor knighted--sir george goes round the world--troubles of a book--meets the russians--estimate of sir george chapter xxx. the life of the traders. lonely trading posts--skilful letter writers--queer old peter fidler--famous library--a remarkable will--a stubborn highlander--life at red river--badly-treated pangman--founding trading houses--beating up recruits--priest provencher--a fur-trading mimic--life far north--"ruled with a rod of iron"--seeking a fur country--life in the canoe--a trusted trader--sheaves of letters--a find in edinburgh--faithful correspondents--the bishop's cask of wine--red river, a "land of canaan"--governor simpson's letters--the gigantic archdeacon writes--"macargrave's" promotion--kindly sieveright--traders and their books chapter xxxi. the voyageurs from montreal. lachine, the fur traders' mecca--the departure--the flowing bowl--the canoe brigade--the voyageurs' song--"en roulant ma boule"--village of st. anne's--legend of the church--the sailors' guardian--origin of "canadian boat song"--a loud invocation--"a la claire fontaine"--"sing, nightingale"--at the rapids--the ominous crosses--"lament of cadieux"--a lonely maiden sits--the wendigo--home of the ermatingers--a very old canal--the rugged coast--fort william reached--a famous gathering--the joyous return chapter xxxii. explorers in the far north. the north-west passage again--lieutenant john franklin's land expedition--two lonely winters--hearne's mistake corrected--franklin's second journey--arctic sea coast explored--franklin knighted--captain john ross by sea--discovers magnetic pole--magnetic needle nearly perpendicular--back seeks for ross--dease and simpson sent by hudson's bay company to explore--sir john in _erebus_ and _terror_--the paleocrystic sea--franklin never returns--lady franklin's devotion--the historic search--dr. rae secures relics--captain mcclintock finds the cairn and written record--advantages of the search chapter xxxiii. expeditions to the frontier of the fur country. a disputed boundary--sources of the mississippi--the fur traders push southward--expedition up the missouri--lewis and clark meet nor'-westers--claim of united states made--sad death of lewis--lieutenant pike's journey--pike meets fur traders--cautious dakotas--treaty with chippewas--violent death--long and keating fix deg. n.--visit fort garry--follow old fur traders' route--an erratic italian--strange adventures--almost finds source--beltrami county--cass and schoolcraft fail--schoolcraft afterwards succeeds--lake itasca--curious origin of name--the source determined chapter xxxiv. famous journeys in rupert's land. fascination of an unknown land--adventure, science, or gain--lieutenant lefroy's magnetic survey--hudson's bay company assists--winters at fort chipewyan--first scientific visit to peace river--notes lost--not "gratuitous canoe conveyance"--captain palliser and lieutenant hector--journey through rupert's land--rocky mountain passes--on to the coast--a successful expedition--hind and dawson--to spy out the land for canada--the fertile belt--hind's description good--milton and cheadle--winter on the saskatchewan--reach pacific ocean in a pitiable condition--captain butler--the horse blackie and dog "cerf vola"--fleming and grant--"ocean to ocean"--"land fitted for a healthy and hardy race"--waggon road and railway chapter xxxv. red river settlement. - . chiefly scottish and french settlers--many hardships--grasshoppers--yellow head--"gouverneur sauterelle"--swiss settlers--remarkable parchment--captain bulger, a military governor--indian troubles--donald mckenzie, a fur trader governor--many projects fail--the flood--plenty follows--social condition--lower fort built--upper fort garry--council of assiniboia--the settlement organized--duncan finlayson governor--english farmers--governor christie--serious epidemic--a regiment of regulars--the unfortunate major--the people restless chapter xxxvi. the prairies: sledge, keel, wheel, cayuse, chase. a picturesque life--the prairie hunters and traders--gaily-caparisoned dog trains--the great winter packets--joy in the lonely forts--the summer trade--the york boat brigade--expert voyageurs--the famous red river cart--shagganappe ponies--the screeching train--tripping--the western cayuse--the great buffalo hunt--warden of the plains--pemmican and fat--the return in triumph chapter xxxvii. life on the shores of hudson bay and labrador. the bleak shores unprogressive--now as at the beginning--york factory--description of ballantyne--the weather--summer comes with a rush--picking up subsistence--the indian trade--inhospitable labrador--establishment of ungava bay--mclean at fort chimo--herds of cariboo--eskimo rafts--"shadowy tartarus"--the king's domains--mingan--mackenzie--the gulf settlements--the moravians--their four missions--rigolette, the chief trading post--a school for developing character--chief factor donald a. smith--journeys along the coast--a barren shore chapter xxxviii. athabasca, mackenzie river, and the yukon. peter pond reaches athabasca river--fort chipewyan established--starting point of alexander mackenzie--the athabasca library--the hudson's bay company roused--conflict at fort wedderburn--suffering--the dash up the peace river--fort dunvegan--northern extension--fort resolution--fort providence--the great river occupied--loss of life--fort simpson, the centre--fort reliance--herds of cariboo--fort norman built--fort good hope--the northern rockies--the yukon reached and occupied--the fierce liard river--fort halkett in the mountains--robert campbell comes to the stikine--discovers the upper yukon--his great fame--the districts--steamers on the water stretches chapter xxxix. on the pacific slope. extension of trade in new caledonia--the western department--fort vancouver built--governor's residence and bachelors' hall--fort colville--james douglas, a man of note--a dignified official--an indian rising--a brave woman--the fertile columbia valley--finlayson, a man of action--russian fur traders--treaty of alaska--lease of alaska to the hudson's bay company--fort langley--the great farm--black at kamloops--fur trader _v._ botanist--"no soul above a beaver's skin"--a tragic death--chief nicola's eloquence--a murderer's fate chapter xl. from oregon to vancouver island. fort vancouver on american soil--chief factor douglas chooses a new site--young mcloughlin killed--liquor selling prohibited--dealing with the songhies--a jesuit father--fort victoria--finlayson's skill--chinook jargon--the brothers ermatinger--a fur-trading junius--"fifty-four, forty, or fight"--oregon treaty--hudson's bay company indemnified--the waggon road--a colony established--first governor--gold fever--british columbia--fort simpson--hudson's bay company in the interior--the forts--a group of worthies--service to britain--the coast becomes canadian chapter xli. pro gloria dei. a vast region--first spiritual adviser--a _locum tenens_--two french canadian priests--st. boniface founded--missionary zeal in mackenzie river district--red river parishes--the great archbishop taché--john west--archdeacon cochrane, the founder--john mccallum--bishop anderson--english missionary societies--archbishop machray--indian missions--john black, the presbyterian apostle--methodist missions on lake winnipeg--the cree syllabic--chaplain staines--bishop bridge--missionary duncan--metlakahtla--roman catholic coast missions--church of england bishop--diocese of new westminster--dr. evans--robert jamieson--education chapter xlii. the hudson's bay company and the indians. company's indian policy--character of officers--a race of hunters--plan of advances--charges against the company--liquor restriction--capital punishment--starving indians--diseased and helpless--education and religion--the age of missions--sturdy saulteaux--the muskegons--wood crees--wandering plain crees--the chipewyans--wild assiniboines--blackfoot indians--polyglot coast tribes--eskimos--no indian war--no police--pliable and docile--success of the company chapter xliii. unrest in rupert's land. - . discontent on red river--queries to the governor--a courageous recorder--free trade in furs held illegal--imprisonment--new land deed--enormous freights--petty revenge--turbulent pensioners--heart burnings--heroic isbister--half-breed memorial--mr. beaver's letter--hudson's bay company notified--lord elgin's reply--voluminous correspondence--company's full answer--colonel crofton's statement--major caldwell, a partisan--french petition--nearly a thousand signatures--love, a factor--the elder riel--a court scene--violence--"vive la liberté!"--the recorder checked--a new judge--unruly corbett--the prison broken--another rescue--a valiant doctor--a red river nestor chapter xliv. canada covets the hudson's bay territory. renewal of licence--labouchere's letter--canada claims to pacific ocean--commissioner chief-justice draper--rests on quebec act, --quebec overlaps indian territories--company loses vancouver island--cauchon's memorandum--committee of --company on trial--a brilliant committee--four hundred folios of evidence--to transfer red river and saskatchewan--death of sir george--governor dallas--a cunning scheme--secret negotiations--the watkin company floated--angry winterers--dallas's soothing circular--the old order still--ermatinger's letters--mcdougall's resolutions--cartier and mcdougall as delegates--company accepts the terms chapter xlv. troubles of the transfer of rupert's land. transfer act passed--a moribund government--the canadian surveying party--causes of the rebellion--turbulent metis--american interference--disloyal ecclesiastics--"governor" mcdougall--riel and his rebel band--a blameworthy governor--the "blawsted fence"--seizure of fort garry--riel's ambitions--loyal rising--three wise men from the east--_the new nation_--a winter meeting--bill of rights--a canadian shot--the wolseley expedition--three renegades slink away--the end of company rule--the new province of manitoba chapter xlvi. present status of the company. a great land company--fort garry dismantled--the new buildings--new _v._ old--new life in the company--palmy days are recalled--governors of ability--the present distinguished governor--vaster operations--its eye not dimmed chapter xlvii. the future of the canadian west. the greater canada--wide wheat fields--vast pasture lands--huronian mines--the kootenay riches--yukon nuggets--forests--iron and coal--fisheries--two great cities--towns and villages--anglo-saxon institutions--the great outlook appendix. a.--authorities and references b.--summary of life of pierre esprit radisson c.--company posts in , with indians d.--chief factors ( - ) e.--russian america (alaska) f.--the cree syllabic character g.--names of h. b. co. officers in plate opposite page index list of illustrations page four great governors of the hudson's bay company _frontispiece_ map of hudson bay and straits arms of the hudson's bay company le moyne d'iberville comedey de maisonneuve junction of the ottawa and st. lawrence map of route of scottish merchants up the ottawa to lake athabasca prince of wales fort the lac des allumettes sir alexander mackenzie daniel william harmon, esq. johann jacob astor casanov, trader and chief fort douglas seven oaks monument lord selkirk sir george simpson fort william, lake superior red river note i.--portage ii.--décharge block house of old h.b. company post map of the far north searchers in the north fort edmonton, on the north saskatchewan jasper house, rocky mountains map of labrador, and the king's domains map of mackenzie river and the yukon sir james douglas fort victoria, b.c. indians of the plains council of hudson's bay company commissioned officers held in winnipeg, fort garry--winter scenes commissioner chipman (winnipeg) hudson's bay company's stores and general offices, winnipeg parliament buildings, victoria, b.c. the hudson's bay company chapter i. the first voyage for trade. famous companies--"the old lady of fenchurch street"--the first voyage--radisson and groseilliers--spurious claim of the french of having reached the bay--"journal published by prince society"--the claim invalid--early voyages of radisson--the frenchmen go to boston--cross over to england--help from royalty--fiery rupert--the king a stockholder--many hitherto unpublished facts--capt. zachariah gillam--charles fort built on rupert river--the founder's fame. charles lamb--"delightful author"--opens his unique "essays of elia" with a picturesque description of the quaint "south sea house." threadneedle street becomes a magnetic name as we wander along it toward bishopsgate street "from the bank, thinking of the old house with the oaken wainscots hung with pictures of deceased governors and sub-governors of queen anne, and the first monarchs of the brunswick dynasty--huge charts which subsequent discoveries have made antiquated--dusty maps, dim as dreams, and soundings of the bay of panama." but lamb, after all, was only a short time in the south sea house, while for more than thirty years he was a clerk in the india house, partaking of the genius of the place. the india house was the abode of a company far more famous than the south sea company, dating back more than a century before the "bubble" company, having been brought into existence on the last day of the sixteenth century by good queen bess herself. to a visitor, strolling down leadenhall street, it recalls the spirit of lamb to turn into east india avenue, and the mind wanders back to clive and burke of macaulay's brilliant essay, in which he impales, with balanced phrase and perfect impartiality, philip francis and warren hastings alike. the london merchants were mighty men, men who could select their agents, and send their ships, and risk their money on every sea and on every shore. nor was this only for gain, but for philanthropy as well. across yonder is the abode of the new england company, founded in , and re-established by charles ii. in --begun and still existing with its fixed income "for the propagation of the gospel in new england and the adjoining parts of america," having had as its first president the hon. robert boyle; and hard by are the offices of the canada company, now reaching its three-quarters of a century. not always, however, as macaulay points out, did the trading companies remember that the pressure on their agents abroad for increased returns meant the temptation to take doubtful or illicit methods to gain their ends. they would have recoiled from the charge of lady macbeth,-- "wouldst not play false, and yet wouldst wrongly win." yet on the whole the merchant companies of london bear an honourable record, and have had a large share in laying the foundations of england's commercial greatness. wandering but a step further past east india avenue, at the corner of lime and leadenhall streets, we come to-day upon another building sitting somewhat sedately in the very heart of stirring and living commerce. this is the hudson's bay house, the successor of the old house on fenchurch street, the abode of another company, whose history goes back for more than two centuries and a quarter, and which is to-day the most vigorous and vivacious of all the sisterhood of companies we have enumerated. while begun as a purely trading company, it has shown in its remarkable history not only the shrewdness and business skill of the race, called by napoleon a "nation of shopkeepers," but it has been the governing power over an empire compassing nearly one half of north america, it has been the patron of science and exploration, the defender of the british flag and name, and the fosterer, to a certain extent, of education and religion. not only on the shores of hudson bay, but on the pacific coast, in the prairies of red river, and among the snows of the arctic slope, on the rocky shores of labrador and in the mountain fastnesses of the yukon, in the posts of fort william and nepigon, on lake superior, and in far distant athabasca, among the wild crees, or greasy eskimos, or treacherous chinooks, it has floated the red cross standard, with the well-known letters h. b. c.--an "open sesame" to the resources of a wide extent of territory. the founding of the company has features of romance. these may well be detailed, and to do so leads us back several years before the incorporation of the company by charles ii. in . the story of the first voyage and how it came about is full of interest. two french protestant adventurers--medard chouart and pierre esprit radisson--the former born near meaux, in france, and the other a resident of st. malo, in brittany--had gone to canada about the middle of the seventeenth century. full of energy and daring, they, some years afterwards, embarked in the fur trade, and had many adventures. radisson was first captured by the iroquois, and adopted into one of their tribes. after two years he escaped, and having been taken to europe, returned to montreal. shortly afterwards he took part in the wars between the hurons and iroquois. chouart was for a time assistant in a jesuit mission, but, like most young men of the time, yielded to the attractions of the fur trade. he had married first the daughter of abraham martin, the french settler, after whom the plains of abraham at quebec are named. on her death chouart married the widowed sister of radisson, and henceforth the fortunes of the two adventurers were closely bound up together. the marriage of chouart brought him a certain amount of property, he purchased land out of the proceeds of his ventures, and assumed the title of seignior, being known as "sieur des groseilliers." in the year groseilliers and radisson went on the third expedition to the west, and returned after an absence of two years, having wintered at lake nepigon, which they called "assiniboines." it is worthy of note that radisson frankly states in the account of his third voyage that they had not been in the bay of the north (hudson bay). the fourth voyage of the two partners in was one of an eventful kind, and led to very important results. they had applied to the governor for permission to trade in the interior, but this was refused, except on very severe conditions. having had great success on their previous voyage, and with the spirit of adventure inflamed within them, the partners determined to throw off all authority, and at midnight departed without the governor's leave, for the far west. during an absence of two years the adventurers turned their canoes northward, and explored the north shore of lake superior. it is in connection with this fourth voyage ( ) that the question has been raised as to whether radisson and his brother-in-law groseilliers visited hudson bay by land. the conflicting claim to the territory about hudson bay by france and england gives interest to this question. two french writers assert that the two explorers had visited hudson bay by land. these are, the one, m. bacqueville de la potherie, paris; and the other, m. jeremie, governor of the french ports in hudson bay. though both maintain that hudson bay was visited by the two frenchmen, radisson and groseilliers, yet they differ entirely in details, jeremie stating that they captured some englishmen there, a plain impossibility. oldmixon, an english writer, in , makes the following statement:--"monsieur radisson and monsieur gooselier, meeting with some savages in the lake of the assinipouals, in canada, they learnt of them that they might go by land to the bottom of the bay, where the english had not yet been. upon which they desired them to conduct them thither, and the savages accordingly did it." oldmixon is, however, inaccurate in some other particulars, and probably had little authority for this statement. the critical passage. the question arises in radisson's journals, which are published in the volume of the prince society. for so great a discovery the passage strikes us as being very short and inadequate, and no other reference of the kind is made in the voyages. it is as follows, being taken from the fourth voyage, page :-- "we went away with all hast possible to arrive the sooner at ye great river. we came to the seaside, where we finde an old house all demolished and battered with boullets. we weare told yt those that came there were of two nations, one of the wolf, and the other of the long-horned beast. all those nations are distinguished by the representation of the beasts and animals. they tell us particularities of the europians. we know ourselves, and what europ is like, therefore in vaine they tell us as for that. we went from isle to isle all that summer. we pluckt abundance of ducks, as of other sort of fowles; we wanted not fish, nor fresh meat. we weare well beloved, and weare overjoyed that we promised them to come with such shipps as we invented. this place has a great store of cows. the wild men kill not except for necessary use. we went further in the bay to see the place that they weare to pass that summer. that river comes from the lake, and empties itself in ye river of sagnes (saguenay) called tadousac, wch is a hundred leagues in the great river of canada, as where we are in ye bay of ye north. we left in this place our marks and rendezvous. the wild men yt brought us defended us above all things, if we would come quietly to them, that we should by no means land, & so goe to the river to the other side, that is to the north, towards the sea, telling us that those people weare very treacherous." the claim invalid. we would remark as follows:-- . the fourth voyage may be traced as a journey through lake superior, past the pictured rocks on its south side, beyond the copper deposits, westward to where there are prairie meadows, where the indians grow indian corn, and where elk and buffalo are found, in fact in the region toward the mississippi river. . the country was toward that of the nadoneseronons, i.e. the nadouessi or sioux; north-east of them were the christinos or crees; so that the region must have been what we know at present as northern minnesota. they visited the country of the sioux, the present states of dakota, and promised to visit the christinos on their side of the upper lake, evidently lake of the woods or winnipeg. . in the passage before us they were fulfilling their promise. they came to the "seaside." this has given colour to the idea that hudson bay is meant. an examination of radisson's writing shows us, however, that he uses the terms lake and sea interchangeably. for example, in page , he speaks of the "christinos from the bay of the north sea," which could only refer to the lake of the woods or lake winnipeg. again, on page , radisson speaks of the "lake of the hurrons which was upon the border of the sea," evidently meaning lake superior. on the same page, in the heading of the third voyage, he speaks of the "filthy lake of the hurrons, upper sea of the east, and bay of the north," and yet no one has claimed that in this voyage he visited hudson bay. again, elsewhere, radisson uses the expression, "salted lake" for the atlantic, which must be crossed to reach france. . thus in the passage "the ruined house on the seaside" would seem to have been one of the lakes mentioned. the christinos tell them of europeans, whom they have met a few years before, perhaps an earlier french party on lake superior or at the sault. the lake or sea abounded in islands. this would agree with the lake of the woods, where the christinos lived, and not hudson bay. whatever place it was it had a great store of cows or buffalo. lake of the woods is the eastern limit of the buffalo. they are not found on the shores of hudson bay. . it will be noticed also that he speaks of a river flowing from the lake, when he had gone further in the bay, evidently the extension of the lake, and this river empties itself into the saguenay. this is plainly pure nonsense. it would be equally nonsensical to speak of it in connection with the hudson bay, as no river empties from it into the saguenay. probably looking at the great river winnipeg as it flows from lake of the woods, or bay of islands as it was early called, he sees it flowing north-easterly, and with the mistaken views so common among early voyageurs, conjectures it to run toward the great saguenay and to empty into it, thence into the st. lawrence. . this passage shows the point reached, which some interpret as hudson bay or james bay, could not have been so, for it speaks of a further point toward the north, toward the sea. . closely interpreted, it is plain that radisson[ ] had not only not visited hudson or james bay, but that he had a wrong conception of it altogether. he is simply giving a vague story of the christinos.[ ] [illustration: map of hudson bay and straits as known six years before the first hudson's bay company expedition sailed for hudson bay. (_taken from drage's "account of a voyage."_)] on the return of groseilliers and radisson to quebec, the former was made a prisoner by order of the governor for illicit trading. the two partners were fined _l._ for the purpose of erecting a fort at three rivers, and _l._ to go to the general funds of new france. a great enterprise. filled with a sense of injustice at the amount of the fine placed upon them, the unfortunate traders crossed over to france and sought restitution. it was during their heroic efforts to secure a remission of the fine that the two partners urged the importance, both in quebec and paris, of an expedition being sent out to explore hudson bay, of which they had heard from the indians. their efforts in paris were fruitless, and they came back to quebec, burning for revenge upon the rapacious governor. driven to desperation by what they considered a persecution, and no doubt influenced by their being protestant in faith, the adventurers now turned their faces toward the english. in they went to port royal, in acadia, and thence to new england. boston was then the centre of english enterprise in america, and the french explorers brought their case before the merchants of that town. they asserted that having been on lake assiniboine, north of lake superior, they had there been assured by the indians that hudson bay could be reached. after much effort they succeeded in engaging a new england ship, which went as far as lat. , to the entrance of hudson straits, but on account of the timidity of the master of the ship, the voyage was given up and the expedition was fruitless. the two enterprising men were then promised by the ship-owners the use of two vessels to go on their search in , but they were again discouraged by one of the vessels being sent on a trip to sable isle and the other to the fisheries in the gulf of st. lawrence. groseilliers and radisson, bitterly disappointed, sought to maintain their rights against the ship-owners in the courts, and actually won their case, but they were still unable to organize an expedition. at this juncture the almost discouraged frenchmen met the two royal commissioners who were in america in behalf of charles ii. to settle a number of disputed questions in new england and new york. by one of these, sir george carteret, they were induced to visit england. sir george was no other than the vice-chamberlain to the king and treasurer of the navy. he and our adventurers sailed for europe, were captured by a dutch ship, and after being landed on the coast of spain, reached england. through the influence of carteret they obtained an audience with king charles on october th, , and he promised that a ship should be supplied to them as soon as possible with which to proceed on their long-planned journey. even at this stage another influence came into view in the attempt of de witt, the dutch ambassador, to induce the frenchmen to desert england and go out under the auspices of holland. fortunately they refused these offers. the war with the dutch delayed the expedition for one year, and in the second year their vessel received orders too late to be fitted up for the voyage. the assistance of the english ambassador to france, mr. montague, was then invoked by groseilliers and radisson, now backed up by a number of merchant friends to prepare for the voyage. through this influence, an audience was obtained from prince rupert, the king's cousin, and his interest was awakened in the enterprise. it was a remarkable thing that at this time the royal house of england showed great interest in trade. a writer of a century ago has said, "charles ii., though addicted to pleasure, was capable of useful exertions, and he loved commerce. his brother, the duke of york, though possessed of less ability, was endowed with greater perseverance, and by a peculiar felicity placed his chief amusement in commercial schemes whilst he possessed the whole influence of the state." "the duke of york spent half his time in the business of commerce in the city, presiding frequently at meetings of courts of directors." it will be seen that the circumstances were very favourable for the french enthusiasts who were to lead the way to hudson bay, and the royal personages who were anxious to engage in new and profitable schemes. the first stock book ( ) is still in existence in the hudson's bay house, in london, and gives an account of the stock taken in the enterprise even before the company was organized by charter. first on the list is the name of his royal highness the duke of york, and, on the credit side of the account, "by a share presented to him in the stock and adventure by the governor and company, _l._" the second stockholder on the list is the notable prince rupert, who took _l._ stock, and paid it up in the next two years, with the exception of _l._ which he transferred to sir george carteret, who evidently was the guiding mind in the beginning of the enterprise. christopher, duke of albemarle--the son of the great general monk, who had been so influential in the restoration of charles ii. to the throne of england, was a stockholder for _l._ then came as stockholders, and this before the company had been formally organized, william, earl of craven, well known as a personal friend of prince rupert; henry, earl of arlington, a member of the ruling cabal; while anthony, earl of shaftesbury, the versatile minister of charles, is down for _l._ sir george carteret is charged with between six and seven hundred pounds' worth of stock; sir john robinson, sir robert vyner, sir peter colleton and others with large sums. as we have seen, in the year the project took shape, a number of those mentioned being responsible for the ship, its cargo, and the expenses of the voyage. among those who seem to have been most ready with their money were the duke of albemarle, earl of craven, sir george carteret, sir john robinson, and sir peter colleton. an entry of great interest is made in connection with the last-named knight. he is credited with _l._ cash paid to the french explorers, who were the originators of the enterprise. it is amusing, however, to see groseilliers spoken of as "mr. gooseberry"--a somewhat inaccurate translation of his name. two ships were secured by the merchant adventurers, the _eaglet_, captain stannard, and the _nonsuch ketch_, captain zachariah gillam. the former vessel has almost been forgotten, because after venturing on the journey, passing the orkneys, crossing the atlantic, and approaching hudson straits, the master thought the enterprise an impossible one, and returned to london. special interest attaches to the _nonsuch ketch_. it was the successful vessel, but another notable thing connected with it was that its new england captain, zachariah gillam, had led the expedition of , though now the vessel under his command was one of the king's ships.[ ] it was in june, , that the vessels sailed from gravesend, on the thames, and proceeded on their journey, groseilliers being aboard the _nonsuch_, and radisson in the _eaglet_. the _nonsuch_ found the bay, discovered little more than half a century before by hudson, and explored by button, fox, and james, the last-named less than forty years before. captain gillam is said to have sailed as far north as ° n. in baffin bay, though this is disputed, and then to have returned into hudson bay, where, turning southward, he reached the bottom of the bay on september th. entering a stream, the nemisco, on the south-east corner of the bay--a point probably not less than miles from the nearest french possessions in canada--the party took possession of it, calling it, after the name of their distinguished patron, prince rupert's river. here, at their camping-place, they met the natives of the district, probably a branch of the swampy crees. with the indians they held a parley, and came to an agreement by which they were allowed to occupy a certain portion of territory. with busy hands they went to work and built a stone fort, in lat. ° ' n., long. ° w., which, in honour of their gracious sovereign, they called "charles fort." not far away from their fort lay charlton island, with its shores of white sand, and covered over with a growth of juniper and spruce. to this they crossed on the ice upon the freezing of the river on december th. having made due preparations for the winter, they passed the long and dreary time, finding the cold excessive. as they looked out they saw "nature looking like a carcase frozen to death." in april, , however, the cold was almost over, and they were surprised to see the bursting forth of the spring. satisfied with their journey, they left the bay in this year and sailed southward to boston, from which port they crossed the ocean to london, and gave an account of their successful voyage. the fame of the pioneer explorer is ever an enviable one. there can be but one columbus, and so for all time this voyage of zachariah gillam, because it was the expedition which resulted in the founding of the first fort, and in the beginning of the great movement which has lasted for more than two centuries, will be memorable. it was not an event which made much stir in london at the time, but it was none the less the first of a long series of most important and far-reaching activities. footnotes: [ ] see map opposite. [ ] mr. miller christie, of london, and others are of opinion that radisson visited hudson bay on this fourth voyage. [ ] a copy of the instructions given the captains may be found in state papers, london, charles ii., , no. . chapter ii. hudson's bay company founded. royal charters--good queen bess--"so miserable a wilderness"--courtly stockholders--correct spelling--"the nonsense of the charters"--mighty rivers--lords of the territory--to execute justice--war on infidels--power to seize--"skin for skin"--friends of the red man. the success of the first voyage made by the london merchants to hudson bay was so marked that the way was open for establishing the company and carrying on a promising trade. the merchants who had given their names or credit for gillam's expedition lost no time in applying, with their patron, prince rupert, at their head, to king charles ii. for a charter to enable them more safely to carry out their plans. their application was, after some delay, granted on may nd, . the modern method of obtaining privileges such as they sought would have been by an application to parliament; but the seventeenth century was the era of royal charters. much was said in england eighty years after the giving of this charter, and again in canada forty years ago, against the illegality and unwisdom of such royal charters as the one granted to the hudson's bay company. these criticisms, while perhaps just, scarcely cover the ground in question. as to the abstract point of the granting of royal charters, there would probably be no two opinions to-day, but it was conceded to be a royal prerogative two centuries ago, although the famous scene cannot be forgotten where queen elizabeth, in allowing many monopolies which she had granted to be repealed, said in answer to the address from the house of commons: "never since i was a queen did i put my pen to any grant but upon pretext and semblance made to me that it was both good and beneficial to the subject in general, though private profit to some of my ancient servants who had deserved well.... never thought was cherished in my heart that tended not to my people's good." the words, however, of the imperial attorney-general and solicitor-general, messrs. bethel and keating, of lincoln's inn, when appealed to by the british parliament, are very wise: "the questions of the validity and construction of the hudson's bay company charter cannot be considered apart from the enjoyment that has been had under it during nearly two centuries, and the recognition made of the rights of the company in various acts, both of the government and legislature." the bestowal of such great privileges as those given to the hudson's bay company are easily accounted for in the prevailing idea as to the royal prerogative, the strong influence at court in favour of the applicants for the charter, and, it may be said, in such opinions as that expressed forty years after by oldmixon: "there being no towns or plantations in this country (rupert's land), but two or three forts to defend the factories, we thought we were at liberty to place it in our book where we pleased, and were loth to let our history open with the description of so wretched a colony. for as rich as the trade to those parts has been or may be, the way of living is such that we cannot reckon any man happy whose lot is cast upon this bay." the charter certainly opens with a breath of unrestrained heartiness on the part of the good-natured king charles. first on the list of recipients is "our dear entirely beloved prince rupert, count palatine of the rhine, duke of bavaria and cumberland, etc," who seems to have taken the king captive, as if by one of his old charges when he gained the name of the fiery rupert of edgehill. though the stock book of the company has the entry made in favour of christopher, duke of albemarle, yet the charter contains that of the famous general monk, who, as "old george," stood his ground in london during the year of the plague and kept order in the terror-stricken city. the explanation of the occurrence of the two names is found in the fact that the father died in the year of the granting of the charter. the reason for the appearance of the name of sir philip carteret in the charter is not so evident, for not only was sir george carteret one of the promoters of the company, but his name occurs as one of the court of adventurers in the year after the granting of the charter. john portman, citizen and goldsmith of london, is the only member named who is neither nobleman, knight, nor esquire, but he would seem to have been very useful to the company as a man of means. the charter states that the eighteen incorporators named deserve the privileges granted because they "have at their own great cost and charges undertaken an expedition for hudson bay, in the north-west parts of america, for a discovery of a new passage into the south sea, and for the finding of some trade for furs, minerals, and other considerable commodities, and by such their undertakings, have already made such discoveries as to encourage them to proceed farther in pursuance of their said design, by means whereof there may probably arise great advantage to us and our kingdoms." the full name of the company given in the charter is, "the governor and company of adventurers of england, trading into hudson bay." they have usually been called "the hudson's bay company," the form of the possessive case being kept in the name, though it is usual to speak of the bay itself as hudson bay. the adventurers are given the powers of possession, succession, and the legal rights and responsibilities usually bestowed in incorporation, with the power of adopting a seal or changing the same at their "will and pleasure"; and this is granted in the elaborate phraseology found in documents of that period. full provision is made in the charter for the election of governor, deputy-governor, and the managing committee of seven. it is interesting to notice during the long career of the company how the simple machinery thus provided was adapted, without amendment, in carrying out the immense projects of the company during the two and a quarter centuries of its existence. the grant was certainly sufficiently comprehensive. the opponents of the company in later days mentioned that king charles gave away in his sweeping phrase a vast territory of which he had no conception, and that it was impossible to transfer property which could not be described. in the case of the english colonies along the atlantic coast it was held by the holders of the charters that the frontage of the seaboard carried with it the strip of land all the way across the continent. it will be remembered how, in the settlement with the commissioners after the american revolution, lord shelburne spoke of this theory as the "nonsense of the charters." the hudson's bay company was always very successful in the maintenance of its claim to the full privileges of the charter, and until the time of the surrender of its territory to canada kept firm possession of the country from the shore of hudson bay even to the rocky mountains. the generous monarch gave the company "the whole trade of all those seas, streights, and bays, rivers, lakes, creeks, and sounds, in whatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie within the entrance of the streights commonly called hudson's streights, together with all the lands, countries, and territories upon the coasts and confines of the seas, streights, bays, lakes, rivers, creeks, and sounds aforesaid, which are not now actually possessed by any of our subjects, or by the subjects of any other christian prince or state." the wonderful water system by which this great claim was extended over so vast a portion of the american continent has been often described. the streams running from near the shore of lake superior find their way by rainy lake, lake of the woods, and lake winnipeg, then by the river nelson, to hudson bay. into lake winnipeg, which acts as a collecting basin for the interior, also run the red river and mighty saskatchewan, the latter in some ways rivalling the mississippi, and springing from the very heart of the rocky mountains. the territory thus drained was all legitimately covered by the language of the charter. the tenacious hold of its vast domain enabled the company to secure in later years leases of territory lying beyond it on the arctic and pacific slopes. in the grant thus given perhaps the most troublesome feature was the exclusion, even from the territory granted, of the portion "possessed by the subjects of any other christian prince or state." we shall see afterwards that within less than twenty years claims were made by the french of a portion of the country on the south side of the bay; and also a most strenuous contention was put forth at a later date for the french explorers, as having first entered in the territory lying in the basin of the red and saskatchewan rivers. this claim, indeed, was advanced less than fifty years ago by canada as the possessor of the rights once maintained by french canada. the grant in general included the trade of the country, but is made more specific in one of the articles of the charter, in that "the fisheries within hudson's streights, the minerals, including gold, silver, gems, and precious stones, shall be possessed by the company." it is interesting to note that the country thus vaguely described is recognized as one of the english "plantations or colonies in america," and is called, in compliment to the popular prince, "rupert's land." perhaps the most astounding gift bestowed by the charter is not that of the trade, or what might be called, in the phrase of the old roman law, the "usufruct," but the transfer of the vast territory, possibly more than one quarter or a third of the whole of north america, to hold it "in free and common socage," i.e., as absolute proprietors. the value of this concession was tested in the early years of this century, when the hudson's bay company sold to the earl of selkirk a portion of the territory greater in area than the whole of england and scotland; and in this the company was supported by the highest legal authorities in england. to the minds of some, even more remarkable than the transfer of the ownership of so large a territory was the conferring upon the company by the crown of the power to make laws, not only for their own forts and plantations, with all their officers and servants, but having force over all persons upon the lands ceded to them so absolutely. the authority to administer justice is also given in no uncertain terms. the officers of the company "may have power to judge all persons belonging to the said governor and company, or that shall live under them, in all causes, whether civil or criminal, according to the laws of this kingdom, and execute justice accordingly." to this was also added the power of sending those charged with offences to england to be tried and punished. the authorities, in the course of time, availed themselves of this right. we shall see in the history of the red river settlement, in the very heart of rupert's land, the spectacle of a community of several thousands of people within a circle having a radius of fifty miles ruled by hudson's bay company authority, with the customs duties collected, certain municipal institutions established, and justice administered, and the people for two generations not possessed of representative institutions. one of the powers most jealously guarded by all governments is the control of military expeditions. there is a settled unwillingness to allow private individuals to direct or influence them. no qualms of this sort seem to have been in the royal mind over this matter in connection with the hudson's bay company. the company is fully empowered in the charter to send ships of war, men, or ammunition into their plantations, allowed to choose and appoint commanders and officers, and even to issue them their commissions. there is a ludicrous ring about the words empowering the company to make peace or war with any prince or people whatsoever that are not christians, and to be permitted for this end to build all necessary castles and fortifications. it seems to have the spirit of the old formula leaving jews, turks, and saracens to the uncovenanted mercies rather than to breathe the nobler principles of a christian land. surely, seldom before or since has a company gone forth thus armed _cap-à-pie_ to win glory and profit for their country. an important proviso of the charter, which was largely a logical sequence of the power given to possess the wide territory, was the grant of the "whole, entire, and only liberty of trade and traffick." the claim of a complete monopoly of trade was held most strenuously by the company from the very beginning. the early history of the company abounds with accounts of the steps taken to prevent the incoming of interlopers. these were private traders, some from the english colonies in america, and others from england, who fitted out expeditions to trade upon the bay. full power was given by the charter "to seize upon the persons of all such english or any other subjects, which sail into hudson's bay or inhabit in any of the countries, islands, or territories granted to the said governor and company, without their leave and license in that behalf first had and obtained." the abstract question of whether such monopoly may rightly be granted by a free government is a difficult one, and is variously decided by different authorities. the "free trader" was certainly a person greatly disliked in the early days of the company. frequent allusions are made in the minutes of the company, during the first fifty years of its existence, to the arrest and punishment of servants or employés of the company who secreted valuable furs on their homeward voyage for the purpose of disposing of them. as late as half a century ago, in the more settled parts of rupert's land, on the advice of a judge who had a high sense of its prerogative, an attempt was made by the company to prevent private trading in furs. very serious local disturbances took place in the red river settlement at that time, but wiser counsels prevailed, and in the later years of the company's régime the imperative character of the right was largely relaxed. the charter fittingly closes with a commendation of the company by the king to the good offices of all admirals, justices, mayors, sheriffs, and other officers of the crown, enjoining them to give aid, favour, help, and assistance. with such extensive powers, the wonder is that the company bears, on the whole, after its long career over such an extended area of operations, and among savage and border people unaccustomed to the restraints of law, so honourable a record. being governed by men of high standing, many of them closely associated with the operations of government at home, it is very easy to trace how, as "freedom broadened slowly down" from charles ii. to the present time, the method of dealing with subjects and subordinates became more and more gentle and considerate. as one reads the minutes of the company in the hudson's bay house for the first quarter of a century of its history, the tyrannical spirit, even so far at the removal of troublesome or unpopular members of the committee and the treatment of rivals, is very evident. this intolerance was of the spirit of the age. in the restoration, the revolution, and the trials of prisoners after rebellion, men were accustomed to the exercise of the severest penalties for the crimes committed. as the spirit of more gentle administration of law found its way into more peaceful times the company modified its policy. [illustration: arms of the hudson's bay company.] the hudson's bay company was, it is true, a keen trader, as the motto, "pro pelle cutem"--"skin for skin"--clearly implies. with this no fault can be found, the more that its methods were nearly all honourable british methods. it never forgot the flag that floated over it. one of the greatest testimonies in its favour was that, when two centuries after its organization it gave up, except as a purely trading company, its power to canada, yet its authority over the wide-spread indian population of rupert's land was so great, that it was asked by the canadian government to retain one-twentieth of the land of that wide domain as a guarantee of its assistance in transferring power from the old to the new régime. the indian had in every part of rupert's land absolute trust in the good faith of the company. to have been the possessor of such absolute powers as those given by the charter; to have on the whole "borne their faculties so meek"; to have been able to carry on government and trade so long and so successfully, is not so much a commendation of the royal donor of the charter as it is of the clemency and general fairness of the administration, which entitled it not only officially but also really, to the title "the honourable hudson's bay company." chapter iii. methods of trade. rich mr. portman--good ship _prince rupert_--the early adventurers--"book of common prayer"--five forts--voting a funeral--worth of a beaver--to hudson bay and back--selling the pelts--bottles of sack--fat dividends--"victorious as cæsar"--"golden fruit." the generation that lived between the founding of the company and the end of the century saw a great development in the trade of the infant enterprise. meeting sometimes at the place of business of one of the committee, and afterwards at hired premises, the energetic members of the sub-committee paid close attention to their work. sir john robinson, sir john kirke, and mr. portman acted as one such executive, and the monthly, and at times weekly meetings of the court of adventurers were held when they were needed. it brings the past very close to us as we read the minutes, still preserved in the hudson's bay house, leadenhall street, london, of a meeting at whitehall in , with his highness prince rupert in the chair, and find the sub-committee appointed to carry on the business. captain gillam for a number of years remained in the service of the company as a trusted captain, and commanded the ship _prince rupert_. another vessel, the _windingoo_, or _wyvenhoe pinck_, was soon added, also in time the _moosongee dogger_, then the _shaftsbury_, the _albemarle_, and the _craven bark_--the last three named from prominent members of the company. not more than three of these ships were in use at the same time. the fitting out of these ships was a work needing much attention from the sub-committee. year after year its members went down to gravesend about the end of may, saw the goods which had been purchased placed aboard the ships, paid the captain and men their wages, delivered the agents to be sent out their commissions, and exercised plenary power in regard to emergencies which arose. the articles selected indicate very clearly the kind of trade in which the company engaged. the inventory of goods in shows how small an affair the trade at first was. "two hundred fowling-pieces, and powder and shot; brass kettles, size from five to sixteen gallons; twelve gross of knives; or hatchets," is recorded as being the estimate of cargo for that year. a few years, however, made a great change. tobacco, glass beads, , flints, boxes of red lead, looking-glasses, netting for fishing, pewter dishes, and pewter plates were added to the consignments. that some attention was had by the company to the morals of their employés is seen in that one ship's cargo was provided with "a book of common prayer, and a book of homilies." about june st, the ship, or ships, sailed from the thames, rounded the north of scotland, and were not heard of till october, when they returned with their valuable cargoes. year after year, as we read the records of the company's history, we find the vessels sailing out and returning with the greatest regularity, and few losses took place from wind or weather during that time. the agents of the company on the bay seem to have been well selected and generally reliable men. certain french writers and also the english opponents of the company have represented them as timid men, afraid to leave the coast and penetrate to the interior, and their conduct has been contrasted with that of the daring, if not reckless, french explorers. it is true that for about one hundred years the hudson's bay company men did not leave the shores of hudson bay, but what was the need so long as the indians came to the coast with their furs and afforded them profitable trade! by the orders of the company they opened up trade at different places on the shores of the bay, and we learn from oldmixon that fifteen years after the founding of the company there were forts established at ( ) albany river; ( ) hayes island; ( ) rupert's river; ( ) port nelson; ( ) new severn. according to another authority, moose river takes the place of hayes island in this list. these forts and factories, at first primitive and small, were gradually increased in size and comfort until they became, in some cases, quite extensive. the plan of management was to have a governor appointed over each fort for a term of years, and a certain number of men placed under his direction. in the first year of the hudson's bay company's operations as a corporate body, governor charles bailey was sent out to take charge of charles fort at rupert's river. with him was associated the french adventurer, radisson, and his nephew, jean baptiste groseilliers. bailey seems to have been an efficient officer, though fault was found with him by the company. ten years after the founding of the company he died in london, and was voted a funeral by the company, which took place by twilight to st. paul's, covent garden. the widow of the governor maintained a contention against the company for an allowance of _l._, which was given after three years' dispute. another governor was william lydall, as also john bridgar, governor of the west main; and again henry sargeant, thomas phipps, governor of fort nelson, and john knight, governor of albany, took an active part in the disputes of the company with the french. thus, with a considerable amount of friction, the affairs of the company were conducted on the new and inhospitable coast of hudson bay. to the forts from the vast interior of north america the various tribes of indians, especially the crees, chipewyans, and eskimos, brought their furs for barter. no doubt the prices were very much in favour of the traders at first, but during the first generation of traders the competition of french traders from the south for their share of the indian trade tended to correct injustice and give the indians better prices for their furs. the following is the standard fixed at this time:-- guns twelve winter beaver skins for largest, ten for medium, eight for smallest. powder a beaver for / lb. shot a beaver for lbs. hatchets a beaver for a great and little hatchet. knives a beaver for eight great knives and eight jack knives. beads a beaver for / lb. of beads. laced coats six beavers for one. plain coats five beavers for one plain red coat. coats for women, laced, yds. six beavers. coats for women, plain five beavers. tobacco a beaver for lb. powder-horn a beaver for a large powder-horn and two small ones. kettles a beaver for lb. of kettle. looking-glass and comb two skins. the trade conducted at the posts or factories along the shore was carried on by the local traders so soon as the rivers from the interior--the nelson and the churchill--were open, so that by the time the ship from london arrived, say in the end of july or beginning of august, the indians were beginning to reach the coast. the month of august was a busy month, and by the close of it, or early in september, the ship was loaded and sent back on her journey. by the end of october the ships arrived from hudson bay, and the anxiety of the company to learn how the season's trade had succeeded was naturally very great. as soon as the vessels had arrived in the downs or at portsmouth, word was sent post haste to london, and the results were laid before a committee of the company. much reference is made in the minutes to the difficulty of preventing the men employed in the ships from entering into illicit trade in furs. strict orders were given to inspect the lockers for furs to prevent private trade. in due time the furs were unladen from the ships and put into the custody of the company's secretary in the london warehouse. the matter of selling the furs was one of very great importance. at times the company found prices low, and deferred their sales until the outlook was more favourable. the method followed was to have an auction, and every precaution was taken to have the sales fair and aboveboard. evidences are not wanting that at times it was difficult for the court of adventurers to secure this very desirable result. the matter was not, however, one of dry routine, for the london merchants seem to have encouraged business with generous hospitality. on november th, , the sale took place, and the following entry is found in the minutes: "a committee was appointed to provide three dozen bottles of sack and three dozen bottles of claret, to be given to buyers at ye sale. dinner was also bespoken at 'ye stillyard,' of a good dish of fish, a loyne of veal, two pullets, and four ducks." as the years went on, the same variations in furs that we see in our day took place. new markets were then looked for and arrangements made for sending agents to holland and finding the connections in russia, that sales might be effected. in order to carry out the trade it was necessary to take large quantities of hemp from holland in return for the furs sent. the employment of this article for cordage in the navy led to the influence of important members of the company being used with the earl of marlborough to secure a sale for this commodity. pending the sales it was necessary for large sums of money to be advanced to carry on the business of the company. this was generally accomplished by the liberality of members of the company itself supplying the needed amounts. the company was, however, from time to time gratified by the declaration of handsome dividends. so far as recorded, the first dividend was declared in , and judged by modern standards it was one for which a company might well wait for a number of years. it was for per cent. upon stock. accordingly, the earl of craven received _l._, sir james hayes _l._, and so on in proportion. in another dividend of a like amount of per cent. on the stock resulted, and among others, hon. robert boyle, earl churchill, and sir christopher wren had their hearts gladdened. in profits to the extent of per cent. on the stock were received, and one of the successful captains was, in the exuberance of feeling of the stockholders, presented with a silver flagon in recognition of his services. in , however, took place by far the most remarkable event of a financial kind in the early history of the company. the returns of that year from the bay were so large that the company decided to treble its stock. the reasons given for this were:-- ( ) the company has in its warehouse about the value of its original stock ( , _l._). ( ) the factories at fort nelson and new severn are increasing in trade, and this year the returns are expected to be , _l._ in beaver. ( ) the factories are of much value. ( ) damages are expected from the french for a claim of , _l._ the company then proceeded to declare a dividend of per cent., which was equivalent to per cent. on their original stock. it was a pleasing incident to the sovereign of the realm that in all these profits he was not forgotten. in the original charter the only recompense coming to the crown, for the royal gift, was to be the payment, when the territory was entered upon, of "two elks and two black beavers." this may have been a device for keeping up the royal claim, but at any rate _l_. in the original stock-book stood to the credit of the sovereign. it had been the custom to send a deputation to present in person the dividends to his majesty, and the pounds sterling were always changed to guineas. on this occasion of the great dividend, king william iii. had but lately returned from his victories in ireland. the deputation, headed by sir edward dering, was introduced to the king by the earl of portland, and the following address, hitherto, so far as known to the writer, unpublished, was presented along with the noble gift:-- "your majestie's most loyal and dutiful subjects beg leave to congratulate your majestie's happy return here with honor and safety. and we do daily pray to heaven (that hath god wonderfully preserved your royall person) that in all your undertakings your majestie may be as victorious as cæsar, as beloved as titus, and (after all) have the long and glorious reigne and peacefull end of augustus. "on this happy occasion we desire also most humbly to present to your majestie a dividend of _two hundred and twenty-five guineas_ upon three hundred pounds stock in the hudson's bay company, now rightfully delivered to your majestie. and although we have been the greatest sufferers of any company from those common enemies of all mankind the french, yet when your majestie's just arms shall have given repose to all christendom, we also shall enjoy our share of these great benefits and do not doubt but to appeare often with this golden fruit in our hands, under the happy influence of your majestie's most gracious protection over us and all our concerns." it is true that towards the end of the seventeenth century, as we shall afterwards see, the trade of the company was seriously injured by the attacks of the french on the bay, but a quarter of a century in which the possibility of obtaining such profits had been shown was sufficient to establish the company in the public favour and to attract to it much capital. its careful management from the first led to its gaining a reputation for business ability which it has never lost during two and a quarter centuries of its history. chapter iv three great governors. men of high station--prince rupert primus--prince james, "nemine contradicente"--the hero of the hour--churchill river named--plate of solid gold--off to the tower. the success of the hudson's bay company, and the influence exerted by it during so long a period, has often been attributed to the union of persons of station and high political influence with the practical and far-seeing business men of london, who made up the company. a perusal of the minutes of the first thirty years of the company's history impresses on the mind of the reader that this is true, and that good feeling and patriotism were joined with business tact and enterprise in all the ventures. from the prosperous days of queen elizabeth and her sea-going captains and explorers, certainly from the time of charles ii., it was no uncommon thing to see the titled and commercial classes co-operating, in striking contrast to the governing classes of france, in making commerce and trade a prominent feature of the national life. the first governor of the hudson's bay company, rupert, prince of bavaria, grandson by the mother's side of james i. of england, is a sufficiently well-known character in general history to require no extended notice. his exploits on the royalist side in the civil war, his fierce charges and his swiftness in executing difficult military movements, led to his name being taken as the very embodiment of energy and prowess. in this sense the expression, "the fiery rupert of debate" was applied to a prominent parliamentarian of the past generation. after the restoration of charles ii., prince rupert took up his abode in england, finding it more like home to him than any continental country. enjoying the plaudits of the cavaliers, for whom he had so strenuously fought, he was appointed constable of windsor, a no very onerous position. from the minutes of the hudson's bay company we find that he had lodgings at whitehall, and spent much of his time in business and among scientific circles--indeed, the famous toys called "glass tears," or "rupert's drops," were brought over by him to england from the continent to interest his scientific friends. we have seen already the steps taken by the returned commissioners from the american colonies to introduce radisson and groseilliers to prince rupert, and through him to the royal notice. the success of the expedition of gillam and the building of charles fort on hudson bay led to the prince consenting to head the new company. he had just passed the half century of his age when he was appointed governor of the vast _terra incognita_ lying to the west of the bay to which, in his honour, was given the name rupert's land. the company lost no time in undertaking a new expedition. prince rupert's intimate friend, the earl of craven, was one of the incorporators, and it was with this nobleman that prince rupert's widowed mother, the princess elizabeth, had found a home in the days of adversity. the close connection of the hudson's bay company with the court gave it, we see very plainly, certain important advantages. not only do the generous terms of the charter indicate this, but the detailing of certain ships of the royal navy to protect the merchantmen going out to hudson bay shows the strong bond of sympathy. certainly nothing less than the thorough interest of the court could have led to the firm stand taken by the english government in the controversies with france as to the possession of hudson bay. several excellent paintings of the prince are in existence, one by vandyke in warwick castle, showing his handsome form, and another in knebworth, hertford. the prince was unfortunately not free from the immorality that was so flagrant a feature of the court of charles ii. at that time this was but little taken into account, and the fame of his military exploits, together with the fixing of his name upon so wide an extent of the earth's surface, have served to give posterity an interest in him. for twelve successive years prince rupert was chosen governor at the general court of adventurers, and used his great influence for the company. he died on november th, , at the comparatively early age of sixty-three. the death of the first governor was a somewhat severe trial for the infant company. the prince's name had been one to conjure by, and though he had been ably supported by the deputy-governor, sir james hayes, yet there was some fear of loss of prestige to the adventurers on his unexpected death. the members of the company were anxious to keep up, if possible, the royal connection, but they were by no means clear as to the choice of the only available personage who came before their view. james, duke of york, was a man with a liking for business, but he was not a popular favourite. the famous _jeu d'esprit_ of charles ii. will be remembered. when james informed charles ii. that there was a conspiracy on foot to drive him from the throne, "no, james," said charles, "they will never kill me to make you king." the minutes of the company show that much deliberation took place as to the choice of a successor to prince rupert, but at length, in january, , at a general court, the choice was made, and the record reads:--"his royal highness the duke of york was chosen governor of the company, 'nemine contradicente.' "the new governor soon had reasons to congratulate himself on his election, for on april st, , sir james hayes and sir edward dering reported to the adventurers their having paid guineas to his royal highness as a dividend on the stock held by him. prince james was chosen governor for three successive years, until the year when, on the death of charles, he became king. while james was not much in favour as a man, yet he possessed decided administrative ability, and whether this was the cause or not, certainly the period of his governorship was a successful time in the history of the company. failing a prince or duke, the lot could not have fallen upon a more capable man than was chosen as the duke of york's successor for the governorship. on april nd, , at a general court of the adventurers, the choice fell upon one of the most remarkable men of his time, the right hon. john lord churchill, afterwards duke of marlborough. lord churchill had not yet gained any of his great victories. he was, however, at this time a favourite of the duke of york, and no doubt, on the recommendation of james, had been brought before the court of adventurers. he was one of the most adroit men of his time, he was on the highway to the most distinguished honours, and the adventurers gladly elected him third governor. on april nd, , the new governor threw himself heartily into the work of the company. no doubt one so closely connected with the public service could be of more practical value than even a royal duke. the great dividend of which we have already spoken followed the years of his appointment. the success attained but stimulated the company to increase their trade and widen the field of their operations. the river running into the west side of the bay, far to the north, was named in honour of the new governor, churchill river, and in expansion of trade was sought by the decision to settle at the mouth of this river and use it as a new trading centre for the north and west. without any desire to annoy the french, who claimed the south end of the bay, it was determined to send a ship to the southern part of hudson bay, and a few months later the _yonge_ frigate was dispatched. the fear of attacks from the french, who were known to be in a very restless condition, led to the request being made to the government to station a military force at each fort in hudson bay. it was also the desire of the company that steps should be taken to protect them in their charter rights and to prevent illegal expeditions from going to trade in the bay. all this shows the energy and hopefulness of the company under the leadership of lord churchill. the part taken by lord churchill in the opposition to james, and his active agency in inducing william of orange to come to england, are well known. he was a worshipper of the rising sun. on the arrival of william iii., lord churchill, who was soon raised to the peerage as earl of marlborough, was as popular, for the time, with the new king as he had been with his predecessor. his zeal is seen in his sending out in june, , as governor, the instructions that william and mary should be proclaimed in the posts upon the shores of hudson bay. he was able shortly after to report to his company that marines had been detailed to protect the company's ships on their way to hudson bay. the enthusiasm of the company at this mark of consideration obtained through the influence of lord churchill, was very great, and we learn from the minutes that profuse thanks were given to the governor, and a piece of plate of solid gold, of the value of guineas, was presented to him for his distinguished services. legislation was also introduced at this time into parliament for the purpose of giving further privileges to the adventurers. but the rising tide of fortune was suddenly checked. disaster overtook the governor. william had found some reason for distrusting this versatile man of affairs, and he suspected him of being in correspondence with the dethroned james. no doubt the suspicion was well founded, but the king had thought it better, on account of marlborough's great talents, to overlook his unfaithfulness. suddenly, in may, , england was startled by hearing that the earl of marlborough had been thrown into the tower on an accusation of high treason. for seven years this determined soldier had led the company to success, but his imprisonment rendered a change in the governorship a necessity. marlborough was only imprisoned for a short time, but he was not re-elected to the position he had so well filled. at the general court of adventurers in november of the year of marlborough's fall, sir stephen evance was chosen governor. this gentleman was re-elected a number of times, and was governor of the company at the close of the century. two decades, and more, of the formative life of the company were thus lived under the ægis of the court, the personal management of two courtly personages, and under the guidance of the leading general of his time. as we shall see afterwards, during a part of this period the affairs of the company were carried on in the face of the constant opposition of the french. undoubtedly heavy losses resulted from the french rivalry, but the pluck and wisdom of the company were equally manifested in the confidence with which they risked their means, and the strong steps taken to retain their hold on hudson bay. this was the golden age of the hudson's bay company. when money was needed it was often cheerfully advanced by some of the partners; it was an honour to have stock in a company which was within the shadow of the throne; its distinguished governors were re-elected so long as they were eligible to serve; again and again the committee, provided with a rich purse of golden guineas, waited on his majesty the king to give return for the favour of the royal charter; and never afterward can the historian point in the annals of the company to so distinguished a period. chapter v. two adroit adventurers. peter radisson and "mr. gooseberry" again--radisson _v._ gillam--back to france--a wife's influence--paltry vessels--radisson's diplomacy--deserts to england--shameful duplicity--"a hogshead of claret"--adventurers appreciative--twenty-five years of radisson's life hitherto unknown--"in a low and mean condition"--the company in chancery--lucky radisson--a company pensioner. a mysterious interest gathers around two of the most industrious and, it must be added, most diplomatic and adroit of the agents of the company, the two frenchmen, pierre esprit radisson and medard chouart, afterwards the sieur de groseilliers. acquainted with the far northern fur trade, their assistance was invaluable. we have seen in a former chapter that finding little encouragement either in new france or their mother country, they had transferred their services to england, and were largely instrumental in founding the hudson's bay company. in the first voyage of the adventurers to hudson's bay, it came about that while groseilliers was lucky in being on the _nonsuch_ ketch, which made its way into the bay, on the other hand, radisson, to his great chagrin, was on board the companion ship, the _eaglet_, which, after attempting an entrance and failing, returned to england. it has been stated that during the time of his enforced idleness in london, while the party was building charles fort on prince rupert's river, radisson was busy interesting the leading men of the city in the importance of the adventure. immediately on the return of the company of the _nonsuch_, steps were taken for the organization of the hudson's bay company. this, as we have seen, took place in may, , and in the same year radisson and groseilliers went out with governor bailey, and assisted in establishing trade on the shores of the bay. on their return, in the autumn of , to london, the two adventurers spent the winter there, and, as the minutes of the company show, received certain money payments for their maintenance. in october, , the sloop _prince rupert_ had arrived at portsmouth from hudson bay, and there are evidences of friction between radisson and captain gillam. radisson is called on to be present at a meeting of the general court of the company held in october, and afterwards gillam is authorized to advance the amounts necessary for his living expenses. in the company minutes of june th, , is found the following entry:--"that there be allowed to mr. radisson pounds per annum from the time of his last arrival in london, in consideration of services done by him, out of which to be deducted what hath been already paid him since that time, and if it shall please god to bless this company with good success hereafter that they shall come to be in a prosperous condition they will then re-assume the consideration thereof." during the next month a further sum was paid radisson. the restless radisson could not, however, be satisfied. no doubt he felt his services to be of great value, and he now illustrated what was really the weakness of his whole life, a want of honest reliability. the company had done as well for him as its infant resources would allow, but along with groseilliers he deserted from london, and sought to return to the service of france under the distinguished prime minister colbert. the shrewd colbert knew well radisson's instability. this feature of his character had been further emphasized by another event in radisson's life. he had married a daughter of sir john kirke, one of the hudson's bay company promoters, and a member of the well-known family which had distinguished itself in the capture of canada, nearly fifty years before. this english and domestic connection made colbert suspicious of radisson. however, he agreed to pay radisson and groseilliers the sum of their debts, amounting to _l._, and to give them lucrative employment. the condition of his further employment was that radisson should bring his wife to france, but he was unable to get either his wife or her father to consent to this. the kirke family, it must be remembered, were still owners of a claim amounting to , _l._ against france, which had been left unsettled during the time of champlain, when england restored canada to france. for seven years radisson vacillated between the two countries. under the french he went for one season on a voyage to the west indies, and was even promised promotion in the french marine. at one time he applied again to the hudson's bay company for employment, but was refused. the fixed determination of his wife not to leave england on the one hand, and the settled suspicion of the french government on the other, continually thwarted him. at length, in , radisson and groseilliers were sent by the french to canada, to undertake a trading expedition to hudson bay. the lack of money, and also of full confidence, led to their venture being poorly provided for. in july, , rendezvous was made at ile percée, in the lower st. lawrence, by radisson in a wretched old vessel of ten tons, and by groseilliers in a rather better craft of fifteen tons burthen. no better could be done, however, and so, after many mishaps, including serious mutinies, dangers of ice and flood, and hairbreadth escapes, the two vessels reached the mouth of the hayes river on hudson bay. they determined to trade at this point. groseilliers undertook to build a small fort on this river, and radisson went inland on a canoe expedition to meet the natives. in this radisson was fairly successful and gathered a good quantity of furs. the french adventurers were soon surprised to find that an english party had taken possession of the mouth of the nelson river, and were establishing a fort. radisson opened communication with the english, and found them in charge of governor bridgar, but really led by young gillam, son of the old captain of the _nonsuch_. the versatile frenchman soon met a fine field for his diplomatic arts. he professed great friendship for the new comers, exchanged frequent visits with them, and became acquainted with all their affairs. finding the english short of provisions, he supplied their lack most generously, and offered to render them any service. governor bridgar was entirely unable to cope with the wiles of radisson. matters were so arranged that jean baptiste groseilliers, his nephew, was left in charge of the forts, to carry on the trade during the next winter, and with his brother-in-law, groseilliers, and governor bridgar, somewhat of a voluntary prisoner, radisson sailed away to canada in gillam's ship. on reaching canada governor de la barre restored the ship to the english, and in it bridgar and gillam sailed to new england, whence in due time they departed for england. the whole affair has a quixotic appearance, and it is not surprising that radisson and groseilliers were summoned to report themselves to colbert in france and to receive his marked displeasure. their adventure had, however, been so successful, and the prospects were so good, that the french government determined to send them out again, in two ships, to reap the fruits of the winter's work of the younger groseilliers. now occurred another of radisson's escapades. the french expedition was ready to start in april. the day ( th) was fixed. radisson asked for delay, pleading important private business in england. on may th he arrived in england, and we find him, without any compunction, entering into negotiations with the hudson's bay company, and as a result playing the traitor to his engagements in france, his native country. the entry in the company's minutes bearing on this affair is as follows:-- "_may th, ._ "sir james hayes and mr. young, that peter esprit radisson has arrived from france; that he has offered to enter their service; that they took him to windsor and presented him to his royal highness; that they had agreed to give him _l._ per annum, _l._ worth of stock, and _l._ to set him up to proceed to port nelson; and his brother (in-law) groseilliers to have _s._ per week, if he come from france over to britain and be true. radisson took the oath of fidelity to the company." a few days later radisson took the ship _happy return_ to hudson bay. sailing immediately to hayes river, radisson found that his nephew, j. baptiste groseilliers, had removed his post to an island in the river. on his being reached, radisson explained to him the change that had taken place, and that he proposed to transfer everything, establishment and peltry, to the hudson's bay company. young groseilliers, being loyal to france, objected to this, but radisson stated that there was no option, and he would be compelled to submit. the whole quantity of furs transferred to radisson by his nephew was , --an enormous capture for the hudson's bay company. in the autumn radisson returned in the hudson's bay company's ship, bringing the great store of booty. at a meeting of the committee of the company (october th), "a packet was read from pierre radisson showing how he had brought his countrymen to submit to the english. he was thanked, and a gratuity of guineas given him." it is also stated that "a promise having been made of _s._ per week to groseilliers, and he not having come, the same is transferred to his son in the bay." the minute likewise tells us that "sir william young was given a present of seven musquash skins for being instrumental in inviting radisson over from france." from this we infer that sir william, who, as we shall afterwards see, was a great friend and promoter of radisson, had been the active agent in inducing radisson to leave the service of france and enter that of the english company. the company further showed its appreciation of radisson's service by voting him _l._ to be given to four frenchmen left behind in hudson bay. jean baptiste groseilliers, nephew of radisson, was also engaged by the company for four years in the service at _l._ a year. radisson seems to have had some dispute with the company as to the salary at this time. on may th, , his salary when out of england was raised to _l._ a year, and _l._ to his wife in case of his death. radisson refused to accept these terms. the company for a time would not increase its offer, but the time for the ship to sail was drawing nigh, and the committee gave way and added to the above amount _l._ of stock to be given to his wife. john bridgar was appointed governor at port nelson for three years, and radisson superintendent of the trade there. radisson was satisfied with the new terms, and that the company was greatly impressed with the value of his services is seen in the following entry: "a hogshead of claret being ordered for mr. radisson, 'such as mr. r. shall like.'" in the year - all hitherto printed accounts of radisson leave our redoubtable explorer. we are, for the history up to this date, much indebted to the prince society of boston for printing an interesting volume containing the journals of radisson, which are preserved in the british museum in london and in the bodleian library in oxford. dr. n. e. dionne, the accomplished librarian of the legislative library, quebec, has contributed to the proceedings of the royal society of canada very appreciative articles entitled, "chouart and radisson." in these he has relied for the detail of facts of discovery almost entirely on the publication of the prince society. he has, however, added much genealogical and local canadian material, which tends to make the history of these early explorers more interesting than it could otherwise be. a resident of manitoba, who has shown an interest in the legends and early history of canada, mr. l. a. prudhomme, st. boniface, judge of the county, has written a small volume of sixty pages on the life of radisson. like the articles of dr. dionne, this volume depends entirely for its information on the publication of the prince society. readers of fiction are no doubt familiar with the appearance of radisson in gilbert parker's novel, "the trail of the sword." it is unnecessary to state that there seems no historic warrant for the statement, "once he attempted count frontenac's life. he sold a band of our traders to the iroquois." the character, thoroughly repulsive in this work of fiction, does not look to be the real radisson; and certainly as we survey the bloody scene, which must have been intended for a period subsequent to frontenac's return to canada in , where radisson fell done to death by the dagger and pistol of the mutineer bucklaw and was buried in the hungry sea, we see what was purely imaginary. of course, we do not for a moment criticize the art of the historic novelist, but simply state that the picture is not that of the real radisson, and that we shall find radisson alive a dozen or more years after the tragic end given him by the artist. these three works, as well as the novel, agree in seeing in radisson a man of remarkable character and great skill and adroitness. further history. the prince society volume states: "we again hear of radisson in hudson bay in , and this is his last appearance in public records as far as is known." the only other reference is made by dionne and prudhomme in stating that charlevoix declares "that radisson died in england." patient search in the archives of the hudson's bay company in london has enabled the writer to trace the history of radisson on for many years after the date given, and to unearth a number of very interesting particulars connected with him; indeed, to add some twenty-five years hitherto unknown to our century to his life, and to see him pass from view early in . in , radisson was still in the employ of the company, and the committee decided that he should be made a denizen or subject of england. he arrived from hudson bay in october of this year, appeared before the hudson's bay company committee, and was welcomed by its members. it was decided that _l._ be given as a gratuity to the adventurer till he should be again employed. on june th, , radisson again sailed in the ship for hudson bay, and during that year he was paid _l._ as per cent. dividend on his _l._ worth of stock, and in the following year _l._ as per cent. dividend on his stock. as the following year, , was the time of the "great dividend," radisson was again rejoiced by the amount of _l._ as his share of the profits. the prosperity of the company appears to have led to an era of extravagance, and to certain dissensions within the company itself. the amounts paid radisson were smaller in accordance with the straits in which the company found itself arising from french rivalry on the bay. in sir william young is seen strongly urging fuller consideration for radisson, who was being paid at the reduced rate of _l._ a year. in the hudson's bay company letter-book of this period we find a most interesting memorial of sir william young's in behalf of radisson, with answers by the company, on the whole confirming our narrative, but stating a few divergent points. we give the memorial in full. dated december th, , being plea of william young, in behalf of pierre esprit radisson:-- "radisson, born a frenchman, educated from a child in canada, spent youth hunting and commercing with the indians adjacent to hudson bay, master of the language, customs, and trade. "radisson being at new england about twenty-seven or twenty-eight years past, met there with colonel nichols, governor of new york, and was by him persuaded to go to england and proffer his services to king charles the second, in order to make a settlement of an english factory in that bay. "at his arrival, the said king, giving credit to radisson for that undertaking, granted to prince rupert, the duke of albemarle, and others, the same charter we do still claim by, thereby constituting them the proprietors of the said bay, under which authority he, the said radisson, went immediately and made an english settlement there according to his promises. "on his return to england the king presented him with a medal and gold chain. when rejected by the company, he was compelled to return to canada, his only place of abode. joined the french and led an expedition to hudson bay. with the aid of indians destroyed company's factory and planted a new england factory in port nelson river. "during the winter radisson did no violence to the english, but supplied them with victuals, powder, and shot when their ship was cast away. refused a present from the indians to destroy the english, and gave them a ship to convey them away. afterwards settled the french factory higher up the same river, where his alliance with the indians was too strong for new england or old england, and immediately after he went to france. mr. young, member of the hudson's bay company, with leave from sir james hayes, deputy-governor, tried to hire him back to hudson's bay company's service with large promises. during negotiations, radisson unexpectedly arrived in london. company's ships were ready to sail. had just time to kiss the king's hand at windsor and that of the duke of york, then governor. they commended him to the care and kindness of sir james hayes and the hudson's bay company, and commanded that he should be made an english citizen, which was done in his absence. "before sending him, the company gave him two original actions in hudson's bay company stock, and _l._ for subsistence money, with large promises of future rewards for expected service. "arriving at port nelson he put company in entire possession of that river, brought away the french to england, and took all the beavers and furs they had traded and gave them to the company without asking share of the profits, although they sold for , _l._ "he was kindly welcomed in england and again commended by the king. committee presented him with guineas, and entered in the books that he should have _l._ added to the former _l._, until the king should find him a place, when the last _l._ should cease. had no place given him. sir edward dering, deputy governor, influenced committee to withdraw _l._, so he had only _l._ to maintain self, wife, and four or five children, and servants, _l._ of this going for house-rent. when chief factor at nelson, was tempted by servants to continue to cheat the company, was beaten because he refused. "prays for payment of _l._ and arrears, because: " . all but sir edward dering think it just and reasonable. " . no place was given in lieu of _l._ " . of fidelity to the company in many temptations. " . he never asked more than the company chose to give. " . imprisoned in bay in time of trade for not continuing to cheat the company. " . the company received from port nelson, after he gave it them, , _l._ worth of furs, which is now believed would have been lost, with their whole interest in the bay, if he had not joined them when invited. " . the original actions and the _l._ revert to the company at his death. " . income inadequate to maintain wife and children in london. " . debts great from necessity. would be compelled to leave wife and children and shift for himself. " . he cannot sell original actions, since they cease with his life. " . of king charles' many recommendations to kindness of company. " . french have a price on his head as a traitor, so that he cannot safely go home. " . mr. young further pleads that as mr. radisson was the author of the company's prosperity, so he (mr. young) was the first to persuade him to join their service. that he (mr. young) had been offered a reward for his services in persuading him, which he had utterly refused. but now that this reward be given in the form of maintenance for radisson in his great necessity, &c." the committee passes over the sketch of radisson's life, which they do not gainsay. in the second paragraph, they observe that mr. young stated their neglect to maintain mr. radisson without mentioning their reasons for so doing, which might have shown whether it was their unkindness or radisson's desert. they go on to take notice of the fact that about or , radisson and groseilliers entered into another contract with the company and received _l._ soon afterwards they absconded, went to france, and thence to canada. next year they joined their countrymen in an expedition to port nelson, animated by the report of mr. abram to the company that it was the best place for a factory. they took their two barks up as far as they durst for fear of the english. then the french in the fall built a small hut, which mr. young says was too strong for either new england or old england without guns or works--a place merely to sleep in, manned only with seven french. this expedition, mr. young saith, was at first prejudicial to the company, but afterward of great advantage, which he cannot apprehend. in another place mr. young is pleased to state that the new england settlement was so strong that the old could not destroy it. old england settlement was only a house unfortified, which bridgar built to keep the goods dry, because gillam's boat arrived late. " . mr. young says all are in favour of radisson but sir edward dering, we have not met with any who are in favour but mr. young. those who give gratuity should know why. " . that he had no place or honour given him is no reason for giving gratuity, there being no contract in the case. " . never found him accused of cheating and purloining, but breach of contract with company, after receiving their money, we do find him guilty of. " . says he never did capitulate with the company. find he did (see minutes), may th, . " . cannot believe radisson was beaten by the company's servants. greater increase of furs after he left, &c., &c., &c." this memorial and its answer show the rather unreasonable position taken by the company. in the time of its admiration for radisson and of fat dividends, it had provided liberal things; but when money became scarce, then it was disposed to make matters pleasing to itself, despite the claims of radisson. in the year following the presenting of the memorial, it is stated in the minutes that "radisson was represented to the company as in a low and mean condition." at this time it was ordered that _l._ be paid radisson and to be repaid out of the next dividend. the unreasonable position assumed by the company, in withholding a part of the salary which they had promised in good faith, filled radisson with a sense of injustice. no doubt guided by his friend, sir william young, who, on account of his persistence on behalf of the adventurer, was now dropped from the committee of the company, radisson filed a bill in chancery against the company, and in july, , notice of this was served upon the committee. much consternation appears to have filled their minds, and the deputy-governor, sir samuel clark, reported shortly after having used _l._ for secret service, the matter being seemingly connected with this case. notwithstanding the great influence of the company, the justice of radisson's claims prevailed, and the court of chancery ordered the payment of arrears in full. the committee afterwards met sir william young and richard craddock, who upheld radisson's claim. it is reported that they agreed to settle the matter by paying radisson _l._, he giving a release, and that he should be paid, under seal, _l._ per annum for life, except in those years when the company should make a dividend, and then but _l._ according to the original agreement. radisson then received, as the minutes show, his salary regularly from this time. in , the company asked for the renewal by parliament of its charter. radisson petitioned parliament for consideration, asking that before the request made by the company for the confirmation of the privileges sought were granted, a clause should be inserted protecting him in the regular payment of the amounts due to him from time to time by the company. at the time of his petition to parliament he states that he has four young children, and has only the _l._ a year given by the company to live on. in the year he was still struggling with his straitened circumstances, for in that year he applied to the company to be appointed warehouse-keeper for the london premises, but his application was refused. his children, of whom he is said to have had nine, appear to have passed over to canada and to have become a part of the canadian people. his brother-in-law, groseilliers, had also returned to his adopted canada, but is stated to have died before . regularly during the succeeding years the quarterly amount is voted to radisson by the company, until january th, , when the last quota of _l._ _s._ was ordered to be given. about this time, at the ripe age of seventy-four, passed away pierre esprit radisson, one of the most daring and ingenious men of his time. we know nothing of his death, except from the fact that his pension ceased to be paid. judge prudhomme, to whose appreciative sketch of radisson in french we have already referred, well summarizes his life. we translate:-- "what a strange existence was that of this man! by turns discoverer, officer of marine, organizer and founder of the most commercial company which has existed in north america, his life presents an astonishing variety of human experiences. "he may be seen passing alternately from the wigwams of the miserable savages to the court of the great colbert; from managing chiefs of the tribes to addressing the most illustrious nobles of great britain. "his courage was of a high order. he looked death in the face more than a hundred times without trepidation. he braved the tortures and the stake among the iroquois, the treacherous stratagems of the savages of the west, the rigorous winters of the hudson bay, and the tropical heat of the antilles. "of an adventurous nature, drawn irresistibly to regions unknown, carried on by the enthusiasm of his voyages, always ready to push out into new dangers, he could have been made by fenimore cooper one of the heroes of his most exciting romances. "the picture of his life consequently presents many contrasts. the life of a brigand, which he led with a party of iroquois, cannot be explained away. "he was blamable in a like manner for having deserted the flag of france, his native country. the first time we might, perhaps, pardon him, for he was the victim of grave injustice on the part of the government of the colony. "no excuse could justify his second desertion. he had none to offer, not one. he avowed very candidly that he sought the service of england because he preferred it to that of france. "in marrying the daughter of mr. john kirke, he seems to have espoused also the nationality of her family. as for him, he would have needed to change the proverb, and, in the place of 'one who marries a husband takes his country,' to say, 'one who marries a wife takes her country.' "the celebrated discover of the north-west, the illustrious le verendrye, has as much as radisson, and even more than he, of just reason to complain of the ingratitude of france; yet how different was his conduct! "just as his persecutions have placed upon the head of the first a new halo of glory, so they have cast upon the brow of the second an ineffaceable stain. "souls truly noble do not seek in treason the recompense for the rights denied them." (for a detailed chronological account of radisson's life, see appendix b, page .) chapter vi. french rivalry. the golden lilies in danger--"to arrest radisson"--the land called "unknown"--a chain of claim--imaginary pretensions--chevalier de troyes--the brave lemoynes--hudson bay forts captured--a litigious governor--laugh at treaties--the glory of france--enormous claims--consequential damages. the two great nations which were seeking supremacy in north america came into collision all too soon on the shores of hudson bay. along the shore of the atlantic, england claimed new england and much of the coast to the southward. france was equally bent on holding new france and acadia. now that england had begun to occupy hudson bay, france was alarmed, for the enemy would be on her northern as well as on her southern border. no doubt, too, france feared that her great rival would soon seek to drive her golden lilies back to the old world, for new france would be a wedge between the northern and southern possessions of england in the new world. the movement leading to the first voyage to hudson bay by gillam and his company was carefully watched by the french government. in february, , at which time gillam's expedition had not yet sailed, the marquis de denonville, governor of canada, appointed an officer to go in search of the most advantageous posts and occupy the shores of the baie du nord and the embouchures of the rivers that enter therein. among other things the governor gave orders "to arrest especially the said radisson and his adherents wherever they may be found." intendant talon, in , sent home word to m. colbert that ships had been seen near hudson bay, and that it was likely that they were english, and were "under the guidance of a man des grozeliers, formerly an inhabitant of canada." the alarm caused the french by the movements of the english adventurers was no doubt increased by the belief that hudson bay was included in french territory. the question of what constituted ownership or priority of claim was at this time a very difficult one among the nations. whether mere discovery or temporary occupation could give the right of ownership was much questioned. colonization would certainly be admitted to do so, provided there had been founded "certain establishments." but the claim of france upon hudson bay would appear to have been on the mere ground of the hudson bay region being contiguous or neighbouring territory to that held by the french. the first claim made by france was under the commission, as viceroy to canada, given in by the french king to sieur de roberval, which no doubt covered the region about hudson bay, though not specifying it. in lescarbot states that the commission given to de la roche contained the following: "new france has for its boundaries on the west the pacific ocean within the tropic of cancer; on the south the islands of the atlantic towards cuba and hispaniola; on the east, the northern sea which washes its shores, embracing in the north the land called unknown toward the frozen sea, up to the arctic pole." the sturdy common sense of anglo-saxon england refused to be bound by the contention that a region admittedly "unknown" could be held on a mere formal claim. the english pointed out that one of their expeditions under henry hudson in had actually discovered the bay and given it its name; that sir thomas button immediately thereafter had visited the west side of the bay and given it the name of new wales; that captain james had, about a score of years after hudson, gone to the part of the bay which continued to bear his name, and that captain fox had in the same year reached the west side of the bay. this claim of discovery was opposed to the fanciful claims made by france. the strength of the english contention, now enforced by actual occupation and the erection of charles fort, made it necessary to obtain some new basis of objection to the claim of england. it is hard to resist the conclusion that a deliberate effort was made to invent some ground of prior discovery in order to meet the visible argument of a fort now occupied by the english. m. de la potherie, historian of new france, made the assertion that radisson and groseilliers had crossed from lake superior to the baie du nord (hudson bay). it is true, as we have seen, that oldmixon, the british writer of a generation or two later, states the same thing. this claim is, however, completely met by the statement made by radisson of his third voyage that they heard only from the indians on lake superior of the northern bay, but had not crossed to it by land. we have disposed of the matter of his fourth voyage. the same historian also puts forward what seems to be pure myth, that one jean bourdon, a frenchman, entered the bay in and engaged in trade. it was stated also that a priest, william couture, sent by governor d'avaugour of new france, had in made a missionary establishment on the bay. these are unconfirmed statements, having no details, and are suspicious in their time of origination. the hudson's bay company's answer states that bourdon's voyage was to another part of canada, going only to ° n., and not to the bay at all. though entirely unsupported, these claims were reiterated as late as by hon. joseph cauchon in his case on behalf of canada _v._ hudson's bay company. m. jeremie, who was governor of the french forts in hudson bay in , makes the statement that radisson and groseilliers had visited the bay overland, for which there is no warrant, but the governor does not speak of bourdon or couture. this contradiction of de la potherie's claim is surely sufficient proof that there is no ground for credence of the stories, which are purely apocryphal. it is but just to state, however, that the original claim of roberval and de la roche had some weight in the negotiations which took place between the french and english governments over this matter. m. colbert, the energetic prime minister of france, at any rate made up his mind that the english must be excluded from hudson bay. furthermore, the fur trade of canada was beginning to feel very decidedly the influence of the english traders in turning the trade to their factories on hudson bay. the french prime minister, in , sent word to duchesnau, the intendant of canada, to dispute the right of the english to erect factories on hudson bay. radisson and groseilliers, as we have seen, had before this time deserted the service of england and returned to that of france. with the approval of the french government, these facile agents sailed to canada and began the organization, in , of a new association, to be known as "the northern company." fitted out with two small barks, _le st. pierre_ and _la ste. anne_, in , the adventurers, with their companions, appeared before charles fort, which groseilliers had helped to build, but do not seem to have made any hostile demonstration against it. passing away to the west side of the bay, these shrewd explorers entered the river ste. therese (the hayes river of to-day) and there erected an establishment, which they called fort bourbon. this was really one of the best trading points on the bay. some dispute as to even the occupancy of this point took place, but it would seem as if radisson and groseilliers had the priority of a few months over the english party that came to establish a fort at the mouth of the adjoining river nelson. the two adventurers, radisson and groseilliers, in the following year came, as we have seen, with their ship-load of peltries to canada, and it is charged that they attempted to unload a part of their cargo of furs before reaching quebec. this led to a quarrel between them and the northern company, and the adroit fur traders again left the service of france to find their way back to england. we have already seen how completely these two frenchmen, in the year , took advantage of their own country at fort bourbon and turned over the furs to the hudson's bay company. the sense of injury produced on the minds of the french by the treachery of these adventurers stirred the authorities up to attack the posts in hudson bay. governor denonville now came heartily to the aid of the northern company, and commissioned chevalier de troyes to organize an overland expedition from quebec to hudson bay. the love of adventure was strong in the breasts of the young french _noblesse_ in canada. four brothers of the family le moyne had become known for their deeds of valour along the english frontier. leader among the valorous french-canadians was le moyne d'iberville, who, though but twenty-four years of age, had already performed prodigies of daring. maricourt, his brother, was another fiery spirit, who was known to the iroquois by a name signifying "the little bird which is always in motion." another leader was ste. helene. with a party of chosen men these intrepid spirits left the st. lawrence in march, , and threaded the streams of the laurentian range to the shore of hudson bay. [illustration: le moyne d'iberville.] after nearly three months of the most dangerous and exciting adventures, the party reached their destination. the officers and men of the hudson's bay company's service were chiefly civilians unaccustomed to war, and were greatly surprised by the sudden appearance upon the bay of their doughty antagonists. at the mouth of the moose river one of the hudson's bay company forts was situated, and here the first attack was made. it was a fort of considerable importance, having four bastions, and was manned by fourteen guns. it, however, fell before the fierce assault of the forest rangers. the chief offence in the eyes of the french was charles fort on the rupert river, that being the first constructed by the english company. this was also captured and its fortifications thrown down. at the same time that the main body were attacking charles fort, the brothers le moyne, with a handful of picked men, stealthily approached in two canoes one of the company's vessels in the bay and succeeded in taking it. the largest fort on the bay was that in the marshy region on albany river. it was substantially built with four bastions and was provided with forty-three guns. the rapidity of movement and military skill of the french expedition completely paralyzed the hudson's bay company officials and men. governor sargeant, though having in albany fort furs to the value of , crowns, after a slight resistance surrendered without the honours of war. the hudson's bay company employés were given permission to return to england and in the meantime the governor and his attendants were taken to charlton island and the rest of the prisoners to moose fort. d'iberville afterwards took the prisoners to france, whence they came back to england. a short time after this the company showed its disapproval of governor sargeant's course in surrendering fort albany so readily. thinking they could mark their disapprobation more strongly, they brought an action against governor sargeant in the courts to recover , _l._ after the suit had gone some distance, they agreed to refer the matter to arbitration, and the case was ended by the company having to pay to the governor _l._ the affair, being a family quarrel, caused some amusement to the public. the only place of importance now remaining to the english on hudson bay was port nelson, which was near the french fort bourbon. d'iberville, utilizing the vessel he had captured on the bay, went back to quebec in the autumn of with the rich booty of furs taken at the different points. these events having taken place at a time when the two countries, france and england, were nominally at peace, negotiations took place between the two powers. late in the year a treaty of neutrality was signed, and it was hoped that peace would ensue on hudson bay. this does not seem to have been the case, however, and both parties blame each other for not observing the terms of the act of pacification. d'iberville defended albany fort from a british attack in , departed in that year for quebec with a ship-load of furs, and returned to hudson bay in the following year. during the war which grew out of the revolution, albany fort changed hands again to the english, and was afterwards retaken by the french, after which a strong english force ( ) repossessed themselves of it. for some time english supremacy was maintained on the bay, but the french merely waited their time to attack fort bourbon, which they regarded as in a special sense their own. in d'iberville visited the bay, besieged and took fort bourbon, and reduced the place with his two frigates. his brother de chateauguay was killed during the siege. in the bay again fell into english hands, and d'iberville was put in command of a squadron sent out for him from france, and with this he sailed for hudson bay. the expedition brought unending glory to france and the young commander. though one of his warships was crushed in the ice in the hudson straits and his remaining vessels could nowhere be seen when he reached the open waters of the bay, yet he bravely sailed to port nelson, purposing to invest it in his one ship, the _pelican_. arrived at his station, he observed that he was shut in on the rear by three english men-of-war. his condition was desperate; he had not his full complement of men, and some of those on board were sick. his vessel had but fifty guns; the english vessels carried among them . the english vessels, the _hampshire_, the _dering_, and the _hudson's bay_, all opened fire upon him. during a hot engagement, a well-aimed broadside from the _pelican_ sank the _hampshire_ with all her sails flying, and everything on board was lost; the _hudson's bay_ surrendered unconditionally, and the _dering_ succeeded in making her escape. after this naval duel d'iberville's missing vessels appeared, and the commander, landing a sufficient number of men, invested and took port nelson. the whole of the hudson bay territory thus came into the possession of the french. the matter has always, however, been looked at in the light of the brilliant achievement of this scion of the le moynes. few careers have had the uninterrupted success of that of pierre le moyne d'iberville, although this fortune reached its climax in the exploit in hudson bay. nine years afterwards the brilliant soldier died of yellow fever at havana, after he had done his best in a colonization enterprise to the mouth of the mississippi which was none too successful. though the treaty of ryswick, negotiated in this year of d'iberville's triumphs, brought for the time the cessation of hostilities, yet nearly fifteen years of rivalry, and for much of the time active warfare, left their serious traces on hudson's bay company affairs. a perusal of the minutes of the hudson's bay company during this period gives occasional glimpses of the state of war prevailing, although it must be admitted not so vivid a picture as might have been expected. as was quite natural, the details of attacks, defences, surrenders, and parleys come to us from french sources rather than from the company's books. that the french accounts are correct is fully substantiated by the memorials presented by the company to the british government, asking for recompense for losses sustained. in a petition was prepared by the hudson's bay company, and a copy of it is found in one of the letter-books of the company. this deals to some extent with the contention of the french king, which had been lodged with the british government, claiming priority of ownership of the regions about hudson bay. the arguments advanced are chiefly those to which we have already referred. the claim for compensation made upon the british government by the company is a revelation of how seriously the french rivalry had interfered with the progress of the fur trade. after still more serious conflict had taken place in the bay, and the company had come to be apprehensive for its very existence, another petition was laid before his majesty william iii., in . this petition, which also contained the main facts of the claim of , is so important that we give some of the details of it. it is proper to state, however, that a part of the demand is made up of what has since been known as "consequential damages," and that in consequence the matter lingered on for at least two decades. the damages claimed were:-- . captain gillam and cargo on _prince rupert_. £ _s._ _d._ (captain and a number of men, cargo, and ship all lost in hostilities.) governor bridgar and men seized and carried to quebec moderate damages , september, . french with two ships built a small house and interrupted indian trade damages , . french took _perpetuana_ and cargo to quebec. damages , for ship, master, and men damages , . french destroyed three of company's ships at bottom of bay, and also three ships' stores, etc., and took , beaver skins, and turned out to sea a number of his majesty's subjects , - . five years' losses about forts ( , beaver skins yearly) , . company's ships _churchill_ and _young_ seized by french , . company sent out expedition to retake forts, which cost them , - . french possessed bottom of the bay for seven years. loss, , _l._ a year , damages , ---------------- total damages claimed £ , ================ chapter vii. ryswick and utrecht. the "grand monarque" humbled--caught napping--the company in peril--glorious utrecht--forts restored--damages to be considered--commission useless. louis xiv. of france, by his ambition and greed in , united against himself the four nations immediately surrounding him--germany, spain, holland, and england, in what they called "the grand alliance." battles, by land and sea for six years, brought louis into straits, unrelieved by such brilliant episodes as the naval prodigies wrought by d'iberville on hudson bay. in , "le grand monarque" was sufficiently humbled to make overtures for peace. the opposing nations accepted these, and on may th, , the representatives of the nations met at william iii.'s château of neuberg hansen, near the village of ryswick, which is in belgium, a short distance from the hague. louis had encouraged the jacobite cause, james iii. being indeed a resident of the castle of st. germain, near paris. this had greatly irritated william, and one of the first things settled at the treaty was the recognition of william as rightful king of england. article vii. of the treaty compelled the restoration to the king of france and the king of great britain respectively of "all countries, islands, forts, and colonies," which either had possessed before the declaration of war in . however satisfactory this may have been in acadia and newfoundland, we find that it did not meet the case of the hudson bay, inasmuch as the ownership of this region was, as we have seen, claimed by both parties before the war. in the documents of the company there is evidence of the great anxiety caused to the adventurers when the news reached london, as to what was likely to be the basis of settlement of the treaty. the adventurers at once set themselves to work to bring influence to bear against the threatened result. the impression seemed to prevail that they had been "caught napping," and possibly they could not accomplish anything. their most influential deputation came to the hague, and, though late in the day, did avail somewhat. no doubt article vii. of the treaty embodies the results of their influence. it is so important for our purpose that we give it in full:--"commissioners should be appointed on both sides to examine and determine the rights and pretensions which either of the said kings have to the places situated in hudson bay; but the possession of those places which were taken by the french during the peace that preceded this war, and were retaken by the english during this war, shall be left to the french, by virtue of the foregoing articles. the capitulation made by the english on september th, , shall be observed according to the form and tenor; the merchandises therein mentioned shall be restored; the governor at the fort taken there shall be set at liberty, if it be not already done; the differences which have arisen concerning the execution of the said capitulation and the value of the goods there lost, shall be adjudicated and determined by the said commissioners; who immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, shall be invested with sufficient authority for the setting of the limits and confines of the lands to be restored on either side by virtue of the foregoing article, and likewise for exchanging of lands, as may conduce to the mutual interest and advantage of both kings." this agreement presents a few salient points:-- . the concession to france of rights (undefined, it is true), but of rights not hitherto acknowledged by the english. . the case of the company, which would have been seriously prejudiced by article vii., is kept open, and commissioners are appointed to examine and decide boundaries. . the claim for damages so urgently pressed by the hudson's bay company receives some recognition in the restoration of merchandize and the investigation into the "value of the goods lost." . on the whole, the interests of the hudson's bay company would seem to have been decidedly prejudiced by the treaty. the affairs of the company were in a very unfortunate condition for fifteen years after the treaty of ryswick. the treaty took place in the very year of d'iberville's remarkable victories in the bay. that each nation should hold that of which it was in actual possession meant that of the seven hudson's bay company forts, only fort albany was left to the company. the company began to petition at once for the appointment of the commissioners provided by the treaty, to settle the matter in dispute. the desperate condition of their affairs accounts for the memorials presented to the british government by the company in and in the succeeding year, by which they expressed themselves as satisfied to give the french the southern portion of the bay from rupert's river on the east and albany fort on the west. about the time of the second of these proposals the hudson's bay company sent to the british government another petition of a very different tone, stating their perilous condition, arising from their not receiving one-fifth of the usual quantity of furs, even from fort albany, which made their year's trade an absolute loss; they propose that an expedition of "three men-of-war, one bomb-vessel, and soldiers" should be sent to dislodge the french and to regain the whole bay for them, as being the original owners. no steps on the part of the ryswick commissioners seem to have been taken toward settling the question of boundaries in hudson bay. the great marlborough victories, however, crushed the power of france, and when louis xiv. next negotiated with the allies at utrecht--"the ferry of the rhine"--in , the english case was in a very different form from what it had been at the treaty of ryswick. two years before the treaty, when it was evident that the war would be brought to an end, the hudson's bay company plucked up courage and petitioned strongly to be allowed the use of the whole of hudson bay, and to have their losses on the bay repaid by france. several times during the war had france sued for peace at the hands of the allies, but the request had been refused. to humble france seemed to be the fixed policy of all her neighbours. at the end of the war, in which france was simply able to hold what she could defend by her fortresses, the great kingdom of louis xiv. found itself "miserably exhausted, her revenue greatly fallen off, her currency depreciated thirty per cent., the choicest of her nobles drafted into the army, and her merchants and industrious artisans weighed down to the ground by heavy imposts." this was england's opportunity, and she profited by it. besides "the balance of power" in europe being preserved, great britain received nova scotia, newfoundland, certain west india islands, and the undisturbed control of the iroquois. sections x. and xi. of the treaty are of special value to us in our recital. by the former of these the entire west coast of hudson bay became british; the french were to evacuate all posts on the bay and surrender all war material within six months; commissioners were to be appointed to determine within a year the boundary between canada and the british possessions on hudson bay. section xi. provided "that the french king should take care that satisfaction be given, according to the rule of justice and equity, to the english company trading to the bay of hudson, for all damages and spoil done to their colonies, ships, persons, and goods, by the hostile incursions and depredations of the french in time of peace." this was to be arrived at by commissioners to be appointed. if the hudson's bay company, to quote their own language in regard to the treaty of ryswick, had been left "the only mourners by the peace," they were to be congratulated on the results of the treaty of utrecht. as in so many other cases, however, disputed points left to be settled by commissioners lingered long before results were reached. six years after the treaty of utrecht, the memorial of the hudson's bay company shows that while they had received back their forts, yet the line of delimitation between canada had not been drawn and their losses had not been paid. in the preceding chapter we have a list of the claims against the french as computed in , amounting to upwards of , _l._; now, however, the amount demanded is not much above , _l._, though the memorial explains that in making up the above modest sum, they had not counted up the loss of their forts, nor the damage done to their trade, as had been done in the former case. immediately after the time of this memorial of the company, the commissioners were named by great britain and france, and several meetings took place. statements were then given in, chiefly as to the boundaries between the british and french possessions in the neighbourhood of hudson bay and canada. the commissioners for several years practised all the arts of diplomacy, and were farther and farther apart as the discussions went on. no result seems to have been reached, and the claims of the hudson's bay company, so far as recorded, were never met. peace, however, prevailed in hudson bay for many years; the indians from the interior, even to the rocky mountains, made their visits to the bay for the first forty years of the eighteenth century, and the fur trade, undisturbed, became again remunerative. chapter viii. dream of a north-west passage. stock rises--jealousy aroused--arthur dobbs, esq.--an ingenious attack--appeal to the "old worthies"--captain christopher middleton--was the company in earnest?--the sloop _furnace_--dobbs' fierce attack--the great subscription--independent expedition--"henry ellis, gentleman"--"without success"--dobbs' real purpose. when peace had been restored by the treaty of utrecht, the shores of the bay, which had been in the hands of the french since the treaty of ryswick, were given over to great britain, according to the terms of the treaty; they have remained british ever since. the company, freed from the fears of overland incursions by the french from canada, and from the fleets that had worked so much mischief by sea, seems to have changed character in the _personnel_ of the stockholders and to have lost a good deal of the pristine spirit. the charge is made that the stockholders had become very few, that the stock was controlled by a majority, who, year after year, elected themselves, and that considering the great privileges conferred by the charter, the company was failing to develop the country and was sleeping in inglorious ease on the shores of hudson bay. certain it is that sir bibye lake was re-elected governor year after year, from to . it would appear, however, to have been a spirit of jealousy which animated those who made these discoveries as to the company's inaction. the return of peace had brought prosperity to the traders; and dividends to the stockholders began to be a feature of company life which they had not known for more than a quarter of a century. as we shall see, the stock of the company was greatly increased in , and preparations were being made by the committee for a wide extension of their operations. about this time a man of great personal energy appears on the scene of english commercial life, who became a bitter opponent of the company, and possessed such influence with the english government that the company was compelled to make a strenuous defence. this was arthur dobbs, esq., an irishman of undoubted ability and courage. he conducted his plan of campaign against the company along a most ingenious and dangerous line of attack. he revived the memory among the british people of the early voyages to discover a way to the riches of the east, and appealed to the english imagination by picturing the interior of the north american continent, with its vast meadows, splendid cascades, rich fur-bearing animals, and numberless races of indians, picturesquely dressed, as opening up a field, if they could be reached, of lucrative trade to the london merchants. to further his purpose he pointed out the sluggish character of the hudson's bay company, and clinched his arguments by quoting the paragraph in the charter which stated that the great privileges conferred by generous charles ii. were bestowed in consideration of their object having been "the discovery of a new passage into the south sea." dobbs appealed to the sacrifices made and the glories achieved in earlier days in the attempt to discover the north-west passage. in scores of pages, the indefatigable writer gives the accounts of the early voyages. we have but to give a passage or two from another author to show what a powerful weapon dobbs wielded, and to see how he succeeded in reviving a question which had slumbered well nigh a hundred years, and which again became a living question in the nineteenth century. this writer says:--"it would lead us far beyond our limits were we to chronicle all the reasons urged, and the attempts made to 'finde out that short and easie passage by the north-west, which we have hitherto so long desired.' under the auspices of the 'old worthies' really--though ostensibly countenanced by kings, queens, and nobles--up rose a race of men, daring and enthusiastic, whose names would add honour to any country, and embalm its history. "commencing with the reign of henry vii., we have first, john cabot ( ), ever renowned; for he it was who first saw and claimed for the 'banner of england,' the american continent. sebastian, his son, follows in the next year--a name honourable and wise. nor may we omit master robert thorne of bristol ( ); master hore ( ); and master michael lok ( ), of london--men who knew 'cosmography' and the 'weighty and substantial reasons' for 'a discovery even to the north pole.' for a short time arctic energy changed its direction from the north-west to the north-east (discoveries of the muscovy company), but wanting success in that quarter, again reverted to the north-west. then we find martin frobisher, george best, sir humphrey gilbert, james davis, george waymouth, john knight, the cruelly treated henry hudson, james hall, sir thomas button, fotherbye, baffin and bylot, 'north-west' luke fox, thomas james, &c. "thus, in the course of sixty years--now breaking the icy fetters of the north, now chained by them; now big with high hope 'of the passage,' then beaten back by the terrific obstacles, as it were, guarding it--notwithstanding, these men never faltered, never despaired of finally accomplishing it. their names are worthy to be held in remembrance; for, with all their faults, all their strange fancies and prejudices, still they were a daring and glorious race, calm amid the most appalling dangers; what they did was done correctly, as far as their limited means went; each added something that gave us more extended views and a better acquaintance with the globe we inhabit--giving especially large contributions to geography, with a more fixed resolution to discover the 'passage.' by them the whole of the eastern face of north america was made known, and its disjointed lands in the north, even to deg. or deg. n. their names will last while england is true to herself." mr. dobbs awakened much interest among persons of rank in england as to the desirability of finding a north-west passage. especially to the lords of the admiralty, on whom he had a strong hold, did he represent the glory and value of fitting out an expedition to hudson bay on this quest. dobbs mentions in his book the unwilling efforts of the hudson's bay company to meet the demand for a wider examination of the bay which took place a few years after the peace of utrecht. in , captain james knight received orders from the company to fit out an expedition and sail up the west coast of the bay. this he did in two ships, the _albany_ frigate, captain george barlow, and the _discovery_, captain david vaughan. captain john scroggs, in the ship _whalebone_, two years afterward, sailed up the coast in search of the expedition. it is maintained by the opponents of the company that these attempts were a mere blind to meet the search for a north-west passage, and that the company was averse to any real investigation being made. it is of course impossible to say whether this charge was deserved or not. the fact that no practicable north-west passage has ever been discovered renders the arguments drawn from the running of the tides, &c., of no value, and certainly justifies the company to some extent in its inaction. the fact that in the hudson's bay company yielded to the claim raised by dobbs and his associates, is to be noted in favour of the company's contention that while not believing in the existence of the north-west passage, they were willing to satisfy the excited mind of the english public. their expedition of the _churchill_ sloop, captain napper, and the _musquash_ sloop, captain crow, accomplished nothing in solving the question in dispute. disappointed with the efforts made by the company at his request, dobbs, in , took in hand to organize an expedition under government direction to go upon the search of the "passage." at this time he opened communication with captain christopher middleton, one of the best known captains in the service of the hudson's bay company. middleton, being satisfied with the company's service, refused to leave it. dobbs then asked him to recommend a suitable man, and also arranged with middleton to be allowed to examine the records kept of his voyages, upon the hudson's bay company ships. this, however, came to nothing. about captain middleton had cause to differ with the company on business matters, and entertained dobbs' proposition, which was that he should be placed in command of a british man-of-war and go in search of the long-sought north-west passage. middleton gave the hudson's bay company a year's notice, but found them unwilling to let him retire. he had taken the step of resigning deliberately and adhered to it, though he was disappointed in his command not being so remunerative as he expected. in may, , captain middleton received his orders from the lords of the admiralty to proceed upon his journey and to follow the directions given him as to finding a north-west passage. these had been prepared under dobbs' supervision. directions are given as to his course of procedure, should he reach california, and also as to what should be done in case of meeting japanese ships. middleton was placed in charge of her majesty's sloop the _furnace_, and had as a companion and under his orders the _discovery pink_, william moore, master. in due time, hudson bay was reached, but in august the season seemed rather late to proceed northward from "cary's swan's nest," and it was decided to winter in the mouth of churchill river. on july st, , the expedition proceeded northward. most complete observations were made of weather, land, presence of ice, natives of the coast, depth of bay, rivers entering bay, tides, and any possible outlets as far as deg. or deg. w. longitude. observations were continued until august th, when the expedition sailed home to report what it had found. captain middleton read an important paper on "the extraordinary degrees and surprising effects of cold in hudson bay," before the royal society in london. no sooner had middleton reached the orkneys on his return voyage than he forwarded to dobbs, who was in ireland, a letter and an abstract of his journal. lest this should have gone astray, he sent another copy on his arrival in the thames. the report was, on the whole, discouraging as to the existence of a north-west passage. dobbs, however, was unwilling to give up his dream, and soon began to discredit middleton. he dealt privately with the other officers of the ships, middleton's subordinates, and with surprising skill turned the case against captain middleton. the case of dobbs against captain middleton has been well stated by john barrow. middleton was charged with neglect in having failed to explore the line of coast which afforded a probability of a passage to the north-west. the principal points at issue appear to have been in respect to the following discoveries of middleton, viz. the wager river, repulse bay, and the frozen strait. as regards the first, mr. dobbs asserted that the tide came through the so-called river from the westward; and this question was settled in the following year by captain moore, who entirely confirmed captain middleton's report. repulse bay, which well deserves the name it bears, was no less accurately laid down by captain middleton, and of the frozen strait, sir edward parry remarks, "above all, the accuracy of captain middleton is manifest upon the point most strenuously urged against him, for our subsequent experience has not left the smallest doubt of repulse bay and the northern part of welcome bay being filled by a rapid tide, flowing into it from the eastward through the frozen strait." dobbs, by a high order of logic chopping, succeeded in turning the case, for the time being, against captain middleton. seldom has greater skill been used to win a cause. he quotes with considerable effect a letter by sir bibye lake, addressed to the governor of the prince of wales fort, churchill river, reading: "notwithstanding an order to you, if captain middleton (who is sent ahead in the government's service to discover a passage north-west) should by inevitable necessity be brought into real distress and danger of his life and loss of his ship, in such case you are then to give him the best assistance and relief you can." dobbs' whole effort seems to be to show that middleton was hiding the truth, and this, under the influence of his old masters, the hudson's bay company. a copy of dobbs' criticisms, laid before the lords of the admiralty, was furnished captain middleton, and his answer is found in "vindication of the conduct," published in . "an account of the countries adjoining to hudson bay" by arthur dobbs, esq., is a book published in the year after, and is really a book of note. a quarto, consisting of upwards of pages, it showed a marvellous knowledge of colonization in america, of the interior of the continent at that time, and incidentally deals with captain middleton's journal. its account of the journey of "joseph la france, a french canadese indian," from lake superior by way of lake winnipeg to hudson bay, is the first detailed account on record of that voyage being made. evidently arthur dobbs had caught the ear of the english people, and the company was compelled to put itself in a thorough attitude of defence. dobbs with amazing energy worked up his cause, and what a writer of the time calls, "the long and warm dispute between arthur dobbs, esq. and captain middleton," gained much public notice. the glamour of the subject of a north-west passage, going back to the exploits of frobisher, baffin, and button, touched the national fancy, and no doubt the charge of wilful concealment of the truth made against the hudson's bay company, repeated so strenuously by dobbs, gained him adherents. parliament took action in the matter and voted , _l._ as a reward for the discovery of a north-west passage. this caused another wave of enthusiasm, and immediately a subscription was opened for the purpose of raising , _l._ to equip an expedition for this popular enterprise. it was proposed to divide the whole into shares of _l._ each. a vigorous canvass was made to secure the amount, and the subscription list bears the names of several nobles, an archbishop, a bishop, and many esquires. a perusal of the names suggests that a number of them are irish, and no doubt were obtained by mr. dobbs, who was often at lisburn in ireland. the amount raised was , _l._ the expedition, we hear afterwards, cost upwards of , _l._, but the money needed was, we are told, willingly contributed by those who undertook the enterprise. mr. dobbs, as was suitable, was a leading spirit on the committee of management. two ships were purchased by the committee, the _dobbs_ galley, tons burden, captain william moore, and the _california_, tons, captain francis smith. on may th, , the two vessels, provisioned and well fitted out for the voyage, left the mouth of the thames, being in company with the two ships of the hudson's bay company going to the bay, the four ships being under the convoy of the ship _loo_, of forty guns, as france was at this time at war with england. the voyage was rather prosperous, with the exception of a very exciting incident on board the _dobbs_ galley. a dangerous fire broke out in the cabin of the vessel, and threatened to reach the powder-room, which was directly underneath, and contained "thirty or forty barrels of powder, candles, spirits, matches, and all manner of combustibles." though, as the writer says, "during the excitement, you might hear all the varieties of sea eloquence, cries, prayers, curses, and scolding, mingled together, yet this did not prevent the proper measures being taken to save the ship and our lives." the story of the voyage is given to us in a very interesting manner by henry ellis, gentleman, agent for the proprietors of the expedition. though nearly one hundred pages are taken up with the inevitable summaries of "the several expeditions to discover a north-west passage," yet the remaining portion of the book is well written. after the usual struggle with the ice in hudson strait, as it was impossible to explore southward during the first season, the _dobbs_ galley and the _california_ sailed for port nelson, intending to winter there. they arrived on august th. ellis states that they were badly received by the hudson's bay officers at the first. they, however, laid up their ships in hayes river, and built an erection of logs on the shore for the staff. the officers' winter quarters were called "montague house," named after the duke of montague, patron of the expedition. after a severe winter, during which the sailors suffered with scurvy, and, according to ellis, received little sympathy from the occupants of york fort, the expedition left the mouth of the hayes river on june th, to prosecute their discovery. after spending the summer coasting hudson bay and taking careful notes, the officers of the vessels gladly left the inhospitable shore to sail homeward, and the two ships arrived in yarmouth roads on october th, . "thus ended," says ellis, "this voyage, without success indeed, but not without effect; for though we did not discover a north-west passage ... we returned with clearer and fuller proofs ... that evidently such a passage there may be." it will be observed that ellis very much confirms captain middleton's conclusions, but mr. dobbs no doubt made the best of his disappointment, and, as we shall see, soon developed what had been from the first his real object, the plan for founding a rival company. chapter ix. the interesting blue-book of . "le roi est mort"--royalty unfavourable--earl of halifax--"company asleep"--petition to parliament--neglected discovery--timidity or caution--strong "prince of wales"--increase of stock--a timid witness--claims of discovery--to make indians christians--charge of disloyalty--new company promises largely--result nil. arthur dobbs, esq., was evidently worsted in his tilt with the hudson's bay company. his fierce onslaught upon captain middleton was no doubt the plan of attack to enable him to originate the expedition of the _dobbs_ galley and _california_. even this voyage had brought little better prospect of the discovery of a north-west passage, except the optimistic words of ellis, the use of which, indeed, seemed very like the delectable exercise of "extracting sunbeams from cucumbers." but the energy of the man was in no way dampened. indeed, the indications are, as we survey the features of the time, that he had strong backing in the governing circles of the country. time was when the hudson's bay company basked in the sunshine of the court. it is, perhaps, the penalty of old institutions that as rulers pass away and political parties change, the centre of gravity of influence shifts. perhaps the hudson's bay company had not been able to use the convenient motto, "le roi est mort: vive le roi!" at any rate the strong court influence of the company had passed away, and there is hardly a nobleman to be found on the list of stockholders submitted by the company to the committee of the lords. on the other hand, when henry ellis, the historian of the expedition, writes his book in the year after his return, he is permitted to dedicate it to his royal highness frederick, prince of wales, is privileged to refer in his dedication to a "gracious audience" allowed him by the prince after his return, and to speak of "the generous care" expressed by the prince "for the happy progress of his design." again, in a similar dedication of a book written four years afterwards by joseph robson, a former employé of the hudson's bay company, but a book full of hostility to the company, allusion is made to the fact that the earl of halifax, lord commissioner of trade and plantations, gave his most hearty approval to such plans as the expedition sought to carry out. it is said of lord halifax, who was called the father of colonies: "he knows the true state of the nation--that it depends on trade and manufactures; that we have more rivals than ever; that navigation is our bulwark and colonies our chief support; and that new channels should be industriously opened. therefore, we survey the whole globe in search of fresh inlets which our ships may enter and traffic." those familiar with the work of lord halifax will remember that the great colonization scheme by which nova scotia was firmly grappled to the british empire and the city of halifax founded, was his; and the charge made by dobbs that for a generation the "company had slept on the shores of the bay," would appeal with force to a man of such energetic and progressive nature as the lord commissioner. accordingly, dobbs now came out boldly; not putting the discovery of the north-west passage in the front of his plan, but openly charging the hudson's bay company with indolence and failure, and asking for the granting of a charter to a rival company. as summed up by the sub-committee to which the petition of dobbs and his associates was submitted, the charges were:-- i. the company had not discovered, nor sufficiently attempted to discover, the north-west passage into the southern seas. ii. they had not extended their settlements to the limits given them by their charter. iii. they had designedly confined their trade within very narrow limits: (_a_) had abused the indians. (_b_) had neglected their forts. (_c_) ill-treated their own servants. (_d_) encouraged the french. the hudson's bay company, now put on their mettle, exhibited a considerable amount of activity, and filed documents before the committee that in some respects met the charges against them. they claimed that they had in the thirty years preceding the investigation done a fair amount of exploratory work and discovery. in , they had sent out the _albany_ frigate and _discovery_ to the northern regions, and neither of them returned to tell the tale. in the same year its vessels on the bay, the _prosperous_ and the _success_, one from york factory, the other from prince of wales fort, had sailed up the coast on exploratory expeditions. two years afterward, the _prosperous_, under kelsey, made a voyage, and the _success_, under captain napper, had sailed from york fort and was lost. in the same year the _whalebone_, under captain john scroggs, went from england to prince of wales fort, and after wintering there, in the following year made a decided effort on behalf of the passage, but returned unsuccessful. in the year when dobbs became so persistent ( ) james napper, who had been saved from the wreck of the _success_ sixteen years before, took command of the _churchill_ from prince of wales fort, but on the exploration died, and the vessel returned. the _musquash_, under captain crow, accompanied the _churchill_, but returned with no hope of success. this was the case presented by the hudson's bay company. it was still open to the opponents of the company to say, as they did, that the hudson's bay company was not in earnest, wanted nothing done to attract rivals, and were adepts in concealing their operations and in hoodwinking the public. a more serious charge was that they had not sought to reach the interior, but had confined their trade to the shores of the bay. here it seems that the opponents of the company made a better case. it is indeed unaccountable to us to-day, as we think that the company had now been eighty years trading on the bay and had practically no knowledge of the inheritance possessed by them. at this very time the french, by way of lake superior, had journeyed inland, met indian tribes, traded with them, and even with imposing ceremonies buried metal plates claiming the country which the hudson's bay company charter covered as lying on rivers, lakes, &c., tributary to hudson bay. it is true they had submitted instructions to the number of twenty or thirty, in which governors and captains had been urged to explore the interior and extend the trade among the indian tribes. but little evidence could be offered that these communications had been acted on. the chief dependence of the company seems to have been on one henry kelsey, who went as a boy to hudson bay, but rose to be chief officer there. the critics of the company were not slow to state that kelsey had been a refugee from their forts and had lived for several seasons among the indians of the interior. even if this were so, it is still true that kelsey came to be one of the most enterprising of the wood-runners of the company. dobbs confronted them with the fact that the voyage from lake superior to hudson bay had been only made once in their history, and that by joseph la france, the canadian indian. certainly, whether from timidity, caution, inertia, or from some deep-seated system of policy, it was true that the company had done little to penetrate the interior. the charge that the company abused the indians was hardly substantiated. the company was dependent on the goodwill of the indians, and had they treated them badly, their active rivals, the french, would simply have reaped the benefit of their folly. that the price charged the indians for goods was as large as the price paid for furs was small, is quite likely to have been true. civilized traders all the world over, dealing with ignorant and dependent tribes, follow this policy. no doubt the risks of life and limb and goods in remote regions are great, and great profits must be made to meet them. it is to be remembered, however, that when english and french traders came into competition, as among the iroquois in new york state, and afterwards in the lake superior district, the quality of the english goods was declared by the indians better and their treatment by the english on the whole more honest and aboveboard than that by the french. that traders should neglect their own forts seems very unlikely. those going to the hudson bay main expected few luxuries, and certainly did not have an easy life, but there was on the part of the company a vast difference in treatment as compared with that given to the fur traders in new france as they went to the far west. no doubt pressure for dividends prevented expenditure that was unnecessary, but a perusal of the experience of champlain with his french fur company leads us to believe that the english were far the more liberal and considerate in the treatment of employés. the fortress of the river churchill, known as the prince of wales fort, with its great ruins to be seen to-day, belonging to this period, speaks of a large expense and a high ideal of what a fort ought to be. during the examination of witnesses by the committee, full opportunity was given to show cases of ill-treatment of men and poor administration of their forts. twenty witnesses were examined, and they included captains, merchants, and employés, many of whom had been in the service of the company on the bay, but whether, as robson says, "it must be attributed either to their confusion upon appearing before so awful an assembly, or to their having a dependence on the company and an expectation of being employed again in their service," little was elicited at all damaging to the company. the charge of the fewness of the forts and the smallness of the trade was more serious. that they should have a monopoly of the trade, and should neither develop it themselves, nor allow others to develop it, would have been to pursue a "dog in the manger" policy. they stated that they had on an average three ships employed solely on their business, that their exports for ten years immediately preceding amounted to , _l._ and their imports , _l._, which they claimed was a balance of trade satisfactory to england. the objection that the whole capital of the company at the commencement, , _l._, was trifling, was perhaps true, but they had made great profits, and they used them in the purchase of ships and the building of forts, and now had a much more valuable property than at the beginning. that they had been able to increase their stock so largely was a tribute to the profits of their business and to its ability to earn dividends on a greatly increased capital stock. the increase of stock as shown by the company was as follows:-- original stock £ , trebled in , trebled in , at this time there was a movement to greatly increase the stock, but the stringency of the money market checked this movement, and subscriptions of ten per cent. were taken, amounting to , _l._ only. this was also trebled and added to the original , _l._, making a total stock of , _l._ some three years after the investigation by the committee, one of the witnesses, joseph robson, who gave evidence of the very mildest, most non-committal character, appears to have received new light, for he published a book called, "an account of six years' residence in hudson's bay." he says in the preface, speaking of the evidence given by him in the investigation, "for want of confidence and ability to express myself clearly, the account i then gave was far from being so exact and full as that which i intended to have given." what the influence was that so effectually opened robson's eyes, we do not know. the second part of this work is a critique of the evidence furnished by the company, and from the vigour employed by this writer as compared with the apathy shown at the investigation, it is generally believed that in the meantime he had become a dependent of dobbs. the plea put forward by the petitioners for the granting of a charter to them contained several particulars. they had, at their own cost and charges, fitted out two ships, the _dobbs_ galley and _california_, in search of the north-west passage to the west and southern ocean. their object was, they claimed, a patriotic one, and they aimed at extending the trade of great britain. they maintained that though the reward offered had been , _l._, it was not sufficient to accomplish the end, as they had already spent more than half of that sum. notwithstanding this, they had discovered a number of bays, inlets, and coasts before unknown, and inasmuch as this was the ground of the charter issued by charles ii. to the hudson's bay company, they claimed like consideration for performing a similar service. the petitioners made the most ample promise as to their future should the charter be granted. they would persevere in their search for the passage to the southern ocean of america, of which, notwithstanding the frequent failures in finding it, they had a strong hope. the forward policy of lord halifax of extensive colonization they were heartily in favour of, and they undertook to settle the lands they might discover. the question had been raised during the investigation, whether the company had done anything to civilize the natives. they had certainly done nothing. probably their answer was that they were a trading company, and never saw the indians except in the months of the trading season, when in july and august they presented themselves from the interior at the several factories. the petitioners promised, in regard to the natives, that they would "lay the foundation for their becoming christians and industrious subjects of his majesty." beyond the sending out of a prayer-book from time to time, which seemed to indicate a desire to maintain service among their servants, the company had taken no steps in this direction. the closing argument for the bestowal of a charter was that they would prevent french encroachments upon british rights and trade on the continent of america. the petition makes the very strong statement that the hudson's bay company had connived at, or allowed french and english to encroach, settle, and trade within their limits on the south side of the bay. whatever may have been in the mind of the petitioners on this subject of conniving with the french, a perusal of the minutes of the company fails to show any such disposition. the company in charles ii.'s times was evidently more anti-french than the government. they disputed the claim of the french to any part of the bay, and strongly urged their case before the english commissioners at the treaty of ryswick. one of their documents, seemingly showing them to be impressed with the claim of priority of ownership of the french king, did propose a division of the bay, giving the south part of the bay to the french and the remainder to themselves. it is easy to understand a trading company wishing peace, so that trade might go on, and knowing that hudson bay, with its enormous coast line, afforded wide room for trade, proposing such a settlement. no doubt, however, the reference is to the great competition which was, in a few years, to extend through the interior to the rocky mountains. this was to be indeed a battle royal. arthur dobbs, judging by his book, which shows how far ahead he was of his opponents in foresight, saw that this must come, and so the new company promises to penetrate the interior, cut off the supply of furs from the french, and save the trade to britain. a quarter of a century afterwards, the hudson's bay company, slow to open their eyes, perceived it too, and as we shall see, rose from their slumbers, and entered the conflict. the report was made to the privy council, expressing appreciation of the petition, and of the advanced views enunciated, but stating that the case against the hudson's bay company had not yet been made out. so no new charter was granted! chapter x. french canadians explore the interior. the "western sea"--ardent duluth--"kaministiquia"--indian boasting--père charlevoix--father gonor--the man of the hour: verendrye--indian map maker--the north shore--a line of forts--the assiniboine country--a notable manuscript--a marvellous journey--glory but not wealth--post of the western sea. even the french in canada were animated in their explorations by the dream of a north-west passage. the name lachine at the rapids above montreal is the memorial of la salle's hope that the western sea was to be reached along this channel. the lake superior region seems to have been neglected for twenty years after radisson and groseilliers had visited lake nepigon, or lake assiniboines, as they called it. but the intention of going inland from lake superior was not lost sight of by the french explorers, for on a map (parl. lib. ottawa) of date , is the inscription in french marking the kaministiquia or pigeon river, "by this river they go to the assinepoulacs, for leagues toward the north-west, where there are plenty of beavers." the stirring events which we have described between and , when radisson deserted from the hudson's bay company and founded for the french king fort bourbon on the bay, were accompanied by a new movement toward lake superior, having the purpose of turning the stream of trade from hudson bay southward to lake superior. at this time governor de la barre writes from canada that the english at hudson bay had that year attracted to them many of the northern indians, who were in the habit of coming to montreal, and that he had despatched thither sieur duluth, who had great influence over the western indians. greysolon duluth was one of the most daring spirits in the service of france in canada. duluth writes ( ) to the governor from lake nepigon, where he had erected a fort, seemingly near the spot where radisson and groseilliers had wintered. duluth says in his ardent manner: "it remains for me, sir, to assure you that all the savages of the north have great confidence in me, and that enables me to promise you that before the lapse of two years not a single savage will visit the english at hudson bay. this they have all promised me, and have bound themselves thereto, by the presents i have given, or caused to be given them. the klistinos, assinepoulacs, &c., have promised to come to my fort.... finally, sir, i wish to lose my life if i do not absolutely prevent the savages from visiting the english." duluth seems for several years to have carried on trade with the indians north and west of lake nepigon, and no doubt prevented many of them from going to hudson bay. but he was not well supported by the governor, being poorly supplied with goods, and for a time the prosecution of trade by the french in the lake superior region declined. the intense interest created by d'iberville in his victorious raids on hudson bay no doubt tended to divert the attention of the french explorers from the trade with the interior. the treaties of ryswick and utrecht changed the whole state of affairs for the french king, and deprived by the latter of these treaties of any hold on the bay, the french in canada began to turn their attention to their deserted station on lake superior. now, too, the reviving interest in england of the scheme for the discovery of the north-west passage infected the french. six years after the treaty of utrecht, we find (mss. ottawa) it stated: "messrs. de vaudreuil and begin having written last year that the discovery of the western sea would be advantageous to the colony, it was approved that to reach it m. de vaudreuil should establish these posts, which he had proposed, and he was instructed at the same time to have the same established without any expense accruing to the king--as the person establishing them would be remunerated by trade." in the year the governor sent out a french lieutenant, sieur de la noue, who founded a fort at kaministiquia. in a letter, de la noue states that the indians are well satisfied with the fort he has erected, and promise to bring there all those who had been accustomed to trade at hudson bay. circumstances seem to have prevented this explorer from going and establishing a fort at tekamiouen (rainy lake), and a third at the lake still farther to the north-west. it is somewhat notable that during the fifty years succeeding the early voyages of radisson and groseilliers on lake superior, the french were quite familiar with the names of lakes and rivers in the interior which they had never visited. it will be remembered, however, that the same thing is true of the english on hudson bay. they knew the names assiniboines, christinos, and the like as familiar terms, although they had not left the bay. the reason of this is easily seen. the north-west indian is a great narrator. he tells of large territories, vast seas, and is, in fact, in the speech of hiawatha, "iagoo, the great boaster." he could map out his route upon a piece of birch-bark, and the maps still made by the wild north-western indians are quite worthy of note. it will be observed that the objection brought by the french against the hudson's bay company of clinging to the shores of the bay, may be equally charged against the french on the shore of lake superior, or at least of lake nepigon, for the period from its first occupation of at least seventy years. no doubt the same explanation applies in both cases, viz. the bringing of their furs to the forts by the indians made inland exploration at that time unnecessary. but the time and the man had now come, and the vast prairies of the north-west, hitherto unseen by the white man, were to become the battle-ground for a far greater contest for the possession of the fur trade than had yet taken place either in hudson bay or with the dutch and english in new york state. the promoting cause for this forward movement was again the dream of opening up a north-west passage. the hold this had upon the french we see was less than that upon frobisher, james, middleton, or dobbs among the english. speaking of the french interest in the scheme, pierre margry, keeper of the french archives in paris, says: "the prospect of discovering by the interior a passage to the _grand océan_, and by that to china, which was proposed by our officers under henry iv., louis xiii., and louis xiv., had been taken up with renewed ardour during the regency. memorial upon memorial had been presented to the conseil de marine respecting the advisability and the advantage of making this discovery. indeed, the père de charlevoix was sent to america, and made his great journey from the north to the south of new france for the purpose of reliably informing the council as to the most suitable route to pursue in order to reach the western sea. but the ardour which during the life of philip of orleans animated the government regarding the exploration of the west became feeble, and at length threatened to be totally extinguished, without any benefit being derived from the posts which they had already established in the country of the sioux and at kaministiquia." "the regent, in choosing between the two plans that father charlevoix presented to him at the close of his journey for the attainment of a knowledge of the western sea, through an unfortunate prudence, rejected the suggestion, which, it is true, was the most expensive and uncertain, viz. an expedition up the missouri to its source and beyond, and decided to establish a post among the sioux. the post of the sioux was consequently established in . father gonor, a jesuit missionary who had gone upon the expedition, we are told, was, however, obliged to return without having been able to discover anything that would satisfy the expectations of the court about the western sea." at this time michilimackinac was the depôt of the west. it stood in the entrance of lake michigan--the gitche gumee of the indian tribes, near the mouth of the st. mary river, the outlet of lake superior; it was at the head of lake huron and georgian bay alike. many years afterwards it was called the "key of the north-west" and the "key of the upper lakes." a round island lying a little above the lake, it appealed to the indian imagination, and, as its name implies, was likened by them to the turtle. to it from every side expeditions gathered, and it became the great rendezvous. at michilimackinac, just after the arrival of father gonor, there came from the region of lake superior a man whose name was to become illustrious as an explorer, pierre gaultier de varennes, sieur de la verendrye. we have come to know him simply by the single name of verendrye. this great explorer was born in three rivers, the son of an old officer of the french army. the young cadet found very little to do in the new world, and made his way home to france. he served as a french officer in the war of the spanish succession, and was severely wounded in the battle of malplaquet. on his recovery, he did not receive the recognition that he desired, and so went to the western wilds of canada and took up the life of a "coureur de bois." verendrye, in pursuing the fur trade, had followed the somewhat deserted course which radisson and groseilliers had long before taken, and which a decade before this la noue had, as we have seen, selected. the fort on lake nepigon was still the rendezvous of the savages from the interior, who were willing to be turned aside from visiting the english on hudson bay. from the indians who assembled around his fort on lake nepigon, in , verendrye heard of the vast interior, and had some hopes of reaching the goal of those who dreamt of a western sea. an experienced indian leader named ochagach undertook to map out on birch bark the route by which the lakes of the interior could be reached, and the savage descanted with rapture upon the furs to be obtained if the journey could be made. verendrye, filled with the thought of western discovery, went to quebec, and discussed his purpose with the governor there. he pointed out the route by way of the river of the assiniboels, and then the rivers by which lake ouinipegon might be reached. his estimate was that the western sea might be gained by an inland journey from lake superior of leagues. [illustration: chomedey de maisonneuve. a daring pioneer of new france. (_from his statue in montreal._)] governor beauharnois considered the map submitted and the opinions of verendrye with his military engineer, chaussegros de lery; and their conclusions were favourable to verendrye's deductions. verendrye had the manner and character which inspired belief in his honesty and competence. he was also helped in his dealings with the governor at quebec by the representations of father gonor, whom we have seen had returned from the fort established among the sioux, convinced that the other route was impracticable. father gonor entirely sympathized with verendrye in the belief that the only hope lay in passing through the country of the christinos and assiniboels of the north. the governor granted the explorer the privilege of the entire profit of the fur trade, but was unable to give any assistance in money. verendrye now obtained the aid of a number of merchants in montreal in providing goods and equipment for the journey, and in high glee journeyed westward, calling at michilimackinac to take with him the jesuit father messager, to be the companion of his voyage. near the end of august, , the expedition was at pigeon river, long known as grand portage, a point more than forty miles south-westward of the mouth of the kaministiquia. this was a notable event in history when verendrye and his crew stood ready to face the hardships of a journey to the interior. no doubt the way was hard and long, and the men were sulky and discouraged, but the heroism of their commander shone forth as he saw into the future and led the way to a vast and important region. often since that time have important expeditions going to the north-west been seen as they swept by the towering heights of thunder cape, and, passing onward, entered the uninviting mouth of kaministiquia. eighty-five years afterward, lord selkirk and his band of one hundred de meuron soldiers appeared here in canoes and penetrated to red river to regain the lost fort douglas. one hundred and twenty-six years after verendrye, according to an account given by an eye-witness--an old hudson's bay company officer--a canadian steamer laden high above the decks appeared at the mouth of the kaministiquia, bearing the dawson and hind expedition, to explore the plains of assiniboia and pave the way for their admission to canada. one hundred and thirty-nine years after verendrye, sir garnet wolseley, with his british regulars and canadian volunteers, swept through thunder bay on their way to put down the red river rebellion. and now one hundred and sixty-nine years after verendrye, the splendid steamers of the canadian pacific railway company thrice a week in summer carry their living cargo into the mouth of the kaministiquia to be transported by rail to the fast filling prairies of the west. yes! it was a great event when verendrye and his little band of unwilling voyageurs started inland from the shore of lake superior. verendrye, his valiant nephew, de la jemeraye, and his two sons, were the leaders of the expedition. grand portage avoids by a nine mile portage the falls and rapids at the mouth of the pigeon river, and northward from this point the party went, and after many hardships reached rainy lake in the first season, . here, at the head of rainy river, just where it leaves the lake, they built their first fort, st. pierre. the writer has examined the site of this fort, just three miles above the falls of rainy river, and seen the mounds and excavations still remaining. this seems to have been their furthest point reached in the first season, and they returned to winter at kaministiquia. in the next year the expedition started inland, and in the month of june reached their fort st. pierre, descended the rainy river, and with exultation saw the expanse of the lake of the woods. the earliest name we find this lake known by is that given by verendrye. he says it was called lake minitie (cree, ministik) or des bois. ( ) the former of these names, minitie, seems to be ojibway, and to mean lake of the islands, probably referring to the large number of islands to be found in the northern half of the lake. the other name ( ), lac des bois, or lake of the woods, would appear to have been a mistranslation of the indian (ojibway) name by which the lake was known. the name ( ) was "pikwedina sagaigan," meaning "the inland lake of the sand hills," referring to the skirting range of sand hills running for some thirteen miles along the southern shore of the lake to the east of the mouth of rainy river, its chief tributary. another name found on a map prepared by the hudson's bay company in is ( ) lake nimigon, probably meaning the "expanse," referring to the open sheet of water now often called "la traverse." two other names, ( ) clearwater lake and ( ) whitefish lake, are clearly the extension of clearwater bay, a north-western part of the lake, and whitefish bay, still given by the indians to the channel to the east of grande presqu'île. on the south-west side of the lake of the woods verendrye's party built fort st. charles, probably hoping then to come in touch with the sioux who visited that side of the lake, and with whom they would seek trade. at this point the prospect was very remote of reaching the western sea. the expenses were great, and the fur trade did not so far give sufficient return to justify a further march to the interior. unassisted they had reached in lake ouinipegon (winnipeg), by descending the rapid river from lake of the woods, to which they gave the name of maurepas. the government in quebec informed the french minister, m. de maurepas, that they had been told by the adventurous jemeraye that if the french king would bear the expense, they were now certain that the western sea could be reached. they had lost in going to lake ouinipegon not less than , livres, and could not proceed further without aid. the reply from the court of france was unfavourable; nothing more than the free privilege of the fur trade was granted the explorers. in the following year verendrye built a fort near lake ouinipegon, at the mouth of the maurepas river (which we now know as winnipeg river), and not far from the present fort alexander. the fort was called fort maurepas, although the explorers felt that they had little for which to thank the french minister. still anxious to push on further west, but prevented by want of means, they made a second appeal to the french government in . but again came the same reply of refusal. the explorers spent their time trading with the indians between lake winnipeg and grand portage, and coming and going, as they had occasion, to lake superior, and also to michilimackinac with their cargoes. while at fort st. charles, on the shores of the lake of the woods, in , a great disaster overtook the party. verendrye's eldest son was very anxious to return to kaministiquia, as was also the jesuit priest, anneau, who was in company with the traders. verendrye was unwilling, but at last consented. the party, consisting of the younger verendrye and twenty men, were ruthlessly massacred by an ambush of the sioux on a small island some five leagues from fort st. charles, still known as massacre island. a few days afterwards the crime was discovered, and verendrye had difficulty in preventing his party from accepting the offer of the assiniboines and christinos to follow the sioux and wreak their vengeance upon them. during the next year fort maurepas was still their farthest outpost. the ruins of fort st. charles on the south side of the north-west angle of the lake of the woods were in discovered by st. boniface historical society and the remains of young verendrye's party found buried in the ruins of the chapel. though no assistance could be obtained from the french court for western discovery, and although the difficulties seemed almost insurmountable, verendrye was unwilling to give up the path open to him. he had the true spirit of the explorer, and chafed in his little stockade on the shores of lake winnipeg, seeking new worlds to conquer. if it was a great event when verendrye, in , left the shores of lake superior to go inland, it was one of equal moment when, penniless and in debt, he determined at all hazards to leave the rocks and woods of lake winnipeg, and seek the broad prairies of the west. his decision being thus reached, the region which is now the fertile canadian prairies was entered upon. we are fortunate in having the original journal of this notable expedition of , obtained by mr. douglas brymner, former archivist at ottawa. this, with two letters of bienville, were obtained by mr. brymner from a french family in montreal, and the identity of the documents has been fully established. this journal covers the time from the departure of verendrye from michilimackinac on july th, till say , when he writes from the heart of the prairies. on september nd the brave verendrye left fort maurepas for the land unknown. it took him but two days with his five men to cross in swift canoes the south-east expanse of lake winnipeg, enter the mouth of red river, and reach the forks of the red and assiniboine rivers, where the city of winnipeg now stands. it was thus on september th of that memorable year that the eyes of the white man first fell on the site of what is destined to be the great central city of canada. a few crees who expected him met the french explorer there, and he had a conference with two chiefs, who were in the habit of taking their furs to the english on hudson bay. the water of the assiniboine river ran at this time very low, but verendrye was anxious to push westward. delayed by the shallowness of the assiniboine, the explorer's progress was very slow, but in six days he reached the portage, then used to cross to lake manitoba on the route to hudson bay. on this portage now stands the town of portage la prairie. the assiniboine indians who met verendrye here told him it would be useless for him to ascend the assiniboine river further, as the water was so low. verendrye was expecting a reinforcement to join his party, under his colleague, m. de la marque. he determined to remain at portage la prairie and to build a fort. verendrye then assembled the indians, gave them presents of powder, ball, tobacco, axes, knives, &c., and in the name of the french king received them as the children of the great monarch across the sea, and repeated several times to them the orders of the king they were to obey. it is very interesting to notice the skill with which the early french explorers dealt with the indians, and to see the formal way in which they took possession of the lands visited. verendrye states that the indians were greatly impressed, "many with tears in their eyes." he adds with some _naïveté_, "they thanked me greatly, promising to do wonders." on october rd, verendrye decided to build a fort. he was joined shortly after by messrs. de la marque and nolant with eight men in two canoes. the fort was soon pushed on, and, with the help of the indians, was finished by october th. this was the beginning of fort de la reine. at this stage in his journal verendrye makes an important announcement, bearing on a subject which has been somewhat discussed. verendrye says, "m. de la marque told me he had brought m. de louvière to the forks with two canoes to build a fort there for the accommodation of the people of the red river. i approved of it if the indians were notified." this settles the fact that there was a fort at the forks of the red and assiniboine rivers, and that it was built in . in the absence of this information, we have been in the habit of fixing the building of fort rouge at this point from to . there can now be no doubt that october, , is the correct date. from french maps, as has been pointed out, fort rouge stood at the mouth of the assiniboine, on the south side of the river, and the portion of the city of winnipeg called fort rouge is properly named. it is, of course, evident that the forts erected by these early explorers were simply winter stations, thrown up in great haste. verendrye and his band of fifty-two persons, frenchmen and indians, set out overland by the mandan road on october th, to reach the mandan settlements of the missouri. it is not a part of our work to describe that journey. suffice it to say that on december rd he was at the central fort of the mandans, miles from his fort at portage la prairie. being unable to induce his assiniboine guides and interpreters to remain for the winter among the mandans, verendrye returned somewhat unwillingly to the assiniboine river. he arrived on february th at his fort de la reine, as he says himself, "greatly fatigued and very ill." verendrye in his journal gives us an excellent opportunity of seeing the thorough devotion of the man to his duty. from fort michilimackinac to the missouri, by the route followed by him, is not less than , miles, and this he accomplished, as we have seen with the necessary delay of building a fort, between july th and december rd-- days--of this wonderful year of . struggling with difficulties, satisfying creditors, hoping for assistance from france, but ever patriotic and single-minded, verendrye became the leading spirit in western exploration. in the year after his great expedition to the prairies, he was summoned to montreal to resist a lawsuit brought against him. the prevailing sin of french canada was jealousy. though verendrye had struggled so bravely to explore the country, there were those who whispered in the ear of the minister of the french court that he was selfish and unworthy. in his heart-broken reply to the charges, he says, "if more than , livres of debt which i have on my shoulders are an advantage, then i can flatter myself that i am very rich." in a fruitless attempt was made to reach the mandans, but in the following year verendrye's eldest surviving son and his brother, known as the chevalier, having with them only two canadians, left forte de la reine, and made in this and the succeeding year one of the most famous of the verendrye discoveries. this lies beyond the field of our inquiry, being the journey to the missouri, and up to an eastern spur of the rocky mountains. parkman, in his "a half century of conflict," has given a detailed account of this remarkable journey. going northward over the portage la prairie, verendrye's sons had discovered what is now known as lake manitoba, and had reached the saskatchewan river. on the west side of lake manitoba they founded fort dauphin, while at the west end of the enlargement of the saskatchewan known as cedar lake, they built fort bourbon and ascended the saskatchewan to the forks, which were known as the poskoiac. tardy recognition of verendrye's achievements came from the french court in the explorer being promoted to the position of captain in the colonial troops, and a short time after he was given the cross of the order of st. louis. beauharnois and his successor galissionière had both stood by verendrye and done their best for him. indeed, the explorer was just about to proceed on the great expedition which was to fulfil their hopes of finding the western sea, when, on december th, he passed away, his dream unrealized. he was an unselfish soul, a man of great executive ability, and one who dearly loved his king and country. he stands out in striking contrast to the bigots and jonquières, who disgraced the name of france in the new world. from the hands of these vampires, who had come to suck out the blood of new france, verendrye's sons received no consideration. their claims were coolly passed by, their goods shamelessly seized, and their written and forcible remonstrance made no impression. legardeur de st. pierre, more to the mind of the selfish bigot, was given their place and property, and in a small fort was built on the upper waters of the saskatchewan, near the rocky mountains, near where the town of calgary now stands. this was called in honour of the governor, fort la jonquière. a year afterward, st. pierre, with his little garrison of five men, disgusted with the country, deserted fort la reine, which, a few weeks after, was burned to the ground by the assiniboines. the fur trade was continued by the french in much the same bounds, so long as the country remained in the hands of france. we are fortunate in having an account of these affairs given in de bougainville's memoir, two years before the capture of canada by wolfe. the forts built by verendrye's successors were included under the "post of the western sea" (la mer de l'ouest). bougainville says, "the post of the western sea is the most advanced toward the north; it is situated amidst many indian tribes, with whom we trade and who have intercourse with the english, toward hudson bay. we have there several forts built of stockades, trusted generally to the care of one or two officers, seven or eight soldiers, and eighty _engagés canadiens_. we can push further the discoveries we have made in that country, and communicate even with california." this would have realized the dream of verendrye of reaching the western sea. "the post of la mer de l'ouest includes the forts of st. pierre, st. charles, bourbon, de la reine, dauphin, poskoiac, and des prairies (de la jonquière), all of which are built with palisades that can give protection only against the indians." "the post of la mer de l'ouest merits special attention for two reasons: the first, that it is the nearest to the establishments of the english on hudson bay, and from which their movements can be watched; the second, that from this post, the discovery of the western sea may be accomplished; but to make this discovery it will be necessary that the travellers give up all view of personal interest." two years later, french power in north america came to an end, and a generation afterward, the western sea was discovered by british fur traders. chapter xi. the scottish merchants of montreal. unyielding old cadot--competition--the enterprising henry--leads the way--thomas curry--the older finlay--plundering indians--"grand portage"--a famous mart--the plucky frobishers--the sleeping giant aroused--fort cumberland--churchill river--indian rising--the deadly smallpox--the whites saved. the capture of canada by general wolfe in completely changed the course of affairs in the western fur country. michilimackinac and sault ste. marie had become considerable trading centres under the french _régime_, but the officers and men had almost entirely been withdrawn from the outposts in the death struggle for the defence of quebec and montreal. the conquest of canada was announced with sorrow by the chief captain of the west, charles de langlade, on his return after the capitulation of montreal. the french canadians who had taken indian wives still clung to the fur country. these french half-breed settlements at michilimackinac and neighbouring posts were of some size, but beyond lake superior, except a straggler here and there, nothing french was left behind. the forts of the western post fell into decay, and were in most cases burnt by the indians. not an army officer, not a priest, not a fur trader, remained beyond kaministiquia. the french of michilimackinac region were for a time unwilling to accept british rule. old trader, jean baptiste cadot, who had settled with his indian wife, anastasie, at sault ste. marie, and become a man of wide influence, for years refused to yield, and a french canadian author says: "so the french flag continued to float over the fort of sault ste. marie long after the _fleur-de-lis_ had quitted for ever the ramparts of quebec. under the shadow of the old colours, so fruitful of tender memories, he was able to believe himself still under the protection of the mother-country." however, cadot ended by accepting the situation, and an author tells us that like cadot, "were the la cornes, the langlades, the beaujeus, the babys, and many others who, after fighting like lions against england, were counted a little later among the number of her most gallant defenders." for several years, however, the fur trade was not carried on. the change of flag in canada brought a number of enterprising spirits as settlers to quebec and montreal. the highland regiments under generals amherst and wolfe had seen montreal and quebec. a number of the military became settlers. the suppression of the jacobite rebellion in scotland in had led to the dispersion of many young men of family beyond the seas. some of these drifted to montreal. many of the scottish settlements of the united states had remained loyal, so that after the american revolution parties of these loyalists came to montreal. thus in a way hard to explain satisfactorily, the english-speaking merchants who came to canada were largely scottish. in a government report found in the haldimand papers in , it is stated that "the greater part of the inhabitants of montreal (no doubt meaning english-speaking inhabitants) are presbyterians of the church of scotland." it was these scottish merchants of montreal who revived the fur trade to the interior. washington irving, speaking of these merchants, says, "most of the clerks were young men of good families from the highlands of scotland, characterized by the perseverance, thrift, and fidelity of their country." he refers to their feasts "making the rafters resound with bursts of loyalty and old scottish songs." the late archbishop taché, a french canadian long known in the north-west, speaking of this period says, "companies called english, but generally composed of scotchmen, were found in canada to continue to make the most of the rich furs of the forests of the north. necessity obliged them at first to accept the co-operation of the french canadians, who maintained their influence by the share they took in the working of these companies.... this circumstance explains how, after the scotch, the french canadian element is the most important." the first among these scottish merchants to hie away from montreal to the far west was alexander henry, whose "travels and adventures in canada and the indian territories between the years and " have the charm of narrative of an irving or a parkman. he knew nothing of the fur trade, but he took with him an experienced french canadian, named campion. he appeared at michilimackinac two years after the conquest by wolfe, and in the following year visited sault ste. marie with its stockaded fort, and formed a friendship with trader cadot. in the following year, henry was a witness of the massacre at michilimackinac, so graphically described by parkman in his "conspiracy of pontiac." henry's account of his own escape is a thrilling tale. in henry obtained from the commandant at michilimackinac licence of the exclusive trade of lake superior. he purchased the freight of four canoes, which he took at the price of , good, merchantable beavers. with his crew of twelve men, and supplies of fifty bushels of prepared indian corn, he reached a band of indians on the lake who were in poverty, but who took his supplies on trust, and went off to hunt beaver. in due time the indians returned, and paid up promptly and fully the loans made to them. by he had succeeded in opening up the desired route of french traders, going from michilimackinac to kaministiquia on lake superior and returning. his later journeys we may notice afterwards. of the other merchants who followed henry in reviving the old route, the first to make a notable adventure was the scotchman thomas curry. procuring the requisite band of voyageurs and interpreters, in he pushed through with four canoes, along verendrye's route, even to the site of the old french fort bourbon, on the west of cedar lake, on the lower saskatchewan river. curry had in his movement something of the spirit of verendrye, and his season's trip was so successful that, according to sir alexander mackenzie, his fine furs gave so handsome a return that "he was satisfied never again to return to the indian country." [illustration: junction of the ottawa and st. lawrence (near cedars).] another valorous scotchman, james finlay, of montreal, took up the paddle that curry had laid down, and in , with a force equal to that of curry, passed into the interior and ascended the saskatchewan to nipawi, the farthest point which verendrye had reached. he was rewarded with a generous return for his venture. but while these journeys had been successful, it would seem that the turbulent state of the indian tribes had made other expeditions disastrous. in a memorial sent by the fur traders a few years later to the canadian government, it is stated that in a venture made from michilimackinac in the indians of rainy lake had plundered the traders of their goods, that in the next year a similar revolt followed, that in the following year the traders were compelled to leave a certain portion of their goods at rainy lake to be allowed to go on to lake ouinipique. it is stated that the brothers, benjamin and james frobisher, of montreal, who became so celebrated as fur traders, began a post ten years after the conquest. these two merchants were englishmen. they speedily took the lead in pushing forward far into the interior, and were the most practical of the fur traders in making alliances and in dealing successfully with the indians. in their first expedition they had the same experience in their goods being seized by the thievish indians of rainy lake; but before they could send back word the goods for the next venture had reached grand portage on lake superior, and they were compelled to try the route to the west again. on this occasion they managed to defy the pillaging bands, and reached fort bourbon on the saskatchewan. they now discovered that co-operation and a considerable show of force was the only method of carrying on a safe trade among the various tribes. it was fortunate for the montreal traders that such courageous leaders as the frobishers had undertaken the trade. the trade to the north-west thus received a marvellous development at the hands of the montreal merchants. nepigon and the kaministiquia, which had been such important points in the french _régime_, had been quite forgotten, and grand portage was now the place of greatest interest, and so continued to the end of the century. it is with peculiar interest a visitor to-day makes his way to grand portage. the writer, after a difficult night voyage over the stormy waters of lake superior, rowed by the keeper of a neighbouring lighthouse, made a visit a few years ago to this spot. grand portage ends on a bay of lake superior. it is partially sheltered by a rocky island which has the appearance of a robber's keep, but has one inhabitant, the only white man of the region, a french canadian of very fair means. on the bay is to-day an indian village, chiefly celebrated for its multitude of dogs. a few traces of the former greatness of the place may be seen in the timbers down in the water of the former wharves, which were extensive. few traces of forts are now, a century after their desertion by the fur traders, to be seen. the portage, consisting of a road fairly made for the nine or ten miles necessary to avoid the falls on pigeon river, can still be followed. no horse or ox is now to be found in the whole district, where at one time the traders used this means of lightening the burden of packing over the portage. the solitary road, as the traveller walks along it, with weeds and grasses grown up, brings to one a melancholy feeling. the bustle of voyageur and trader and indian is no more; and the reflection made by irving comes back, "the lords of the lakes and forests have passed away." and yet grand portage was at the time of which we are writing a place of vast importance. here there were employed as early as , by the several merchants from montreal, men. one half of these came from montreal to grand portage in canoes of four tons burden, each managed by from eight to ten men. as these were regarded as having the least romantic portion of the route, meeting with no indians, and living on cured rations, they were called the "mangeurs de lard," or pork eaters. the other half of the force journeyed inland from grand portage in canoes, each carrying about a ton and a half. living on game and the dried meat of the buffalo, known as pemmican, these were a more independent and daring body. they were called the "coureurs de bois." for fifteen days after august th these wood-runners portaged over the nine or ten miles their burdens. men carrying lbs. each way have been known to make the portage and return in six hours. when the canoes were loaded at the west end of the portage with two-thirds goods and one-third provisions, then the hurry of the season came, and supplies for lake winnipeg, the saskatchewan, and far distant athabasca were hastened on apace. the difficulties of the route were at many a décharge, where only the goods needed to be removed and the canoes taken over the rapids, or at the portage, where both canoes and load were carried past dangerous falls and fierce rapids. the dash, energy, and skill that characterized these mixed companies of scottish traders, french voyageurs, half-breed and indian _engagés_, have been well spoken of by all observers, and appeal strongly to the lovers of the picturesque and heroic. [illustration: map of route of scottish merchants up the ottawa to lake athabasca.] a quarter of a century after the conquest we have a note of alarm at the new competition that the company from hudson bay had at last undertaken. in the memorial before us it is stated that disturbance of trade is made by "new adventurers." it is with a smile we read of the daring and strong-handed traders of montreal saying, "those adventurers (evidently h. b. co.), consulting their own interests only, without the least regard to the management of the natives or the general welfare of the trade, soon occasioned such disorders, &c.... since that time business is carried on with great disadvantages." this reference, so prosaically introduced, is really one of enormous moment in our story. the frobishers, with their keen business instincts and daring plans, saw that the real stroke which would lead them on to fortune was to divert the stream of trade then going to hudson bay southward to lake superior. accordingly, with a further aggressive movement in view, joseph frobisher established a post on sturgeon lake, an enlargement of the saskatchewan, near the point known by the early french as poskoiac. a glance at the map will show how well chosen sturgeon lake fort was. northward from it a watercourse could be readily followed, by which the main line of water communication from the great northern districts to hudson bay could be reached and the northern indians be interrupted in their annual pilgrimage to the bay. but, as we shall afterward see, the sleeping giant of the bay had been awakened and was about to stretch forth his arms to grasp the trade of the interior with a new vigour. two years after frobisher had thrown down the pledge of battle, it was taken up by the arrival of samuel hearne, an officer of the hudson's bay company, and by his founding fort cumberland on sturgeon lake, about two miles below frobisher's fort. hearne returned to the bay, leaving his new fort garrisoned by a number of orkney men under an english officer. during the same year an explorer, on behalf of the hudson's bay company, visited red river, but no fort was built there for some time afterward. the building of fort cumberland led to a consolidation on the part of the montreal merchants. in the next year after its building, alexander henry, the brothers frobisher, trader cadot, and a daring trader named pond, gathered at sturgeon lake, and laid their plans for striking a blow in retaliation, as they regarded it, for the disturbance of trade made by the hudson's bay company in penetrating to the interior from the bay. cadot, with four canoes, went west to the saskatchewan; pond, with two, to the country on lake dauphin; and henry and the frobisher brothers, with their ten canoes and upwards of forty men, hastened northward to carry out the project of turning anew the northern indians from their usual visit to the bay. on the way to the churchill river they built a fort on beaver lake. in the following year, a strong party went north to churchill or english river, as joseph frobisher now called it. when it was reached they turned westward and ascended the churchill, returning at serpent's rapid, but sending thomas frobisher with goods on to lake athabasca. from the energy displayed, and the skill shown in seizing the main points in the country, it will be seen that the montreal merchants were not lacking in ability to plan and decision to execute. the two great forces have now met, and for fifty years a battle royal will be fought for the rivers, rocks, and plains of the north country. at present it is our duty to follow somewhat further the merchants of montreal in their agencies in the north-west. there can be no doubt that the competition between the two companies produced disorder and confusion among the indian tribes. the indian nature is excitable and suspicious. rival traders for their own ends played upon the fears and cupidity alike of the simple children of the woods and prairies. they represented their opponents in both cases as unreliable and grasping, and party spirit unknown before showed itself in most violent forms. the feeling against the whites of both parties was aroused by injustices, in some cases fancied, in others real. the assiniboines, really the northern branch of the fierce sioux of the prairies, were first to seize the tomahawk. they attacked poplar fort on the assiniboine. after some loss of life, bruce and boyer, who were in charge of the fort, decided to desert it. numerous other attacks were made on the traders' forts, and it looked as if the prairies would be the scene of a general indian war. the only thing that seems to have prevented so dire a disaster was the appearance of what is ever a dreadful enemy to the poor indian, the scourge of smallpox. the assiniboines had gone on a war expedition against the mandans of the missouri river, and had carried back the smallpox infection which prevailed among the mandan lodges. this disease spread over the whole country, and several bands of indians were completely blotted out. of one tribe of four hundred lodges, only ten persons remained; the poor survivors, in seeking succour from other bands, carried the disease with them. at the end of there were only twelve traders who had persevered in their trade on account of the discouragements, but the whole trade was for two or three seasons brought to an end by this disease. the decimation of the tribes, the fear of infection by the traders, and the general awe cast over the country turned the thoughts of the natives away from war, and as masson says, "the whites had thus escaped the danger which threatened them." two or three years after the scourge, the merchants of montreal revived the trade, and, as we shall see, made a combination which, in the thoroughness of its discipline, the energy of its operations, the courage of its promoters, and the scope of its trade, has perhaps never been equalled in the history of trading companies. chapter xii. discovery of the coppermine. samuel hearne--"the mungo park of canada"--perouse complains--the north-west passage--indian guides--two failures--third journey successful--smokes the calumet--discovers arctic ocean--cruelty to the eskimos--error in latitude--remarkable indian woman--capture of prince of wales fort--criticism by umfreville. such an agitation as that so skilfully planned and shrewdly carried on by arthur dobbs, esq., could not but affect the action of the hudson's bay company. the most serious charge brought against the company was that, while having a monopoly of the trade on hudson bay, it had taken no steps to penetrate the country and develop its resources. it is of course evident that the company itself could have no reason for refusing to open up trade with the interior, for by this means it would be expanding its operations and increasing its profits. the real reason for its not doing so seems to have been the inertia, not to say fear, of hudson's bay company agents on the bay who failed to mingle with the bands of indians in the interior. now the man was found who was to be equal to the occasion. this was samuel hearne. except occasional reference to him in the minutes of the company and works of the period, we know little of samuel hearne. he was one of the class of men to which belonged norton, kelsey, and others--men who had grown up in the service of the company on the bay, and had become, in the course of years, accustomed to the climate, condition of life, and haunts of the indians, thus being fitted for active work for the company. samuel hearne became so celebrated in his inland expeditions, that the credit of the hudson's bay company leaving the coast and venturing into the interior has always been attached to his name. so greatly, especially in the english mind, have his explorations bulked, that the author of a book of travels in canada about the beginning of this century called him the "mungo park of canada." in his "journey," we have an account of his earlier voyages to the interior in search of the coppermine river. this book has a somewhat notable history. in the four-volume work of la perouse, the french navigator, it is stated that when he took prince of wales fort on the churchill river in , hearne, as governor of the fort, surrendered it to him, and that the manuscript of his "journey" was seized by the french commander. it was returned to hearne on condition that it should be published, but the publication did not take place until thirteen years afterwards. it is somewhat amusing to read in perouse's preface ( ) the complaint that hearne had not kept faith with him in regard to publishing the journal, and the hope is expressed that this public statement in reminding him of his promise would have the desired effect of the journal being published. four years afterwards hearne's "journey" appeared. a reference to this fine quarto work, which is well illustrated, brings us back in the introduction to all the controversies embodied in the work of dobbs, ellis, robson, and the "american traveller." hearne's orders were received from the hudson's bay company, in , to go on a land expedition to the interior of the continent, from the mouth of the churchill as far as deg. n. lat., to smoke the calumet of peace with the indians, to take accurate astronomical observations, to go with guides to the athabasca country, and thence northward to a river abounding with copper ore and "animals of the fur kind," &c. it is very noticeable, also, that his instructions distinctly tell him "to clear up the point, if possible, in order to prevent further doubt from arising hereafter respecting a passage out of hudson bay into the western ocean, as hath lately been represented by the 'american traveller.'" the instructions made it plain that it was the agitation still continuing from the days of dobbs which led to the sending of hearne to the north country. hearne's first expedition was made during the last months of the year . it is peculiarly instructive in the fact that it failed to accomplish anything, as it gives us a glimpse of the difficulties which no doubt so long prevented the movement to the interior. in the first place, the bitterly severe months of november and december were badly chosen for the time of the expedition. on the sixth day of the former of these months hearne left prince of wales fort, taking leave of the governor, and being sent off with a salute of seven guns. his guide was an indian chief, chawchinahaw. hearne ascertained very soon, what others have found among the indians, that his guide was not to be trusted; he "often painted the difficulties in the worst colours" and took every method to dishearten the explorer. three weeks after starting, a number of the indians deserted hearne. shortly after this mishap, chawchinahaw and his company ruthlessly deserted the expedition, and two hundred miles from the fort set out on another route, "making the woods ring with their laughter." meeting other indians, hearne purchased venison, but was cheated, while his indian guide was feasted. the explorer remarks:--"a sufficient proof of the singular advantage which a native of this country has over an englishman, when at such a distance from the company's factories as to depend entirely on them for subsistence." hearne arrived at the fort after an absence of thirty-seven days, as he says, "to my own mortification and the no small surprise of the governor." hearne was simply illustrating what has been shown a hundred times since, in all foreign regions, viz., native peoples are quick to see the inexperience of men raw to the country, and will heartlessly maltreat and deceive them. however, british officers and men in all parts of the world become at length accustomed to dealing with savage peoples, and after some experience, none have ever equalled british agents and explorers in the management and direction of such peoples. early in the following year hearne plucked up courage for another expedition. on this occasion he determined to take no europeans, but to trust to indians alone. on february rd, accompanied by five indians, hearne started on his second journey. following the advice of the governor, the party took no indian women with them, though hearne states that this was a mistake, as they were "needed for hauling the baggage as well as for dressing skins for clothing, pitching our tent, getting firing, &c." during the first part of the journey deer were plentiful, and the fish obtained by cutting holes in the ice of the lakes were excellent. hearne spent the time of the necessary delays caused by the obtaining of fish and game in taking observations, keeping his journal and chart, and doing his share of trapping. meeting, as soon as the spring opened, bands of indians going on various errands, the explorer started overland. he carried sixty pounds of burden, consisting of quadrant, books and papers, compass, wearing apparel, weapons and presents for the natives. the traveller often made twenty miles a day over the rugged country. meeting a chief of the northern indians going in july to prince of wales fort, hearne sent by him for ammunition and supplies. a canoe being now necessary, hearne purchased this of the indians. it was obtained by the exchange of a single knife, the full value of which did not exceed a penny. in the middle of this month the party saw bands of musk oxen. a number of these were killed and their flesh made into pemmican for future use. finding it impossible to reach the coppermine during the season, hearne determined to live with the indians for the winter. the explorer was a good deal disturbed by having to give presents to indians who met him. some of them wanted guns, all wanted ammunition, iron-work, and tobacco; many were solicitous for medicine; and others pressed for different articles of clothing. he thought the indians very inconsiderate in their demands. on august th the explorer had the misfortune to lose his quadrant by its being blown open and broken by the wind. shortly after this disaster, hearne was plundered by a number of indians who joined him. he determined to return to the fort. suffering from the want of food and clothing, hearne was overtaken by a famous chief, matonabbee, who was going eastward to prince of wales fort. the chief had lived several years at the fort, and was one who knew the coppermine. matonabbee discussed the reasons of hearne's failure in his two expeditions. the forest philosopher gave as the reason of these failures the misconduct of the guides and the failure to take any women on the journey. after maintaining that women were made for labour, and speaking of their assistance, said matonabbee, "women, though they do everything, are maintained at a trifling expense, for as they always stand cook, the very licking of their fingers in scarce times is sufficient for their subsistence." plainly, the northern chief had need of the ameliorating influence of modern reformers. in company with the chief, hearne returned to the fort, reaching it after an absence of eight months and twenty-two days, having, as he says, had "a fruitless or at least an unsuccessful journey." hearne, though beaten twice, was determined to try a third time and win. he recommended the employment of matonabbee as a guide of intelligence and experience. governor norton wished to send some of the coast indians with hearne, but the latter refused them, and incurred the ill-will of the governor. hearne's instructions on this third journey were "in quest of a north-west passage, copper-mines, or any other thing that may be serviceable to the british nation in general, or the hudson's bay company in particular." the explorer was now furnished with an elton's quadrant. this third journey was begun on december th, . travelling sometimes for three or four days without food, they were annoyed, when supplies were secured, by the chief matonabbee taking so ill from over-eating that he had to be drawn upon a sledge. without more than the usual incidents of indian travelling, the party pushed on till a point some deg. west of churchill was reached, according to the calculations of the explorer. it is to be noted, however, that hearne's observations, measurements, and maps, do not seem to be at all accurate. turning northward, as far as can be now made out, about the spot where the north-west traders first appeared on their way to the churchill river, hearne went north to his destination. his indian guides now formed a large war party from the resident indians, to meet the eskimos of the river to which they were going and to conquer them. the explorer announces that having left behind "all the women, children, dogs, heavy baggage, and other encumbrances," on june st, , they pursued their journey northward with great speed. on june st the sun did not set at all, which hearne took to be proof that they had reached the arctic circle. next day they met the copper indians, who welcomed them on hearing the object of their visit. hearne, according to orders, smoked the calumet of peace with the copper indians. these indians had never before seen a white man. hearne was considered a great curiosity. pushing on upon their long journey, the explorers reached the coppermine river on july th. hearne was the witness of a cruel massacre of the eskimos by his indian allies, and the seizure of their copper utensils and other provisions, and expresses disgust at the enormity of the affair. the mouth of the river, which flows into the arctic ocean, was soon reached on july th, and the tide found to rise about fourteen feet. hearne seems in the narrative rather uncertain about the latitude of the mouth of the coppermine river, but states that after some consultation with the indians, he erected a mark, and took possession of the coast on behalf of the hudson's bay company. in hearne's map, dated july, , and purporting to be a plan of the coppermine, the mouth of the river is about deg. ´ n. this was a great mistake, as the mouth of the river is somewhere near deg. n. so great a mistake was certainly unpardonable. hearne's apology was that after the breaking of his quadrant on the second expedition, the instrument which he used was an old elton's quadrant, which had been knocking about the prince of wales fort for nearly thirty years. having examined the resources of the river and heard of the mines from which the copper indians obtained all the metal for the manufacture of hatchets, chisels, knives, &c., hearne started southward on his return journey on july th. instead of coming by the direct route, he went with the indians of his party to the north side of lake athabasca on december th. having crossed the lake, as illustrating the loneliness of the region, the party found a woman who had escaped from an indian band which had taken her prisoner, and who had not seen a human face for seven months, and had lived by snaring partridges, rabbits, and squirrels. her skill in maintaining herself in lonely wilds was truly wonderful. she became the wife of one of the indians of hearne's party. in the middle of march, , hearne was delivered a letter, brought to him from prince of wales fort and dated in the preceding june. pushing eastward, after a number of adventures, hearne reached prince of wales fort on june th, , having been absent on his third voyage eighteen months and twenty-three days. hearne rejoices that he had at length put an end to the disputes concerning a north-west passage through hudson bay. the fact, however, that during the nineteenth century this became again a living question shows that in this he was mistaken. the perseverance and pluck of hearne have impressed all those who have read his narrative. he was plainly one of the men possessing the subtle power of impressing the indian mind. his disasters would have deterred many men from following up so difficult and extensive a route. to him the hudson's bay company owes a debt of gratitude. that debt consists not in the discovery of the coppermine, but in the attitude presented to the northern indians from the bay all the way to lake athabasca. hearne does not mention the montreal fur traders, who, in the very year of his return, reached the saskatchewan and were stationed at the churchill river down which he passed. first of white men to reach athapuscow, now thought to have been great slave lake, samuel hearne claimed for his company priority of trade, and answered the calumnies that his company was lacking in energy and enterprise. he took what may be called "seizen" of the soil for the english traders. we shall speak again of his part in leading the movement inland to oppose the nor'-westers in the interior. his services to the hudson's bay company received recognition in his promotion, three years after his return home from his third voyage, to the governorship of the prince of wales fort. to hearne has been largely given the credit of the new and adventurous policy of the hudson's bay company. hearne does not, however, disappear from public notice on his promotion to the command of prince of wales fort. when war broke out a few years later between england and france, the latter country, remembering her old successes under d'iberville on hudson bay, sent a naval expedition to attack the forts on the bay. umfreville gives an account of the attack on prince of wales fort on august th and th, . admiral de la perouse was in command of these war vessels, his flagship being _le sceptre_, of seventy-four guns. the garrison was thought to be well provided for a siege, and la perouse evidently expected to have a severe contest. however, as he approached the fort, there seemed to be no preparations made for defence, and, on the summons to surrender, the gates were immediately thrown open. [illustration: prince of wales fort.] umfreville, who was in the garrison and was taken prisoner on this occasion, speaks of the conduct of the governor as being very reprehensible, but severely criticizes the company for its neglect. he says:--"the strength of the fort itself was such as would have resisted the attack of a more considerable force; it was built of the strongest materials, the walls were of great thickness and very durable (it was planned by the ingenious mr. robson, who went out in for that purpose), it having been forty years in building and attended with great expense to the company. in short, it was the opinion of every intelligent person that it might have made an obstinate resistance when attacked, had it been as well provided in other respects; but through the impolitic conduct of the company, every courageous exertion of their servants must have been considered as imprudent temerity; for this place, which would have required four hundred men for its defence, the company, in its consummate wisdom, had garrisoned with only thirty-nine." in this matter, umfreville very plainly shows his animus to the company, but incidentally he exonerates hearne from the charge of cowardice, inasmuch as it would have been madness to make defence against so large a body of men. as has been before pointed out, we can hardly charge with cowardice the man who had shown his courage and determination in the three toilsome and dangerous journeys spoken of; rather would we see in this a proof of his wisdom under unfortunate circumstances. the surrender of york factory to la perouse twelve days afterwards, without resistance, was an event of an equally discouraging kind. the company suffered great loss by the surrender of these forts, which had been unmolested since the treaty of utrecht. chapter xiii. forts on hudson bay left behind. andrew graham's "memo."--prince of wales fort--the garrison--trade--york factory--furs--albany--subordinate forts--moose--moses norton--cumberland house--upper assiniboine--rainy lake--brandon house--red river--conflict of the companies. the new policy of the company that for a hundred years had carried on its operations in hudson bay was now to be adopted. as soon as the plan could be developed, a long line of posts in the interior would serve to carry on the chief trade, and the forts and factories on hudson bay would become depôts for storage and ports of departure for the old world. it is interesting at this point to have a view of the last days of the old system which had grown up during the operations of a century. we are fortunate in having an account of these forts in given by andrew graham, for many years a factor of the hudson's bay company. this document is to be found in the hudson's bay company house in london, and has been hitherto unpublished. the simplicity of description and curtness of detail gives the account its chief charm. prince of wales fort.--on a peninsula at the entrance of the churchill river. most northern settlement of the company. a stone fort, mounting forty-two cannon, from six to twenty-four pounders. opposite, on the south side of the river, cape merry battery, mounting six twenty-four pounders with lodge-house and powder magazine. the river , yards wide. a ship can anchor six miles above the fort. tides carry salt water twelve miles up the river. no springs near; drink snow water nine months of the year. in summer keep three draught horses to haul water and draw stones to finish building of forts. staff:--a chief factor and officers, with sixty servants and tradesmen. the council, with discretionary power, consists of chief factor, second factor, surgeon, sloop and brig masters, and captain of company's ship when in port. these answer and sign the general letter, sent yearly to directors. the others are accountant, trader, steward, armourer, ship-wright, carpenter, cooper, blacksmith, mason, tailor, and labourers. these must not trade with natives, under penalties for so doing. council mess together, also servants. called by bell to duty, work from six to six in summer; eight to four in winter. two watch in winter, three in summer. in emergencies, tradesmen must work at anything. killing of partridges the most pleasant duty. company signs contract with servants for three or five years, with the remarkable clause: "company may recall them home at any time without satisfaction for the remaining time. contract may be renewed, if servants or labourers wish, at expiry of term. salary advanced forty shillings, if men have behaved well in first term. the land and sea officers' and tradesmen's salaries do not vary, but seamen's are raised in time of war." a ship of tons burden, bearing provisions, arrives yearly in august or early september. sails again in ten days, wind permitting, with cargo and those returning. sailors alone get pay when at home. the annual trade sent home from this fort is from ten to four thousand made beaver, in furs, felts, castorum, goose feathers, and quills, and a small quantity of train oil and whalebone, part of which they receive from the eskimos, and the rest from the white whale fishery. a black whale fishery is in hand, but it shows no progress. york factory.--on the north bank of hayes river, three miles from the entrance. famous river nelson, three miles north, makes the land between an island. well-built fort of wood, log on log. four bastions with sheds between, and a breastwork with twelve small carriage guns. good class of quarters, with double row of strong palisades. on the bank's edge, before the fort, is a half-moon battery, of turf and earth, with fifteen cannon, nine-pounders. two miles below the fort, same side, is a battery of ten twelve-pounders, with lodge-house and powder magazine. these two batteries command the river, but the shoals and sand-banks across the mouth defend us more. no ship comes higher than five miles below the fort. governed like prince of wales fort. complement of men: forty-two. the natives come down nelson river to trade. if weather calm, they paddle round the point. if not, they carry their furs across. this fort sends home from , to , made beaver in furs, &c., and a small quantity of white whale oil. severn fort.--on the north bank of severn river. well-built square house, with four bastions. men: eighteen. commanded by a factor and sloop master. eight small cannon and other warlike stores. sloop carries furs in the fall to york factory and delivers them to the ship, with the books and papers, receiving supply of trading goods, provisions, and stores. severn full of shoals and sand banks. sloop has difficulty in getting in and out. has to wait spring tides inside the point. trade sent home, , to , made beaver in furs, &c. albany fort.--on south bank of albany river, four miles from the entrance. large well-built wood fort. four bastions with shed between. cannon and warlike stores. men: thirty; factor and officers. river difficult. ship rides five leagues out and is loaded and unloaded by large sloop. trade, including two sub-houses of east main and henley, from , to , made beaver, &c. (this fort was the first europeans had in hudson bay, and is where hudson traded with natives.) henley house.--one hundred miles up the river from albany. eleven men, governed by master. first founded to prevent encroachments of the french, when masters of canada, and present to check the english. east main house.--entrance of slude river. small square house. sloop master and eleven men. trade: to made beaver in furs, &c. depth of water just admits sloop. moose factory.--south bank of moose river, near entrance. well-built wood fort--cannon and warlike stores. twenty-five men. factor and officers. river admits ship to good harbour, below fort. trade, , to , made beavers in furs, &c. one ship supplies this fort, along with albany and sub-forts. these are the present hudson's bay company's settlements in the bay. "all under one discipline, and excepting the sub-houses, each factor receives a commission to act for benefit of company, without being answerable to any person or persons in the bay, more than to consult for good of company in emergencies and to supply one another with trading goods, &c., if capable, the receiver giving credit for the same." the movement to the interior was begun from the prince of wales fort up the churchill river. next year, after his return from the discovery of the coppermine, samuel hearne undertook the aggressive work of going to meet the indians, now threatened from the saskatchewan by the seductive influences of the messrs. frobisher, of the montreal fur traders. the governor at prince of wales fort, for a good many years, had been moses norton. he was really an indian born at the fort, who had received some education during a nine years' residence in england. of uncultivated manners, and leading far from a pure life, he was yet a man of considerable force, with a power to command and the ability to ingratiate himself with the indians. he was possessed of undoubted energy, and no doubt to his advice is very much due the movement to leave the forts in the bay and penetrate to the interior of the country. in december of the very year ( ) in which hearne went on his trading expedition inland, norton died. in the following year, as we have seen, hearne erected cumberland house, only five hundred yards from frobisher's new post on sturgeon lake. it was the intention of the hudson's bay company also to make an effort to control the trade to the south of lake winnipeg. hastily called away after building cumberland house, hearne was compelled to leave a colleague, mr. cockings, in charge of the newly-erected fort, and returned to the bay to take charge of prince of wales fort, the post left vacant by the death of governor norton. the hudson's bay company, now regularly embarked in the inland trade, undertook to push their posts to different parts of the country, especially to the portion of the fur country in the direction from which the montreal traders approached it. the english traders, as we learn from umfreville, who was certainly not prejudiced in their favour, had the advantage of a higher reputation in character and trade among the indians than had their canadian opponents. from their greater nearness to northern waters, the old company could reach a point in the saskatchewan with their goods nearly a month earlier in the spring than their montreal rivals were able to do. we find that in the hudson's bay company crossed south from the northern waters and erected a trading post at the mouth of the swan river, near lake winnipegoosis. this they soon deserted and built a fort on the upper waters of the assiniboine river, a few miles above the present hudson's bay company post of fort pelly. a period of surprising energy was now seen in the english company's affairs. "carrying the war into africa," they in the same year met their antagonists in the heart of their own territory, by building a trading post on rainy lake and another in the neighbouring red lake district, now included in north-eastern minnesota. having seized the chief points southward, the aroused company, in the next year ( ), pushed north-westward from cumberland house and built an establishment at ile à la crosse, well up toward lake athabasca. crossing from lake winnipeg in early spring to the head waters of the assiniboine river, the spring brigade of the hudson's bay company quite outdid their rivals, and in built the historic brandon house, at a very important point on the assiniboine river. this post was for upwards of twenty years a chief hudson's bay company centre until it was burnt. on the grassy bank of the assiniboine, the writer some years ago found the remains of the old fort, and from the well-preserved character of the sod, was able to make out the line of the palisades, the exact size of all the buildings, and thus to obtain the ground plan. brandon house was on the south side of the assiniboine, about seventeen miles below the present city of brandon. its remains are situated on the homestead of mr. george mair, a canadian settler from beauharnois, quebec, who settled here on july th, . the site was well chosen at a bend of the river, having the assiniboine in front of it on the east and partially so also on the north. the front of the palisade faced to the east, and midway in the wall was a gate ten feet wide, with inside of it a look-out tower (guérite) seven feet square. on the south side was the long store-house. in the centre had stood a building said by some to have been the blacksmith's shop. along the north wall were the buildings for residences and other purposes. the remains of other forts, belonging to rival companies, are not far away, but of these we shall speak again. the same activity continued to exist in the following year, for in points so far apart as the upper saskatchewan and lake winnipeg new forts were built. the former of these was edmonton house, built on the north branch of the saskatchewan. the fort erected on lake winnipeg was probably that at the mouth of the winnipeg river, near where fort alexander now stands. in , another post was begun on the assiniboine river, not unlikely near the old site of fort de la reine, while in the following year, as a half-way house to edmonton on the saskatchewan, carlton house was erected. the red river proper was taken possession of by the company in . alexander henry, junr., tells us that very near the boundary line ( degrees n.) on the east side of the red river, there were in the remains of a fort. such was the condition of things, so far as the hudson's bay company was concerned, at the end of the century. in twenty-five years they had extended their trade from edmonton house, near the rockies, as far as rainy lake; they had made cumberland house the centre of their operations in the interior, and had taken a strong hold of the fertile region on the red and assiniboine rivers, of which to-day the city of winnipeg is the centre. undoubtedly the severe competition between the montreal merchants and the hudson's bay company greatly diminished the profits of both. according to umfreville, the hudson's bay company business was conducted much more economically than that of the merchants of montreal. the company upon the bay chiefly employed men obtained in the orkney islands, who were a steady, plodding, and reliable class. the employés of the montreal merchants were a wild, free, reckless people, much addicted to drink, and consequently less to be depended upon. the same writer states that the competition between the two rival bodies of traders resulted badly for the indians. he says: "so that the canadians from canada and the europeans from hudson bay met together, not at all to the ulterior advantage of the natives, who by this means became degenerated and debauched, through the excessive use of spirituous liquors imported by these rivals in commerce." one thing at any rate had been clearly demonstrated, that the inglorious sleeping by the side of the bay, charged by dobbs and others against the old company, had been overcome, and that the first quarter of the second century of the history of the hudson's bay company showed that the company's motto, "pro pelle cutem," "skin for skin," had not been inappropriately chosen. chapter xiv. the north-west company formed. hudson's bay company aggressive--the great mctavish--the frobishers--pond and pangman dissatisfied--gregory and mcleod--strength of the north-west company--vessels to be built--new route from lake superior sought--good-will at times--bloody pond--wider union, --fort alexandria--mouth of the souris--enormous fur trade--wealthy nor'-westers--"the haunted house." the terrible scourge of smallpox cut off one-half, some say one-third of the indian population of the fur country. this was a severe blow to the prosperity of the fur trade, as the traders largely depended on the indians as trappers. the determination shown by the hudson's bay company, and the zeal with which they took advantage of an early access to the northern indians, were a surprise to the montreal traders, and we find in the writings of the time, frequent expressions as to the loss of profits produced by the competition in the fur trade. the leading fur merchants of montreal determined on a combination of their forces. chief among the stronger houses were the frobishers. joseph frobisher had returned from his two years' expedition in , "having secured what was in those days counted a competent fortune," and was one of the "characters" of the commercial capital of canada. the strongest factor in the combination was probably simon mctavish, of whom a writer has said "that he may be regarded as the founder of the famous north-west company." mctavish, born in , was a highlander of enormous energy and decision of character. while by his force of will rousing opposition, yet he had excellent business capacity, and it was he who suggested the cessation of rivalries and strife among themselves and the union of their forces by the canadian traders. [illustration: the lac des allumettes.] accordingly the north-west company was formed - , its stock being apportioned into sixteen parts, each stockholder supplying in lieu of money a certain proportion of the commodities necessary for trade, and the committee dividing their profits when the returns were made from the sale of furs. the united firms of benjamin and joseph frobisher and simon mctavish administered the whole affair for the traders and received a commission as agents. the brightest prospect lay before the new formed company, and they had their first gathering at grand portage in the spring of . but union did not satisfy all. a viciously-disposed and self-confident trader, peter pond, had not been consulted. pond was an american, who, as we have seen in , accompanied henry, cadot, and frobisher to the far north-west. two years later he had gone to lake athabasca, and forty miles from the lake on deer river, had built in the first fort in the far-distant region, which became known as the fur emporium of the north-west. pond had with much skill prepared a great map of the country for presentation to the empress catherine of russia, and at a later stage gave much information to the american commissioners who settled the boundary line under the treaty of paris. pond was dissatisfied and refused to enter the new company. another trader, peter pangman, an american also, had been overlooked in the new company, and he and pond now came to montreal, determined to form a strong opposition to the mctavish and frobisher combination. in this they were successful. one of the rising merchants of montreal at this time was john gregory, a young englishman. he was united in partnership with alexander norman mcleod, an ardent highlander, who afterwards rose to great distinction as a magnate of the fur trade. pangman and pond appealed to the self-interest of gregory, mcleod & company, and so, very shortly after his projected union of all the canadian interests, mctavish saw arise a rival, not so large as his own company, but in no way to be despised. to this rival company also belonged an energetic, strong-willed scotchman, who afterwards became the celebrated sir alexander mackenzie, his cousin roderick mckenzie--a notable character, a trader named ross, and also young finlay, a son of the pioneer so well known twenty years before in the fur trading and civil history of canada. pond signalized himself by soon after deserting to the older company. the younger company acted with great vigour. leaving mcleod behind to manage the business in montreal, the other members found themselves in the summer at grand portage, where they established a post. they then divided up the country and gave it to the partners and traders. athabasca was given to ross; churchill river to alexander mackenzie; the saskatchewan to pangman; and the red river country to the veteran trader pollock. the north-west company entered with great energy upon its occupation of the north-west country. we are able to refer to an unpublished memorial presented by them, in , to governor haldimand, which shows very well their hopes and expectations. they claim to have explored and improved the route from grand portage to lake ouinipique, and they ask the governor to grant them the exclusive privilege of using this route for ten years. they recite the expeditions made by the montreal traders from their posts in up to the time of their memorial. they urge the granting of favours to them on the double ground of their having to oppose the "new adventurers," as they call the hudson's bay company, in the north, and they claim to desire to oppose the encroachments of the united states in the south. they state the value of the property of the company in the north-west, exclusive of houses and stores, to be , _l._ _s._ _d._; the other outfits also sent to the country will not fall far short of this sum. the company will have at grand portage in the following july , _l._ (original cost) in fur. they further ask the privilege of constructing a small vessel to be built at detroit and to be taken up sault ste. marie to ply on lake superior, and also that in transporting their supplies on the king's ships from niagara and detroit to michilimackinac, they may have the precedence on account of the shortness of their season and great distance interior to be reached. they state that they have arranged to have a spot selected at sault ste. marie, whither they may have the fort transferred from michilimackinac, which place had been awarded by the treaty of paris to the americans. they desire another vessel placed on the lakes to carry their furs to detroit. this indicates a great revival of the fur trade and vigorous plans for its prosecution. a most interesting statement is also made in the memorial: that on account of grand portage itself having been by the treaty of paris left on the american side of the boundary on lake superior, they had taken steps to find a canadian route by which the trade could be carried on from lake superior to the interior. they state that they had sent off on an expedition a canoe, with provisions only, navigated by six canadians, under the direction of mr. edward umfreville, who had been eleven years in the service of the hudson's bay company, and who along with his colleague, mr. verrance, knew the language of the indians. we learn from umfreville's book that "he succeeded in his expedition much to the satisfaction of the merchants," along the route from lake nepigon to winnipeg river. the route discovered proved almost impracticable for trade, but as it was many years before the terms of the treaty were carried into effect, grand portage remained for the time the favourite pathway to the interior. the conflict of the two montreal companies almost obscured that with the english traders from hudson bay. true, in some districts the competition was peaceful and honourable. the nephew of simon mctavish, william mcgillivray, who afterwards rose to great prominence as a trader, was stationed with one of the rival company, roderick mckenzie, of whom we have spoken, on the english river. in they had both succeeded so well in trade that, forming their men into two brigades, they returned together, making the woods resound with the lively french songs of the voyageurs. the attitude of the traders largely depended, however, on the character of the men. to the athabasca district the impetuous and intractable pond was sent by the older company, on his desertion to it. here there was the powerful influence of the hudson's bay company to contend against, and the old company from the bay long maintained its hold on the northern indians. to make a flank movement upon the hudson's bay company he sent cuthbert grant and a french trader to slave lake, on which they established fort resolution, while, pushing on still farther, they reached a point afterwards known as fort providence. the third body to be represented in athabasca lake was the small north-west company by their _bourgeois_, john ross. ross was a peaceable and fair man, but pond so stirred up strife that the employés of the two companies were in a perpetual quarrel. in one of these conflicts ross was unfortunately killed. this added to the evil reputation of pond, who in had been charged with the murder of a peaceful trader named wadin, in the same athabasca region. when roderick mckenzie heard at ile à la crosse of the murder, he hastened to the meeting of the traders at grand portage. this alarming event so affected the traders that the two companies agreed to unite. the union was effected in , and the business at headquarters in montreal was now managed by the three houses of mctavish, frobisher, and gregory. alexander mackenzie was despatched to athabasca to take the place of the unfortunate trader ross, and so became acquainted with the region which was to be the scene of his triumphs in discovery. the union of the north-west fur companies led to extension in some directions. the assiniboine valley, in one of the most fertile parts of the country, was more fully occupied. as in the case of the hudson's bay company, the occupation of this valley took place by first coming to lake winnipeg and ascending the swan river (always a fur trader's paradise), until, by a short portage, the upper assiniboine was reached. the oldest fort in this valley belonging to the nor'-westers seems to have been built by a trader, robert grant, a year or two after . it is declared by trader john mcdonnell to have been two short days' march from the junction of the qu'appelle and assiniboine. well up the assiniboine, and not far from the source of the swan river, stood fort alexandria, "surrounded by groves of birch, poplar, and aspen," and said to have been named after sir alexander mackenzie. it was feet in length by feet in breadth; the "houses, stores, &c., being well built, plastered on the inside and outside, and washed over with a white earth, which answers nearly as well as lime for white-washing." connected with this region was the name of a famous trader, cuthbert grant, the father of the leader of the half-breeds and nor'-westers, of whom we shall speak afterwards. at the mouth of shell river on the assiniboine stood a small fort built by peter grant in . when the nor'-westers became acquainted with the route down the assiniboine, they followed it to its mouth, and from that point, where it joined the red river, descended to lake winnipeg and crossed to the winnipeg river. in order to do this they established in , as a halting place, pine fort, about eighteen miles below the junction of the souris and assiniboine rivers. at the mouth of the souris river, and near the site of the brandon house, already described as built by the hudson's bay company, the north-west company built in assiniboine house. this fort became of great importance as the depôt for expeditions to the mandans of the missouri river. the union of the montreal companies resulted, as had been expected, in a great expansion of the trade. in the gross amount of the trade did not exceed , _l._, but by the energy of the partners it reached before the end of the century more than three times that amount--a remarkable showing. the route now being fully established, the trade settled down into regular channels. the agents of the company in montreal, messrs. mctavish & co., found it necessary to order the goods needed from england eighteen months before they could leave montreal for the west. arriving in canada in the summer, they were then made up in packages for the indian trade. these weighed about ninety pounds each, and were ready to be borne inland in the following spring. then being sent to the west, they were taken to the far points in the ensuing winter, where they were exchanged for furs. the furs reached montreal in the next autumn, when they were stored to harden, and were not to be sold or paid for before the following season. this was forty-two months after the goods were ordered in canada. this trade was a very heavy one to conduct, inasmuch as allowing a merchant one year's credit, he had still two years to carry the burden after the value of the goods had been considered as cash. toward the end of the century a single year's produce was enormous. one such year was represented by , beavers, , marten, , mink, , musquash, and, counting all together, not less than , skins. the agents necessary to carry on this enormous volume of trade were numerous. sir alexander mackenzie informs us that there were employed in the concern, not including officers or partners, clerks, interpreters and clerks, , canoe-men, and guides. the magnitude of the operations of this company may be seen from the foregoing statements. the capital required by the agents of the concern in montreal, the number of men employed, the vast quantities of goods sent out in bales made up for the western trade, and the enormous store of furs received in exchange, all combined to make the business of the north-west company an important factor in canadian life. canada was then in her infancy. upper canada was not constituted a province until the date of the formation of the north-west company. montreal and quebec, the only places of any importance, were small towns. the absence of manufactures, agriculture, and means of inter-communication or transport, led to the north-west company being the chief source of money-making in canada. as the fur merchants became rich from their profits, they bought seigniories, built mansions, and even in some cases purchased estates in the old land. simon mctavish may be looked upon as a type. after a most active life, and when he had accumulated a handsome competence, simon mctavish owned the seigniory of terrebonne, receiving in a grant of , acres in the township of chester. he was engaged at the time of his death, which took place in , in erecting a princely mansion at the foot of the mountain in montreal. for half a century the ruins of this building were the dread of children, and were known as mctavish's "haunted house." the fur-trader's tomb may still be recognized by an obelisk enclosed within stone walls, near "ravenscrag," the residence of the late sir hugh allan, which occupies the site of the old ruin. _surely the glory of the lords of the lakes and the forest has passed away._ chapter xv. voyages of sir alexander mackenzie. a young highlander--to rival hearne--fort chipewyan built--french canadian voyageurs--trader leroux--perils of the route--post erected on arctic coast--return journey--pond's miscalculations--hudson bay turner--roderick mckenzie's hospitality--alexander mackenzie--astronomy and mathematics--winters on peace river--terrific journey--the pacific slope--dangerous indians--pacific ocean, --north-west passage by land--great achievement--a notable book. one of the chiefs of the fur traders seems to have had a higher ambition than simply to carry back to grand portage canoes overflowing with furs. alexander mackenzie had the restless spirit that made him a very uncertain partner in the great schemes of mctavish, frobisher & co., and led him to seek for glory in the task of exploration. coming as a young highlander to montreal, he had early been so appreciated for his ability as to be sent by gregory, mcleod & co. to conduct their enterprise in detroit. then we have seen that, refusing to enter the mctavish company, he had gone to churchill river for the gregory company. the sudden union of all the montreal companies ( ) caused, as already noted, by pond's murder of ross, led to alexander mackenzie being placed in charge in that year of the department of athabasca. the longed-for opportunity had now come to mackenzie. he heard from the indians and others of how samuel hearne, less than twenty years before, on behalf of their great rivals, the hudson's bay company, had returned by way of lake athabasca from his discovery of the coppermine river. he longed to reach the arctic sea by another river of which he had heard, and eclipse the discovery of his rival. he even had it in view to seek the pacific ocean, of which he was constantly hearing from the indians, where white men wearing armour were to be met--no doubt meaning the spaniards. mackenzie proceeded in a very deliberate way to prepare for his long journey. having this expedition in view, he secured the appointment of his cousin, roderick mckenzie, to his own department. reaching lake athabasca, roderick mckenzie selected a promontory running out some three miles into the lake, and here built ( ) fort chipewyan, it being called from the indians who chiefly frequented the district. it became the most important fort of the north country, being at the converging point of trade on the great watercourses of the north-west. on june rd, , alexander mackenzie started on his first exploration. in his own birch-bark canoe was a crew of seven. his crew is worthy of being particularized. it consisted of four french canadians, with the wives of two of them. these voyageurs were françois barrieau, charles ducette, or cadien, joseph landry, or cadien, pierre de lorme. to complete the number was john steinbruck, a german. the second canoe contained the guide of the expedition, an indian, called the "english chief," who was a great trader, and had frequented year by year the route to the english, on hudson bay. in his canoe were his two wives, and two young indians. in a third canoe was trader leroux, who was to accompany the explorer as far north as slave lake, and dispose of the goods he took for furs. leroux was under orders from his chief to build a fort on slave lake. starting on june rd, the party left the lake, finding their way down slave river, which they already knew. day after day they journeyed, suffered from myriads of mosquitoes, passed the steep mountain portage, and, undergoing many hardships, reached slave lake in nine days. skirting the lake, they departed north by an unknown river. this was the object of mackenzie's search. floating down the stream, the horn mountains were seen, portage after portage was crossed, the mouth of the foaming great slave lake river was passed, the snowy mountains came in view in the distance, and the party, undeterred, pressed forward on their voyage of discovery. the usual incidents of early travel were experienced. the accidents, though not serious, were numerous; the scenes met with were all new; the natives were surprised at the bearded stranger; the usual deception and fickleness were displayed by the indians, only to be overcome by the firmness and tact of mackenzie; and forty days after starting, the expedition looked out upon the floating ice of the arctic ocean. mackenzie, on the morning of july th, erected a post on the shore, on which he engraved the latitude of the place ( deg. ´ n.), his own name, the number of persons in the party, and the time they remained there. his object having been thus accomplished, the important matter was to reach lake athabasca in the remaining days of the open season. the return journey had the usual experiences, and on august th they came upon leroux on slave lake, where that trader had erected fort providence. on september th the expedition arrived safely at fort chipewyan, the time of absence having been days. the story of this journey is given in a graphic and unaffected manner by mackenzie in his work of , but no mention is made of his own name being attached to the river which he had discovered. we have stated that peter pond had prepared a map of the north country, with the purpose of presenting it to the empress of russia. being a man of great energy, he was not deterred from this undertaking by the fact that he had no knowledge of astronomical instruments and little of the art of map-making. his statements were made on the basis of reports from the indians, whose custom was always to make the leagues short, that they might boast of the length of their journeys. computing in this way, he made lake athabasca so far from hudson bay and the grand portage that, taking captain cook's observations on the pacific coast four years before this, the lake was only, according to his calculations, a hundred or a hundred and fifty miles from the pacific ocean. the effect of pond's calculations, which became known in the treaty of paris, was to stimulate the hudson's bay company to follow up hearne's discoveries and to explore the country west of lake athabasca. they attempted this in , but they sent out a boy of fifteen, named george charles, who had been one year at a mathematical school, and had never made there more than simple observations. as was to have been expected, the boy proved incompetent. urged on by the colonial office, they again in organized an expedition to send astronomer philip turnor to make the western journey. unaccustomed to the far west, and poorly provided for this journey, turner found himself at fort chipewyan entirely dependent for help and shelter on the nor'-westers. he was, however, qualified for his work, and made correct observations, which settled the question of the distance of the pacific ocean. mr. roderick mckenzie showed him every hospitality. this expedition served at least to show that the pacific was certainly five times the distance from lake athabasca that pond had estimated. [illustration: sir alexander mackenzie.] after coming back from the arctic sea, alexander mackenzie spent his time in urging forward the business of the fur trade, especially north of lake athabasca; but there was burning in his breast the desire to be the discoverer of the western sea. the voyage of turner made him still more desirous of going to the west. like hearne, alexander mackenzie had found the want of astronomical knowledge and the lack of suitable instruments a great drawback in determining his whereabouts from day to day. with remarkable energy, he, in the year , journeyed eastward to canada, crossed the atlantic ocean to london, and spent the winter in acquiring the requisite mathematical knowledge and a sufficient acquaintance with instruments to enable him to take observations. he was now prepared to make his journey to the pacific ocean. he states that the courage of his party had been kept up on their reaching the arctic sea, by the thought that they were approaching the mer de l'ouest, which, it will be remembered, verendrye had sought with such passionate desire. in the very year in which mackenzie returned from great britain, his great purpose to reach the pacific coast led him to make his preparations in the autumn, and on october th, , to leave fort chipewyan and proceed as far up peace river as the farthest settlement, and there winter, to be ready for an early start in the following spring. on his way he overtook mr. finlay, the younger, and called upon him in his camp near the fort, where he was to trade for the winter. leaving mr. finlay "under several volleys of musketry," mackenzie pushed on and reached the spot where the men had been despatched in the preceding spring to square timber for a house and cut palisades to fortify it. here, where the boncave joins the main branch of the peace river, the fort was erected. his own house was not ready for occupation before december rd, and the body of the men went on after that date to erect five houses for which the material had been prepared. troubles were plentiful; such as the quarrelsomeness of the natives, the killing of an indian, and in the latter part of the winter severe cold. in may, mackenzie despatched six canoes laden with furs for fort chipewyan. the somewhat cool reception that mackenzie had received from the other partners at grand portage, when on a former occasion he had given an account of his voyage to the arctic sea, led him to be doubtful whether his confrères would fully approve the great expedition on which he was determined to go. he was comparatively a young man, and he knew that there were many of the traders jealous of him. still, his determined character led him to hold to his plan, and his great energy urged him to make a name for himself. mackenzie had found much difficulty in securing guides and voyageurs. the trip proposed was so difficult that the bravest shrank from it. the explorer had, however, great confidence in his colleague, alexander mackay, who had arrived at the forks a few weeks before the departure. mackay was a most experienced and shrewd man. after faithfully serving his company, he entered, as we shall see, the astor fur company in , and was killed among the first in the fierce attack on the ship _tonquin_, which was captured by the natives. mackenzie's crew was the best he could obtain, and their names have become historic. there were besides mackay, joseph landry and charles ducette, two voyageurs of the former expedition, baptiste bisson, françois courtois, jacques beauchamp, and françois beaulieu, the last of whom died so late as , aged nearly one hundred years, probably the oldest man in the north-west at the time. archbishop taché gives an interesting account of beaulieu's baptism at the age of seventy. two indians completed the party, one of whom had been so idle a lad, that he bore till his dying day the unenviable name of "cancre"--the crab. having taken, on the day of his departure, the latitude and longitude of his winter post, mackenzie started on may th, , for his notable voyage. seeing on the banks of the river elk, buffalo, and bear, the expedition pushed ahead, meeting the difficulties of navigation with patience and skill. the murmurs of his men and the desire to turn back made no impression on mackenzie, who, now that his highland blood was up, determined to see the journey through. the difficulties of navigation became extreme, and at times the canoes had to be drawn up stream by the branches of trees. at length in longitude ° w. mackenzie reached a lake, which he considered the head of the ayugal or peace river. here the party landed, unloaded the canoes, and by a portage of half-a-mile on a well-beaten path, came upon another small lake. from this lake the explorers followed a small river, and here the guide deserted the party. on june th the members of the expedition enjoyed, after all their toil and anxiety, the "inexpressible satisfaction of finding themselves on the bank of a navigable river on the west side of the first great range of mountains." running rapids, breaking canoes, re-ascending streams, quieting discontent, building new canoes, disturbing tribes of surprised indians, and urging on his discouraged band, mackenzie persistently kept on his way. he was descending on tacouche tesse, afterwards known as the fraser river. finding that the distance by this river was too great, he turned back. at the point where he took this step (june rd) was afterwards built alexandria fort, named after the explorer. leaving the great river, the party crossed the country to what mackenzie called the west road river. for this land journey, begun on july th, the explorers were provided with food. after sixteen days of a most toilsome journey, they at length came upon an arm of the sea. the indians near the coast seemed very troublesome, but the courage of mackenzie never failed him. it was represented to him that the natives "were as numerous as mosquitoes and of a very malignant character." his destination having been reached, the commander mixed up some vermilion in melted grease and inscribed in large characters on the south-east face of the rock, on which they passed the night, "alexander mackenzie, from canada, by land the twenty-second of july, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three." after a short rest the well-repaid explorers began their homeward journey. to ascend the pacific slope was a toilsome and discouraging undertaking, but the energy which had enabled them to come through an unknown road easily led them back by a way that had now lost its uncertainty. mackenzie says that when "we reached the downward current of the peace river and came in view of fort mcleod, we threw out our flag and accompanied it with a general discharge of fire-arms, while the men were in such spirits and made such an active use of their paddles, that we arrived before the two men whom we left in the spring could recover their senses to answer us. thus we landed at four in the afternoon at the place which we left in the month of may. in another month (august th) fort chipewyan was reached, where the following winter was spent in trade." it is hard to estimate all the obstacles overcome and the great service rendered in the two voyages of alexander mackenzie. readers of the "north-west passage by land" will remember the pitiable plight in which lord milton and dr. cheadle, nearly seventy years afterwards, reached the coast. mackenzie's journey was more difficult, but the advantage lay with the fur-traders in that they were experts in the matters of north-west travel. time and again, mackenzie's party became discouraged. when the pacific slope was reached, and the voyageurs saw the waters begin to run away from the country with which they were acquainted, their fears were aroused, and it was natural that they should be unwilling to proceed further. mackenzie had, however, all the instincts of a brave and tactful leader. on one occasion he was compelled to take a stand and declare that if his party deserted him, he would go on alone. this at once aroused their admiration and sympathy, and they offered to follow him. at the point on the great river where he turned back, the indians were exceedingly hostile. his firmness and perfect self-control showed the same spirit that is found in all great leaders in dealing with savage or semi-civilized races. men like frontenac, mackenzie, and general gordon seemed to have a charmed life which enabled them to exercise a species of mesmeric influence over half-trained or entirely uncultivated minds. from the wider standpoint, knowledge was supplied as to the country lying between the two great oceans, and while it did not, as we know from the voyages seeking a north-west passage in this century, lay the grim spectre of an arctic channel, yet it was a fulfilment of verendrye's dream, and to alexander mackenzie, a canadian bourgeois, a self-made man, aided by his scotch and french associates, had come the happy opportunity of discovering "la grande mer de l'ouest." alexander mackenzie, filled with the sense of the importance of his discovery, determined to give it to the world, and spent the winter at fort chipewyan in preparing the material. in this he was much assisted by his cousin, roderick mckenzie, to whom he sent the journal for revision and improvement. early in the year , the distinguished explorer left lake athabasca, journeyed over to grand portage, and a year afterward revisited his native land. he never returned to the "upper country," as the athabasca region was called, but became one of the agents of the fur-traders in montreal, never coming farther toward the north-west than to be present at the annual gatherings of the traders at grand portage. the veteran explorer continued in this position till the time when he crossed the atlantic and published his well-known "voyages from montreal," dedicated to "his most sacred majesty george the third." the book, while making no pretensions to literary attainment, is yet a clear, succinct, and valuable account of the fur trade and his own expeditions. it was the work which excited the interest of lord selkirk in rupert's land and which has become a recognized authority. in this work of alexander mackenzie was published, and the order of knighthood was conferred upon the successful explorer. on his return to canada, sir alexander engaged in strong opposition to the north-west company and became a member of the legislative assembly for huntingdon county, in lower canada. he lived in scotland during the last years of his life, and died in the same year as the earl of selkirk, . thus passed away a man of independent mind and of the highest distinction. his name is fixed upon a region that is now coming into greater notice than ever before. chapter xvi. the great exploration. grand portage on american soil--anxiety about the boundary--david thompson, astronomer and surveyor--his instructions--by swift canoe--the land of beaver--a dash to the mandans--stone indian house--fixes the boundary at pembina--sources of the mississippi--a marvellous explorer--pacific slope explored--thompson down the kootenay and columbia--fiery simon fraser in new caledonia--discovers fraser river--sturdy john stuart--thompson river--bourgeois quesnel--transcontinental expeditions. a number of events conspired to make it necessary for the north-west company to be well acquainted with the location of its forts within the limits of the territory of the united states, in some parts of which it carried on operations of trade, and to understand its relation to the hudson's bay company's territory. the treaty of amity and commerce, which is usually connected with the name of john jay, , seemed to say that all british forts in united states territory were to be evacuated in two years. this threw the partners at grand portage into a state of excitement, inasmuch as they knew that the very place of their gathering was on the american side of the boundary line. david thompson, astronomer and surveyor. at this juncture the fitting instrument appeared at grand portage. this was david thompson. this gentleman was a londoner, educated at the blue coat school, in london. trained thoroughly in mathematics and the use of astronomical instruments, he had obtained a position in the hudson's bay company. in the summer of , with three companions, two of them indians, he had found his way from hudson bay to lake athabasca, and thus showed his capability as an explorer. returning from his western expedition, he reported to mr. joseph colon, the officer in charge at york fort, by whose orders he had gone to athabasca, and expressed himself as willing to undertake further explorations for the company. the answer was curt--to the effect that no more surveys could then be undertaken by the company, however desirable. thompson immediately decided to seek employment elsewhere in the work for which he was so well qualified. leaving the bay and the company behind, attended only by two indians, he journeyed inland and presented himself at the summer meeting of the north-west fur-traders at grand portage. without hesitation they appointed him astronomer and surveyor of the north-west company. astronomer thompson's work was well mapped out for him. ( ) he was instructed to survey the forty-ninth parallel of latitude. this involved a question which had greatly perplexed the diplomatists, viz. the position of the source of the mississippi. many years after this date it was a question to decide which tributary is the source of the mississippi, and to this day there is a difference of opinion on the subject, i.e. which of the lakes from which different branches spring is the true source of the river. the fact that the sources were a factor in the settling of the boundary line of this time made it necessary to have expert testimony on the question such as could be furnished by a survey by thompson. ( ) the surveyor was to go to the missouri and visit the ancient villages of the natives who dwelt there and who practised agriculture. ( ) in the interests of science and history, to inquire for the fossils of large animals, and to search for any monuments that might throw a light on the ancient state of the regions traversed. ( ) it was his special duty to determine the exact position of the posts of the north-west company visited by him, and all agents and employés were instructed to render him every assistance in his work. astronomer thompson only waited the departure of one of the great northern brigades to enter upon the duties of his new office. these departures were the events of the year, having in the eyes of the fur-traders something of the nature of a caravan for mecca about them. often a brigade consisted of eight canoes laden with goods and well-manned. the brigade which thompson accompanied was made up of four canoes under trader mcgillies, and was ready to start on august th, . he had taken the observation for grand portage and found it to be deg. (nearly) n. latitude and deg. ´ ´´ (nearly) w. longitude. he was now ready with his instruments--a sextant of ten inches radius, with quicksilver and parallel glasses, an excellent achromatic telescope, one of the smaller kind, drawing instruments, and a thermometer, and all of these of the best make. the portage was wearily trudged, and in a few days, after a dozen shorter portages, the height of land was reached in deg. n. latitude, and here begins the flow of water to hudson bay. it was accordingly the claim of the hudson's bay company that their territory extended from this point to the bay. at the outlet of rainy lake still stood a trading post, where verendrye had founded his fort, and the position of this was determined, deg. ´ ´´ n. latitude. in this locality was also a post of the hudson's bay company. no post seems at this time to have been in use on rainy river or lake of the woods by any of the trading companies, though it will be seen that the x y company was at this date beginning its operations. at the mouth of the winnipeg river, however, there were two establishments, the one known as lake winnipeg house, or bas de la rivière, an important distributing point, now found to be in deg. ´ ´´ n. latitude. there was also near by it the hudson's bay company post, founded in the previous year. thompson, being in company with his brigade, which was going to the west of lake manitoba, coasted along lake winnipeg, finding it dangerous to cross directly, and after taking this roundabout, in place of the miles in a straight line, reached what is now known as the little saskatchewan river on the west side of lake winnipeg. going by the little saskatchewan river through its windings and across the meadow portage, he came to lake winnipegoosis and, northward along its western coast, reached swan river, the trappers' paradise. swan river post was twelve miles up the river from its mouth, and was found to be in deg ´ n. latitude. crossing over to the assiniboine (stone indian) river, he visited several posts, the most considerable being fort tremblant (poplar fort), which some think had its name changed to fort alexandria in honour of sir alexander mackenzie. john mcdonnell, north-west trader of this period, says:--"fort tremblant and the temporary posts established above it furnished most of the beaver and otter in the red river returns, but the trade has been almost ruined since the hudson's bay company entered the assiniboine river by the way of swan river, carrying their merchandise from one river to the other on horseback--three days' journey--who by that means, and the short distance between swan river and their factory at york fort, from whence they are equipped, can arrive at the _coude de l'homme_ (a river bend or angle) in the assiniboine river, a month sooner than we can return from grand portage, secure the fall trade, give credits to the indians, and send them to hunt before our arrival; so that we see but few in that quarter upon our arrival." the chief trader of this locality was cuthbert grant, who, as before mentioned, was a man of great influence in the fur trade. the astronomer next went to the fort between the swan and assiniboine rivers, near the spot where the famous fort pelly of the present day is situated. taking horses, a rapid land journey was made to belleau's fort, lying in deg. n. latitude (nearly). the whole district is a succession of beaver meadows, and had at this time several hudson's bay company posts, as already mentioned. thompson decided to winter in this beaver country, and when the following summer had fairly set in with good roads and blossoming prairies, he came, after journeying more than miles southward, to the qu'appelle river post, which was at that time under a trader named thorburn. thompson was now fairly on the assiniboine river, and saw it everywhere run through an agreeable country with a good soil and adapted to agriculture. arrived at assiniboine house, he found it in charge of john mcdonnell, brother of the well-known miles mcdonnell, who, a few years later, became lord selkirk's first governor on red river. ensconcing himself in the comfortable quarters at assiniboine house, thompson wrote up in ink his journals, maps, astronomical observations, and sketches which he had taken in crayon, thus giving them more permanent form. he had now been in the employ of the north-west company a full year, and in that time had been fully gratified by the work he had done and by the cordial reception given him in all the forts to which he had gone. assiniboine house, or, as he called it, stone indian house, was found to be a congenial spot. it was on the north side of the assiniboine river, not far from where the souris river empties its waters into the larger stream, though the site has been disputed. one of the astronomer's clearly defined directions was to visit the mandan villages on the missouri river. he was now at the point when this could be accomplished, although the time chosen by him, just as winter was coming on, was most unsuitable. his journey reminds us of that made by verendrye to the mandans in . the journey was carefully prepared for. with the characteristic shrewdness of the north-west company, it was so planned as to require little expenditure. thompson was to be accompanied chiefly by free-traders, i.e. by men to whom certain quantities of goods would be advanced by the company. by the profits of this trade expenses would be met. the guide and interpreter was rené jussaume (a man of very doubtful character), who had fallen into the ways of the western indians. he had lived for years among the mandans, and spoke their language. another free-trader, hugh mccracken, an irishman, also knew the mandan country, while several french canadians, with brossman, the astronomer's servant man, made up the company. each of the traders took a credit from mr. mcdonnell of from forty to fifty skins in goods. ammunition, tobacco, and trinkets, to pay expenses, were provided, and thompson was supplied with two horses, and his chief trader, jussaume, with one. the men had their own dogs to the number of thirty, and these drew goods on small sleds. crossing the assiniboine, the party started south-westward, and continued their journey for thirty-three days, with the thermometer almost always below zero and reaching at times deg. below. the journey was a most dangerous and trying one and covered miles. thompson found that some hudson's bay traders had already made flying visits to the mandans. on his return, thompson's itinerary was, from the missouri till he reached the angle of the souris river, seventy miles, where he found abundant wood and shelter, and then to the south end of turtle mountain, fourteen miles. leaving turtle mountain, his next station was twenty-four miles distant at a point on the souris where an outpost of assiniboine house, known as ash house, had been established. another journey of forty-five miles brought the expedition back to the hospitable shelter of mr. mcdonnell at stone indian house. thompson now calculated the position of this comfortable fort and found it to be deg. ´ (nearly) n. latitude and deg. ´ ´´ (nearly) w. longitude. the astronomer, after spending a few weeks in making up his notes and surveys, determined to go eastward and undertake the survey of the red river. on february th, , he started with three french canadians and an indian guide. six dogs drew three sleds laden with baggage and provisions. the company soon reached the sand hills, then called the manitou hills, from some supposed supernatural agency in their neighbourhood. sometimes on the ice, and at other times on the north shore of the assiniboine to avoid the bends of the river, the party went, experiencing much difficulty from the depth of the snow. at length, after journeying ten days over the distance of miles, the junction of the assiniboine and red river, at the point where now stands the city of winnipeg, was reached. there was no trading post here at the time. it seems somewhat surprising that what became the chief trading centre of the company, fort garry, during the first half of this century should, up to the end of the former century, not have been taken possession of by any of the three competing fur companies. losing no time, thompson began, on march th, the survey, and going southward over an unbroken trail, with the snow three feet deep, reached in seven days pembina post, then under the charge of a leading french trader of the company, named charles chaboillez. wearied with a journey of some sixty-four miles, which had, from the bad road, taken seven days, thompson enjoyed the kind shelter of pembina house for six days. this house was near the forty-ninth parallel and was one of the especial points he had been appointed to determine. he found pembina house to be in latitude deg. ´ ´´ n., so that it was by a very short distance on the south side of the boundary line. thompson marked the boundary, so that the trading post might be removed, when necessary, to the north side of the line. a few years later, the observation taken by thompson was confirmed by major long on his expedition of , but the final settlement of where the line falls was not made till the time of the boundary commission of . pushing southward in march, the astronomer ascended red river to the trading post known as upper red river, near where the town of grand forks, north dakota, stands to-day. here he found j. baptiste cadot, probably the son of the veteran master of sault ste. marie, who so long clung to the flag of the golden lilies. thompson now determined to survey what had been an object of much interest, the lake which was the source of the great river mississippi. to do this had been laid upon him in his instructions from the north-west company. making a détour from grand forks, in order to avoid the ice on the red lake river, he struck the upper waters of that river, and followed the banks until he reached red lake in what is now north-eastern minnesota. leaving this lake, he made a portage of six miles to turtle lake, and four days later reached the point considered by him to be the source of the mississippi. turtle lake, at the time of the treaty of , was supposed to be further north than the north-west angle of the lake of the woods. this arose, thompson tells us, from the voyageurs counting a pipe to a league, at the end of which time it was the fur-traders' custom to take a rest. each pipe, that is, the length of time taken to smoke a pipe, however, was nearer two miles than three, so that the head waters of the mississippi had been counted miles further north than thompson found them to be. it is to be noted, however, that the astronomer thompson was wrong in making turtle lake the source of the mississippi. the accredited source of the mississippi was discovered, as we shall afterwards see, in july, , to be lake itasca, which lies about half a degree south-west of turtle lake. thompson next visited red cedar lake, in the direction of lake superior. here he found a north-west trading house, upper red cedar house, under the command of a partner, john sayer, whose half-blood son afterward figured in red river history. he found that sayer and his men passed the winter on wild rice and maple sugar as their only food. crossing over to sand lake river, mr. thompson found a small post of the north-west company, and, descending this stream, came to sand lake. by portage, reaching a small stream, a tributary of st. louis river, he soon arrived at that river itself, with its rapids and dalles, and at length reached the north-west trading post near the mouth of the river, where it joined the fond du lac. having come to lake superior, the party could only obtain a dilapidated northern canoe, but with care it brought them, after making an enormous circuit and accomplishing feats involving great daring and supreme hardship, along the north shore of the lake to grand portage. on hearing his report of two years' work, the partners, at the annual meeting at grand portage, found they had made no mistake in their appointment, and gave him the highest praise. the time had now come, after the union of the north-west company and the x y company, for pushing ahead the great work in their hands and examining the vast country across the rocky mountains. the united company in naturally took up what had been planned several years before, and sent david thompson up the saskatchewan to explore the columbia river and examine the vast "sea of mountains" bordering on the pacific ocean. the other partner chosen was simon fraser, and his orders were to go up the peace river, cross the rockies, and explore the region from its northern side. we shall see how well fraser did his part, and meanwhile we may follow thompson in his journey. in , we find that he crossed the rockies and built in the following year a trading-house for the north-west company on the lower columbia. thompson called his trading post kootenay house, and indeed his persistent use of the term "kootenay" rather than "columbia," which he well knew was the name of the river, is somewhat remarkable. coming over the pass during the summer he returned to kootenay house and wintered there in - . during the summer of , he visited possibly grand portage, certainly fort vermilion. fort vermilion, a short distance above the present fort pitt, was well down the north branch of the saskatchewan river, and on his way to it, thompson would pass fort augustus, a short distance below where edmonton now stands, as well as fort george. he left fort vermilion in september, and by october st, the saskatchewan being frozen over, he laid up canoes for the winter, and taking horses, crossed the rocky mountains, took to canoes on the columbia river again, and on november th arrived at his fort of kootenay house, where he wintered. on this journey, thompson discovered howse's pass, which is about deg. n. latitude. in , thompson determined on extending his explorations southward on the columbia river. a short distance south of the international boundary line, he built a post in september of that year. he seems to have spent the winter of this year in trying new routes, some of which he found impracticable, and can hardly be said to have wintered at any particular spot. in his pilgrimage, he went up the kootenay river, which he called mcgillivray's river, in honour of the famous partner, but the name has not been retained. hastening to his post of kootenay house, he rested a day, and travelling by means of canoes and horses, in great speed came eastward and reached fort augustus, eight days out from kootenay, june nd, . from this point he went eastward, at least as far as rainy lake, leaving his "little family" with his sister-in-law, a cree woman, at winnipeg river house. returning, he started on october th, , for athabasca. he discovered the athabasca pass on the "divide," and on july rd, , started to descend the columbia, and did so, the first white man, as far as lewis river, from which point lewis and clark in , having come over the rocky mountains, had preceded him to the sea. near the junction of the spokane river with the columbia, he erected a pole and tied to it a half-sheet of paper, claiming the country north of the forks as british territory. this notice was seen by a number of the astor employés, for ross states that he observed it in august, with a british flag flying upon it. thompson's name among the indians of the coast was "koo-koo-suit." ross cox states that "in the month of july, , mr. david thompson, astronomer to the north-west company, of which he was also a proprietor, arrived with nine men in a canoe at astoria from the interior. this gentleman came on a voyage of discovery to the columbia, preparatory to the north-west company forming a settlement at the mouth of the river. he remained at astoria until the latter end of july, when he took his departure for the interior." thompson was thus disappointed on finding the american company installed at the mouth of the columbia before him, but he re-ascended the river and founded two forts on its banks at advantageous points. thompson left the western country with his indian wife and children soon after this, and in eastern canada, in - , prepared a grand map of the country, which adorned for a number of years the banqueting-room of the bourgeois at fort william and is now in the government buildings at toronto. in he definitely left the upper country, and was employed by the imperial government in surveying a part of the boundary line of the united states and canada. he also surveyed the watercourses between the ottawa river and georgian bay. he lived for years at the river raisin, near williamstown, in upper canada, and was very poor. at the great age of eighty-seven, he died at longueil. he was not appreciated as he deserved. his energy, scientific knowledge, experience, and successful work for the company for sixteen years make him one of the most notable men of the period. simon fraser, fur-trader and explorer. as we have seen, the entrance by the northern access to the pacific slope was confided to simon fraser, and we may well, after considering the exploits of david thompson, refer to those of his colleague in the service. simon fraser, one of the most daring of the fur-traders, was the son of a scottish u.e. loyalist,[ ] who was captured by the americans at burgoyne's surrender and who died in prison. the widowed mother took her infant boy to canada, and lived near cornwall. after going to school, the boy, who was of the roman catholic faith, entered the north-west company at the age of sixteen as a clerk, and early became a bourgeois of the company. his administrative ability led to his being appointed agent at grand portage in . a few years afterwards, fraser was sent to the athabasca region, which was at that time the point aimed at by the ambitious and determined young nor'-westers. by way of peace river, he undertook to make his journey to the west side of the rocky mountains. leaving the bulk of his command at the rocky mountain portage, he pushed on with six men, and reaching the height of land, crossed to the lake, which he called mcleod's in honour of his prominent partner, archibald norman mcleod. stationing three men at this point, fraser returned to his command and wintered there. in the spring of he passed through the mountains, and came upon a river, which he called stuart river. john stuart, who was at that time a clerk, was for thirty years afterwards identified with the fur trade. stuart lake, in british columbia, was also called after him. on the stuart river, fraser built a post, which, in honour of his fatherland, he called new caledonia, and this probably led to this great region on the west of the mountains being called new caledonia. stuart was left in charge of this post, and fraser went west to a lake, which since that time has been called fraser lake. he returned to winter at the new fort. fraser's disposition to explore and his success thus far led the company to urge their confrère to push on and descend the great river tacouche tesse, down which alexander mackenzie had gone for some distance, and which was supposed to be the columbia. it was this expedition which created fraser's fame. the orders to advance had been brought to him in two canoes by two traders, jules maurice quesnel and (hugh) faries. leaving behind faries with two men in the new fort, fraser, at the mouth of the nechaco or stuart river, where afterward stood fort george, gathered his expedition, and was ready to depart on his great, we may well call it terrific, voyage, down the river which since that time has borne his name. his company consisted of stuart, quesnel, nineteen voyageurs, and two indians, in four canoes. it is worthy of note that john stuart, who was fraser's lieutenant, was in many ways the real leader of the expedition. having been educated in engineering, stuart, by his scientific knowledge, was indispensable to the exploring party. on may nd a start was made from the forks. we have in masson's first volume preserved to us simon fraser's journal of this remarkable voyage, starting from the rockies down the river. the keynote to the whole expedition is given us in the seventh line of the journal. "having proceeded about eighteen miles, we came to a strong rapid which we ran down, nearly wrecking one of our canoes against a precipice which forms the right bank of the river." a succession of rapids, overhung by enormous heights of perpendicular rocks, made it almost as difficult to portage as it would have been to risk the passage of the canoes and their loads down the boiling cauldron of the river. nothing can equal the interest of hearing in the explorer's own words an incident or two of the journey. on the first wednesday of june he writes: "leaving mr. stuart and two men at the lower end of the rapid in order to watch the motions of the natives, i returned with the other four men to the camp. immediately on my arrival i ordered the five men out of the crews into a canoe lightly loaded, and the canoe was in a moment under way. after passing the first cascade she lost her course and was drawn into the eddy, whirled about for a considerable time, seemingly in suspense whether to sink or swim, the men having no power over her. however, she took a favourable turn, and by degrees was led from this dangerous vortex again into the stream. in this manner she continued, flying from one danger to another, until the last cascade but one, where in spite of every effort the whirlpools forced her against a low projecting rock. upon this the men debarked, saved their own lives, and continued to save the property, but the greatest difficulty was still ahead, and to continue by water would be the way to certain destruction. "during this distressing scene, we were on the shore looking on and anxiously concerned; seeing our poor fellows once more safe afforded us as much satisfaction as to themselves, and we hastened to their assistance; but their situation rendered our approach perilous and difficult. the bank was exceedingly high and steep, and we had to plunge our daggers at intervals into the ground to check our speed, as otherwise we were exposed to slide into the river. we cut steps in the declivity, fastened a line to the front of the canoe, with which some of the men ascended in order to haul it up, while the others supported it upon their arms. in this manner our situation was most precarious; our lives hung, as it were, upon a thread, as the failure of the line, or a false step of one of the men, might have hurled the whole of us into eternity. however, we fortunately cleared the bank before dark." every day brought its dangers, and the progress was very slow. finding the navigation impossible, on the th fraser says: "as for the road by land, we could scarcely make our way with even only our guns. i have been for a long period among the rocky mountains, but have never seen anything like this country. it is so wild that i cannot find words to describe our situation at times. we had to pass where no human being should venture; yet in those places there is a regular footpath impressed, or rather indented upon the very rocks by frequent travelling. besides this, steps which are formed like a ladder by poles hanging to one another, crossed at certain distances with twigs, the whole suspended from the top, furnish a safe and convenient passage to the natives down these precipices; but we, who had not had the advantage of their education and experience, were often in imminent danger, when obliged to follow their example." on the right, as the party proceeded along the river, a considerable stream emptied in, to which they gave the name shaw's river, from one of the principal wintering partners. some distance down, a great river poured in from the left, making notable forks. thinking that likely the other expedition by way of the saskatchewan might be on the upper waters of that river at the very time, they called it thompson river, after the worthy astronomer, and it has retained the name ever since. but it would be a mistake to think that the difficulties were passed when the forks of the thompson river were left behind. travellers on the canadian-pacific railway of to-day will remember the great gorge of the fraser, and how the railway going at dizzy heights, and on strong overhanging ledges of rock, still fills the heart with fear. on july nd the party reached an arm of the sea and saw the tide ebbing and flowing, showing them they were near the ocean. they, however, found the indians at this part very troublesome. fraser was compelled to follow the native custom, "and pretended to be in a violent passion, spoke loud, with vehement gestures, exactly in their own way, and thus peace and tranquillity were instantly restored." the explorer was, however, greatly disappointed that he had been prevented by the turbulence of the natives from going down the arm of the sea and looking out upon the pacific ocean. he wished to take observations on the sea coast. however, he got the latitude, and knowing that the columbia is deg. ´ n., he was able to declare that the river he had followed was not the columbia. how difficult it is to distinguish small from great actions! here was a man making fame for all time, and the idea of the greatness of his work had not dawned upon him. a short delay, and the party turned northward on july th, and with many hardships made their way up the river. on their ascent few things of note happened, the only notable event being the recognition of the fame of the second bourgeois, jules quesnel, by giving his name to a river flowing into the fraser river from the east. the name is still retained, and is also given to the lake which marks the enlargement of the river. on august th, the party rejoined faries and his men in the fort on stuart lake. the descent occupied forty-two days, and, as explorers have often found in such rivers as the fraser, the ascent took less time than the descent. in this case, their upward journey was but of thirty-three days. fraser returned to the east in the next year and is found in in charge of the red river district, two years afterward in command on the mackenzie river, and at fort william on lake superior, in , when the fort was taken by lord selkirk. after retiring, he lived at st. andrews on the ottawa and died at the advanced age of eighty-six, having been known as one of the most noted and energetic fur-traders in the history of the companies. thus we have seen the way in which these two kings of adventure--fraser and thompson--a few years after sir alexander mackenzie, succeeded amid extraordinary hardships in crossing to the western sea. the record of the five transcontinental expeditions of these early times is as follows:-- ( ) alexander mackenzie, by the tacouche tesse and bellacoola river, . ( ) lewis and clark, the american explorers, by the columbia river, . ( ) simon fraser by the river that bears his name, formerly the tacouche tesse, . ( ) david thompson, by the columbia river, . ( ) the overland party of astorians, by the columbia, . these expeditions shed a flood of glory on the anglo-saxon name and fame. footnote: [ ] the united empire loyalists were those british patriots who left the united states after the revolution. chapter xvii. the x y company. "le marquis" simon mctavish unpopular--alexander mackenzie his rival--enormous activity of the "potties"--why called x y--five rival posts at souris--sir alexander, the silent partner--old lion of montreal roused--"posts of the king"--schooner sent to hudson bay--nor'-westers erect two posts on hudson bay--supreme folly--old and new nor'-westers unite--list of partners. for some years the montreal fur companies, in their combinations and readjustments, had all the variety of the kaleidoscope. agreements were made for a term of years, and when these had expired new leagues were formed, and in every case dissatisfied members went into opposition and kept up the heat and competition without which it is probable the fur trade would have lost, to those engaged in it, many of its charms. in several partners had retired from the north-west company and thrown in their lot with the famous firm that we have seen was always inclined to follow its own course--messrs. forsyth, richardson and co. for a number of years this independent montreal firm had maintained a trade in the districts about lake superior. the cause of this disruption in the company was the unpopularity, among the wintering partners especially, of the strong-willed and domineering chief in montreal--simon mctavish. one set of bourgeois spoke of him derisively as "le premier," while others with mock deference called him "le marquis." sir alexander mackenzie had been himself a partner, had resided in the far west, and he was regarded by all the traders in the "upper country" as their friend and advocate. although the discontent was very great when the secession took place, yet the mere bonds of self-interest kept many within the old company. alexander mackenzie most unwillingly consented to remain in the old company, but only for three years, reserving to himself the right to retire at the end of that time. notwithstanding their disappointment, and possibly buoyed up with the hope of having the assistance of their former friend at a later period, the members of the x y company girt themselves about for the new enterprise in the next year, so that the usual date of this company is from the year . whether it was the circumstance of its origination in dislike of "le premier," or whether the partners felt the need of greater activity on account of their being weaker, it must be confessed that a new era now came to the fur trade, and the opposition was carried on with a warmth much greater than had ever been known among the old companies. a casual observer can hardly help feeling that while not a member of the new company at this date, alexander mackenzie was probably its active promoter behind the scenes. the new opposition developed without delay. striking at all the salient points, the new company in erected its trading house at grand portage, somewhat more than half-a-mile from the north-west trading house and on the other side of the small stream that there falls into the bay. a few years after, when the north-west company moved to kaministiquia, the x y also erected a building within a mile of the new fort. the new company was at some time in its history known as the new north-west company, but was more commonly called the x y company. the origin of this name is accounted for as follows. on the bales which were made up for transport, it was the custom to mark the north-west company's initials n.w. when the new company, which was an offshoot of the old, wished to mark their bales, they simply employed the next letters of the alphabet, x y. they are accordingly not contractions, and should not be written as such. it was the habit of members of the older company to express their contempt for the secessionists by calling them the "little company" or "the little society." in the athabasca country the rebellious traders were called by their opponents "potties," probably a corruption of "les petits," meaning members of "la petite compagnie." when these names were used by the french canadian voyageurs, the x y company was referred to. however disrespectfully they may have been addressed, the traders of the new company caused great anxiety both to the north-west company and to the hudson's bay company, though they regarded themselves chiefly as rivals of the former. pushing out into the country nearest their base of supplies on lake superior, they took hold of the red river and assiniboine region, as well as of the red lake country immediately south of and connected with it. the point where the souris empties into the assiniboine was occupied in the same year ( ) by the x y company. it had been a favourite resort for all classes of fur-traders, there having been no less than five opposing trading houses at this point four years before. no doubt the presence of the free-trading element such as mccracken and jussaume, whom we find in the souris region thus early, made it easier for smaller concerns to carry on a kind of business in which the great north-west company would not care to be engaged. meanwhile dissension prevailed in the north-west company. the smouldering feeling of dislike between "le marquis" and alexander mackenzie and the other fur-trading magnates broke out into a flame. as ex-governor masson says: "these three years were an uninterrupted succession of troubles, differences, and misunderstandings between these two opposing leaders." at the great gathering at the grand portage in , alexander mackenzie warned the partners that he was about to quit the company, and though the winterers begged him not to carry out his threat, yet he remained inexorable. the discussion reported to mr. mctavish was very displeasing to him, and in the following year his usual letter to the gathering written from montreal was curt and showed much feeling, he saying, "i feel hurt at the distrust and want of confidence that appeared throughout all your deliberations last season." alexander mackenzie, immediately after the scene at grand portage, crossed over to england, published his "voyages," and received his title. he then returned in to canada. flushed with the thought of his successes, he threw himself with great energy into the affairs of the opposing company, the x y, or, as it was also now called, that of "sir alexander mackenzie and company." if the competition had been warm before, it now rose to fever heat. the brigandage had scarcely any limit; combats of clerk with clerk, trapper with trapper, voyageur with voyageur, were common. strong drink became, as never before or since, a chief instrument of the rival companies in dealing with the indians. a north-west company trader, writing from pembina, says: "indians daily coming in by small parties; nearly men here. i gave them fifteen kegs of mixed liquor, and the x y gave in proportion; all drinking; i quarrelled with little shell, and dragged him out of the fort by the hair. indians very troublesome, threatening to level my fort to the ground, and their chief making mischief. i had two narrow escapes from being stabbed by him; once in the hall and soon afterwards in the shop." such were the troubles of competition between the companies. the new company made a determined effort to compete also in the far-distant peace river district. in october of this year two prominent partners of the new company arrived with their following at the peace river. one of these, pierre de rocheblave, was of a distinguished family, being the nephew of a french officer who had fought on the _monongahela_ against braddock. the other was james leith, who also became a prominent fur-trader in later days. illustrating the keenness of the trade conflict, john mcdonald, of garth, also says in , writing from the upper saskatchewan, "we had here (fort augustus), besides the hudson's bay company, whose fort was within a musket shot of ours, the opposition on the other side of the new concern i have already mentioned, which had assumed a powerful shape under the name of the x y company, at the head of which was the late john ogilvy in montreal, and at this establishment mr. king, an old south trader in his prime and pride as the first among bullies." sir alexander mackenzie did wonders in the management of his company, but the old lion at montreal, from his mountain château, showed a remarkable determination, and provided as he was with great wealth, he resolved to overcome at any price the opposition which he also contemptuously called the "little company." in , he, with the skill of a great general, reconstructed his company. he formed a combination which was to continue for twenty years. into this he succeeded in introducing a certain amount of new blood; those clerks who had shown ability were promoted to the position of bourgeois or partners. by this progressive and statesmanlike policy, notwithstanding the energy of the x y company, the old company showed all the vigour and enthusiasm of youth. an employé of the north-west company, livingston, had a few years before established a post on slave lake. animated with the new spirit of his superiors, he went further north still and made a discovery of silver, but on undertaking to open trade communications with the eskimos, the trader unfortunately lost his life. other expeditions were sent to the missouri and to the sources of the south saskatchewan; it is even said that in this direction a post was established among the fierce tribes of the bow river, west of the present town of calgary. looking out for other avenues for the wonderful store of energy in the north-west company, the partners took into consideration the development of the vast fisheries of the st. lawrence and the interior. simon mctavish rented the old posts of the king--meaning by these tadoussac, chicoutimi, assuapmousoin, and mistassini, reached by way of the saguenay; and ile jérémie, godbout, mingan, masquaro, and several others along the north shore of the lower st. lawrence or the gulf. the annual rent paid for the kings posts was _l._ but the greatest flight of the old fur king's ambition was to carry his operations into the forbidden country of the hudson bay itself. in furtherance of this policy, in the north-west company sent a schooner of tons to the shores of hudson bay to trade, and along with this an expedition was sent by land by way of st. john and mistassini to co-operate in establishing stations on the bay. by this movement two posts were founded, one at charlton island and the other at the mouth of the moose river. many of the partners were not in favour of these expeditions planned by the strong-headed old dictator, and the venture proved a financial loss. simon mctavish, though comparatively a young man, now thought of retiring, and purchased the seigniory of terrebonne, proposing there to lead a life of luxury and ease, but a stronger enemy than either the x y or hudson's bay company came to break up his plans. death summoned him away in july, . the death of simon mctavish removed all obstacles to union between the old and new north-west companies, and propositions were soon made to sir alexander mackenzie, and his friends, which resulted in a union of the two companies. we are fortunate in having preserved to us the agreement by which the two companies--old and new north-west companies--were united. the partners of the old company were given three-quarters of the stock and those of the new one-quarter. the provisions of the agreement are numerous, but chiefly deal with necessary administration. one important clause is to the effect that no business other than the fur trade, or what is necessarily depending thereon, shall be followed by the company. no partner of the new concern is to be allowed to have any private interests at the posts outside those of the company. by one clause the new north-west company is protected from any expense that might arise from simon mctavish's immense venture on the hudson bay. it may be interesting to give the names of the partners of the two companies, those who were not present, from being mostly in the interior and whose names were signed by those having powers of attorney from them, being marked att. the north-west or x y company. alex. mackenzie. thomas forsyth, att. john richardson. john inglis, att. james forsyth, att. john mure, att. john forsyth. alex. ellice, att. john haldane, att. thomas forsyth, att. late leith, jameson & co. (by trustees). john ogilvie. p. de rocheblane, att. alex. mckenzie, att. ( ). john macdonald, att. james leith, att. john wills, att. old north-west company. john finlay, att. duncan cameron, att. james hughes, att. alex. mckay, att. hugh mcgillies, att. alex. henry, jr., att. john mcgillivray, att. james mckenzie, att. simon fraser, att. john d. campbell, att. d. thompson, att. john thompson, att. john gregory. wm. mcgillivray. duncan mcgillivray, att. wm. hallowell. rod. mckenzie. angus shaw, att. dl. mckenzie, att. wm. mckay, att. john mcdonald, att. donald mctavish, att. john mcdonnell, att. arch. n. mcleod, att. alex. mcdougall, att. chas. chaboillez, att. john sayer, att. peter grant, att. alex. fraser, att. Æneas cameron, att. anyone acquainted in the slightest degree with the early history of canada will see in these lists the names of legislative councillors, members of assembly, leaders in society, as well as of those who, in the twenty years following the signing of this agreement, by deeds of daring, exploration, and discovery, made the name of the north-west company illustrious. these names represent likewise those who carried on that wearisome and disastrous conflict with the hudson's bay company which in time would have ruined both companies but for the happy union which took place, when the resources of each were well-nigh exhausted. chapter xviii. the lords of the lakes and forests.--i. new route to kaministiquia--vivid sketch of fort william--"cantine salope"--lively christmas week--the feasting partners--ex-governor masson's good work--four great mackenzies--a literary bourgeois--three handsome demoiselles--"the man in the moon"--story of "bras croche"--around cape horn--astoria taken over--a hot-headed trader--sad case of "little labrie"--punch on new year's day--the heart of a "vacher." the union of the opposing companies from montreal led to a great development of trade, and, as we have already seen, to important schemes of exploration. roderick mckenzie, the cousin of sir alexander, in coming down from rainy lake to grand portage, heard of a new route to kaministiquia. we have already seen that umfreville had found out a circuitous passage from nepigon to winnipeg river, but this had been considered impracticable by the fur-traders. accordingly, when the treaty of amity and commerce made it certain that grand portage had to be given up, it was regarded as a great matter when the route to kaministiquia became known. this was discovered by mr. roderick mckenzie quite by accident. when coming, in , to canada on leave of absence, this trader was told by an indian family near rainy lake that a little farther north there was a good route for large canoes, which was formerly used by the whites in their trading expeditions. taking an indian with him, mckenzie followed this course, which brought him out at the mouth of the kaministiquia. this proved to be the old french route, for all along it traces were found of their former establishments. strange that a route at one time so well known should be completely forgotten in forty years. in the year the north-west company built a fort, called the new fort, at the mouth of the kaministiquia, and, abandoning grand portage, moved their headquarters to this point in . in the year after the union of the north-west and x y companies the name fort william was given to this establishment, in honour of the hon. william mcgillivray, who had become the person of greatest distinction in the united north-west company. as giving us a glimpse of the life of "the lords of the lakes and forests," which was led at fort william, we have a good sketch written by a trader, gabriel franchère, who was a french canadian of respectable family and began life in a business place in montreal. at this stage, says a local writer, "the fur trade was at its apogee," and franchère was engaged by the astor company and went to astoria. returning over the mountains, he passed fort william. his book, written in french, has been translated into english, and is creditable to the writer, who died as late as in st. paul, minnesota. franchère says of fort william, rather inaccurately, that it was built in . this lively writer was much impressed by the trade carried on at this point, and gives the following vivid description:-- "fort william has really the appearance of a fort from the palisade fifteen feet high, and also that of a pretty village from the number of buildings it encloses. in the middle of a spacious square stands a large building, elegantly built, though of wood, the middle door of which is raised five feet above the ground plot, and in the front of which runs a long gallery. in the centre of this building is a room about sixty feet long and thirty wide, decorated with several paintings, and some portraits in crayon of a number of the partners of the company. it is in this room that the agents, the clerks, and the interpreters take their meals at different tables. at each extremity of the room are two small apartments for the partners." "the back part of the house is occupied by the kitchen and sleeping apartments of the domestics. on each side of this building there is another of the same size, but lower; these are divided lengthwise by a corridor, and contain each twelve pretty sleeping-rooms. one of these houses is intended for the partners, the other for the clerks. "on the east side of the fort there is another house intended for the same purpose, and a large building in which furs are examined and where they are put up in tight bales by means of a press. behind, and still on the same side, are found the lodges of the guides, another building for furs, and a powder magazine. this last building is of grey stone, and roofed in with tin. in the corner stands a kind of bastion or point of observation. "on the west side is seen a range of buildings, some of which serve for stores and others for shops. there is one for dressing out the employés; one for fitting out canoes; one in which merchandise is retailed; another where strong drink, bread, lard, butter, and cheese are sold, and where refreshments are given out to arriving voyageurs. this refreshment consists of a white loaf, a half pound of butter, and a quart of rum. the voyageurs give to this liquor store the name 'cantine salope.' "behind is found still another row of buildings, one of which is used as an office or counting-house, a pretty square building well lighted; another serves as a store; and a third as a prison. the voyageurs give to the last the name 'pot au beurre.' at the south-east corner is a stone shed roofed with tin. farther back are the workshops of the carpenters, tinsmiths, blacksmiths, and their spacious courts or sheds for sheltering the canoes, repairing them, and constructing new ones. "near the gate of the fort, which is to the south, are the dwelling-houses of the surgeon and resident clerk. over the entrance gate a kind of guard-house has been built. as the river is deep enough at its entrance, the company has had quays built along the fort as a landing-place for the schooners kept on lake superior for transporting peltries, merchandise, and provisions from fort william to sault ste. marie, and _vice versa_. "there are also on the other side of the river a number of houses, all inhabited by old french-canadian voyageurs, worn out in the service of the north-west company, without having become richer by it. fort william is the principal factory of the north-west company in the interior and a general rendezvous of the partners. the agents of montreal and the proprietors wintering in the north nearly all assemble here every summer and receive the returns, form expeditions, and discuss the interests of their commerce. "the employés wintering in the north spend also a portion of the summer at fort william. they form a great encampment to the west, outside the palisades. those who are only engaged at montreal to go to fort william or to rainy lake, and who do not winter in the north, occupy another space on the east side. the former give to the latter the name 'mangeurs de lard.' a remarkable difference is observed between the two camps, which are composed of three or four hundred men each. that of the 'mangeurs de lard' is always very dirty and that of the winterers neat and clean." but the fur-traders were by no means merely business men. perhaps never were there assemblages of men who feasted more heartily when the work was done. the christmas week was a holiday, and sometimes the jollity went to a considerable excess, which was entirely to be expected when the hard life of the voyage was taken into consideration. whether at fort william, or in the north-west company's house in st. gabriel street, montreal, or in later day at lachine, the festive gatherings of the nor'-westers were characterized by extravagance and often by hilarious mirth. the luxuries of the east and west were gathered for these occasions, and offerings to bacchus were neither of poor quality nor limited in extent. with scotch story and jacobite song, intermingled with "la claire fontaine" or "malbrouck s'en va," those lively songs of french canada, the hours of evening and night passed merrily away. at times when they had been feasting long into the morning, the traders and clerks would sit down upon the feast-room floor, when one would take the tongs, another the shovel, another the poker, and so on. they would arrange themselves in regular order, as in a boat, and, vigorously rowing, sing a song of the voyage; and loud and long till the early streaks of the east were seen would the rout continue. when the merriment reached such a height as this, ceremony was relaxed, and voyageurs, servants, and attendants were admitted to witness the wild carouse of the wine-heated partners. we are fortunate in having the daily life of the fur-traders from the lower st. lawrence to the very shores of the pacific ocean pictured for us by the partners in the "journals" they have left behind them. just as the daily records of the monks and others, dreary and uninteresting as many of them at times are, commemorated the events of their time in the "saxon chronicle" and gave the material for history, so the journals of the bourgeois, often left unpublished for a generation or two, and the works of some of those who had influence and literary ability enough to issue their stories in the form of books, supply us with the material for reproducing their times. from such sources we intend to give a few sketches of the life of that time. we desire to express the greatest appreciation of the work of ex-governor masson, who is related to the mckenzie and chaboillez families of that period, and who has published no less than fourteen journals, sketches of the time; of the painstaking writing of an american officer, dr. coues, who has with great care and success edited the journals of alexander henry, jr., and such remains as he could obtain of david thompson, thus supplementing the publication by charles lindsey, of toronto, of an account of thompson. we acknowledge also the patient collection of material by tassé in his "canadiens de l'ouest," as well as the interesting journals of harmon and others, which have done us good service. valuable reminiscences. the name of mckenzie (hon. roderick mckenzie) was one to conjure by among the fur-traders. from the fact that there were so many well-known partners and clerks of this name arose the custom, very common in the highland communities, of giving nicknames to distinguish them. four of the mckenzies were "le rouge," "le blanc," "le borgne" (one-eyed), and "le picoté" (pock-marked). sir alexander was the most notable, and after him his cousin, the hon. roderick, of whom we write. this distinguished man came out as a highland laddie from scotland in . he at once entered the service of the fur company, and made his first journey to the north-west in the next year. his voyage from ste. anne, on montreal island, up the fur-traders' route, was taken in gregory mcleod & co.'s service. at grand portage mckenzie was initiated into the mysteries of the partners. pushed into the north-west, he soon became prominent, and built the most notable post of the upper country, fort chipewyan. on his marriage he became allied to a number of the magnates of the fur company. his wife belonged to the popular family of chaboillez, two other daughters of which were married, one to the well-known surveyor-general of lower canada, joseph bouchette, and another to simon mctavish, "le marquis." roderick mckenzie was a man of some literary ability and taste. he proposed at one time writing a history of the indians of the north-west and also of the north-west company. in order to do this, he sent circulars to leading traders, and thus receiving a number of journals, laid the foundation of the literary store from which ex-governor masson prepared his book on the bourgeois. between him and his cousin, sir alexander mackenzie, an extensive correspondence was kept up. extracts from the letters of the distinguished partner form the burden of the "reminiscences" published by masson. many of the facts have been referred to in our sketch of sir alexander mackenzie's voyages. for eight long years roderick mckenzie remained in the indian country, and came to canada in . some two years afterward sir alexander mackenzie left the old company and headed the x y company. at that time roderick mckenzie was chosen in the place of his cousin in the north-west company, and this for several years caused a coolness between them. his "reminiscences" extend to , at which time he was living in terrebonne, in lower canada. he became a member of the legislative council in lower canada, and he has a number of distinguished descendants. roderick mckenzie closes his interesting "reminiscences" with an elaborate and valuable list of the proprietors, clerks, interpreters, &c., of the north-west company in , giving their distribution in the departments, and the salary paid each. it gives us a picture of the magnitude of the operations of the north-west company. tales of the north-west. few of the nor'-westers aimed at collecting and preserving the folk-lore of the natives. at the request of roderick mckenzie, george keith, a bourgeois who spent a great part of his life very far north, viz. in the regions of athabasca, mackenzie river, and great bear lake, sent a series of letters extending from onward for ten years embodying tales, descriptions, and the history of the indian tribes of his district. his first description is that of the beaver indians, of whom he gives a vocabulary. he writes for us a number of tales of the beaver indians, viz. "the indian hercules," "two lost women," "the flood, a tale of the mackenzie river," and "the man in the moon." one letter gives a good account of the social manners and customs of the beaver indians, and another a somewhat complete description of the rocky mountains and mackenzie river country. descriptions of the filthy lake and grand river indians and the long arrowed indians, with a few more letters with reference to the fur trade, make up the interesting collection. george keith may be said to have wielded the "pen of a ready writer." we give his story of the man in the moon. _a tale, or tradition, of the beaver indians._ "in the primitive ages of the world, there was a man and his wife who had no children. the former was very singular in his manner of living. being an excellent hunter, he lived entirely upon the blood of the animals he killed. this circumstance displeased his wife, who secretly determined to play him a trick. accordingly one day the husband went out hunting, and left orders with his wife to boil some blood in a kettle, so as to be ready for supper on his return. when the time of his expected return was drawing nigh, his wife pierced a vein with an awl in her left arm and drew a copious quantity of blood, which she mixed with a greater quantity of the blood of a moose deer, that he should not discover it, and prepared the whole for her husband's supper. "upon his return the blood was served up to him on a bark dish; but, upon putting a spoonful to his mouth, he detected the malice of his wife, and only saying that the blood did not smell good, threw the kettle with the contents about her ears. "night coming on, the man went to bed and told his wife to observe the moon about midnight. after the first nap, the woman, awaking, was surprised to find that her husband was absent. she arose and made a fire, and, lifting up her eyes to the moon, was astonished to see her husband, with his dog and kettle, in the body of the moon, from which he has never descended. she bitterly lamented her misfortunes during the rest of her days, always attributing them to her malicious invention of preparing her own blood for her husband's supper." interesting autobiography. among all the nor'-westers there was no one who had more of the scottish pride of family than john mcdonald, of garth, claiming as he did to be descended from the lord of the isles. his father obtained him a commission in the british army, but he could not pass the examination on account of a blemish caused by an accident to his arm. the sobriquet, "bras croche" clung to him all his life as a fur trader. commended to simon mctavish, the young man became his favourite, and in started for the fur country. he was placed under the experienced trader, angus shaw, and passed his first winter in the far-off beaver river, north of the saskatchewan. next winter he visited the grand portage, and he tells us that for a couple of weeks he was feasting on the best of everything and the best of fish. returning to the saskatchewan, he took part in the building of fort george on that river, whence, after wintering, the usual summer journey was made to grand portage. here, he tells us, they "met the gentlemen from montreal in goodfellowship." this life continued till . he shows us the state of feeling between the companies. "it may not be out of the way to mention that on new year's day, during the customary firing of musketry, one of our opponent's bullies purposely fired his powder through my window. i, of course, got enraged, and challenged him to single combat with our guns; this was a check upon him ever after." remaining in the same district, by the year he had, backed as he was by powerful influence, his sister being married to hon. william macgillivray, become a partner in the company. two years afterward he speaks of old cuthbert grant coming to the district, but in the spring, this officer being sick, mcdonald fitted up a comfortable boat with an awning, in which grant went to the kaministiquia, where he died. in , mcdonald returned from fort william and determined to build another fort farther up the river to meet a new tribe, the kootenays. this was "rocky mountain house." visiting scotland in the year after, he returned to be dispatched in to english river, where he was in competition with a hudson's bay company trader. in the next year he went back to the saskatchewan, saying that, although a very dangerous department, he preferred it. going up the south branch of the saskatchewan, he erected the "new chesterfield house" at the mouth of the red deer river, and there met again a detachment of hudson's bay company people. in he, being unwell, spent the year chiefly in montreal, after which he was appointed to the less exacting field of red river. one interesting note is given us as to the red river forts. he says, "i established a fort at the junction of the red and assiniboine rivers and called it 'gibraltar,' though there was not a rock or a stone within three miles." as we shall see afterwards, the building of this fort, which was on the site of the city of winnipeg, had taken place in the year preceding. with his customary energy in erecting forts, he built one a distance up the qu'appelle river, probably fort espérance. while down at fort william in the spring, the news came to him that david thompson was surrounded in the rocky mountains by blackfoot war parties. mcdonald volunteered to go to the rescue, and with thirty chosen men, after many dangers and hardships, reached thompson in the land of the kootenays. mcdonald was one of the traders selected to go to britain and thence by the ship _isaac todd_ to the mouth of the columbia to meet the astor fur company. he started in company with hon. edward ellice. at rio janeiro mcdonald shipped from the _isaac todd_ on board the frigate _phoebe_. on the west coast of south america they called at "juan fernandez, robinson crusoe's island." they reached the columbia on november th, , and in company with trader mcdougall took over astoria in king george's name, mcdonald becoming senior partner at astoria. in april, , mcdonald left for home across the mountains, by way of the saskatchewan, and in due time arrived at fort william. he came to sault ste. marie to find the fort built by the americans, and reached montreal amid some dangers. the last adventure mentioned in his journal was that of meeting in terrebonne lord selkirk's party who were going to the north-west to oppose the nor'-westers. the veteran spent his last days in the county of glengarry, ontario, and died in , between eighty-nine and ninety years of age. his career had been a most romantic one, and he was noted for his high spirit and courage, as well as for his ceaseless energy as a trader. two journals and a description. james mckenzie, brother of hon. roderick mckenzie, was a graphic, though somewhat irritable writer with a good style. he has left us "a journal from the athabasca country," a description of the king's posts on the lower st. lawrence, with a journal of a jaunt through the king's posts. this fur trader joined the north-west company. in he was at fort chipewyan. his descriptions are minute accounts of his doings at his fort. he seems to have taken much interest in his men, and he gives a pathetic account of one of these trappers called "little labrie." labrie had been for six days without food, and was almost frozen to death. he says: "little labrie's feet are still soaking in cold water, but retain their hardness. we watched him all last night; he fainted often in the course of the night, but we always brought him to life again by the help of mulled wine. once in particular, when he found himself very weak and sick, and thought he was dying he said, 'adieu; je m'en vais; tout mon bien à ceux qui ont soin de moi.' th, about twelve o'clock, labrie was freed from all his agonies in this world." mckenzie evidently had a kind heart. the candid writer gives us a picture of new year's day, january st, . "this morning before daybreak, the men, according to custom, fired two broadsides in honour of the new year, and then came in to be rewarded with rum, as usual. some of them could hardly stand alone before they went away; such was the effect of the juice of the grape on their brains. after dinner, at which everyone helped themselves so plentifully that nothing remained to the dogs, they had a bowl of punch. the expenses of this day, with fourteen men and women, are: - / fathoms spencer twist (tobacco), flagons rum, ditto wine, ham, a skin's worth of dried meat, about white fish, flour, sugar, &c." mckenzie had many altercations in his trade, and seems to have been of a violent temper. he found fault with one of the x y people, named perroue, saying it was a shame for him to call those who came from scotland "vachers" (cow-boys). he said he did not call all, but a few of them "vachers." "i desired him to name one in the north, and told him that the one who served him as a clerk was a 'vacher,' and had the heart of a 'vacher' since he remained with him." mckenzie has frequent accounts of drunken brawls, from which it is easy to be seen that this period of the opposition of the two montreal companies was one of the most dissolute in the history of the fur traders. the fur trader's violent temper often broke out against employés and indians alike. he had an ungovernable dislike to the indians, regarding them simply as the off-scourings of all things, and for the voyageurs and workmen of his own company the denunciations are so strong that his violent language was regarded as "sound and fury, signifying nothing." chapter xix. the lords of the lakes and forests.--ii. harmon and his book--an honest man--"straight as an arrow"--new views--an uncouth giant--"gaelic, english, french, and indian oaths"--mcdonnell, "le prêtre"--st. andrew's day--"fathoms of tobacco"--down the assiniboine--an entertaining journal--a good editor--a too frank trader--"gun fired ten yards away"--herds of buffalo--packs and pemmican--"the fourth gospel"--drowning of henry--"the weather cleared up"--lost for forty days--"cheepe," the corpse--larocque and the mandans--mckenzie and his half-breed children. a good trader and a good book. to those interested in the period we are describing there is not a more attractive character than daniel williams harmon, a native of vermont, who entered the north-west company's service in the year , at the age of . after a number of years spent in the far west, he brought with him on a visit to new england the journal of his adventures, and this was edited and published by a puritan minister, daniel haskel, of andover, massachusetts. harmon and the book are both somewhat striking, though possibly neither would draw forth universal admiration. the youngest of his daughters was well known as a prominent citizen of ottawa, and had a marked reverence for the memory of her father. [illustration: daniel william harmon, esq.] leaving lachine in the service of mctavish, frobisher & co., the young fur trader followed the usual route up the ottawa and reached in due course grand portage, which he called "the general rendezvous for the fur traders." he thus describes the fort: "it is twenty-four rods by thirty, is built on the margin of the bay, at the foot of a hill or mountain of considerable height. within the fort there is a considerable number of dwelling-houses, shops, and stores; the houses are surrounded by palisades, which are about eighteen inches in diameter. the other fort, which stands about rods from this, belongs to the x y company. it is only three years since they made an establishment here, and as yet they have had but little success." harmon was appointed to follow john mcdonald, of garth, to the upper saskatchewan. on the way out, however, harmon was ordered to the swan river district. here he remained for four years taking a lively interest in all the parts of a trader's life. he was much on the assiniboine, and passed the sites of brandon, portage la prairie, and winnipeg of to-day. in october, , harmon, having gone to the saskatchewan, took as what was called his "country wife" a french canadian half-breed girl, aged fourteen. he states that it was the custom of the country for the trader to take a wife from the natives, live with her in the country, and then, on leaving the country, place her and her children under the care of an honest man and give a certain amount for her support. as a matter of fact, harmon, years after, on leaving the country, took his native spouse with him, and on lake champlain some of his younger children were born. there were fourteen children born to him, and his north-west wife was to her last days a handsome woman, "as straight as an arrow." during harmon's time athabasca had not only the x y company, but also a number of forts of the hudson's bay company. cumberland house was the next place of residence of the fur trader, and at this point the hudson's bay company house was in charge of peter fidler. harmon's journal continues with most interesting details of the fur trade, which have the charm of liveliness and novelty. allusions are constantly made to the leading traders, mcdonald, fraser, thompson, quesnel, stuart, and others known to us in our researches. in the course of time ( ) harmon found his way over the rocky mountain portage and pursued the fur trade in mcleod lake fort and stuart's lake in new caledonia, and here we find a fort called, after him, harmon's fort. his description of the indians is always graphic, giving many striking customs of the aborigines. about the end of harmon's journal is taken up with serious religious reflections. he had been troubled with doubts as to the reality of christianity. but after reading the scriptures and such books as he could obtain, he tells us that a new view of things was his, and that his future life became more consistent and useful. he records us a series of the resolutions which he adopted, and they certainly indicate a high ideal on his part. in he had really become habituated to the upper country. he gives us a glimpse of his family:-- "i now pass a short time every day, very pleasantly, in teaching my little daughter polly to read and spell words in the english language, in which she makes good progress, though she knows not the meaning of one of them. in conversing with my children i use entirely the cree indian language; with their mother i more frequently employ the french. her native tongue, however, is more familiar to her, which is the reason why our children have been taught to speak that in preference to the french language." in his journal, which at times fully shows his introspections, he gives an account of the struggle in his own mind about leaving his wife in the country, as was the custom of too many of the clerks and partners. he had instructed her in the principles of christianity, and by these principles he was bound to her for life. after eight and a half years spent on the west side of the rocky mountains, harmon arrived at fort william, , having made a journey of three thousand miles from his far-away post in new caledonia. montreal was soon after reached, and the journal comes to a close. a busy bourgeois. we have seen the energy and ability displayed by john mcdonald, of garth, known as "le bras croch." another trader, john mcdonald, is described by ross cox, who spent his life largely in the rocky mountain region. he was known as mcdonald grand. "he was ft. in. in height, with broad shoulders, large bushy whiskers, and red hair, which he allowed to grow for years without the use of scissors, and which sometimes, falling over his face and shoulders, gave to his countenance a wild and uncouth appearance." he had a most uncontrollable temper, and in his rage would indulge in a wild medley of gaelic, english, french, and indian oaths. but a third john mcdonnell was found among the fur traders. he was a brother of miles mcdonnell, lord selkirk's first governor of the red river settlement. john mcdonnell was a rigid roman catholic, and was known as "le prêtre" ("the priest"), from the fact that on the voyage through the fur country he always insisted on observing the church fasts along with his french canadian employés. mcdonnell, on leaving the service of the north-west company, retired to point fortune, on the ottawa, and there engaged in trade. we have his journal for the years - , and it is an excellent example of what a typical fur trader's journal would be. it is minute, accurate, and very interesting. during this period he spent his time chiefly in trading up and down the assiniboine and red rivers. a few extracts will show the interesting nature of his journal entries:-- _fort espérance, oct. th, ._--neil mckay set out to build and winter at the forks of the river (junction of the qu'appelle and assiniboine), alongside of mr. peter grant, who has made his pitch about seven leagues from here. mr. n. mckay's effects were carried in two boats, managed by five men each. mr. c. grant set out for his quarters of river tremblant, about thirty leagues from here. the dogs made a woeful howling at all the departures. _oct. th._--seventeen warriors came from the banks of the missouri for tobacco. they slept ten nights on their way, and are emissaries from a party of assiniboines who went to war upon the sioux. _oct. th._--the warriors traded a few skins brought upon their backs and went off ill pleased with their reception. after dark, the dogs kept up a constant barking, which induced a belief that some of the warriors were lurking about the fort for an opportunity to steal. i took a sword and pistol and went to sleep in the store. nothing took place. _oct. st._--two of mr. n. mckay's men came from the forts, supposing this to be all saints' day. raised a flag-staff poplar, fifty feet above the ground. _nov. rd._--the men were in chase of a white buffalo all day, but could not get within shot of him. faignant killed two buffalo cows. a mild day. _nov. th._--st. andrew's day. hoisted the flag in honour of the titulary saint of scotland. a beautiful day. expected messrs. peter grant and neil mckay to dinner. they sent excuse by bonneau. _dec. nd._--sent mr. peter grant a town and country magazine of . poitras' wife made me nine pairs of shoes (moccasins). _jan. st, ._--mr. grant gave the men two gallons of rum and three fathoms of tobacco, by the way of new year's gift. (it is interesting to follow mcdonnell on one of his journeys down the assiniboine.) _may st._--sent off the canoes early in the morning. mr. grant and i set out about seven. slept at the forks of river qu'appelle. _may th._--killed four buffalo cows and two calves and camped below the fort of mountain à la bosse (near virden), about two leagues. _may th._--arrived at ange's river la souris fort (below brandon). _may th._--passed fort des trembles and portage la prairie. _may th._--arrived at the forks red river (present city of winnipeg) about noon. _may th._--arrived at the lake (winnipeg) at a.m. _may th._--arrived at the sieur's fort (fort alexander at the mouth of winnipeg river). mcdonnell also gives in his journal a number of particulars about the cree and assiniboine indians, describing their religion, marriages, dress, dances, and mourning. the reader is struck with the difference in the recital by different traders of the lives lived by them. the literary faculty is much more developed in some cases than in others, and john mcdonnell was evidently an observing and quick-witted man. he belonged to a u. e. loyalist scottish family that took a good position in the affairs of early canada. a full and interesting autobiography. that the first trader of the north-west whom we have described, alexander henry, should have been followed in the north-west fur trade by his nephew, alexander henry, jr., is in itself a thing of interest; but that the younger henry should have left us a most voluminous and entertaining journal is a much greater matter. the copy of this journal is in the parliamentary library at ottawa, and forms two large bound folio volumes of , pages. it is not the original, but is a well-approved copy made in by george coventry, of montreal. for many years this manuscript has been in the parliamentary library, and extracts have been made and printed. recently an american writer, dr. coues, who has done good service in editing the notable work of lewis and clark, and also that of zebulon s. pike, has published a digest of henry's journal and added to it very extensive notes of great value. the greatest praise is due to this author for the skill with which he has edited the journal, and all students of the period are indebted to one so well fitted to accomplish the task. the journal opens, in , with henry on the waters of a tributary of lake manitoba, he having arrived from grand portage by the usual fur traders' route. in this place he built a trading house and spent his first winter. in the following year the trader is found on the red river very near the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, and is engaged in establishing a post at the mouth of the pembina river, a tributary of red river. at this post henry remains until , going hither and thither in trading expeditions, establishing new outposts, counter-working the rival traders of the x y company, and paying his visits from time to time to grand portage. henry's entries are made with singular clearness and realistic force. he recites with the utmost frankness the details of drunken debauchery among the indians, the plots of one company to outdo the other in trading with the indians, and the tricks of trade so common at this period in the fur trade. a few examples of his graphic descriptions may be given. "at ten o'clock i came to the point of wood in which the fort was built, and just as i entered the gate at a gallop, to take the road that led to the gate, a gun was fired about ten yards from me, apparently by a person who lay in the long grass. my horse was startled and jumped on one side, snorting and prancing; but i kept my seat, calling out, 'who is there?' no answer was returned. i instantly took my gun from my belt, and cocked her to fire, forgetting she was not loaded and i had no ammunition. i could still see the person running in the grass, and was disappointed in not having a shot at him. i again called out, 'who is there?' 'c'est moi, bourgeois.' it proved to be one of my men, charbonneau. i was vexed with him for causing me such consternation." red river. "_february th, ._--wolves and crows are very numerous, feeding on the buffalo carcasses that lie in every direction. i shot two buffalo cows, a calf, and two bulls, and got home after dark. i was choking with thirst, having chased the buffalo on snow-shoes in the heat of the day, when the snow so adheres that one is scarcely able to raise the feet. a draught of water was the sweetest beverage i ever tasted. an indian brought in a calf of this year, which he found dead. it was well grown, and must have perished last night in the snow. this was thought extraordinary; they say it denotes an early spring. "_march th._--the buffalo have for some time been wandering in every direction. my men have raised and put their traps in order for the spring hunt, as the raccoons begin to come out of their winter quarters in the daytime, though they retire to the hollow trees at night. on the th it rained for four hours; fresh meat thawed. on the th we saw the first spring bird. bald eagles we have seen the whole winter, but now they are numerous, feeding on the buffalo carcasses." during the red river period henry made a notable journey in across the plains to the mandans on the missouri. two years afterward he bids farewell to red river and the assiniboine, and goes to carry on trade in the saskatchewan. while on the saskatchewan, which was for three years, he was in charge of important forts, viz. fort vermilion, terre blanche, and the rocky mountain house. his energy and acquaintance with the prairie were well shown in his exploration of this great region, and the long journeys willingly undertaken by him. his account of the western prairies, especially of the assiniboines, is complete and trustworthy. in fact, he rejoices in supplying us with the details of their lives and manners which we might well be spared. a gap of two years from is found in henry's journal, but it is resumed in , the year in which he crosses the rocky mountains and is found in the party sent by the north-west company to check the encroachments on the columbia of the astor fur company. his account of the voyage on the pacific is regarded as valuable, and dr. coues says somewhat quaintly: "his work is so important a concordance that if franchère, cox, and ross be regarded as the synoptical writers of astoria, then henry furnishes the fourth gospel." after the surrender of astoria to the north-west company and its occupation by the british, some of the nor'-westers returned. john mcdonald, of garth, as we have seen, crossed the mountains. in his journal occurs a significant entry: "mr. la rogue brings the melancholy intelligence that messrs. d. mctavish, alexander henry, and five sailors were drowned on may nd last, in going out in a boat from fort george to the vessel called the _isaac todd_." ross cox gives a circumstantial account of this sad accident, though, strange to say, he does not mention the name of henry, while giving that of d. mctavish. it is somewhat startling to us to find that henry continued his journal up to the very day before his death, his last sentence being, "the weather cleared up." a trader lost for forty days. lying before the writer is the copy of a letter of john pritchard, of the x y company, written in , giving an account of a forty days' adventure of a most thrilling kind. pritchard was in charge of the x y fort at the mouth of the souris river on the assiniboine. he had on june th gone with one of the clerks up the river assiniboine, intending to reach qu'appelle fort, a distance of miles. all went well till montagne à la bosse was reached, where there was a trading house. going westward, the two traders were separated in looking for the horses. pritchard lit fires for two days, but could attract no attention. then he realized that he was lost. misled by the belts of timber along the different streams, he went along the pipestone, thinking he was going towards the assiniboine. in this he was mistaken. painfully he crept along the river, his strength having nearly gone. living on frogs, two hawks, and a few other birds, he says at the end of ten days, "i perceived my body completely wasted. nothing was left me but my bones, covered with a skin thinner than paper. i was perfectly naked, my clothes having been worn in making shoes, with which i protected my bruised and bleeding feet." some days after, pritchard found a nest of small eggs and lived on them. he says, "how mortifying to me to see the buffalo quenching their thirst in every lake near to which i slept, and geese and swans in abundance, whilst i was dying of hunger in this land of plenty, for want of wherewith to kill." after trying to make a hook and line to fish, and failing; after being tempted to lie down and give up life, he caught a hen grouse, which greatly strengthened him, as he cooked and ate it. he had now crossed the souris river, thinking it to be the assiniboine, and came upon a great plain where the prairie turnip (psoralea esculenta) grew plentifully. pushing southward, being sustained by the bulbs of this "pomme blanche," as it is called by the french voyageurs, pritchard came at length to whitewater lake, near turtle mountain, and here found two vacant wintering houses of the fur traders. he now was able to identify his locality and to estimate that he was sixty miles directly south of his trading post. his feet, pierced by the spear grass (stipa spartea), were now in a dreadful condition. he found a pair of old shoes in the vacant fort and several pairs of socks. he determined to move northward to his fort. soon he was met by a band of indians, who were alarmed at his worn appearance. the natives took good care of him and carried him, at times unconscious, to his fort, which he reached after an absence of forty days. he says, "picture to yourself a man whose bones are scraped, not an atom of flesh remaining, then over these bones a loose skin, fine as the bladder of an animal; a beard of forty days' growth, his hair full of filth and scabs. you will then have some idea of what i was." the hudson's bay company officer, mckay, from the neighbouring fort, was exceedingly kind and supplied his every want. the cree indians after this adventure called pritchard the manitou or great spirit. the assiniboines called him cheepe--or the corpse, referring to his wan appearance. for weeks after his return the miserable trader was unable to move about, but in time recovered, and lived to a good old age on the banks of the red river. to the last day of his life he referred to his great deliverance, and was thoroughly of the opinion that his preservation was miraculous. assiniboine to missouri. we are fortunate in having two very good journals of journeys made in the early years of the century from the forts at the junction of the souris and assiniboine river to the missouri river. as was described in the case of david thompson, this was a long and tedious journey, and yet it was at one time within the plans of the north-west company to carry their trade thither. few of the french canadian gentlemen entered into the north-west company. one of these, who became noted as an indian trader, was françois antoine larocque, brother-in-law of quesnel, the companion of simon fraser. of the same rank as himself, and associated with him, was a trader, charles mckenzie, who entered the north-west company as a clerk in . the expedition to the mandans under these gentlemen, left fort assiniboine on november th, , a party in all of seven, and provided with horses, five of which carried merchandise for trade. after the usual incidents of this trying journey, the missouri was reached. the notable event of this journey was the meeting with the american expedition of lewis and clark, then on its way to cross overland to the pacific ocean. larocque in his journal gives information about this expedition. leaving philadelphia in , the expedition, consisting of upward of forty men, had taken till october to reach the mandans on the missouri. the purposes of the expedition of lewis and clark were:-- ( ) to explore the territory towards the pacific and settle the boundary line between the british and american territories. ( ) to quiet the indians of the missouri by conference and the bestowment of gifts. larocque was somewhat annoyed by the message given him by lewis and clark, that no flags or medals could be given by the north-west company to the indians in the missouri, inasmuch as they were american indians. larocque had some amusement at the continual announcement by these leaders that the indians would be protected so long as they should behave as dutiful children to the great father, the president of the united states. in the spring the party returned, after wintering on the missouri. in , during the summer, another expedition went to the missouri; in , charles mckenzie went in february to the mandans, and, returning, made a second journey in the same year to the missouri. the account given by mckenzie of the journeys of - is an exceedingly well written one, for this leader was fond of study, and, we are told, delighted especially in the history of his native land, the highlands of scotland. charles mckenzie had married an indian woman, and became thoroughly identified with the north-west. he was fond of his native children, and stood up for their recognition on the same plane as the white children. after the union of the north-west company and the hudson's bay company, the english influence largely prevailed. thinking that his son, who was well educated at the red river seminary, was not sufficiently recognized by the company, mckenzie wrote bitterly, "it appears the present concern has stamped the cain mark upon all born in this country. neither education nor abilities serve them. the honourable company are unwilling to take natives, even as apprenticed clerks, and the favoured few they do take can never aspire to a higher status, be their education and capacity what they may." mckenzie continued the fur trade until , when he retired and settled on the red river. his son, hector mckenzie, now dead, was well known on the red river, and accompanied one of the explorations to the far north. larocque did not continue long in the fur trade, but went to montreal and embarked in business, in which he was very unsuccessful. he spent the last years of his life in retirement and close study, and died in the grey nunnery in a lower canadian parish. chapter xx. the lords of the lakes and forests.--iii. dashing french trader--"the country of fashion"--an air of great superiority--the road is that of heaven--enough to intimidate a cæsar--"the bear" and the "little branch"--yet more rum--a great irishman--"in the wigwam of wabogish dwelt his beautiful daughter"--wedge of gold--johnston and henry schoolcraft--duncan cameron on lake superior--his views of trade--peter grant, the ready writer--paddling the canoe--indian folk-lore--chippewa burials--remarkable men and great financiers, marvellous explorers, facile traders. a dashing french trader--franÇois victor malhiot. a gay and intelligent french lad, taken with the desire of leading the life of the traders in the "upper country" (_pays d'en haut_), at the age of fifteen deserted school and entered the north-west company. in , at the age of twenty, he was promoted to a clerkship and sent to a post in the upper part of the red river country. on account of his inferior education he was never advanced to the charge of a post in the company's service, but he was always noted for his courage and the great energy displayed by him in action. in malhiot was sent to wisconsin, where he carried on trade. for the north-west company there he built a fort and waged a vigorous warfare with the other traders, strong drink being one of the most ready weapons in the contest. in the trader married after the "country fashion" (_à la façon du pays_), i.e. as we have explained, he had taken an indian woman to be his wife, with the understanding that when he retired from the fur trade, she should be left provided for as to her living, but be free to marry another. malhiot tired of the fur trade in and returned to lower canada, where he lived till his death. malhiot's indian wife was afterwards twice married, and one of her sons by the third marriage became a member of the legislature in lower canada. a brother of malhiot's became a colonel in the british army in india, and another brother was an influential man in his native province. few traders had more adventures than this french canadian. stationed west of lake superior, at lac du flambeau, malhiot found himself surrounded by men of the x y company, and he assumed an air of great superiority in his dealings with the indians. two of his companions introduced him to the savages as the brother of william mcgillivray, the head of the north-west company. he says, "this thing has produced a very good effect up to the present, for they never name me otherwise than as their 'father.' i am glad to believe that they will respect me more than they otherwise would have done, and will do themselves the honour of trading with me this winter." speaking of the rough country through which he was passing, malhiot says, "of all the passages and places that i have been able to see during the thirteen years in which i travelled, this is the most frightful and unattractive. the road of the portage is truly that of heaven, for it is strait, full of obstacles, slippery places, thorns, and bogs. the men who pass it loaded, and who are obliged to carry over it bales, certainly deserve the name of 'men.' "this villainous portage is only inhabited by owls, because no other animal could find its living there, and the cries of these solitary birds are enough to frighten an angel and to intimidate a cæsar." malhiot maintained his dignified attitude to the indians and held great conferences with the chiefs, always with an eye to the improvement of trade. to one he says:-- "my father,--it is with great joy that i smoke in thy pipe of peace and that i receive thy word. our chief trader at kaministiquia will accept it, i trust, this spring, with satisfaction, and he will send thee a mark of his friendship, if thou dost continue to do well. so i take courage! only be as one, and look at the fort of the x y from a distance if thou dost wish to attain to what thou desirest." in april, , the trader says, "my people have finished building my fort, and it is the prettiest of any in the indian country. long live the north-west company! honour to malhiot!" malhiot gives a very sad picture of the degeneracy of the trade at this time, produced by the use of strong drink in gaining the friendship of the indians. a single example may suffice to show the state of affairs. _april th._--"the son of 'whetstone,' brother-in-law of chorette, came here this evening and made me a present of one otter, rats, and lbs. of sugar, for which i gave him pots of rum. he made them drunk at chorette's with the 'indians,' the 'bear,' and 'the little branch.' when they were well intoxicated, they cleared the house, very nearly killed chorette, shot la lancette, and broke open the store-house. they carried away two otters, for which i gave them more rum this morning, but without knowing they had been stolen. all this destruction occurred because chorette had promised them more rum, and that he had not any more." malhiot's journal closes with the statement that after a long journey from the interior he and his party had camped in view of the island at grand portage. an irishman of distinction. in the conflict of the north-west, x y, and hudson's bay companies, it is interesting to come upon the life and writing of an irishman, a man of means, who, out of love for the wilds of lake superior, settled down upon its shores and became a "free trader," as he was called. this was john johnston, who came to montreal, enjoyed the friendship of sir guy carleton, the governor of canada, and hearing of the romantic life of the fur traders, plunged into the interior, in settled at la pointe, on the south side of lake superior, and established himself as an independent trader. a gentleman of birth and education, johnston seems to have possessed a refined and even religious spirit. filled with high thoughts inspired by a rocky and romantic island along the shore, he named it "contemplation island." determined to pass his life on the rocky but picturesque shores of lake superior, johnston became friendly with the indian people. the old story of love and marriage comes in here also. the chief of the region was wabogish, the "white fisher," whose power extended as far west as the mississippi. in the wigwam of wabogish dwelt his beautiful daughter. her hand had been sought by many young braves, but she had refused them all. the handsome, sprightly irishman had, however, gained her affections, and proposed to her father for her. writing long afterward he describes her as she was when he first saw her, a year after his arrival on the shores of lake superior. "wabogish or the 'white fisher,' the chief of la pointe, made his sugar on the skirts of a high mountain, four days' march from the entrance of the river to the south-east. his eldest daughter, a girl of fourteen, exceedingly handsome, with a cousin of hers who was two or three years older, rambling one day up the eastern side of the mountain, came to a perpendicular cliff exactly fronting the rising sun. near the base of the cliff they found a piece of yellow metal, as they called it, about eighteen inches long, a foot broad, four inches thick and perfectly smooth. it was so heavy that they could raise it only with great difficulty. after examining it for some time, it occurred to the eldest girl that it belonged to the 'gitche manitou,' 'the great spirit,' upon which they abandoned the place with precipitation. "as the chippewas are not idolaters, it occurs to me that some of the southern tribes must have emigrated thus far to the north, and that the piece either of copper or of gold is part of an altar dedicated to the sun. if my conjecture is right, the slab is more probably gold--as the mexicans have more of that metal than they have of copper." the advances of johnston toward chief wabogish for marriage to his daughter were for a time resisted by the forest magnate. afraid of the marriages made after the country fashion, he advised johnston to return to his native country for a time. if, after a sufficient absence, his affection for his daughter should still remain strong, he would consent to their marriage. johnston returned to ireland, disposed of his property, and came back to lake superior to claim his bride. johnston settled at sault ste. marie, where he had a "very considerable establishment with extensive plantations of corn and vegetables, a beautiful garden, a comfortable house, a good library, and carried on an important trade." during the war of he co-operated with the british commandant, colonel mcdonald, in taking the island of michilimackinac from the americans. while absent, the american expedition landed at sault ste. marie, and set fire to johnston's house, stables, and other buildings, and these were burnt to the ground, his wife and children viewing the destruction of their home from the neighbouring woods. masson says: "a few years afterwards, mr. johnston once more visited his native land, accompanied by his wife and his eldest daughter, a young lady of surpassing beauty. every inducement was offered to them to remain in the old country, the duke and duchess of northumberland having even offered to adopt their daughter. they preferred, however, returning to the shores of lake superior, where miss johnston was married to mr. henry schoolcraft, the united states indian agent at sault ste. marie, and the distinguished author of the 'history of the indian tribes of the united states.'" mr. johnston wrote "an account of lake superior" at the request of roderick mckenzie. this we have, but it is chiefly a geographical description of the greatest of american lakes. johnston died at sault ste. marie in . a determined trader of lake superior. a most daring and impulsive celt was duncan cameron. he and his family were scottish u. e. loyalists from the mohawk river in new york state. as a young man he entered the fur trade, and was despatched to the region on lake superior to serve under mr. shaw, the father of angus shaw, of whom we have already spoken. in cameron became a clerk and was placed in charge of the nepigon district, an important field for his energies. though this region was a difficult one, yet by hard work he made it remunerative to his company. speaking of his illness, caused by exposure, he says, in writing a letter to his friend, "i can assure you it is with great difficulty i can hold my pen, but i must tell you that the x y sends into the nepigon this year; therefore, should i leave my bones there, i shall go to winter." in response to the application of roderick mckenzie, duncan cameron sent a description of the nepigon district and a journal of one of his journeys to the interior. from these we may give a few extracts. passing over his rather full and detailed account of saulteaux indians of this region, we find that he speaks in a journal which is in a very damaged condition, of his visit to osnaburgh fort, a hudson's bay company fort built in , and of his decision to send a party to trade in the interior. there is abundant evidence of the great part played by strong drink at this time in the fur country. "cotton shirt, a haughty indian chief, has always been very faithful to me these several years past. he is, without exception, the best hunter in the whole department, and passes as having in consequence great influence over me. one of his elder brothers spoke next and said that he was now grown up to a man; that 'his fort,' as he calls osnaburgh, was too far off for the winter trade; that if i left anyone here, he would come to them with winter skins; he could not live without getting drunk three or four times at least, but that i must leave a clerk to deal with him, as he was above trading with any young under-strappers. i told him that if i consented to leave a person here, i would leave one that had both sense and knowledge enough to know how to use him well, as also any other great man. this indian had been spoiled by the h. b. people at osnaburgh fort, where we may consider him master. he had been invited to dine there last spring." "this great english partisan, a few weeks ago, had his nose bit off by his son-in-law at the door of what he calls 'his fort.' he is not yet cured, and says that a great man like him must not get angry or take any revenge, especially when he stands in awe of the one who ill-used him, for there is nothing an indian will not do rather than admit himself to be a coward." "my canoe was very much hampered; i put a man and his wife in the small canoe and embarked in the other small canoe with my guides, after giving some liquor to the old man and his sons, who must remain here to-day to try and pack all their three canoes. we went on as well as we could against a cold head wind till the big canoe got on a stone which nearly upset her and tore a piece two feet square out of her bottom. she filled immediately and the men and goods were all in danger of going to the bottom before they reached the shore; notwithstanding their efforts, she sank in three feet of water. we hastened to get everything out of her, but my sugar and their molasses were damaged, but worse than all, my powder, which i immediately examined, was considerably damaged." "having decided to establish a fort, we all set to work; four men to build, one to square boards for the doors, timber for the floors, and shelves for the shops, the two others to attend the rest.... there are now eight indians here, all drunk and very troublesome to my neighbour, who, i believe, is as drunk as themselves; they are all very civil to me, and so they may, for i am giving them plenty to drink, without getting anything from them as yet." "this man (an indian from red lake) tells me that the english (h. b. co.), the x y, and mr. adhemar (a free trader) were striving who would squander the most and thereby please the indians best, but the consequence will be that the indians will get all they want for half the value and laugh at them all, in the end. he told me that an indian, who i know very well to have no influence on anyone but himself, got five kegs of mixed high wines to himself alone between the three houses and took skins credit; that all the indians were fifteen days without getting sober. i leave it to any rational being to judge what that indian's skins will cost." "another circumstance which will tend to injure the trade very much, so long as we have the hudson's bay company against us, is the premium they allow every factor or master on whatever number of skins they obtain. those people do not care at what price they buy or whether their employés gain by them, so long as they have their premium, which sets them in opposition to one another almost as much as they are to us. the honourable hudson's bay company proprietors very little knew their own interest when they first allowed this interest to their 'officers,' as they call them, as it certainly had not the desired effect, for, if it added some to their exertions, it led in a great degree to the squandering of their goods, as they are in general both needy and selfish." peter grant, the historiographer. while many journals and sketches were forwarded to mr. roderick mckenzie, none of them were of so high a character in completeness and style as that of mr. peter grant on the saulteaux indians. peter grant, as quite a young man at the age of twenty, joined the north-west company in . seven years afterward he had become a partner, had charge of rainy lake district, and afterward that of the red river department. his sketch of the indians marks him as a keen observer and a facile writer. some of his descriptions are excellent:-- "the fruits found in this country are the wild plum, a small sort of wild cherry, wild currants of different kinds, gooseberries, strawberries, raspberries, brambleberries, blackberries, choke cherries, wild grapes, sand cherries, a delicious fruit which grows on a small shrub near sandy shores, and another blueberry, a fine fruit not larger than a currant, tasting much like a pear and growing on a small tree about the size of a willow. (no doubt the saskatoon berry.--ed.) in the swamp you find two kinds of cranberries. hazel nuts, but of very inferior quality, grow near the banks of the rivers and lakes. a kind of wild rice grows spontaneously in the small muddy creeks and bays." "the north-west company's canoes, manned with five men, carry about , lbs.; they seldom draw more than eighteen inches of water and go generally at the rate of six miles an hour in calm weather. when arrived at a portage, the bowman instantly jumps in the water to prevent the canoe from touching the bottom, while the others tie their slings to the packages in the canoe and swing them on their backs to carry over the portage. the bowman and the steersman carry their canoe, a duty from which the middle men are exempt. the whole is conducted with astonishing expedition, a necessary consequence of the enthusiasm which always attends their long and perilous voyages. it is pleasing to see them, when the weather is calm and serene, paddling in their canoes, singing in chorus their simple, melodious strains, and keeping exact time with their paddles, which effectually beguiles their labours. when they arrive at a rapid, the guide or foreman's business is to explore the waters previous to their running down with their canoes, and, according to the height of the water, they either lighten the canoe by taking out part of the cargo and carry it overland, or run down the whole load." speaking of the saulteaux, grant says, "the saulteaux are, in general, of the common stature, well proportioned, though inclining to a slender make, which would indicate more agility than strength. their complexion is a whitish cast of the copper colour, their hair black, long, straight, and of a very strong texture, the point of the nose rather flat, and a certain fulness in the lips, but not sufficient to spoil the appearance of the mouth. the teeth, of a beautiful ivory white, are regular, well set, and seldom fail them even in the most advanced period of life; their cheeks are high and rather prominent, their eyes black and lively, their countenance is generally pleasant, and the symmetry of their features is such as to constitute what can be called handsome faces. "their passions, whether of a benevolent or mischievous tendency, are always more violent than ours. i believe this has been found to be the case with all barbarous nations who never cultivate the mind; hence the cruelties imputed to savages, in general, towards their enemies. though these people cannot be acquitted from some degree of that ferocious barbarity which characterizes the savages, they are, however, free from that deliberate cruelty which has been so often imputed to other barbarous natives. they are content to kill and scalp their enemy, and never reserve a prisoner for the refined tortures of a lingering and cruel death. "the saulteaux have, properly speaking, no regular system of government and but a very imperfect idea of the different ranks of society so absolutely necessary in all civilized countries. their leading men or chief magistrates are petty chiefs, whose dignity is hereditary, but whose authority is confined within the narrow circle of their own particular tribe or relatives. there are no established laws to enforce obedience; all is voluntary, and yet, such is their confidence and respect for their chiefs, that instances of mutiny or disobedience to orders are very rare among them. "as to religion, gitche manitou, or the 'master of life,' claims the first rank in their devotion. to him they attribute the creation of the heavens, of the waters, and of that portion of the earth beyond the sea from which white people come. he is also the author of life and death, taking pleasure in promoting the happiness of the virtuous, and having, likewise, the power of punishing the wicked. wiskendjac is next in power. he is said to be the creator of all the indian tribes, the country they inhabit and all it contains. the last of their deities is called matchi-manitou, or the 'bad spirit,' he is the author of evil, but subject to the control of the gitche manitou. though he is justly held in great detestation, it is thought good policy to smooth his anger by singing and beating the drum. "when life is gone, the body of the dead is addressed by some friend of the deceased in a long speech, in which he begs of him to take courage, and pursue his journey to the great meadow, observing that all his departed friends and relations are anxiously waiting to receive him, and that his surviving friends will soon follow. "the body is then decently dressed and wrapped in a new blanket, with new shoes, garnished and painted with vermilion, on the feet. it is kept one night in the lodge, and is next day buried in the earth. after burial they either raise a pole of wood over the grave, or enclose it with a fence. at the head of the grave a small post is erected, on which they carve the particular mark of the tribe to whom the deceased belonged. the bodies of some of their most celebrated chiefs are raised upon a high scaffold, with flags flying, and the scalps of their enemies. it is customary with their warriors, at the funeral of their great men, to strike the post and relate all their martial achievements, as they do in the war dance, and their funeral ceremonies generally conclude by a feast round the grave." grant, in , built the post on the assiniboine at the mouth of shell river, and five years afterward was in charge of the fort on the rainy lake. about the same time he erected a post, probably the first on the red river, in the neighbourhood of the present village of st. vincent, near ° n. lat., opposite pembina. he seems to have been in the indian country in , and, settling in lower canada, died at lachine in , at the grand old age of eighty-four. thus have we sought to sketch, from their own writings, pictures of the lords of the fur trade. they were a remarkable body of men. great as financiers, marvellous as explorers, facile as traders, brave in their spirits, firm and yet tactful in their management of the indians, and, except during the short period from - , anxious for the welfare of the red men. looking back, we wonder at their daring and loyalty, and can well say with washington irving, "the feudal state of fort william is at an end; its council chamber is silent and desolate; its banquet-hall no longer echoes to the auld world ditty; the lords of the lakes and forests have passed away." chapter xxi. the impulse of union. north-west and x y companies unite--recalls the homeric period--feuds forgotten--men perform prodigies--the new fort re-christened--vessel from michilimackinac--the old canal--wills builds fort gibraltar--a lordly sway--the "beaver club"--sumptuous table--exclusive society--"fortitude in distress"--political leaders in lower canada. to the termination of the great conflict between the north-west and the x y companies we have already referred. the death of simon mctavish removed a difficulty and served to unite the traders. the experience and standing of the old company and the zeal and vigour of the new combined to inspire new hope. great plans were matured for meeting the opposition of the hudson's bay company and extending the trade of the company. the explorations of david thompson and simon fraser, which, as we have seen, produced such great results in new caledonia, while planned before, were now carried forward with renewed vigour, the enterprise of the nor'-westers being the direct result of the union. the heroic deeds of these explorers recall to us the adventurous times of the homeric period, when men performed prodigies and risked their lives for glory. the explanation of this hearty co-operation was that the old and new companies were very closely allied. brothers and cousins had been in opposite camps, not because they disliked each other, but because their leaders could not agree. now the feuds were forgotten, and, with the enthusiasm of their celtic natures, they would attempt great things. the "new fort," as it had been called, at the mouth of the kaministiquia, was now re-christened, and the honoured name of the chieftain mcgillivray was given to this great depôt--fort william. it became a great trading centre, and the additions required to accommodate the increased volume of business and the greater number of employés, were cheerfully made by the united company. standing within the great solitudes of thunder bay, fort william became as celebrated in the annals of the north-west company, as york or albany had been in the history of the hudson's bay company. a vessel came up from lake erie, bringing supplies, and, calling at michilimackinac, reached the sault ste. marie. boats which had come down the canal, built to avoid the st. mary rapids, here met this vessel. from the st. mary river up to fort william a schooner carried cargoes, and increased the profits of the trade, while it protected many from the dangers of the route. the whole trade was systematized, and the trading houses, duplicated as they had been at many points, were combined, and the expenses thus greatly reduced. as soon as the company could fully lay its plans, it determined to take hold in earnest of the red river district. accordingly we see that, under instructions from john mcdonald, of garth, a bourgeois named john wills, who, we find, had been one of the partners of the x y company, erected at the junction of the red and assiniboine rivers, on the point of land, a fort called fort gibraltar. wills was a year in building it, having under him twenty men. the stockade of this fort was made of "oak trees split in two." the wooden picketing was from twelve to fifteen feet high. the following is a list of buildings enclosed in it, with some of their dimensions. there were eight houses in all; the residence of the bourgeois, sixty-four feet in length; two houses for the servants, respectively thirty-six and twenty-eight feet long; one store thirty-two feet long; a blacksmith's shop, stable, kitchen, and an ice-house. on the top of the ice-house a watch-tower (guérite) was built. john wills continued to live in this fort up to the time of his death a few years later. such was the first building, so far as we know, erected on the site of the city of the plains, and which was followed first by fort douglas and then by fort garry, the chief fort in the interior of rupert's land. it was to this period in the history of the united company that washington irving referred when he said: "the partners held a lordly sway over the wintry lakes and boundless forests of the canadas almost equal to that of the east india company over the voluptuous climes and magnificent realms of the orient." some years before this, a very select organization had been formed among the fur traders in montreal. it was known as the "beaver club." the conditions of the membership were very strict. they were that the candidate should have spent a period of service in the "upper country," and have obtained the unanimous vote of the members. the gatherings of the club were very notable. at their meetings they assembled to recall the prowess of the old days, the dangers of the rapids, the miraculous deliverances accomplished by their canoe men, the disastrous accidents they had witnessed. their days of feasting were long remembered by the inhabitants of montreal after the club had passed away. the sumptuous table of the club was always open to those of rank or distinction who might visit montreal, and the approval of the club gave the entry to the most exclusive society of montreal. still may be met with in montreal pieces of silverware and glassware which were formerly the property of the "beaver club," and even large gold medals bearing the motto, "fortitude in distress," used by the members of the club on their days of celebration. it was at this period that the power of the fur trading magnates seemed to culminate, and their natural leadership of the french canadians being recognized in the fur trade, many of the partners became political leaders in the affairs of lower canada. the very success of the new company, however, stirred up, as we shall see, opposition movements of a much more serious kind than they had ever had to meet before. sir alexander mackenzie's book in had awakened much interest in britain and now stimulated the movement by lord selkirk which led to the absorption of the north-west company. the social and commercial standing of the partners started a movement in the united states which aimed at wresting from british hands the territory of new caledonia, which the energy of the north-west company of explorers had taken possession of for the british crown. it will, however, be to the glory of the north-west company that these powerful opposition movements were mostly rendered efficient by the employment of men whom the nor'-westers had trained; and the methods of trade, borrowed from them by these opponents, were those continued in the after conduct of the fur trade that grew up in rupert's land and the indian territories beyond. chapter xxii. the astor fur company. old john jacob astor--american fur company--the missouri company--a line of posts--approaches the russians--negotiates with nor'-westers--fails--four north-west officials join astor--songs of the voyageurs--true britishers--voyage of the _tonquin_--rollicking nor'-westers in sandwich islands--astoria built--david thompson appears--terrible end of the _tonquin_--astor's overland expedition--washington irving's "astoria, a romance"--the _beaver_ rounds the cape--mcdougall and his smallpox phial--the _beaver_ sails for canton. among those who came to montreal to trade with the nor'-westers and to receive their hospitality was a german merchant of new york, named john jacob astor. this man, who is the ancestor of the distinguished family of astors at the present time in new york, came over from london to the new world and immediately began to trade in furs. for several years astor traded in montreal, and shipped the furs purchased to london, as there was a law against exporting from british possessions. after jay's treaty of amity and commerce ( ) this restriction was removed, and astor took canadian furs to the united states, and even exported them to china, where high prices ruled. [illustration: johann jacob astor.] while astor's ambition led him to aim at controlling the fur trade in the united states, the fact that the western posts, such as detroit and michilimackinac, had not been surrendered to the united states till after jay's treaty, had allowed the british traders of these and other posts of the west to strengthen themselves. such daring traders as murdoch cameron, dickson, fraser, and rolette could not be easily beaten on the ground where they were so familiar, and where they had gained such an ascendancy over the indians. the mackinaw traders were too strong for astor, and the hope of overcoming them through the agency of the "american fur company," which he had founded in , had to be given up by him. what could not be accomplished by force could, however, be gained by negotiation, and so two years afterward, with the help of certain partners from among the nor'-westers in montreal, astor bought out the mackinaw traders ( ), and established what was called the "south-west company." during these same years, the st. louis merchants organized a company to trade upon the missouri and nebraska rivers. this was known as the missouri company, and with its men it pushed its trade, until in , one of its chief traders crossed the rocky mountains, and built a fort on the western slope. this was, however, two years afterward given up on account of the hostility of the natives. a short time after this, the company passed out of existence, leaving the field to the enterprising merchant of new york, who, in , organized his well-known "pacific fur company." [illustration: casanov. trader and chief.] during these eventful years, the resourceful astor was, with the full knowledge of the american government, steadily advancing toward gaining a monopoly of the fur trade of the united states. jonathan carver, a british officer, had, more than thirty years before this, in company with a british member of parliament named whitworth, planned a route across the continent. had not the american revolution commenced they would have built a fort at lake pepin in minnesota, gone up a tributary of the mississippi to the west, till they could cross, as they thought would be possible, to the missouri, and ascending it have reached the rocky mountain summit. at this point they expected to come upon a river, which they called the oregon, that would take them to the pacific ocean. the plan projected by carver was actually carried out by the well-known explorers lewis and clark in - . astor's penetrating mind now saw the situation clearly. he would erect a line of trading posts up the missouri river and across the rockies to the columbia river on the pacific coast and while those on the east of the rockies would be supplied from st. louis, he would send ships to the mouth of the columbia, and provide for the posts on the pacific slope from the west. with great skill astor made approaches to the russian fur company on the pacific coast, offering his ships to supply their forts with all needed articles, and he thus established a good feeling between himself and the russians. the only other element of danger to the mind of astor was the opposition of the north-west company on the pacific coast. he knew that for years the montreal merchants had had their eye on the region that their partner sir alexander mackenzie, had discovered. moreover, their agents, thompson, fraser, stuart, and finlay the younger, were trading beyond the summit of the rockies in new caledonia, but the fact that they were farther north held out some hope to astor that an arrangement might be made with them. he accordingly broached the subject to the north-west company and proposed a combination with them similar to that in force in the co-operation in the south-west company, viz. that they should take a one-third interest in the pacific fur company. after certain correspondence, the north-west company declined the offer, no doubt hoping to forestall astor in his occupation of the columbia. they then gave orders to david thompson to descend the columbia, whose upper waters he had already occupied, and he would have done this had not a mutiny taken place among his men, which made his arrival at the mouth of the columbia a few months too late. astor's thorough acquaintance with the north-west company and its numerous employés stood him in good stead in his project of forming a company. after full negotiations he secured the adhesion to his scheme of a number of well-known nor'-westers. prominent among these was alexander mckay, who was sir alexander mackenzie's most trusted associate in the great journey of to the pacific ocean. mckay had become a partner of the north-west company, and left it to join the pacific fur company. most celebrated as being in charge of the astor enterprise on the coast was duncan mcdougall, who also left the north-west company to embark in astor's undertaking. two others, david stuart and his nephew robert stuart, made the four partners of the new company who were to embark from new york with the purpose of doubling the cape and reaching the mouth of the columbia. a company of clerks and _engagés_ had been obtained in montreal, and the party leaving canada went in their great canoe up lake champlain, took it over the portage to the hudson, and descended that river to new york. they transferred the picturesque scene so often witnessed on the ottawa to the sleepy banks of the hudson river, and with emblems flying, and singing songs of the voyageurs, surprised the spectators along the banks. arrived at new york the men with bravado expressed themselves as ready to endure hardships. as irving puts it, they declared "they could live hard, lie hard, sleep hard, eat dogs--in short, endure anything." but these partners and men had much love for their own country and little regard to the new service into which desire for gain had led them to embark. it was found out afterwards that two of the partners had called upon the british ambassador in new york, had revealed to him the whole scheme of mr. astor, and enquired whether, as british subjects, they might embark in the enterprise. the reply of the diplomat assured them of their full liberty in the matter. astor also required of the employés that they should become naturalized citizens of the united states. they professed to have gone through the ceremony required, but it is contended that they never really did so. the ship in which the party was to sail was the _tonquin_, commanded by a captain thorn, a somewhat stern officer, with whom the fur traders had many conflicts on their outbound journey. the report having gone abroad that a british cruiser from halifax would come down upon the _tonquin_ and arrest the canadians on board her, led to the application being made to the united states frigate _constitution_ to give the vessel protection. on september th, , the _tonquin_ with her convoy put out and sailed for the southern main. notwithstanding the constant irritation between the captain and his fur trading passengers, the vessel went bravely on her way. after doubling cape horn on christmas day, they reached the sandwich islands in february, and after paying visits of ceremony to the king, obtained the necessary supplies of hogs, fruits, vegetables, and water from the inhabitants, and also engaged some twenty-four of the islanders, or kanakas, as they are called, to go as employés to the columbia. like a number of rollicking lads, the nor'-westers made very free with the natives, to the disgust of captain thorn. he writes:--"they sometimes dress in red coats and otherwise very fantastically, and collecting a number of ignorant natives around them, tell them they are the great chiefs of the north-west ... then dressing in highland plaids and kilts, and making bargains with the natives, with presents of rum, wine, or anything that is at hand." on february th the _tonquin_ set sail from the sandwich islands. the discontent broke out again, and the fur traders engaged in a mock mutiny, which greatly alarmed the suspicious captain. they spoke to each other in gaelic, had long conversations, and the captain kept an ever-watchful eye upon them; but on march nd they arrived at the mouth of the columbia river. mckay and mcdougall, as senior partners, disembarked, visited the village of the chinooks, and were warmly welcomed by comcomly, the chief of that tribe. the chief treated them hospitably and encouraged their settling in his neighbourhood. soon they had chosen a site for their fort, and with busy hands they cut down trees, cleared away thickets, and erected a residence, stone-house, and powder magazine, which was not, however, at first surrounded with palisades. in honour of the promoter of their enterprise, they very naturally called the new settlement astoria. as soon as the new fort had assumed something like order, the _tonquin_, according to the original design, was despatched up the coast to trade with the indians for furs. alexander mckay took charge of the trade, and sought to make the most of the honest but crusty captain. the vessel sailed on july th, , on what proved to be a disastrous journey. as soon as she was gone reports began to reach the traders at astoria that a body of white men were building a fort far up the columbia. this was serious news, for if true it meant that the supply of furs looked for at astoria would be cut off. an effort was made to find out the truth of the rumour, without success, but immediately after came definite information that the north-west company agents were erecting a post at spokane. we have already seen that this was none other than david thompson, the emissary of the north-west company, sent to forestall the building of astor's fort. though too late to fulfil his mission, on july th the doughty astronomer and surveyor, in his canoe manned by eight men and having the british ensign flying, stopped in front of the new fort. thompson was cordially received by mcdougall, to the no small disgust of the other employés of the astor company. after waiting for eight days, thompson, having received supplies and goods from mcdougall, started on his return journey. with him journeyed up the river david stuart, who, with eight men, was proceeding on a fur-trading expedition. among his clerks was alexander ross, who has left a veracious history of the "first settlers on the oregon." stuart had little confidence in thompson, and by a device succeeded in getting him to proceed on his journey and leave him to choose his own site for a fort. going up to within miles of the spokane river, and at the junction of the okanagan and columbia, stuart erected a temporary fort to carry on his first season's trade. in the meantime the _tonquin_ had gone on her way up the coast. the indians were numerous, but were difficult to deal with, being impudent and greedy. a number of them had come upon the deck of the _tonquin_, and captain thorn, being wearied with their slowness in bargaining and fulness of wiles, had grown impatient with the chief and had violently thrown him over the side of the ship. the indians no doubt intended to avenge this insult. next morning early, a multitude of canoes came about the _tonquin_ and many savages clambered upon the deck. suddenly an attack was made upon the fur traders. alexander mckay was one of the first to fall, being knocked down by a war club. captain thorn fought desperately, killing the young chief of the band, and many others, until at last he was overcome by numbers. the remnant of the crew succeeded in getting control of the ship and, by discharging some of the deck guns, drove off the savages. next morning the ship was all quiet as the indians came about her. the ship's clerk, mr. lewis, who had been severely wounded, appeared on deck and invited them on board. soon the whole deck was crowded by the indians, who thought they would secure a prize. suddenly a dreadful explosion took place. the gunpowder magazine had blown up, and lewis and upward of one hundred savages were hurled into eternity. it was a fierce revenge! four white men of the crew who had escaped in a boat were captured and terribly tortured by the maddened indian survivors. an indian interpreter alone was spared to return to astoria to relate the tale of treachery and blood. astor's plan involved, however, the sending of another expedition overland to explore the country and lay out his projected chain of forts. in charge of this party was william p. hunt, of trenton, new jersey, who had been selected by astor, as being a native-born american, to be next to himself in authority in the company. hunt had no experience as a fur trader, but was a man of decision and perseverance. with him was closely associated donald mckenzie, who had been in the service of the north-west company, but had been induced to join in the partnership with astor. hunt and mckenzie arrived in montreal on june th, , and engaged a number of voyageurs to accompany them. with these in a great canoe the party left the church of la bonne ste. anne, on montreal island, and ascended the ottawa. by the usual route michilimackinac was reached, and here again other members of the party were enlisted. the party was also reinforced by the addition of a young scotchman of energy and ability, ramsay crooks, and with him an experienced and daring missouri trader named robert mclellan. at mackinaw as well as at montreal the influence of the north-west company was so strong that men engaged for the journey were as a rule those of the poorest quality. thus were the difficulties of the overland party increased by the falstaffian rabble that attended the well-chosen leaders. the party left mackinaw, crossed to the mississippi, and reached st. louis in september. at st. louis the explorers came into touch with the missouri company, of which we have spoken. the same hidden opposition that had met them in montreal and mackinaw was here encountered. nothing was said, but it was difficult to get information, hard to induce voyageurs to join them, and delay after delay occurred. near the end of october st. louis was left behind and the missouri ascended for miles to a fort nodowa, when the party determined to winter. during the winter hunt returned to st. louis and endeavoured to enlist additional men for his expedition. in this he still had the opposition of a spaniard, manuel de lisa, who was the leading spirit in the missouri company. after some difficulty hunt engaged an interpreter, pierre dorion, a drunken french half-breed, who was, however, expert and even accomplished in his work. a start was at last made in january, and irving tells us of the expedition meeting daniel boone, the famous old hunter of kentucky, one who gloried in keeping abreast of the farthest line of the frontier, a trapper and hunter. the party went on its way ascending the river, and was accompanied by the somewhat disagreeable companion lisa. at length they reached the country of the anckaras, who, like the parthians of old, seemed to live on horseback. after a council meeting the distrust of lisa disappeared, and a bargain was struck between the spaniard and the explorer by which he would supply them with horses and take their boats in exchange. leaving in august the party went westward, keeping south at first to avoid the blackfeet, and then, turning northward till they reached an old trading post just beyond the summit. the descent was now to be made to the coast, but none of them had the slightest conception of the difficulties before them. they divided themselves into four parties, under the four leaders, mckenzie, mclellan, hunt, and crooks. the two former took the right bank, the two latter the left bank of the river. for three weeks they followed the rugged banks of this stream, which, from its fierceness, they spoke of as the "mad river." their provisions soon became exhausted and they were reduced to the dire necessity of eating the leather of their shoes. after a separation of some days the plan was struck upon by mr. hunt of gaining communication across the river by a boat covered with horse skin. this failed, and the unfortunate voyageur attempting to cross in it was drowned. after a time the lewis river was reached. trading off their horses, mckenzie's party, which was on the right bank, obtained canoes from the natives, and at length on january th, , this party reached astoria. ross cox says: "their concave cheeks, protuberant bones, and tattered garments strongly indicated the dreadful extent of their privations; but their health appeared uninjured and their gastronomic powers unimpaired." after the disaster of the horse-skin boat the two parties lost sight of one another. mr. hunt had the easier bank of the river, and, falling in with friendly indians, he delayed for ten days and rested his wearied party. though afterward delayed, hunt, with his following of thirty men, one woman, and two children, arrived at astoria, to the great delight of his companions, on february th, . various accounts have been given of the journey. those of ross cox and alexander ross are the work of actual members of the astor company, though not of the party which really crossed. washington irving's "astoria" is regarded as a pleasing fiction, and he is very truly spoken of by dr. coues, the editor of henry and thompson's journals, in the following fashion:--"no story of travel is more familiar to the public than the tale told by irving of this adventure, because none is more readable as a romance founded upon fact.... irving plies his golden pen elastically, and from it flow wit and humour, stirring scene, and startling incident, character to the life. but he never tells us where those people went, perhaps for the simple reason that he never knew. he wafts us westward on his strong plume, and we look down on those hapless astorians; but we might as well be ballooning for aught of exactitude we can make of this celebrated itinerary." in october, , the second party by sea left new york on the ship _beaver_, to join the traders at the mouth of the columbia. ross cox, who was one of the clerks, gives a most interesting account of the voyage and of the affairs of the company. with him were six other cabin passengers. the ship was commanded by captain sowles. the voyage was on the whole a prosperous one, and cape horn was doubled on new year's day, . more than a month after, the ship called at juan fernandez, and two months after crossed the equator. three weeks afterward she reached the sandwich islands, and on april th, after a further voyage, arrived at the mouth of the columbia. on arriving at astoria the newcomers had many things to see and learn, but they were soon under way, preparing for their future work. there were many risks in thus venturing away from their fort. chief trader mcdougall had indeed found the fort itself threatened after the disaster of the _tonquin_. he had, however, boldly grappled with the case. having few of his company to support him, he summoned the indians to meet him. in their presence he informed them that he understood they were plotting against him, but, drawing a corked bottle from his pocket, he said: "this bottle contains smallpox. i have but to draw out the cork and at once you will be seized by the plague." they implored him to spare them and showed no more hostility. such recitals as this, and the sad story of the _tonquin_ related to ross cox and his companions, naturally increased their nervousness as to penetrating the interior. the _beaver_ had sailed for canton with furs, and the party of the interior was organized with three proprietors, ramsay crooks, robert mclellan, and robert stuart, who, with eight men, were to cross the mountains to st. louis. at the fort there remained mr. hunt, duncan mcdougall, b. clapp, j. c. halsey, and gabriel franchère, the last of whom wrote an excellent account in french of the astor company affairs. chapter xxiii. lord selkirk's colony. alexander mackenzie's book--lord selkirk interested--emigration a boon--writes to imperial government--in looks to lake winnipeg--benevolent project of trade--compelled to choose prince edward island--opinions as to hudson's bay company's charter--nor'-westers alarmed--hudson's bay company's stock--purchases _assiniboia_--advertises the new colony--religion no disqualification--sends first colony--troubles of the project--arrive at york factory--the winter--the mutiny--"essence of malt"--journey inland--a second party--third party under archibald macdonald--from helmsdale--the number of colonists. the publication of his work by alexander mackenzie, entitled, "voyages from montreal through the continent of north america, &c.," awakened great interest in the british isles. among those who were much influenced by it was thomas, earl of selkirk, a young scottish nobleman of distinguished descent and disposition. the young earl at once thought of the wide country described as a fitting home for the poor and unsuccessful british peasantry, who, as we learn from wordsworth, were at this time in a most distressful state. during his college days the earl of selkirk had often visited the highland glens and crofts, and though himself a southron, he was so interested in his picturesque countrymen that he learned the gaelic language. not only the sad condition of scotland, but likewise the unsettled state of ireland, appealed to his heart and his patriotic sympathies. he came to the conclusion that emigration was the remedy for the ills of scotland and ireland alike. accordingly we find the energetic earl writing to lord pelham to interest the british government in the matter. we have before us a letter with two memorials attached. this is dated april th, , and was kindly supplied the writer by the colonial office. the proposals, after showing the desirability of relieving the congested and dissatisfied population already described, go on to speak of a suitable field for the settlement of the emigrants. and this we see is the region described by alexander mackenzie. lord selkirk says: "no large tract remains unoccupied on the sea-coast of british america except barren and frozen deserts. to find a sufficient extent of good soil in a temperate climate we must go far inland. this inconvenience is not, however, an insurmountable obstacle to the prosperity of a colony, and appears to be amply compensated by other advantages that are to be found in some remote parts of the british territory. at the western extremity of canada, upon the waters which fall into lake winnipeg and which in the great river of port nelson discharge themselves into hudson bay, is a country which the indian traders represent as fertile, and of a climate far more temperate than the shores of the atlantic under the same parallel, and not more severe than that of germany or poland. here, therefore, the colonists may, with a moderate exertion of industry, be certain of a comfortable subsistence, and they may also raise some valuable objects of exportation.... to a colony in these territories the channel of trade must be the river of port nelson." it is exceedingly interesting, in view of the part afterwards played by lord selkirk, to read the following statement: "the greatest impediment to a colony in this quarter seems to be the hudson's bay company monopoly, which the possessors cannot be expected easily to relinquish. they may, however, be amply indemnified for its abolition without any burden, perhaps even with advantage to the revenue." the letter then goes on to state the successful trade carried on by the canadian traders, and gives a scheme by which both the hudson's bay company and the north-west company may receive profits greater than those then enjoyed, by a plan of issuing licences, and limiting traders to particular districts. further, the proposal declares: "if these indefatigable canadians were allowed the free navigation of the hudson bay they might, without going so far from port nelson as they now go from montreal, extend their traffic from sea to sea, through the whole northern part of america, and send home more than double the value that is now derived from that region." the matter brought up in these proposals was referred to lord buckinghamshire, colonial secretary, but failed for the time being, not because of any unsuitableness of the country, but "because the prejudices of the british people were so strong against emigration." during the next year lord selkirk succeeded in organizing a highland emigration of not less than souls. not long before the starting of the ships the british government seems to have interfered to prevent this large number being led to the region of lake winnipeg, and compelled lord selkirk to choose the more accessible shore of prince edward island. after settling his colonists on the island, lord selkirk visited montreal, where he was well received by the magnates of the north-west company, and where his interest in the far west was increased by witnessing, as astor also did about the same time, the large returns obtained by the "lords of the lakes and forests." years went past, and lord selkirk, unable to obtain the assent of the british government to his great scheme of colonizing the interior of north america, at length determined to obtain possession of the territory wanted for his plans through the agency of the hudson's bay company. about the year he began to turn his attention in earnest to the matter. with characteristic scottish caution he submitted the charter of the hudson's bay company to the highest legal authorities in london, including the names romilly, holroyd, cruise, scarlett, and john bell. their clear opinion was that the hudson's bay company was legally able to sell its territory and to transfer the numerous rights bestowed by the charter. they say, "we are of opinion that the grant of the soil contained in the charter is good, and that it will include all the country, the waters of which run into hudson bay, as ascertained by geographical observation." lord selkirk, now fully satisfied that the hudson's bay company was a satisfactory instrument, proceeded to obtain control of the stock of the company. the partners of the north-west company learned of the steps being taken by lord selkirk and became greatly alarmed. they were of the opinion that the object of lord selkirk was to make use of his great emigration scheme to give supremacy to the hudson's bay company over its rivals, and to injure the nor'-westers' fur trade. so far as can be seen, lord selkirk had no interest in the rivalry that had been going on between the companies for more than a generation. his first aim was emigration, and this for the purpose of relieving the distress of many in the british isles. as showing the mind of lord selkirk in the matter we have before us a copy of his lordship's work on emigration published in . this copy is a gift to the writer from lady isabella hope, the late daughter of lord selkirk. in this octavo volume, upwards of pages, the whole question of the state of the highlands is ably described. tracing the condition of the highlanders from the rebellion of , and the necessity of emigration, lord selkirk refers to the demand for keeping up the highland regiments as being less than formerly, and that the highland proprietors had been opposed to emigration. his patriotism was also stirred in favour of preventing the flow of british subjects to the united states, and in his desire to see the british possessions, especially in america, filled up with loyal british subjects. he states that in his prince edward island company in he had succeeded in securing a number from the isle of skye, whose friends had largely gone to north carolina, and that others of them were from ross, argyle, and inverness, and that the friends of these had chiefly gone to the united states. after going into some detail as to the management of his prince edward island highlanders, he speaks of the success of his experiment, and gives us proof of his consuming interest in the progress and happiness of his poor fellow-countrymen. it is consequently almost beyond doubt the fact that it was his desire for carrying out his emigration scheme that led him to obtain control of the hudson's bay company, and not the desire to introduce a colony to injure the north-west trade, as charged. there can be no doubt of lord selkirk's thoroughly patriotic and lofty aims. in he published a brochure of some eighty pages on "a system of national defence." in this he shows the value of a local militia and proposes a plan for the maintenance of a sufficient force to protect great britain from its active enemy, napoleon. he maintains that a volunteer force would not be permanent; and that under any semblance of peace that establishment must immediately fall to pieces. his only dependence for the safety of the country is in a local militia. with his plan somewhat matured, he continued in to obtain possession of stock of the company, and succeeded in having much of it in the hands of his friends. by may, , he had with his friends acquired, it is said, not less than , _l._ of the total stock, , _l._ sterling. a general court of the proprietors was called for may th, and the proposition was made by lord selkirk to purchase a tract of land lying in the wide expanse of rupert's land and on the red river of the north, to settle, within a limited time, a large colony on their lands and to assume the expense of transport, of outlay for the settlers, of government, of protection, and of quieting the indian title to the lands. at the meeting there was represented about , _l._ worth of stock, and the vote on being taken showed the representatives of nearly , _l._ of the stock to be in favour of accepting lord selkirk's proposal. among those who voted with the enterprising earl were his kinsmen, andrew wedderburn, esq. (having nearly , _l._ stock), william mainwaring, the governor joseph berens, deputy-governor john henry pelly, and many other well-known proprietors. the opposition was, however, by no means insignificant, william thwaytes, representing nearly , _l._, voted against the proposal, as did also robert whitehead, who held , _l._ stock. the most violent opponents, however, were the nor'-westers who were in england at the time. two of them had only purchased stock within forty-eight hours of the meeting. these were alexander mackenzie, john inglis, and edward ellice, the three together representing less than , _l._ the projector of the colony having now beaten down all opposition, forthwith proceeded to carry out his great plan of colonization. his project has, of course, been greatly criticized. he has been called "a kind-hearted but visionary scottish nobleman," and his relative, sir james wedderburn, spoke of him fifty years afterwards as "a remarkable man, who had the misfortune to live before his time." certainly lord selkirk met with gigantic difficulties, but these were rather from the north-west company than from any untimeliness in his emigration scheme. lord selkirk soon issued the advertisement and prospectus of the new colony. he held forth the advantage to be derived from joining the colony. his policy was very comprehensive. he said: "the settlement is to be formed in a territory where religion is not the ground of any disqualification; an unreserved participation in every privilege will therefore be enjoyed by protestant and catholic without distinction." the area of the new settlement was said to consist of , square miles on the red and assiniboine rivers, and one of the most fertile districts of north america. the name assiniboia was given it from the assiniboine, and steps were taken immediately to organize a government for the embryo colony. active measures were then taken by the earl of selkirk to advance his scheme, and it was determined to send out the first colony immediately. some years before, lord selkirk had carried on a correspondence with a u. e. loyalist colonist, miles macdonell, formerly an officer of the king's royal regiment of new york, who had been given the rank of captain in the canadian militia. macdonell's assistance was obtained in the new enterprise, and he was appointed by his lordship to superintend his colony at red river. many incorrect statements have been made about the different bands of colonists which found their way to red river. no less than four parties arrived at red river by way of york or churchill factories between the years and . facts connected with one of them have been naturally confused in the memories of the old settlers on red river with what happened to other bands. in this way the author has found that representations made to him and embodied in his work on "manitoba," published in , were in several particulars incorrect. fortunately in late years the letter-book of captain miles macdonell was acquired from the misses macdonell of brockville, and the voluminous correspondence of lord selkirk has been largely copied for the archives at ottawa. these letters enable us to give a clear and accurate account of the first band of colonists that found its way to the heart of the continent and began the red river settlement. in the end of june, , captain miles macdonell found himself at yarmouth, on the east coast of england, with a fleet of three vessels sent out by the hudson's bay company for their regular trade and also to carry the first colonists. these vessels were the _prince of wales_, the _eddystone_, and an old craft the _edward and anne_, with "old sail ropes, &c., and very badly manned." this extra vessel was evidently intended for the accommodation of the colonists. by the middle of july the little fleet had reached the pentland firth and were compelled to put into stromness, when the _prince of wales_ embarked a number of orkneymen intended for the company's service. the men of the hudson's bay company at this time were largely drawn from the orkney islands. proceeding on their way the fleet made rendezvous at stornoway, the chief town of lewis, one of the hebrides. here had arrived a number of colonists or employés, some from sligo, others from glasgow, and others from different parts of the highlands. many influences were operating against the success of the colonizing expedition. it had the strenuous opposition of sir alexander mackenzie, then in britain, and the newspapers contained articles intended to discourage and dissuade people from embarking in the enterprise. mr. reid, collector of customs at stornoway, whose wife was an aunt of sir alexander mackenzie, threw every impediment in the way of the project, and some of those engaged by lord selkirk were actually lured away by enlisting agents. a so-called "captain" mackenzie, denominated a "mean fellow," came alongside the _edward and anne_, which had some seventy-six men aboard--glasgow men, irish, "and a few from orkney"--and claimed some of them as "deserters from her majesty's service." the demand was, however, resisted. it is no wonder that in his letter to lord selkirk captain macdonell writes, "all the men that we shall have are now embarked, but it has been an herculean task." a prominent employé of the expedition, mr. moncrieff blair, posing as a gentleman, deserted on july th, the day before the sailing of the vessels. a number of the deserters at stornoway had left their effects on board, and these were disposed of by sale among the passengers. among the officers was a mr. edwards, who acted as medical man of the expedition. he had his hands completely full during the voyage and returned to england with the ships. another notable person on board was a roman catholic priest, known as father bourke. captain macdonell was himself a roman catholic, but he seems from the first to have had no confidence in the priest, who, he stated, had "come away without the leave of his bishop, who was at the time at dublin." father bourke, we shall see, though carried safely to the shores of hudson bay, never reached the interior, but returned to britain in the following year. after the usual incidents of "an uncommon share of boisterous, stormy, and cold weather" on the ocean, the ships entered hudson bay. experiencing "a course of fine mild weather and moderate fair winds," on september th the fleet reached the harbour of york factory, after a voyage of sixty-one days out from stornoway, the _eddystone_, which was intended to go to churchill, not having been able to reach that factory, coming with the other vessels to york factory. the late arrival of the colony on the shores of hudson bay made it impossible to ascend the nelson river and reach the interior during the season of . accordingly captain macdonell made preparations for wintering on the bay. york factory would not probably have afforded sufficient accommodation for the colonists, but in addition captain macdonell states in a letter to lord selkirk that "the factory is very ill constructed and not at all adapted for a cold country." in consequence of these considerations, captain macdonell at once undertook, during the fair weather of the season yet remaining, to build winter quarters on the north side of the river, at a distance of some miles from the factory. no doubt matters of discipline entered into the plans of the leader of the colonists. in a short time very comfortable dwellings were erected, built of round logs, the front side high with a shade roof sloping to the rear a foot thick--and the group of huts was known as "nelson encampment!" the chief work during the earlier winter, which the captain laid on his two score men, was providing themselves with fuel, of which there was plenty, and obtaining food from the factory, for which sledges drawn over the snow were utilized by the detachments sent on this service. the most serious difficulty was, however, a meeting, in which a dozen or more of the men became completely insubordinate, and refused to yield obedience either to captain macdonell or to mr. w. h. cook, the governor of the factory. every effort was made to maintain discipline, but the men steadily held to their own way, lived apart from macdonell, and drew their own provisions from the fort to their huts. this tended to make the winter somewhat long and disagreeable. captain macdonell, being a canadian, knew well the dangers of the dread disease of the scurvy attacking his inexperienced colonists. the men at the fort prophesied evil things in this respect for the "encampment." the captain took early steps to meet the disease, and his letters to governor cook always contain demands for "essence of malt," "crystallized salts of lemon," and other anti-scorbutics. though some of his men were attacked, yet the sovereign remedy so often employed in the "lumber camps" of america, the juice of the white spruce, was applied with almost magical effect. as the winter went on, plenty of venison was received, and the health of his wintering party was in the spring much better than could have been anticipated. after the new year had come, all thoughts were directed to preparations for the journey of miles or thereabouts to the interior. a number of boats were required for transportation of the colonists and their effects. captain macdonell insisted on his boats being made after a different style from the boats commonly used at that time by the company. his model was the flat boat, which he had seen used in the mohawk river in the state of new york. the workmanship displayed in the making of these boats very much dissatisfied captain macdonell, and he constantly complained of the indolence of the workmen. in consequence of this inefficiency the cost of the boats to lord selkirk was very great, and drew forth the objections of the leader of the colony. captain macdonell had the active assistance of mr. cook, the officer in charge of york, and of mr. auld, the commander of churchill, the latter having come down to york to make arrangements for the inland journey of the colonists. by july st, , the ice had moved from the river, and the expedition started soon after on the journey to red river. the new settlers found the route a hard and trying one with its rapids and portages. the boats, too, were heavy, and the colonists inexperienced in managing them. it was well on toward autumn when the company, numbering about seventy, reached the red river. no special preparation had been made for the colonists, and the winter would soon be upon them. some of the parties were given shelter in the company fort and buildings, others in the huts of the freed men, who were married to the indian women, and settled in the neighbourhood of the forks, while others still found refuge in the tents of the indian encampment in the vicinity. governor macdonell soon selected point douglas as the future centre of the colony and what is now kildonan as the settlement. on account of the want of food the settlers were taken sixty miles south to pembina and there, by november, a post, called fort daer from one of lord selkirk's titles, was erected for the shelter of the people and for nearness to the buffalo herds. the governor joined the colony in a short time and retired with them early in to their settlement. while governor macdonell was thus early engaged in making a beginning in the new colony, lord selkirk was seeking out more colonists, and sent out a small number to the new world by the hudson's bay company ships. before sailing from stornoway the second party met with serious interruption from the collector of customs, who, we have seen, was related to sir alexander mackenzie. the number on board the ships was greater, it was claimed, than the "dundas act" permitted. through the influence of lord selkirk the ships were allowed to proceed on their voyage. prison fever, it is said, broke out on the voyage, so that a number died at sea, and others on the shore of hudson bay. a small number, not more than fifteen or twenty, reached red river in the autumn of . during the previous winter governor macdonell had taken a number of the colonists to pembina, a point sixty miles south of the forks, where buffalo could be had, as has already been mentioned on the previous page. on returning, after the second winter, to the settlement, the colonists sowed a small quantity of wheat. they were not, however, at that time in possession of any horses or oxen and were consequently compelled to prepare the ground with the hoe. lord selkirk had not been anxious in to send a large addition to his colony. in he made greater efforts, and in june sent out in the _prince of wales_, sailing from orkney, a party under mr. archibald macdonald, numbering some ninety-three persons. mr. macdonald has written an account of his voyage, and has given us a remarkably concise and clear pamphlet. having spent the winter at churchill, macdonald started on april th with a considerable number of his party, and, coming by way of york factory, reached red river on june nd, when they were able to plant some thirty or forty bushels of potatoes. the settlers were in good spirits, having received plots of land to build houses for themselves. governor macdonell went northward to meet the remainder of archibald macdonald's party, and arrived with them late in the season. on account of various misunderstandings between the colony and the north-west company, which we shall relate more particularly in another chapter, of the colonists were induced by a north-west officer, duncan cameron, to leave the country and go by a long canoe journey to canada. the remainder, numbering about sixty persons, making up about thirteen families, were driven from the settlement, and found refuge at norway house (jack river) at the foot of lake winnipeg. an officer from lord selkirk, colin robertson, arrived in the colony to assist these settlers, but found them driven out. he followed them to norway house, and with his twenty clerks and servants, conducted them back to red river to their deserted homes. while these disastrous proceedings were taking place on red river, including the summons to governor macdonell to appear before the courts of lower canada to answer certain charges made against him, lord selkirk was especially active in great britain, and gathered together the best band of settlers yet sent out. these were largely from the parish of kildonan, in sutherlandshire, scotland. governor macdonell having gone east to canada, the colony was to be placed under a new governor, a military officer of some distinction, robert semple, who had travelled in different parts of the world. governor semple was in charge of this fourth party of colonists, who numbered about . with this party, hastening through his journey, governor semple reached his destination on red river in the month of october, in the same year in which they had left the motherland. thus we have seen the arrival of those who were known as the selkirk colonists. we recapitulate their numbers:-- in , reaching red river in in , reaching red river in or in , reaching red river in two parties in in , reaching red river in the same year making deduction of the irish settlers there were of the highland colonists about less those led by the north-west company in to canada permanent highland settlers of these but two remained on the banks of the red river in , george bannerman and john matheson, and they have both died since that time. we shall follow the history of these colonists further; suffice it now to say that their settlement has proved the country to be one of great fertility and promise; and their early establishment no doubt prevented international complications with the united states that might have rendered the possession of rupert's land a matter of uncertainty to great britain. chapter xxiv. trouble between the companies. nor'-westers oppose the colony--reason why--a considerable literature--contentions of both parties--both in fault--miles macdonell's mistake--nor'-wester arrogance--duncan cameron's ingenious plan--stirring up the chippewas--nor'-westers warn colonists to depart--mcleod's hitherto unpublished narrative--vivid account of a brave defence--chain shot from the blacksmith's smithy--fort douglas begun--settlers driven out--governor semple arrives--cameron last governor of fort gibraltar--cameron sent to britain as a prisoner--fort gibraltar captured--fort gibraltar decreases, fort douglas increases--free traders take to the plains--indians favour the colonists. to the most casual observer it must have been evident that the colony to be established by lord selkirk would be regarded with disfavour by the north-west company officers. the strenuous opposition shown to it in great britain by sir alexander mackenzie, and by all who were connected with him, showed quite clearly that it would receive little favour on the red river. first, it was a hudson's bay scheme, and would greatly advance the interests of the english trading company. that company would have at the very threshold of the fur country a depôt, surrounded by traders and workmen, which would give them a great advantage over their rivals. secondly, civilization and its handmaid agriculture are incompatible with the fur trade. as the settler enters, the fur-bearing animals are exterminated. a sparsely settled, almost unoccupied country, is the only hope of preserving this trade. thirdly, the claim of the hudson's bay company under its charter was that they had the sole right to pursue the fur trade in rupert's land. their traditional policy on hudson bay had been to drive out private trade, and to preserve their monopoly. fourthly, the nor'-westers claimed to be the lineal successors of the french traders, who, under verendrye, had opened up the region west of lake superior. they long after maintained that priority of discovery and earlier possession gave them the right to claim the region in dispute as belonging to the province of quebec, and so as being a part of canada. the first and second parties of settlers were so small, and seemed so little able to cope with the difficulties of their situation, that no great amount of opposition was shown. they were made, it is true, the laughing-stock of the half-breeds and indians, for these free children of the prairies regarded the use of the hoe or other agricultural implement as beneath them. the term "pork-eaters," applied, as we have seen, to the voyageurs east of fort william, was freely applied to these settlers, while the indians used to call them the french name "jardinières" or clod-hoppers. a considerable literature is in existence dealing with the events of this period. it is somewhat difficult, in the conflict of opinion, to reach a basis of certainty as to the facts of this contest. the indian country is proverbial for the prevalence of rumour and misrepresentation. moreover, prejudice and self-interest were mingled with deep passion, so that the facts are very hard to obtain. the upholders of the colony claim that no sooner had the settlers arrived than efforts were made to stir up the indians against them; that besides, the agents of the north-west company had induced the metis, or half-breeds, to disguise themselves as indians, and that on their way to pembina one man was robbed by these desperadoes of the gun which his father had carried at culloden, a woman of her marriage ring, and others of various ornaments and valuable articles. there were, however, it is admitted, no specially hostile acts noticeable during the years and . the advocates of the north-west company, on the other hand, blame the first aggression on miles macdonell. during the winter of and governor macdonell and his colonists were occupying fort daer and pembina. the supply of subsistence from the buffalo was short, food was difficult to obtain, the war with the united states was in progress and might cut off communication with montreal, and moreover, a body of colonists was expected to arrive during the year from great britain. accordingly, the governor, on january th, , issued a proclamation. he claimed the territory as ceded to lord selkirk, and gave the description of the tract thus transferred. the proclamation then goes on to say: "and whereas the welfare of the families at present forming the settlements on the red river within the said territory, with those on their way to it, passing the winter at york or churchill forts on hudson bay, as also those who are expected to arrive next autumn, renders it a necessary and indispensable part of my duty to provide for their support. the uncultivated state of the country, the ordinary resources derived from the buffalo, and other wild animals hunted within the territory, are not deemed more than adequate for the requisite supply; wherefore, it is hereby ordered that no persons trading in furs or provisions within the territory, for the honourable the hudson's bay company, the north-west company, or any individual or unconnected traders whatever, shall take out any provisions, either of flesh, grain, or vegetables, procured or raised within the territory, by water or land-carriage for one twelvemonth from the date hereof; save and except what may be judged necessary for the trading parties at the present time within the territory, to carry them to their respective destinations, and who may, on due application to me, obtain licence for the same. the provisions procured and raised as above, shall be taken for the use of the colony, and that no losses may accrue to the parties concerned, they will be paid for by british bills at the customary rates, &c." the nor'-westers then recalled the ceremonies with which governor macdonell had signalized his entrance to the country: "when he arrived he gathered his company about him, made before it some impressive ceremonies, drawn from the conjuring book of his lordship, and read to it his commission of governor or representative of lord selkirk; afterwards a salute was fired from the hudson's bay company fort, which proclaimed his taking possession of the neighbourhood." the governor, however, soon gave another example of his determination to assert his authority. it had been represented to him that the north-west company officers had no intention of obeying the proclamation, and indeed were engaged in buying up all the available supplies to prevent his getting enough for his colonists. convinced that his opponents were engaged in thwarting his designs, the governor sent john spencer to seize some of the stores which had been gathered in the north-west post at the mouth of the souris river. spencer was unwilling to go, unless very specific instructions were given him. the governor had, by lord selkirk's influence in canada, been appointed a magistrate, and he now issued a warrant authorizing spencer to seize the provisions in this fort. spencer, provided with a double escort, proceeded to the fort at the souris, and the nor'-westers made no other resistance than to retire within the stockade and shut the gate of the fort. spencer ordered his men to force an entrance with their hatchets. afterwards, opening the store-houses, they seized six hundred skins of dried meat (pemmican) and of grease, each weighing eighty-five pounds. this booty was removed into the hudson's bay company fort (brandon house) at that place. we have now before us the first decided action that led to the serious disturbances that followed. the question arises, was the governor justified in the steps taken by him? no doubt, with the legal opinion which lord selkirk had obtained, he considered himself thoroughly justified. the necessities of his starving people and the plea of humanity were certainly strong motives urging him to action. no doubt these considerations seemed strong, but, on the other hand, he should have remembered that the idea of law in the fur traders' country was a new thing, that the nor'-westers, moreover, were not prepared to credit him with purity of motive, and that they had at their disposal a force of wild bois brûlés ready to follow the unbridled customs of the plains. further, even in civilized communities laws of non-intercourse, embargo, and the like, are looked upon as arbitrary and of doubtful validity. all these things should have led the governor, ill provided as he was with the force necessary for his defence, to hesitate before taking a course likely to be disagreeable to the nor'-westers, who would regard it as an assertion of the claim of superiority of the hudson's bay company and of the consequent degradation of their company, of which they were so proud. in their writings the north-west company take some credit for not precipitating a conflict, but state that they endured the indignity until their council at fort william should take action in the following summer. at this council, which was interesting and full of strong feeling against their fur-trading rivals, the nor'-westers, under the presidency of the hon. william mcgillivray, took decided action. in the trials that afterwards arose out of this unfortunate quarrel, john pritchard, whose forty days' wanderings we have recorded, testified that one of the north-west agents, mackenzie, had given him the information that "the intention of the north-west company was to seduce and inveigle away as many of the colonists and settlers at red river as they could induce to join them; and after they should thus have diminished their means of defence, to raise the indians of lac rouge, fond du lac, and other places, to act and destroy the settlement; and that it was also their intention to bring the governor, miles macdonell, down to montreal as a prisoner, by way of degrading the authority under which the colony was established in the eyes of the natives of that country." simon mcgillivray, a north-west company partner, had two years before this written from london that "lord selkirk must be driven to abandon his project, for his success would strike at the very existence of our trade." two of the most daring partners of the north-west company were put in charge of the plan of campaign agreed on at fort william. these were duncan cameron and alexander macdonell. the latter wrote to a friend, from one of his resting-places on his journey, "much is expected of us ... so here is at them with all my heart and energy." the two partners arrived at fort gibraltar, situated at the forks of the red and assiniboine rivers, toward the end of august. the senior partner, macdonell, leaving cameron at fort gibraltar, went westward to the qu'appelle river, to return in the spring and carry out the plan agreed on. cameron had been busy during the winter in dealing with the settlers, and let no opportunity slip of impressing them. knowing the fondness of highlanders for military display, he dressed himself in a bright red coat, wore a sword, and in writing to the settlers, which he often did, signed himself, "d. cameron, captain, voyageur corps, commanding officer, red river." he also posted an order at the gate of his fort purporting to be his captain's commission. some dispute has arisen as to the validity of this authority. there seems to have been some colour for the use of this title, under authority given for enlisting an irregular corps in the upper lakes during the american war of , but the legal opinion is that this had no validity in the red river settlement. cameron, aiming at the destruction of the colony, began by ingratiating himself with a number of the leading settlers. knowing the love of the highlanders for their own language, cameron spoke to them gaelic in his most pleasing manner, entertained the leading colonists at his own table, and paid many attentions to their families. promises were then made to a number of leaders to provide the people with homes in upper canada, to pay up wages due by the hudson's bay company or lord selkirk, and to give a year's provisions free, provided the colony would leave the red river and accept the advantages offered in canada. this plan succeeded remarkably well, and it is in sworn evidence that on three-quarters of the colony reaching fort william, a settler, campbell received _l._, several others _l._, and so on. some of the best of the settlers, amounting to about one-quarter of the whole, refused all the advances of the subtle captain. another method was taken with this class. the plan of frightening them away by the co-operation of the cree indians had failed, but the bois brûlés, or half-breeds, were a more pliant agency. these were to be employed. cameron now (april, ) made a demand on archibald macdonald, acting governor, to hand over to the settlers the field pieces belonging to lord selkirk, on the ground that these had been used already to disturb the peace. this startling order was presented to the governor by settler campbell on the day on which the fortnightly issue of rations took place at the colony buildings. the settlers in favour of cameron then broke open the store-house, and took nine pieces of ordnance and removed them to fort gibraltar. the governor having arrested one of the settlers who had broken open the store-house, a number of the north-west company clerks and servants, under orders from cameron, broke into the governor's house and rescued the prisoner. about this time miles macdonell, the governor, returned to the settlement. a warrant had been issued for his arrest by the nor'-westers, but he refused for the time to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the magistrates. cameron now spread abroad the statement that if the settlers did not deliver up the governor, they in turn would be attacked and driven from their homes. certain colonists were now fired at by unseen assailants. about the middle of may, the senior partner, alexander macdonell, arrived from qu'appelle, accompanied by a band of cree indians. the partners hoped through these to frighten the settlers who remained obdurate, but the indians were too astute to be led into the quarrel, and assured governor miles macdonell that they were resolved not to molest the newcomers. an effort was also made to stir up the chippewa indians of sand lake, near the west of lake superior. the chief of the band declared to the indian department of canada that he was offered a large reward if he would declare war against the selkirk colonists. this the chippewas refused to do. early in june the lawless spirit followed by the nor'-westers again showed itself. a party from fort gibraltar went down with loaded muskets, and from a wood near the governor's residence fired upon some of the colony employés. mr. white, the surgeon, was nearly hit, and a ball passed close by mr. burke, the storekeeper. general firing then began from the wood and was returned from the house, but four of the colony servants were wounded. this expedition was under cameron, who congratulated his followers on the result. the demand for the surrender of the governor, in answer to the warrant issued, was then made, and at the persuasion of the other officers of the settlement, and to avoid the loss of life and the dangers threatened against the colonists, governor miles macdonell surrendered himself and was taken to montreal for trial, though no trial ever took place. the double plan of coaxing away all the settlers who were open to such inducement, and of then forcibly driving away the residue from the settlement, seemed likely to succeed. one hundred and thirty-four of the colonists, induced by promises of free transport, two hundred acres of land in upper canada, as well as in some cases by substantial gifts, deserted the colony in june ( ), along with cameron, and arrived at fort william on their way down the lakes at the end of july. these settlers made their way in canoes along the desolate shores of lake superior and georgian bay, and arrived at holland landing, in upper canada, on september th. many of them were given land in the township of west guillimbury, near newmarket, and many of their descendants are there to this day. the nor'-westers now continued their persecution of the remnant of the settlers. they burnt some of their houses and used threats of the most extreme kind. on june th, , the following document was served upon the disheartened colonists:-- "all settlers to retire immediately from the red river, and no trace of a settlement to remain. "cuthbert grant. "bostonnais pangman. "william shaw. "bonhomme montour." the conflict resulting at this time may be said to be the first battle of the war. a fiery highland trader, john mcleod, was in charge of the hudson's bay company house at this point, and we have his account of the attack and defence, somewhat bombastic it may be, but which, so far as known to the author, has never been published before. copy of diary in provincial library, winnipeg. "in - , being in charge of the whole red river district, i spent the winter at the forks, at the settlement there. on june th, , while i was in charge, a sudden attack was made by an armed band of the n.-w. party under the leadership of alexander macdonell (yellow head) and cuthbert grant, on the settlement and hudson's bay company fort at the forks. they numbered about seventy or eighty, well armed and on horseback. having had some warning of it, i assumed command of both the colony and h. b. c. parties. mustering with inferior numbers, and with only a few guns, we took a stand against them. taking my place amongst the colonists, i fought with them. all fought bravely and kept up the fight as long as possible. many all about me falling wounded; one mortally. only thirteen out of our band escaped unscathed. "the brunt of the struggle was near the h. b. c. post, close to which was our blacksmith's smithy--a log building about ten feet by ten. being hard pressed, i thought of trying the little cannon (a three or four-pounder) lying idle in the post where it could not well be used. "one of the settlers (hugh mclean) went with two of my men, with his cart to fetch it, with all the cart chains he could get and some powder. finally, we got the whole to the blacksmithy, where, chopping up the chain into lengths for shot, we opened a fire of chain shot on the enemy which drove back the main body and scattered them, and saved the post from utter destruction and pillage. all the colonists' houses were, however, destroyed by fire. houseless, wounded, and in extreme distress, they took to the boats, and, saving what they could, started for norway house (jack's river), declaring they would never return. "the enemy still prowled about, determined apparently to expel, dead or alive, all of our party. all of the h. b. company's officers and men refused to remain, except the two brave fellows in the service, viz. archibald currie and james mcintosh, who, with noble hugh mclean, joined in holding the fort in the smithy. governor macdonell was a prisoner. "in their first approach the enemy appeared determined more to frighten than to kill. their demonstration in line of battle, mounted, and in full 'war paint' and equipment was formidable, but their fire, especially at first, was desultory. our party, numbering only about half theirs, while preserving a general line of defence, exposed itself as little as possible, but returned the enemy's fire, sharply checking the attack, and our line was never broken by them. on the contrary, when the chain-firing began, the enemy retired out of range of our artillery, but at a flank movement reached the colony houses, where they quickly and resistlessly plied the work of destruction. to their credit be it said, they took no life or property. "of killed, on our side, there was only poor john warren of h. b. c. service, a worthy brave gentleman, who, taking a leading part in the battle, too fearlessly exposed himself. of the enemy, probably, the casualties were greater, for they presented a better target, and we certainly fired to kill. from the smithy we could and did protect the trade post, but could not the buildings of the colonists, which were along the bank of the red river, while the post faced the assiniboine more than the red river. fortunately for us in the 'fort' (the smithy) the short nights were never too dark for our watch and ward. "the colonists were allowed to take what they could of what belonged to them, and that was but little, for as yet they had neither cow nor plough, only a horse or two. there were boats and other craft enough to take them all--colonists and h. b. c. people--away, and all, save my three companions already named and myself, took ship and fled. for many days after we were under siege, living under constant peril; but unconquerable in our bullet-proof log walls, and with our terrible cannon and chain shot. "at length the enemy retired. the post was safe, with from _l._ to _l._ sterling worth of attractive trade goods belonging to the hudson's bay company untouched. i was glad of this, for it enabled me to secure the services of free men about the place--french canadians and half-breeds not in the service of the n.-w. company--to restore matters and prepare for the future. "i felt that we had too much at stake in the country to give it up, and had every confidence in the resources of the h. b. company and the earl of selkirk to hold their own and effectually repel any future attack from our opponents. "i found the free men about the place willing to work for me; and at once hired a force of them for building and other works in reparation of damages and in new works. so soon as i got my post in good order, i turned to save the little but precious and promising crops of the colonists, whose return i anticipated, made fences where required, and in due time cut and stacked their hay, &c. "that done i took upon me, without order or suggestion from any quarter, to build a house for the governor and his staff of the hudson's bay company at red river. there was no such officer at that time, nor had there ever been, but i was aware that such an appointment was contemplated. "i selected for this purpose what i considered a suitable site at a point or sharp bend in the red river about two miles below the assiniboine, on a slight rise on the south side of the point--since known as point douglas, the family name of the earl of selkirk. possibly i so christened it--i forget. "it was of two stories; with main timbers of oak; a good substantial house; with windows of parchment in default of glass." here ends mcleod's diary. the indians of the vicinity showed the colonists much sympathy, but on june th, after the hostile encounter, some thirteen families, comprising from forty to sixty persons, pursued their sad journey, piloted by friendly indians, to the north end of lake winnipeg, where the hudson's bay company post of jack river afforded some shelter. mcleod and, as he tells us, three men only were left. these endeavoured to protect the settlers' growing crops, which this year showed great promise. the expulsion may now be said to have been complete. the day after the departure of the expelled settlers, the colony dwellings, with the possible exception of the governor's house, were all burnt to the ground. in july the desolate band reached jack river house, their future being dark indeed. deliverance was, however, coming from two directions. colin robertson, a hudson's bay company officer, arrived from the east with twenty canadians. on reaching the red river settlement, he found the settlers all gone, but he followed them speedily to their rendezvous on lake winnipeg and returned with the refugees to their deserted homes on red river. they were joined also by about ninety settlers from the highlands of scotland, who had come through to red river in one season. the colony was now rising into promise again. a number of the demolished buildings were soon erected; the colony took heart, and under the new governor, robert semple, a british officer who had come with the last party of settlers, the prospects seemed to have improved. the governor's dwelling was strengthened, other dwellings were erected beside it, and more necessity being now seen for defence, the whole assumed a more military aspect, and took the name, after lord selkirk's family name, fort douglas. though a fair crop had been reaped by the returned settlers from their fields, yet the large addition to their numbers made it necessary to remove to fort daer, where the buffalo were plentiful. this party was under the leadership of sheriff alexander macdonell, though governor semple was also there. the autumn saw trouble at the forks. the report of disturbances having taken place between the nor'-westers and hudson's bay company employés at qu'appelle was heard, as well as renewed threats of disturbance in the colony. colin robertson in october, , captured fort gibraltar, seized duncan cameron, and recovered the field-pieces and other property taken by the nor'-westers in the preceding months. though the capture of cameron and his fort thus took place, and the event was speedily followed by the reinstatement of the trader on his promise to keep the peace, yet the report of the seizure led to the greatest irritation in all parts of the country where the two companies had posts. all through the winter, threatenings of violence filled the air. the bois brûlés were arrogant, and, led by their faithful leader, cuthbert grant, looked upon themselves as the "new nation." returning, after the new year of , from fort daer, governor semple saw the necessity for aggressive action. fort gibraltar was to become the rendezvous for a bois brûlés force of extermination from qu'appelle, fort des prairies (portage la prairie), and even from the saskatchewan. to prevent this, colin robertson, under the governor's direction, recaptured fort gibraltar and held cameron as a prisoner. this event took place in march or april of . the legality of this seizure was of course much discussed between the hostile parties. it was deemed wise, however, to make a safe disposal of the prisoner cameron. he was accordingly dispatched under the care of colin robertson, by way of jack river, to york factory, to stand his trial in england. thus were reprisals made for the capture and removal of miles macdonell in the preceding year, both actions being of doubtful legality. on account of the failure of the hudson's bay company ship to leave york factory in that year, cameron did not reach england for seventeen months, where he was immediately released. the fall of fort gibraltar was soon to follow the deportation of its commandant. the matter of the dismantling of fort gibraltar was much discussed between governor semple and his lieutenant, colin robertson. the latter was opposed to the proposed destruction of the nor'-wester fort, knowing the excitement such a course would cause. however, after the departure of robertson to hudson bay in charge of cameron, the governor carried out his purpose, and in the end of may, , the buildings were pulled down. a force of some thirty men were employed, and, expecting as they did, a possible interruption from the west, the work was done in a week or a little more. the materials were taken apart; the stockade was made into a raft, the remainder was piled upon it, and all was floated down red river to the site of fort douglas. the material was then used for strengthening the fort and building new houses in it. thus ended fort gibraltar. a considerable establishment it was in its time; its name was undoubtedly a misnomer so far as strength was concerned; yet it points to its origination in troublous times. [illustration: fort douglas.] the vigorous policy carried out in regard to fort gibraltar was likewise shown in the district south of the forks. as we have seen, to the south, fort daer had been erected, and thither, winter by winter, the settlers had gone for subsistence. here, too, was the nor'-wester fort of pembina house. during the time when governor semple and colin robertson were maturing their plans, it was determined to seize pembina. no sooner had the news of cameron's seizure reached fort daer, than sheriff macdonell, who was in charge, organized an expedition, took pembina house, and its officers and inhabitants. the prisoners were sent to fort douglas, and were liberated on pledges of good behaviour, and the military stores were also taken to fort douglas. the reasons given by the colony people for this course are "self-defence and the security of the lives of the settlers." about the end of april, the settlers returned from fort daer, and were placed on their respective lots along the red river. all events now plainly pointed to armed disturbances and bloodshed. the policy of governor semple was too vigorous when the inflammable elements in the country were borne in mind. there was in the country a class called "free canadians," i.e. those french canadian trappers and traders not connected with either company, who obtained a precarious living for themselves, their indian wives, and half-breed children. these, fearing trouble, betook themselves to the plains. the indians of the vicinity seemed to have gained a liking for the colonists and their leaders. when they heard the threatenings from the west, two of the chiefs came to governor semple and offered the assistance of their bands. this the governor could not accept, whereat the chiefs gave voice to their sorrow and disappointment. governor semple seems to have disregarded all these omens of coming trouble, and to have acted almost without common prudence. no doubt, having but lately come to the country, he failed to understand the daring character of his opponents. chapter xxv. the skirmish of seven oaks. leader of the bois brûlés--a candid letter--account of a prisoner--"yellow head"--speech to the indians--the chief knows nothing--on fleet indian ponies--an eye-witness in fort douglas--a rash governor--the massacre--"for god's sake save my life"--the governor and twenty others slain--colonists driven out--eastern levy meets the settlers--effects seized--wild revelry--chanson of pierre falcon. the troubles between the hudson's bay and north-west companies were evidently coming to a crisis. the nor'-westers laid their plans with skill, and determined to send one expedition from fort william westward and another from qu'appelle eastward, and so crush out the opposition at red river. from the west the expedition was under cuthbert grant, and he, appealing to his fellow metis, raised the standard of the bois brûlés and called his followers the "new nation." early in march the bois brûlés' leader wrote to trader j. d. cameron, detailing his plans and expectations. we quote from his letter: "i am now safe and sound, thank god, for i believe that it is more than colin robertson, or any of his suite, dare offer the least insult to any of the bois brûlés, although robertson made use of some expressions which i hope he will swallow in the spring. he shall see that it is neither fifteen, thirty, nor fifty of his best horsemen that can make the bois brûlés bow to him. our people at fort des prairies and english river are all to be here in the spring. it is hoped that we shall come off with flying colours, and _never to see any of them again in the colonizing way in red river_.... we are to remain at the forks to pass the summer, for fear they should play us the same trick as last summer of coming back; but they shall receive a warm reception." the details of this western expedition are well given by lieutenant pierre chrysologue pambrun, an officer of the canadian voltigeurs, a regiment which had distinguished itself in the late war against the united states. pambrun had entered the service of the hudson's bay company as a trader, and been sent to the qu'appelle district. having gone west to qu'appelle, he left that western post with five boat loads of pemmican and furs to descend the assiniboine river to the forks. early in may, near the grand rapids, pambrun and his party touched the shore of the river, when they were immediately surrounded by a party of bois brûlés and their boats and cargoes were all seized by their assailants. the pemmican was landed and the boats taken across the river. the unfortunate pambrun was for five days kept in durance vile by cuthbert grant and peter pangman, who headed the attacking party, and the prisoner was carried back to qu'appelle. while pambrun was here as prisoner, he was frequently told by cuthbert grant that the half-breeds were intending in the summer to destroy the red river settlements; their leader often reminded the bois brûlés of this, and they frequently sang their war songs to waken ardour for the expeditions. captors and prisoner shortly afterward left the western fort and went down the river to grand rapids. here the captured pemmican was re-embarked and the journey was resumed. near the forks of the qu'appelle river a band of indians was encamped. the indians were summoned to meet commander macdonell, who spoke to them in french, though pangman interpreted. "my friends and relations,--i address you bashfully, for i have not a pipe of tobacco to give you. all our goods have been taken by the english, but we are now upon a party to drive them away. those people have been spoiling the fair lands which belonged to you and the bois brûlés, and to which they have no right. they have been driving away the buffalo. you will soon be poor and miserable if the english stay. but we will drive them away if the indians do not, for the north-west company and the bois brûlés are one. if you (speaking to the chief) and some of your young men will join i shall be glad." the chief responded coldly and gave no assistance. next morning the indians departed, and the party proceeded on their journey. pambrun was at first left behind, but in the evening was given a spare horse and overtook grant's cavalcade at the north-west fort near brandon house. at the north-west fort pambrun saw tobacco, carpenters' tools, a quantity of furs, and other things which had been seized in the hudson's bay fort, brandon house, and been brought over as booty to the nor'-westers. resuming their journey the traders kept to their boats down the assiniboine, while the bois brûlés went chiefly on horseback until they reached portage la prairie. sixty miles had yet to be traversed before the forks were reached. the bois brûlés now prepared their mounted force. cuthbert grant was commander. dressed in the picturesque garb of the country, the metis now arrived with guns, pistols, lances, bows, and arrows. pambrun remained behind with alexander macdonell, but was clearly led to believe that the mounted force would enter fort douglas and destroy the settlement. on their fleet indian ponies these children of the prairie soon made their journey from portage la prairie to the selkirk settlement. we are indebted to the facile narrator, john pritchard, for an account of their arrival and their attack. he states that in june, , he was living at red river, and quite looked for an attack from the western levy just described. watch was constantly kept from the guérite of fort douglas for the approaching foe. the half-breeds turned aside from the assiniboine some four miles up the river to a point a couple of miles below fort douglas. governor semple and his attendants followed them with the glass in their route across the plain. the governor and about twenty others sallied out to meet the western party. on his way out he sent back for a piece of cannon, which was in the fort, to be brought. soon after this the half-breeds approached governor semple's party in the form of a half moon. the highland settlers had betaken themselves for protection to fort douglas, and in their gaelic tongue made sad complaint. a daring fellow named boucher then came out of the ranks of his party, and, on horseback, approached semple and his body-guard. he gesticulated wildly, and called out in broken english, "what do you want? what do you want?" governor semple answered, "what do _you_ want?" to this boucher replied, "we want our fort." the governor said, "well, go to your fort." nothing more was said, but governor semple was seen to put his hand on boucher's gun. at this juncture a shot was fired from some part of the line, and the firing became general. many of the witnesses who saw the affair affirmed that the shot first fired was from the bois brûlés' line. the attacking party were most deadly in their fire. semple and his staff, as well as others of his party, fell to the number of twenty-two. the affair was most disastrous. pritchard says:-- "i did not see the governor fall, though i saw his corpse the next day at the fort. when i saw captain rogers fall i expected to share his fate. as there was a french canadian among those who surrounded me, and who had just made an end of my friend, i said, 'lavigne, you are a frenchman, you are a man, you are a christian. for god's sake save my life; for god's sake try and save it. i give myself up; i am your prisoner.'" to the appeals of pritchard lavigne responded, and, placing himself before his friend, defended him from the infuriated half-breeds, who would have taken his life. one primeau wished to shoot pritchard, saying that the englishman had formerly killed his brother. at length they decided to spare pritchard's life, though they called him a _petit chien_, told him he had not long to live, and would be overtaken on their return. it transpired that governor semple was not killed by the first shot that disabled him, but had his thigh-bone broken. a kind french canadian undertook to care for the governor, but in the fury of the fight an indian, who was the greatest rascal in the company, shot the wounded man in the breast, and thus killed him instantly. the bois brûlés, indeed, many of them, were disguised as indians, and, painted as for the war dance, gave the war whoop, and made a hideous noise and shouting. when their victory was won they declared that their purpose was to weaken the colony and put an end to the hudson's bay company opposition. cuthbert grant then proceeded to complete his work. he declared to pritchard that "if fort douglas were not immediately given up with all the public property, instantly and without resistance, man, woman, and child would be put to death. he stated that the attack would be made upon it the same night, and if a single shot were fired, that would be the signal for the indiscriminate destruction of every soul." this declaration of cromwellian policy was very alarming. pritchard believed it meant the killing of all the women and children. he remonstrated with the prairie leader, reminding him that the colonists were his father's relatives. somewhat softened by this appeal, grant consented to spare the lives of the settlers if all the arms and public property were given up and the colony deserted. an inventory of property was accordingly taken, and in the evening of the third day after the battle, the mournful company, for a second time, like acadian refugees, left behind them homes and firesides and went into exile. the joyful news was sent west by the victorious metis. pambrun at portage la prairie received news from a messenger who had hastened away to report to macdonell the result of the attack. hearing the account given by the courier, the trader was full of glee. he announced in french to the people who were anxiously awaiting the news, "sacré nom de dieu, bonnes nouvelles, vingt-deux anglais de tués." those present, especially lamarre, macdonell, and sieveright, gave vent to their feelings boisterously. many of the party mounted their indian ponies and hastened to the place of conflict; others went by water down the assiniboine. the commander sent word ahead that the colonists were to be detained till his arrival. pambrun, being taken part of the way by water, was delayed, and so was too late in arriving to see the colonists. cuthbert grant and nearly fifty of the assailing party were in the fort. pambrun, having obtained permission to visit seven oaks, the scene of the conflict, was greatly distressed by the sight. the uncovered limbs of many of the dead were above ground, and the bodies were in a mangled condition. this unfortunate affair for many a day cast a reproach upon the nor'-westers, although the prevailing opinion was that grant was a brave man and conducted himself well in the engagement. [illustration: seven oaks monument.] we have now to enquire as to the movements of the expedition coming westward from fort william. the route of upwards of four hundred miles was a difficult one. accordingly, before they reached red river, fort douglas was already in the hands of the nor'-westers. with the expedition from fort william came a non-commissioned officer of the de meuron regiment, one of the swiss bodies of mercenaries disbanded after the war of - . this was frederick damien huerter. his account is circumstantial and clear. he had, as leading a military life, entered the service of the nor'-westers, and coming west to lake superior, followed the leadership of the fur trader alexander norman mcleod and two of the officers of his old regiment, lieutenants missani and brumby. arriving at fort william, a short time was given for providing the party with arms and equipment, and soon the lonely voyageurs, on this occasion in a warlike spirit, were paddling themselves over the fur traders' route in five large north canoes. on the approach to rainy lake fort, as many of the party as were soldiers dressed in full regimentals, in order to impress upon the indians that they had the king's authority. strong drink and tobacco were a sufficient inducement to about twenty of the indians to join the expedition. on the day before the fight at seven oaks, the party had arrived at the fort known as bas de la rivière, near lake winnipeg. guns and two small brass field-pieces, three pounders, were put in order, and the company crossed to the mouth of the red river, ascended to nettley creek, and there bivouacked, forty miles from the scene of action and two days after the skirmish. they had expected here to meet the qu'appelle brigade of cuthbert grant. no doubt this was the original plan, but the rashness of the governor and the hot blood of the metis had brought on the engagement, with the result we have seen. knowing nothing of the fight, the party started to ascend the river, and soon met seven or eight boats, laden with colonists, under the command of the sheriff of the red river settlement. mcleod then heard of the fight, ordered the settlers ashore, examined all the papers among their baggage, and took possession of all letters, account books, and documents whatsoever. even governor semple's trunks, for which there were no keys, were broken open and examined. the colonists were then set free and proceeded on their sad journey, charles grant being detailed to seeing them safely away. huerter says:-- "on the th i went up the river to fort douglas. there were many of the partners of the north-west company with us. at fort douglas the brigade was received with discharges of artillery and fire-arms. the fort was under mr. alexander macdonell, and there was present a great gathering of bois brûlés, clerks, and interpreters, as well as partners of the company. on our arrival archibald norman mcleod, our leader, took the management and direction of the fort, and all made whatever they chose of the property it contained. the bois brûlés were entirely under the orders and control of mcleod and the partners. mcleod occupied the apartments lately belonging to governor semple. after my arrival i saw all the bois brûlés assembled in a large outer room, which had served as a mess-room for the officers of the colony. "i rode the same day to the field of 'seven oaks,' where governor semple and so many of his people had lost their lives, in company with a number of those who had been employed on that occasion--all on horseback. at this period, scarcely a week after june th, i saw a number of human bodies scattered about the plain, and nearly reduced to skeletons, there being then very little flesh adhering to the bones; and i was informed on the spot that many of the bodies had been partly devoured by dogs and wolves." there was a scene of great rejoicing the same evening at the fort, the bois brûlés being painted and dancing naked, after the manner of savages, to the great amusement of their masters. on june th most of the partners and the northern brigade set off for the rapids at the mouth of the saskatchewan. the departure of the grand brigade was signalized by the discharge of artillery from fort douglas. the nor'-westers were now in the ascendant. the bois brûlés were naturally in a state of exultation. their wild indian blood was at the boiling point. fort douglas had been seized without opposition, and for several days the most riotous scenes took place. threats of violence were freely indulged in against the hudson's bay company, lord selkirk, and the colonists. as pritchard remarks, there was nothing now for the discouraged settlers but to betake themselves for the second time to the rendezvous at the north of lake winnipeg, and there await deliverance at the hands of their noble patron, lord selkirk. the exuberance of the french half-breeds found its way into verse. we give the chanson of pierre falcon and the translation of it:-- chanson Écrite par pierre falcon. voulez-vous écouter chanter une chanson de vérité? le dix-neuf de juin les bois brûlés sont arrivés comme des braves guerriers, sont arrivés à la grenouillère. nous avons fait trois prisonniers des orcanais? ils sont ici pour piller notre pays, etant sur le point de débarquer, deux de nos gens se sont écriés, "voilà l'anglais qui vient nous attaquer." tous aussitôt nous sommes dévirés pour aller les rencontrer. j'avons cerné la bande de grenadiers; ils sont immobiles?--ils sont démentés? j'avons agi comme des gens d'honneur, nous envoyâmes un ambassadeur. "gouverneur, voulez-vous arrêter un petit moment, nous voulons vous parler." le gouverneur, qui est enragé, il dit à ses soldats, "tirez." le premier coup l'anglais le tire, l'ambassadeur a presque manqué d'être tué, le gouverneur se croyant l'empereur, il agit avec rigueur, le gouverneur, se croyant l'empereur, a son malheur agit avec trop de rigueur. ayant vu passé les bois brûlés, il a parti pour nous épouvanter. il s'est trompé; il s'est bien fait tuer quantité de ses grenadiers. j'avons tué presque toute son armée; de la bande quatre de cinq se sont sauvés si vous aviez vu les anglais et tous les bois brûlés après-- de butte en butte les anglais culbutaient; les bois brûlés jetaient des cris de joie. qui en a composé la chanson? c'est pierre falcon, le bon garçon. elle a été faite et composée sur la victoire qui nous avons gagnée. elle a été faite et composée. chantons la gloire de tous ces bois brûlés. song written by pierre falcon. come, listen to this song of truth, a song of brave bois brûlés, who at frog plain took three captives, strangers come to rob our country. where dismounting there to rest us, a cry is raised, "the english! they are coming to attack us." so we hasten forth to meet them. i looked upon their army, they are motionless and downcast; so, as honour would incline us, we desire with them to parley. but their leader, moved with anger, gives the word to fire upon us; and imperiously repeats it, rushing on to his destruction. having seen us pass his stronghold, he has thought to strike with terror the bois brûlés.--ah! mistaken, many of his soldiers perish. but a few escaped the slaughter, rushing from the field of battle; oh, to see the english fleeing! oh, the shouts of their pursuers! who has sung this song of triumph? the good pierre falcon has composed it, that his praise of these bois brûlés might be evermore recorded. chapter xxvi. lord selkirk to the rescue. the earl in montreal--alarming news--engages a body of swiss--the de meurons--embark for the north-west--kawtawabetay's story--hears of seven oaks--lake superior--lord selkirk--a doughty douglas--seizes fort william--canoes upset and nor'-westers drowned--"a banditti"--the earl's blunder--a winter march--fort douglas recaptured--his lordship soothes the settlers--an indian treaty--"the silver chief"--the earl's note-book. the sad story of the beleaguered and excited colonists reached the ears of lord selkirk through his agents. the trouble threatening his settlers determined the energetic founder to visit canada for himself, and, if possible, the infant colony. accordingly, late in the year , in company with his family--consisting of the countess, his son, and two daughters--he reached montreal. the news of the first dispersion of the colonists, their flight to norway house, and the further threatenings of the bois brûlés, arrived about the time of their coming to new york. lord selkirk hastened on to montreal, but it was too late in the season, being about the end of october, to penetrate to the interior. he must winter in montreal. he was here in the very midst of the enemy. with energy, characteristic of the man, he brought the matter of protection of his colony urgently before the government of lower canada. in a british colony surely the rights of property of a british subject would be protected, and surely the safety of hundreds of loyal people could not be trifled with. as we shall see in a later chapter, the high-minded nobleman counted without his host; he had but to live a few years in the new world of that day to find how skilfully the forms of law can be adapted to carry out illegal objects and shield law-breakers. as early as february of that year ( ), dreading the threatenings even then made by the north-west company, he had represented to lord bathurst, the british secretary of state, the urgent necessity of an armed force, not necessarily very numerous, being sent to the red river settlement to maintain order in the colony. now, after the outrageous proceedings of the summer of and the arrival of the dreary intelligence from red river, lord selkirk again brings the matter before the authorities, this time before sir gordon drummond, governor of lower canada, and encloses a full account of the facts as to the expulsion of the settlers from their homes, and of the many acts of violence perpetrated at red river. nothing being gained in this way, his lordship determined to undertake an expedition himself, as soon as it could be organized, and carry assistance to his persecuted people, who, he knew, had been gathered together by colin robertson, and to whom he had sent as governor, mr. semple, in whom he reposed great confidence. we have seen that during the winter of - , peace and a certain degree of confidence prevailed among the settlers, more than half of whom were spending their first winter in the country. fort douglas was regarded as strong enough to resist a considerable attack, and the presence of governor semple, a military officer, was thought a guarantee for the protection of the people. during the winter, however, lord selkirk learned enough to assure him that the danger was not over--that, indeed, a more determined attack than ever would be made as soon as the next season should open. he had been sworn in as a justice of the peace in upper canada and for the indian territories; he had obtained for his personal protection from the governor the promise of a sergeant and six men of the british army stationed in canada, but this was not sufficient. he undertook a plan of placing upon his own land in the colony a number of persons as settlers who could be called upon in case of emergency, as had been the intention in the case of the highland colonists, to whom muskets had been furnished. the close of the napoleonic wars had left a large number of the soldiers engaged in these wars out of employment, the british government having been compelled to reduce the size of the army. during the napoleonic wars a number of soldiers of adventure from switzerland and italy, captured by britain in spain, entered her service and were useful troops. two of these regiments, one named "de meuron," and the other "watteville," had been sent to canada to assist in the war against the united states. this war being now over also, orders came to sir gordon drummond to disband the two regiments in may, . the former of the regiments was at the time stationed at montreal, the latter at kingston. from these bodies of men lord selkirk undertook to provide his colony with settlers willing to defend it. the enemies of lord selkirk have been very free in their expression of opinion as to the worthlessness of these soldiers and their unfitness as settlers. it is worthy of notice, however, that the nor'-westers did not scruple to use messrs. missani and brumby, as well as reinhard and huerter of the same corps, to carry out their own purposes. the following order, given by sir john coape sherbrooke, effectually disposes of such a calumny:-- "quebec, july th, . "in parting with the regiments 'de meuron' and 'watteville,' both of which corps his excellency has had the good fortune of having under his command in other parts of the world, sir john sherbrooke desires lieutenant-colonel de meuron and lieutenant-colonel may, and the officers and men of these corps will accept his congratulations on having, by their conduct in the canadas, maintained the reputation which they have deservedly acquired by their former services. his excellency can have no hesitation in saying that his majesty's service in these provinces has derived important advantages during the late war from the steadiness, discipline, and efficiency of these corps. "j. harvey, lieutenant-colonel, d.a.g." testimony to the same effect is given by the officer in command of the garrison of malta, on their leaving that island to come to canada. these men afforded the material for lord selkirk's purpose, viz. to till the soil and protect the colony. like a wise man, however, he made character the ground of engagement in the case of all whom he took. to those who came to terms with him he agreed to give a sufficient portion of land, agricultural implements, and as wages for working the boats on the voyage eight dollars a month. it was further agreed that should any choose to leave red river on reaching it, they should be taken back by his lordship free of expense. early in june, , four officers and about eighty men of the "de meurons" left montreal in lord selkirk's employ and proceeded westward to kingston. here twenty more of the "watteville" regiment joined their company. thence the expedition, made up by the addition of one hundred and thirty canoe-men, pushed on to york (toronto), and from york northward to lake simcoe and georgian bay. across this bay and lake huron they passed rapidly on to sault ste. marie, lord selkirk leaving the expedition before reaching that place to go to drummond's isle, which was the last british garrison in upper canada, and at which point he was to receive the sergeant and six men granted for his personal protection by the governor of canada. at drummond's island a council was held with kawtawabetay, an ojibway chief, by the indian department, lieut.-colonel maule, of the th regiment, presiding. kawtawabetay there informed the council that in the spring of two north-west traders, mckenzie and morrison, told him that they would give him and his people all the goods or merchandise and rum that they had at fort william, leach lake, and sand lake, if he, the said kawtawabetay, and his people would make and declare war against the settlers in red river. on being asked by the chief whether this was at the request of the "great chiefs" at montreal or quebec, mckenzie and morrison said it was solely from the north-west company's agents, who wished the settlement destroyed, as it was an annoyance to them. the chief further stated that the last spring ( ), whilst at fond du lac superior, a nor'-wester agent (grant) offered him two kegs of rum and two carrots of tobacco if he would send some of his young men in search of certain persons employed in taking despatches to the red river, pillage these bearers of despatches of the letters and papers, and kill them should they make any resistance. the chief stated he had refused to have anything to do with these offers. on being asked in the council by lord selkirk, who was present, as to the feelings of the indians towards the settlers at red river, he said that at the commencement of the red river settlement some of the indians did not like it, but at present they are all glad of its being settled. lord selkirk soon hastened on and overtook his expedition at sault ste. marie, now consisting of two hundred and fifty men all told, and these being maintained at his private expense. they immediately proceeded westward, intending to go to the extreme point of lake superior, near where the town of duluth now stands, and where the name fond du lac is still retained. the expedition would then have gone north-westward through what is now minnesota to red lake, from which point a descent could have been made by boat, through red lake river and red river to the very settlement itself. this route would have avoided the nor'-westers altogether. westward bound, the party had little more than left sault ste. marie, during the last week of july, when they were met on lake superior by two canoes, in one of which was miles macdonell, former governor of red river, who brought the sad intelligence of the second destruction of the colony and of the murder of governor semple and his attendants. his lordship was thrown into the deepest despair. the thought of his governor killed, wholesale murder committed, the poor settlers led by him from the highland homes, where life at least was safe, to endure such fear and privation, was indeed a sore trial. to any one less moved by the spirit of philanthropy, it must have been a serious disappointment, but to one feeling so thorough a sympathy for the suffering and who was himself the very soul of honour, it was a crushing blow. he resolved to change his course and to go to fort william, the headquarters of the nor'-westers. he now determined to act in his office as magistrate, and sought to induce two gentlemen of sault ste. marie, messrs. ermatinger and askin, both magistrates, to accompany him in that capacity. they were unable to go. compelled to proceed alone, he writes from sault ste. marie, on july th, to sir john sherbrooke, and after speaking of his failure to induce the two gentlemen mentioned by him to go, says, "i am therefore reduced to the alternative of acting alone, or of allowing an audacious crime to pass unpunished. in these circumstances i cannot doubt that it is my duty to act, though i am not without apprehension that the law may be openly resisted by a set of people who have been accustomed to consider force as the only true criterion of right." one would have said, on looking at the matter dispassionately, that the governor-general, with a military force so far west as drummond isle in georgian bay, would have taken immediate steps to bring to justice the offenders. governor sherbrooke seems to have felt himself powerless, for he says in a despatch to lord bathurst, "i beg leave to call your lordship's serious attention to the forcible and, i fear, too just description given by the earl of selkirk of the state of the red river territory. i leave to your lordship to judge whether a banditti such as he describes will yield to the influence, or be intimidated by the menaces of distant authority." it may be well afterwards to contrast this statement of the governor's with subsequent despatches. it must not be forgotten that while "the banditti" was pursuing its course of violence in the far-off territory, and, as has been stated, thoroughly under the direction and encouragement of the north-west company partners, the leading members of this company, who held, many of them, high places in society and in the government in montreal, were posing as the lovers of peace and order, and were lamenting over the excesses of the indians and bois brûlés. by this course they were enabled to thwart any really effective measures towards restoring peace at the far-away "seat of war." the action of the north-west company may be judged from the following extracts from a letter of the hon. john richardson, one of the partners, and likewise a member of the executive council of lower canada, addressed to governor sherbrooke. he says on august th, : "it is with much concern that i have to mention that blood has been shed at the red river to an extent greatly to be deplored; but it is consolatory to those interested in the north-west company to find that none of their traders or people were concerned, or at the time within a hundred miles of the scene of contest." what a commentary on such a statement are the stories of pambrun and huerter, given in a previous chapter! what a cold-blooded statement after all the plottings and schemes of the whole winter before the attack! what a heartless falsehood as regards the indians, who, under so great temptations, refused to be partners in so bloody an enterprise! the resolution of lord selkirk to go to fort william in the capacity of a magistrate was one involving, as he well knew, many perils. he was not, however, the man to shrink from a daring enterprise having once undertaken it. to fort william, then, with the prospect of meeting several hundreds of the desperate men of the north-west company, lord selkirk made his way. so confident was he in the rectitude of his purpose and in the justice of his cause, that he pushed forward, and without the slightest hesitation encamped upon the kaministiquia, on the south side of the river, in sight of fort william. the expedition arrived on august th. a demand was at once made on the officers of the north-west company for the release of a number of persons who had been captured at red river after the destruction of the colony and been brought to fort william. the nor'-westers denied having arrested these persons, and to give colour to this assertion immediately sent them over to lord selkirk's encampment. on the th and following days of the month of august, the depositions of a number of persons were taken before his lordship as a justice of the peace. the depositions related to the guilt of the several nor'-wester partners, their destroying the settlement, entering and removing property from fort douglas, and the like; and were made by pambrun, lavigne, nolin, blondeau, brisbois, and others. it was made so clear to lord selkirk that the partners were guilty of inciting the attacks on the colony and of approving the outrages committed, that he determined to arrest a number of the leaders. this was done by regular process--by warrants served on mr. mcgillivray, kenneth mckenzie, simon fraser, and others, but these prisoners were allowed to remain in fort william. in one case, that of a partner named john mcdonald, resistance having been offered, the constables called for the aid of a party of the de meurons, who had crossed over from the encampment with them in their boats. the leaving of the prisoners with their liberty in fort william, however, gave the opportunity for conspiracy; and it was represented to lord selkirk that fort william would be used for the purposes of resistance, and that the prisoners arrested would be released. the facts leading to this belief were that a canoe, laden with arms, had left the fort at night; that eight barrels of gunpowder had been secreted in a thicket, and that these had been taken from the magazine; while some forty stand of arms, fresh-loaded, had been found in a barn among some hay. these indications proved that an attempt was about to be made to resist the execution of the law, and accordingly the prisoners were placed in one building and closely guarded, while lord selkirk's encampment was removed across the river and pitched in front of the fort to prevent any surprise. a further examination of the prisoners took place, and their criminality being so evident, they were sent to york, upper canada. three canoes, well manned and containing the prisoners, left the fort on august th, under the charge of lieutenant fauche, one of the de meuron officers. the journey down the lakes was marred by a most unfortunate accident. one of the canoes was upset some fifteen miles from sault ste. marie. this was caused by the sudden rise in the wind. the affair was purely accidental, and there were drowned one of the prisoners, named mckenzie, a sergeant and a man of the de meurons, and six indians. the prisoners were taken to montreal and admitted to bail. the course taken by lord selkirk at fort william has been severely criticized, and became, indeed, the subject of subsequent legal proceedings. one of the nor'-wester apologists stated to governor sherbrooke "that the mode of proceeding under lord selkirk's orders resembled nothing british, and exceeded even the military despotism of the french in holland." no doubt it would have been better had lord selkirk obtained other magistrates to take part in the proceedings at fort william, but we have seen he did try this and failed. had it been possible to have had the arrests effected without the appearance of force made by the de meurons, it would have been more agreeable to our ideas of ordinary legal proceedings; but it must be remembered he was dealing with those called by a high authority "a banditti." could fort william have been left in the hands of its possessors, it would have been better; but then there was clear evidence that the nor'-westers intended violence. to have left fort william in their possession would have been suicidal. it would probably have been better that lord selkirk should not have stopped the canoes going into the interior with north-west merchandise, but to have allowed them to proceed was only to have assisted his enemies--the enemies, moreover, of law and order. thousands of pounds' worth of his property stolen from fort douglas by the agents of the north-west company, and the fullest evidence in the depositions made before him that this was in pursuance of a plan devised by the company and deliberately carried out! several hundreds of lawless voyageurs and unscrupulous partners ready to use violence in the wild region of lake superior, where, during fifty years preceding, they had committed numerous acts of bloodshed, and had never been called to account! the worrying reflection that homeless settlers and helpless women and children were crying, in some region then unknown to him, for his assistance, after their wanton dispersion by their enemies from their homes on the banks of red river! all these things were sufficient to nerve to action one of far less generous impulses than lord selkirk. is it at all surprising that his lordship did not act with all the calmness and scrupulous care of a judge on the bench, who, under favourable circumstances, feels himself strong in his consciousness of safety, supported by the myriad officers of the law, and surrounded by the insignia of justice? the justification of his course, even if it be interpreted adversely, is, that in a state of violence, to preserve the person is a preliminary to the settlement of other questions of personal right. one thing at least is to lord selkirk's credit, that, as soon as possible, he handed over the law-breakers to be dealt with by the canadian courts, where, however, unfortunately, another divinity presided than the blind goddess of justice. let us now see where we are in our story. lord selkirk is at fort william. the nor'-wester partners have been sent to the east. it is near the end of august, and the state of affairs at fort william does not allow the founder to pass on to his colony for the winter. he is surrounded by his de meuron settlers. during the months of autumn the expedition is engaged in laying in supplies for the approaching winter, and opening up roads toward the red river country. the season was spent in the usual manner of the lake superior country, shut out from the rest of the world. the winter over, lord selkirk started on may st, , for red river, accompanied by his body-guard. the de meurons had preceded him in the month of march, and, reaching the interior, restored order. the colonizer arrived at his colony in the last week of june, and saw, for the first time, the land of his dreams for the preceding fifteen years. in order to restore peace, he endeavoured to carry out the terms of the proclamation issued by the government of canada, that all property taken during the troubles should be restored to its original owners. this restitution was made to a certain extent, though much that had been taken from fort douglas was never recovered. the settlers were brought back from their refuge at norway house, and the settlement was again organized. the colonists long after related, with great satisfaction, how lord selkirk cheered them by his presence. after their return to their despoiled homesteads a gathering of the settlers took place, and a full consideration of all their affairs was had in their patron's presence. this gathering was at the spot where the church and burying-ground of st. john's are now found. "here," said his lordship, pointing to lot number four, on which they stood, "here you shall build your church; and that lot," said he, pointing to lot number three across the little stream called parsonage creek, "is for the school." the people then reminded his lordship that he had promised them a minister, who should follow them to their adopted country. this he at once acknowledged, saying, "selkirk never forfeited his word;" while he promised to give the matter attention as soon as practicable. in addition, lord selkirk gave a document stating that, "in consideration of the hardships which the settlers had suffered, in consequence of the lawless conduct of the north-west company, his intention was to grant gratuitously the twenty-four lots which had been occupied to those of the settlers who had made improvements on their lands before they were driven away from them in the previous year." before the dispersion of this public gathering of the people, the founder gave the name, at the request of the colonists, to their settlement. the name given by him to this first parish in rupert's land was that of kildonan, from their old home in the valley of helmsdale, in sutherlandshire, scotland. in more fully organizing the colony, his lordship ordered a complete survey to be made of the land, and steps to be taken towards laying out roads, building bridges, erecting mills, &c. it will be remembered, as already stated, that at the inception of the colony scheme, in , the nor'-westers had threatened the hostility of the indians. it may be mentioned as a strange fact that, to this day, it is a trick of the bois brûlés, taking their cue from the nor'-westers, when making any demand, to threaten the government with the wrath of the indians, over whom they profess to exercise a control. we have already seen that the nor'-westers' boast as to their influence over the indians was empty. in the publications of the nor'-westers of - a speech is sometimes set forth of an indian chief, "grandes oreilles," breathing forth threatenings against the infant settlement. it is worthy of notice that even this resource is swept away by the author of the speech, a nor'-wester trader, confessing that he had manufactured the speech and "grandes oreilles" had never spoken it. within three weeks of his arrival at red river lord selkirk carried out his promise of making a treaty with the indians. all the indians were most willing to do this, as on many occasions during the troubles they had, by giving early information as to the movements of the nor'-westers, and by other means, shown their sympathy and feeling toward the settlers. the object of the treaty was simply to do what has since been done all over the north-west territories--to extinguish the indian title. the treaty is signed alike by ojibway, cree, and assiniboine chiefs, the last mentioned being a tribe generally considered to belong to the sioux stock. lord selkirk afterwards made a treaty, on leaving the red river, with the other sioux nations inhabiting his territory. the chiefs were met at red river by his lordship, and those whose names are attached to the treaty are, giving their french names in some cases as shorter than the indian, le sonent, robe noire, peguis, l'homme noir, and grandes oreilles. his lordship seems to have had a most conciliatory and attractive manner. it is worth while closing this chapter by giving extracts from the speeches of these indian chiefs, taken down at the grand council at which lord selkirk smoked the pipe of peace with the assembled warriors. peguis, the saulteaux chief, always the fast friend of the colonists, said, "when the english settlers first came here we received them with joy. it was not our fault if even the stumps of the brushwood were too rough for their feet; but misfortunes have since overtaken them. evil-disposed men came here, calling themselves great chiefs, sent from our great father across the big lake, but we believe they were only traders, pretending to be great chiefs on purpose to deceive us. they misled the young men who are near us (a small party of bois brûlés encamped in the neighbourhood), and employed them to shed the blood of your children and to drive away the settlers from this river. we do not acknowledge these men as an independent tribe. they have sprung up here and there like mushrooms and we know them not. "at the first arrival of the settlers we were frequently solicited by the north-west company to frighten them away; but we were pleased to see that our great father had sent some of his white children to live among us, and we refused to do or say anything against them. the traders even demanded our calumets, and desired to commit our sentiments to paper, that they might send to our great father; but we refused to acknowledge the speeches which they wished to put into our mouths. we are informed that they have told a tale that it was the indians who drove away and murdered the children of our great father, but it is a falsehood. "as soon as i saw the mischief that happened i went to lake winnipeg with a few friends to wait for news from the english, but i could meet none. we have reasons to be friends of the colony. when there were only traders here we could not get a blanket, or a piece of cloth, without furs to give in exchange. our country is now almost destitute of furs, so that we were often in want; from the people of the colony we get blankets and cloth for the meat we procure them. the country abounds with meat, which we can obtain, but to obtain furs is difficult." next, l'homme noir, a chief of the assiniboines, who had come from a long distance, addressing lord selkirk, particularly declares, "we were often harassed with solicitations to assist the bois brûlés in what they have done against your children, but we always refused. we are sure you must have had much trouble to come here. we have often been told you were our enemy; but we have to-day the happiness to hear from your own mouth the words of a true friend. we receive the present you give us with great pleasure and thankfulness." after this, robe noire, an ojibway chief, spoke in like terms; when the veritable grandes oreilles, to whose spurious war speech we have already referred, said as follows:-- "i am happy to see here our own father. clouds have overwhelmed me. i was a long time in doubt and difficulty, but now i begin to see clearly. "we have reason to be happy this day. we know the dangers you must have encountered to come so far. the truth you have spoken pleases us. we thank you for the present you give us. there seems an end to our distress, and it is you who have relieved us. "when our young men are drunk they are mad; they know not what they say or what they do; but this must not be attended to; they mean no harm." long after, selkirk was remembered and beloved by these indian tribes, who spoke of him as the "silver chief." so much for the founder's work in his colony in . his affairs urgently required attention elsewhere. in the language of a writer of the period, "having thus restored order, infused confidence in the people, and given a certain aid to their activity, lord selkirk took his final leave of the colony." with a guide and a few attendants he journeyed southward, passing through the country of the warlike sioux, with whom he made peace. the writer had at one time in his possession a note-book with, in lord selkirk's writing, an itinerary of his journey from red river colony, in which familiar names, such as rivière sale, rivière aux gratias, pembina, and the like, appear with their distances in leagues. among other memoranda is one, "lost on the prairie," and the distance in leagues estimated as lost by the misadventure. every traveller over the manitoba prairie will take a feeling interest in that entry. passing through the mississippi country, he seems to have proceeded eastward to washington; he next appears in albany, and hastens back to upper canada, without even visiting his family in montreal, though he had been absent from them for upwards of a year. in upper canada his presence was urgently needed to meet the artful machinations of his enemies. chapter xxvii. the blue-book of and the north-west trials. british law disgraced--governor sherbrooke's distress--a commission decided on--few unbiassed canadians--colonel coltman chosen--over ice and snow--alarming rumours--the prince regent's order--coltman at red river--the earl submissive--the commissioner's report admirable--the celebrated reinhart case--disturbing lawsuits--justice perverted--a store-house of facts--sympathy of sir walter scott--lord selkirk's death--tomb at orthes, in france. the state of things in rupert's land in was a disgrace to british institutions. that subjects of the realm, divided into two parties, should be virtually carrying on war against each other on british soil, was simply intolerable. not only was force being used, but warrants were being issued and the forms of law employed on both sides to carry out the selfish ends of each party. an impartial historian cannot but say that both parties were chargeable with grievous wrong. sir john coape sherbrooke, governor-general of canada, felt very keenly the shameful situation, and yet the difficulties of transport and the remote distance of the interior where the conflict was taking place made interference almost impossible. he was in constant communication with lord bathurst, the imperial colonial secretary. governor sherbrooke's difficulties were, however, more than those of distance. the influence of the north-west company in canada was supreme, and public sentiment simply reflected the views of the traders. the plan of sending a commission to the interior to stop hostilities and examine the conflicting statements which were constantly coming to the governor, seemed the most feasible; but with his sense of british fair-play, governor sherbrooke knew he could find no one suitable to recommend. at last, driven to take some action, sir john named mr. w. b. coltman, a merchant of quebec and a lieutenant-colonel in the militia, a man accustomed to government matters, and one who bore a good reputation for fairness and justice. with this commissioner, who did not enter on his task with much alacrity, was associated major fletcher, a man of good legal qualifications. the commissioners were instructed to proceed immediately to the north-west. they were invested with the power of magistrates, and were authorized to make a thorough investigation into the troubles which were disturbing the country. "you are particularly," say the instructions, "to apply yourselves to mediate between the contending parties in the aforesaid territories; to remove, as far as possible, all causes of dissension between them; to take all legal measures to prevent the recurrence of those violences which have already so unhappily disturbed the public peace; and generally to enforce and establish, within the territory where you shall be, the influence and authority of the laws." various accidents prevented the commissioners from leaving for the indian country as soon as had been expected. they did not reach york (toronto) till november rd, and on their arriving on the shores of lake huron they found the lake frozen over and impassable. they could do nothing themselves other than return to york, but they succeeded in fitting out an expedition under north-western auspices to find its way over the ice and snow to fort william, carrying the revocation of all the commissions of magistrates west of sault ste. marie and the news of the new appointments in their stead. reports during the winter continued to be of a disquieting kind, and as the spring drew nigh, preparations were made for sending up the commissioners with a small armed force. the gravity of the situation may be judged from the steps taken by the imperial government and the instructions sent out by the authority of george, the prince regent, to governor sherbrooke to issue a proclamation in his name calling on all parties to desist from hostilities, and requiring all military officers or men employed by any of the parties to immediately retire from such service. all property, including forts or trading stations, was to be immediately restored to the rightful owners, and any impediment or blockade preventing transport to be at once removed. it is worthy of note that the proclamation and instructions given had the desired effect. coltman and his fellow commissioner left in may for the field of their operations, accompanied by forty men of the th regiment as a body-guard. on arriving at sault ste. marie, commissioner coltman, after waiting two or three weeks, hastened on to fort william, leaving fletcher and the troops to follow him. on july nd he wrote from the mouth of the river winnipeg, stating that his presence had no doubt tended to preserve peace in the north-west, and that in two days he would see lord selkirk in his own fort douglas at red river. three days after the despatch of this letter, commissioner coltman arrived at red river. he immediately grappled with the difficulties and met them with much success. the news of lord selkirk's actions had all arrived at montreal through the north-west sources, so that both in quebec and london a strong prejudice had sprung up against his lordship. colonel coltman found, however, that lord selkirk had been much misrepresented. the illegal seizures he had made at fort william were dictated only by prudence in dealing with what he considered a daring and treacherous enemy. he had submitted to the ordinance recalling magistrates' commissions immediately on receiving it. colonel coltman was so impressed with lord selkirk's reasonableness and good faith that he recommended that the legal charges made against him should not be proceeded with. colonel coltman then started on his return journey, and wrote that he had stopped at the mouth of the winnipeg river for the purpose of investigating the conspiracy, in which he states he fears the north-west company had been implicated, to destroy the selkirk settlement. the energetic commissioner returned to quebec in november of that year. governor sherbrooke had the satisfaction of reporting to lord bathurst the return of mr. coltman from his mission to the indian territories, and "that the general result of his exertions had been so far successful, that he had restored a degree of tranquillity there which promises to continue during the winter." colonel coltman's report, of about one hundred folio pages, is an admirable one. his summary of the causes and events of the great struggle between the companies is well arranged and clearly stated. the writer, in an earlier work, strongly took up lord selkirk's view of the case, and criticised coltman. subsequent investigations and calmer reflection have led him to the conclusion that while lord selkirk was in the right and exhibited a high and noble character, yet the provoking circumstances came from both directions, and colonel coltman's account seems fairly impartial. the cessation of hostilities brought about by the influence of colonel coltman did not, however, bring a state of peace. the conflict was transferred to the courts of lower and upper canada, these having been given power some time before by the imperial parliament to deal with cases in the indian territories. a _cause célèbre_ was that of the trial of charles reinhart, an employé of the north-west company, who had been a sergeant in the disbanded de meuron regiment. having gone to the north-west, he was during the troubles given charge of a hudson's bay company official named owen keveny, against whom it was urged that he had maltreated a servant of the north-west company. in bringing keveny down from lake winnipeg to rat portage, it was brought against reinhart that at a place called the falls of the river winnipeg, he had brutally killed the prisoner under his charge. while lord selkirk was at fort william, reinhart arrived at that point and made a voluntary confession before his lordship as a magistrate. this case was afterwards tried at quebec and gave rise to an argument as to the jurisdiction of the court, viz. whether the point where the murder occurred on the river winnipeg was in upper canada, lower canada, or the indian territories. though reinhart was found guilty, sentence was not carried out, probably on account of the uncertainty of jurisdiction. the reinhart case became an important precedent in settling the boundary line of upper canada, and also in dealing with the troubles arising out of the riel rebellion of . in the year after colonel coltman's return, numerous cases were referred to the courts, all these arising out of the violence at red river. colonel coltman had bound lord selkirk, though only accused of an offence amounting to a misdemeanour, in the large sum of , _l._ and under two sureties of , _l._ each--in all , _l._ mr. gale, lord selkirk's legal adviser, called attention to the illegality of this proceeding, but all to no effect. after lord selkirk had settled up his affairs with his colonists, he journeyed south from the red river to st. louis in the western states, and then went eastward to albany in new york, whence he appeared in sandwich in upper canada, the circuit town where information had been laid. here he found four accusations made against him by the north-west company. these were: ( ) having stolen eighty-three muskets at fort william; ( ) having riotously entered fort william, august th; ( ) assault and false imprisonment of deputy-sheriff smith; ( ) resistance to legal warrant. on these matters being taken up, the first charge was so contradictory that the magistrates dismissed it; but the other three could not be dealt with on account of the absence of witnesses, and so bail was accepted from lord selkirk of _l._ for his appearance. when lord selkirk presented himself at montreal to answer to the charges for which colonel coltman's heavy bail had bound him, the court admitted it had no jurisdiction, but with singular high-handedness bound lord selkirk to appear in upper canada under the same bail. in montreal in may, , an action was brought before chief justice monk and justice bowen against colin robertson and four others, charging them with riotously destroying fort gibraltar, the nor'-wester fort. a number of witnesses were called, including miles macdonell, john pritchard, auguste cadot, and others. a verdict of not guilty was rendered. in september of the same year a charge was laid against lord selkirk and others of a conspiracy to ruin the trade of the north-west company. this was before the celebrated chief justice powell. the grand jury refused to give the chief justice an answer in the case. the court was summarily adjourned, and legislation was introduced at the next meeting of the legislature of upper canada to remedy defects in the act in order that the case might be tried. afterward the cases were taken up in york, and deputy-sheriff smith was given a verdict against lord selkirk for _l._, and mckenzie, a north-west partner, a verdict of , _l._ for false imprisonment at fort william. the general impression has always prevailed there that the whole procedure in these cases against lord selkirk was high-handed and unjust, though it is quite possible that lord selkirk had exceeded his powers in the troubled state of affairs at fort william. on his lordship's side charges were also brought in october, . in the full court chief justice powell and justices campbell and boulter presided. the most notable of these cases was against cuthbert grant, boucher, and sixteen others as either principals or accessories in the murder of robert semple on june th, . a few days later, in the same month, a slightly different charge was brought against six of the north-west partners in connection with the murder of governor semple. upwards of three hundred pages of evidence gave a minute and complete account of the affair of seven oaks and of the whole conflict as found in a volume of canadian trials. in these two cases a verdict of not guilty was also rendered. two other trials, one by lord selkirk's party against paul brown for robbery of a blanket and a gun, and the other against john cooper and hugh bannerman for stealing a cannon in a dwelling-house of lord selkirk, were also carried through, with in both cases a verdict of not guilty. the evidence in these cases was printed by both parties, with foot-notes, giving a colour to each side concerned of a more favourable kind. so much for this most disheartening controversy. it would be idle to say that lord selkirk was faultless; but as we dispassionately read the accounts of the trials, and consider that while lord selkirk was friendless in canada, the north-west company had enormous influence, we cannot resist the conclusion that advantage was taken of his lordship, and that justice was not done. it is true that, in the majority of cases, the conclusion was reached that it was impossible to precisely place the blame on either side; but we cannot be surprised that lord selkirk, harassed and discouraged by the difficulties of his colony and his treatment in the courts of upper canada and lower canada, should write as he did in october, , to the duke of richmond, the new governor-general of canada:-- "to contend alone and unsupported, not only against a powerful association of individuals, but also against all those whose official duty it should have been to arrest them in the prosecution of their crimes, was at the best an arduous task; and, however confident one might be of the intrinsic strength of his cause, it was impossible to feel a very sanguine expectation that this alone would be sufficient to bear him up against the swollen tide of corruption which threatened to overwhelm him. he knew that in persevering under existing circumstances he must necessarily submit to a heavy sacrifice of personal comfort, incur an expense of ruinous amount, and possibly render himself the object of harassing and relentless persecution." though lord selkirk crossed the atlantic in , yet the sounds of the judicial battle through which he had passed were still in his ears. in june his friend, sir james montgomery, brought the matter before the british house of commons, moving for all the official papers in the case. the motion was carried, and the blue book containing this matter is a store-house where we may find the chief facts of this long and heart-breaking struggle recorded. in june, , we find in a copy of a letter in the possession of the writer, written by sir walter scott, a reference to the very poor health of his lordship. worn out and heart-broken by his trials, lord selkirk did not rally, but in the course of a few months died at pau, in the south of france, april, . his countess and daughters had accompanied him to montreal on his canadian visit, and they were now with him to soothe his dying hours and to see him laid to rest in the protestant cemetery of orthes. though he was engaged in a difficult undertaking in seeking so early in the century to establish a colony on the red river, and though it has been common to represent him as being half a century before his time, yet we cannot resist the conclusion that he was an honourable, patriotic, and far-seeing man, and that the burden of right in this grand conflict was on his side. chapter xxviii. men who played a part. the crisis reached--consequences of seven oaks--the noble earl--his generous spirit--his mistakes--determined courage--deserves the laurel crown--the first governor--macdonell's difficulties--his unwise step--a captain in red--cameron's adroitness--a wearisome imprisonment--last governor of fort gibraltar--the metis chief--half-breed son of old cuthbert--a daring hunter--warden of the plains--lord selkirk's agent--a red river patriarch--a faithful witness--the french bard--western war songs--pierriche falcon. the skirmish of seven oaks was the most notable event that ever occurred on the prairies of rupert's land or in the limits of the fur country. it was the crisis which indicated the determination of the company, whose years were numbered by a century and a half, to hold its own in a great contest, and of the pluck of a british nobleman to show the "_perfervidum ingenium scotorum_," and unflinchingly to meet either in arms or legal conflict the fur-trading oligarchy of that time in canada. it represented, too, the fierce courage and desperate resource of the traders of the great canadian company, who, we have seen, were called by washington irving "the lords of the lakes and forests." it was also the _dénouement_ which led the old and the new worlds' fur companies, despite the heat of passion and their warmth of sentiment, to make a peace which saved both from impending destruction. it led, moreover, to the sealing up for half a century of rupert's land to all energetic projects and influx of population, and allowed sir george simpson to build up for the time being the empire of the buffalo, the beaver, and the fox, instead of developing a home of industry. crises such as this develop character and draw out the powers of men who would otherwise waste their sweetness on the desert air. the shock of meeting of two such great bodies as the hudson's bay company and the north-west company enabled men to show courage, loyalty, honest indignation, decision of character, shrewdness, diplomatic skill, and great endurance. these are the elements of human character. it is ever worth while to examine the motives, features of action, and ends aimed at by men under the trying circumstances of such a conflict. at the risk of some repetition we give sketches of the lives of several of the leading persons concerned. the earl of selkirk. [illustration: lord selkirk.] chief, certainly, of the actors who appeared on this stage was lord selkirk. born to the best traditions of the scottish nobility, thomas douglas belonged to the angus-selkirk family, which represented the douglases of border story, one of whom boasted that no ancestor of his had for ten generations died within chambers. lord daer, as his title then was, had studied at edinburgh university, was an intimate friend of sir walter scott, and though a lowlander, had formed a great attachment for the highlanders and had learned their language. he was, moreover, of most active mind, broad sympathies, and generous impulses. at the age of thirty years, having become earl of selkirk, he sought to take part in assisting the social condition of britain, which was suffering greatly from the napoleonic wars. he took a large colony of highlanders to prince edward island, acquired land in upper canada and also in new york state, and then, solely for the purpose of helping on his emigration project, entered on the gigantic undertaking of gaining control of the hudson's bay company. in all these things he succeeded. we have seen the conflicts into which he was led and the manly way in which he conducted himself. we do not say he made no mistakes. we frankly admit that he went beyond the ordinary powers of a magistrate's commission at fort william. but we believe his aim was good. he was convinced that the nor'-westers had no legal right to the hudson's bay company lands over which they traded. he believed them to be unscrupulous and dangerous, and his course was taken to meet the exigency of the case. it must be remembered his responsibility was a great one. his highland and irish colonists at red river were helpless; he was their only defence; no british law was present at red river to help them. they were regarded as intruders, as enemies of the fur trade, and he felt that loyalty and right compelled him to act as he did. no doubt it seemed to the canadian traders--who considered themselves as the successors of the french who, more than three-quarters of a century before, had established forts at what was called the post of the western sea--a high-handed and even foolhardy thing to bring his colony by way of hudson bay, and to plant them down at the forks on red river, in a remote and probably unsuccessful colony. however, in the main the legal right was with his lordship. the popular feeling in canada toward lord selkirk was far from being a pure one, and a fair-minded person can hardly refrain from saying it was an interested and selfish one. certainly, as we see him, lord selkirk was a high-minded, generous, far-seeing, adventurous, courageous, and honourable man. we may admit that his opinion of the north-west company opponents was a prejudiced and often unjust one. but we linger on the picture of his lordship returning from montreal with his countess, their two young daughters, the one afterward lady isabella hope, and the other lady katherine wigram, with the young boy who grew up to be the last earl of selkirk; we think of him worried by the lawsuits and penalties of which we have spoken, going home to meet the british government somewhat prejudiced against him as having been a personage in what they considered a dangerous _émeute_: we follow him passing over to france, attended by his family, and dying in a foreign land--and we are compelled to say, how often does the world persecute its benefactors and leave its greatest uncrowned. the protestant cemetery at orthes contains the bones of one who, under other circumstances, might have been crowned with laurel. governor miles macdonell. engaged by lord selkirk to lead his first company and superintend the planting of his colony, capt. miles macdonell found himself thrust into a position of danger and responsibility as local governor at red river. he was a man with a considerable experience. of highland origin, he had with his father, john macdonell, called "scotas," from his residence in scotland, settled in the valley of the mohawk river, on the estates of sir william johnson, in new york state. the estates of sir william were a hotbed of loyalism, and here was enlisted by his son, sir john johnson, under the authority of the british government, at the time of the american revolution, the well-known king's royal regiment of new york, familiarly known as the "royal greens." the older macdonell was a captain in this regiment, and miles, as a boy of fifteen, was commissioned as ensign. afterward the young macdonell returned to scotland, where he married, and again came to canada. following a military career, he was engaged by lord selkirk shortly before the war of to lead his colony to the red river. we have seen how faithfully, both at york factory and the red river, he served his lordship. the chief point in dispute in connection with governor macdonell is whether the embargo against the export of supplies from red river in was legal or not. if it was not, then on him rests much of the responsibility for the troubles which ensued. the seizure of pemmican, belonging to the north-west company, at the mouth of the souris river, seems to have been high-handed. undoubtedly miles macdonell believed it to be necessary for the support of the settlers in the country. his life was one of constant worry after this event. reprisals began between the parties. these at length ended in miles macdonell being seized by the north-west company agents on june nd, , and taken as a prisoner to fort william, and thence to montreal. macdonell lived upon the ottawa till the time of his death in . he was a man of good mind and seemingly honest intentions. his military education and experience probably gave him the habits of regularity and decision which led to the statement made of him by the hon. william mcgillivray, "that he conducted himself like a turkish bashaw." the justification of governor macdonell seems to be that the nor'-westers had determined early in the history of the colony to destroy it, so that the charges made against the governor were merely an advantage taken of disputed points. capt. macdonell's management at york factory was certainly judicious, and there seems but the one debatable point in his administration of red river, and that was the proclamation of january th, . duncan cameron. one of the most notable leaders on the nor'-wester side was duncan cameron, who has the distinction of being the last commanding officer of fort gibraltar. like miles macdonell, duncan cameron was the son of a highland u. e. loyalist, who had been settled on the hudson in new york state. he entered the north-west company in and fourteen years after was in charge of nepigon district, as we have seen. he gained much distinction for his company by his daring and skilful management of the plan to induce the selkirk settlers to leave red river and settle in upper canada. coming from the meeting of the nor'-westers in grand portage, in cameron took up his abode in fort gibraltar, and according to the story of his opponents did so with much pomp and circumstance. miles macdonell says:--"mr. duncan cameron arrived at red river, sporting a suit of military uniform, gave himself out as captain in his majesty's service, and acting by the king's authority for sir george prevost." every well-informed person looked upon this as a self-created appointment, at most a north-west trick; but it had a very considerable effect upon the lower class of people. in regard to this the writer in his work on "manitoba," london, , took up strong ground against cameron. the calming influence of years, and the contention which has been advanced that there was some ground for cameron claiming the commission in the "voyageur corps" which he formerly held, has led the writer to modify his opinion somewhat as to cameron. cameron succeeded in leading away about three-quarters of the colony. this he was appointed to do and he seems to have done it faithfully. the means by which he appealed to the highland colonists may have been less dignified than might have been desired, yet his warm highland nature attracted his own countrymen in the settlement, and they probably needed little persuasion to escape from their hardships to what was to them the promised land of upper canada. in the following year ( ), as already stated, cameron was in command of fort gibraltar, and it was determined by governor semple to destroy the north-west fort and bring its material down the river to supplement the colony establishment, fort douglas. before this was done the same treatment that was given to governor macdonell by the nor'-westers in arresting him was meted out to cameron. he was seized by colin robertson and carried away to york factory, to be taken as a prisoner to england. this high-handed proceeding was objectionable on several grounds. the imperial parliament had transferred the right of dealing with offences committed in rupert's land to the courts of canada, so that robertson's action was clearly _ultra vires_. moreover, if the hudson's bay company under its charter exercised authority, it is questionable whether that gave the right to send a prisoner to britain for trial, the more that no definite charge was laid against cameron. certainly cameron had reason to complain of great injustice in this arrest. taking him all in all, he was a hot, impulsive highland leader of men, persuasive and adroit, and did not hesitate to adopt the means lying nearest to attain his purpose. the fact that from to , after he had left the company's service, he represented the county of glengarry in the upper canadian legislature, shows that those who knew him best had a favourable opinion about this last commander of fort gibraltar. fort gibraltar was never rebuilt, its place and almost its very site under the united company being taken by the original fort garry. sir roderick cameron, of new york, who has been connected with the australian trade, was a son of duncan cameron. cuthbert grant. the skirmish of seven oaks brought into view a fact that had hardly made itself known before, viz., that a new race, the metis, or half-breed children of the fur traders and employés by indian women, were becoming a guild or body able to exert its influence and beginning to realize its power. of this rising and somewhat dangerous body a young scottish half-breed, cuthbert grant, had risen to sudden prominence as the leader. his father, of the same name, had been a famous north-west trader, and was looked upon as the special guardian of the upper assiniboine and swan river district. he had died in , but influential as he had been, the son became from circumstances much more so. the north-west company knew that the scottish courage and endurance would stand them in good stead, and his indian blood would give him a great following in the country. educated in montreal, he was fitted to be the leader of his countrymen. his dash and enthusiasm were his leading characteristics. when the war party came down from qu'appelle and portage la prairie, young cuthbert grant was its natural leader. when the fight took place he was well to the front in the _mêlée_, and it is generally argued that his influence was exerted toward saving the wounded and preventing acts of barbarity, such as savage races are prone to when the passions are aroused. on the night of june th, when the victory had come to his party, cuthbert grant took possession of fort douglas, and the night was one for revelry exceeding what his highland forbears had ever seen, or equal to any exultation of the red man in his hour of triumph. in after years, when peace had been restored, cuthbert grant settled in the neighbourhood of white horse plains, a region twenty miles west of red river on the assiniboine, and here became an influential man. he was the leader of the hunt against the buffalo, on which every year the adventurous young men went to bring back their winter supply of food. in order that this might be properly managed, to protect life in a dangerous sport and to preserve the buffalo from wanton destruction, strict rules were agreed on and penalties attached to their breach. the officer appointed by the council of assiniboia to carry out these laws was called the "warden of the plains." this office cuthbert grant filled. of the fifteen members of the council of assiniboia, grant was one, and he largely reflected the opinion of the french half-breed population of the red river settlement. he was the hero of the plain hunters, and the native bards never ceased to sing his praises. his case is a remarkable example of the power that native representatives obtain among mixed communities. john pritchard. the name of john pritchard carries us back on the red river to the beginning of the century--to a time even before the coming of the selkirk colony. his descendants to the fourth generation are still found in manitoba and are well known. he was born in in a small village in shropshire, england, and received his education in the famous grammar school of shrewsbury. early in the century he emigrated to montreal. at that time the ferment among the fur traders was great. the old north-west company of montreal had split into sections, and to the new company, or x y company, young pritchard was attached. we first hear of him at the mouth of the souris river in , and shortly after in charge of one of the forts at that point where the souris river empties into the assiniboine. we have already given the incident of pritchard being lost on the prairie for forty days. pritchard does not seem to have taken kindly to the united north-west company, for at the time of the seven oaks affair we find him as one of the garrison occupying fort douglas, although he represents himself as being a settler on the red river. after the skirmish of seven oaks pritchard sought to escape with the other settlers to the north of lake winnipeg, but was made prisoner by the north-west company's agents and taken to fort william. thence he went east to montreal and gave evidence in connection with the trials arising out of the red river troubles. pritchard was a capable and ready man. his evidence is clear and well expressed. he had much facility in doing business, and had a smooth, diplomatic manner that stood him in good stead in troublous times. pritchard afterwards entered lord selkirk's service and as his agent went over to london. returning to the red river settlement, he married among the people of kildonan, and lived not far from the kildonan church, on the east side of the river. a number of his letters have been printed, which show that he took a lively interest in the affairs of the settlement, especially in its religious concerns. it is not, then, remarkable that among his descendants there should be no less than seven clergymen of the church of england. it is interesting to know that the hudson's bay company voted him about a gratuity of _l._ in consideration of valuable services rendered by him to education, and especially in the establishment of sunday schools and day schools. this man, whose life was a chronicle of the history of the settlement, passed away in and was buried in st. john's churchyard. pierre falcon, the rhymester. among the wild rout of the nor'-westers at the skirmish of seven oaks was a young french half-breed, whose father was a french canadian engaged in the fur trade, and his mother an indian woman from the missouri country. the young combatant had been born in , at elbow fort, in the swan river district. taken as a child to canada, young pierre lived for a time at laprairie, and at the age of fifteen returned with his father to the red river, and with him engaged in the service of the north-west company. what part falcon took in the affair at seven oaks we are not told, except that he behaved bravely, and saw governor semple killed. pierre falcon was, however, the bard or poet of his people. this characteristic of falcon is quite remarkable, considered in connection with the time and circumstances. that a man who was unable to read or write should have been able to describe the striking events of his time in verse is certainly a notable thing. he never tires singing in different times and metres the valour of the bois brûlés at seven oaks. "voulez-vous écouter chanter une chanson de vérité? le dix-neuf juin, la bande des bois brûlés sont arrivés comme des braves guerriers." then with french gaiety and verve he gives an account of the attack on the orkneymen, as he calls them, and recites the governor's action and his death. falcon finishes up the chanson with a wild hurrah of triumph-- "les bois brûlés jetaient des cris de joie." the lively spirit of the rhymester broke out in song upon all the principal events which agitated the people of the settlement. joseph tassé, to whom we are chiefly indebted in this sketch, says of him, "all his compositions are not of the same interest, but they are sung by our voyageurs to the measured stroke of the oar, on the most distant rivers and lakes of the north-west. the echoes of the assiniboine, the mackenzie, and hudson bay will long repeat them." the excitable spirit of the rhymer never left him. at the time of the riel rebellion ( - ) falcon was still alive, and though between seventy and eighty years of age, he wished to march off with his gun to the fray, declaring that "while the enemy would be occupied in killing him his friends would be able to give hard and well-directed blows to them." for about half a century he lived on the white horse plains, twenty miles or more up the assiniboine from winnipeg, and became an influential man in the neighbourhood. his mercurial disposition seems to have become more settled than in his fiery youth, for though unlettered, he was made a justice of the peace. his verse-making was, of course, of a very simple and unfinished kind. one of his constant fashions was to end it with a declaration that it was made by falcon, the singer of his people. "qui en a fait la chanson? un poète de canton; au bout de la chanson nous vous le nommerons. un jour étant à table, a boire et à chanter, a chanter tout au long la nouvelle chanson. amis, buvons, trinquons, saluons la chanson de pierriche falcon, ce faiseur de chanson." the last line being often varied to "pierre falcon, le bon garçon." chapter xxix. governor simpson unites all interests. both companies in danger--edward ellice, a mediator--george simpson, the man of destiny--old feuds buried--gatherings at norway house--governor simpson's skill--his marvellous energy--reform in trade--morality low--a famous canoe voyage--salutes fired--pompous ceremony at norway house--strains of the bagpipe--across the rocky mountains--fort vancouver visited--great executive ability--the governor knighted--sir george goes around the world--troubles of a book--meets the russians--estimate of sir george. affairs in rupert's land had now reached their worst and had begun to mend, the strong hand of british law had made itself felt, and hostilities had ceased from fort william to far-off qu'appelle and to the farther distant mackenzie river. the feeling of antagonism was, however, stirring in the bosoms of both parties. the death of lord selkirk in france brought the opposing fur traders closer together, and largely through the influence of hon. edward ellice, a prominent nor'-wester, a reconciliation between the hostile companies took place and a union was formed on march th, , under the name of the hudson's bay company. the affairs of both companies had been brought to the verge of destruction by the conflicts, and the greatest satisfaction prevailed both in england and canada at the union. the prospect now was that the stability of the english company and the energy of the canadian combination would result in a great development of the fur trade. as is so often the case, the man for the occasion also appeared. this was not an experienced man, not a man long trained in the fur trade, not even a man who had done more than spend the winter in the fur country at lake athabasca. he was simply a young clerk, who had approved himself in the london hudson's bay company office to andrew colville, a relation of the earl of selkirk. he was thus free from the prejudices of either party and young enough to be adaptable in the new state of things. this man was george simpson, a native of ross-shire, in scotland. he was short of stature, but strong, vigorous, and observing. he was noted for an ease and affability of manner that stood him in good stead all through his forty years of experience as chief officer of the hudson's bay company. he became a noted traveller, and made the canoe voyage from montreal to the interior many times. for many years the nor'-westers, as we have seen, held their annual gathering at grand portage on lake superior, and it was to this place that the chief officers had annually resorted. the new element of the english company coming in from hudson bay now made a change necessary. accordingly, norway house on lake winnipeg became the new centre, and for many years the annual gathering of the company leaders in the active trade took place here. the writer has had the privilege of perusing the minutes of some of these gatherings, which were held shortly after governor simpson was appointed. these are valuable as showing the work done by the young governor and his method of dealing with difficulties. [illustration: sir george simpson.] while it has always been said that governor simpson was dictatorial and overbearing, it will be seen that at this stage he was conciliatory and considerate. he acted like the chairman of a representative body of men called together to consult over their affairs, the members having equal rights. on june rd, , one of his first meetings was held at norway house. reports were given in detail from the various posts and districts in turn. bow river, at the foot of the rocky mountains, was reported as abandoned; from the upper red river, it was stated that on account of prairie fires the buffalo were few, and that the wild assiniboines had betaken themselves to the saskatchewan to enjoy its plenty. from lower red river came the news that the attempt to prevent the natives trading in furs had been carried rather too far. furs belonging to a petty trader, laronde, had been seized, confiscated, and sent to hudson bay. it was learned that laronde had not been duly aware of the new regulations, and it was ordered that compensation be made to him. this was done, and he and his family were fully satisfied. the catholic mission at pembina had been moved down to the forks, where now st. boniface stands, and the desire was expressed that the traders should withdraw their trade as much as possible from the south side of the united states' boundary line. the reports from the selkirk settlement were of a favourable kind. the sioux, who had come from their land of the dakotas to meet lord selkirk, were not encouraged to make any further visits. the selkirk colony was said to be very prosperous, and it is stated that it was the intention of the new company soon to take over the property belonging to lord selkirk in the colony. some conflicts had arisen in the lac la pluie (rainy lake) district, and these were soothed and settled. reference is made to the fact that grand portage having been found to be on united states' territory, new arrangements had been made for avoiding collision with the americans. reports were even given in of prosperous trade in the far-distant columbia, and steps were taken at various points to reduce the number of posts, the union of the companies having made this possible. in all these proceedings, there may be seen the influence of the diplomatic and shrewd young governor doing away with difficulties and making plans for the extension of a successful trade in the future. it was not surprising that the council invested governor simpson with power to act during the adjournment. sometimes at moose factory, now at york, then at norway house, and again at red river, the energetic governor paid his visits. he was noted for the imperious and impetuous haste with which he drove his voyageurs through the lonely wilds. for years a story was prevalent in the red river country that a stalwart french voyageur, who was a favourite with the governor, was once, in crossing the lake of the woods, so irritated by the governor's unreasonable urging, that he seized his tormentor, who was small in stature, by the shoulders, and dipped him into the lake, giving vent to his feelings in an emphatic french oath. [illustration: fort william, lake superior. _as seen by the writer in ._] the governor knew how to attach his people to himself, and he gathered around him in the course of his career of forty years a large number of men most devoted to the interests of the company. his visits to fort garry on the red river were always notable. he was approachable to the humblest, and listened to many a complaint and grievance with apparent sympathy and great patience. he had many of the arts of the courtier along with his indomitable will. at another of his gatherings at norway house with the traders in we have records of the greatest interest. the canoe had been the favourite craft of the nor'-westers, but he now introduced boats and effected a saving of one-third in wages, and he himself superintended the sending of an expedition of four boats with twenty men by way of nelson river from york factory to far distant athabasca. he was quick to see those who were the most profitable as workmen for the company. on one occasion he gives his estimate as follows: "canadians (i.e., french canadians) preferable to orkneymen. orkneymen less expensive, but slow. less physical strength and spirits. obstinate if brought young into the service. scotch and irish, when numerous, quarrelsome, independent, and mutinous." at this time it was determined to give up the practice of bestowing presents upon the indians. it was found better to pay them liberally for their pelts, making them some advances for clothing. the minutes state at this time that there was little progress in the moral and religious instruction of the indians. the excessive use of spirits, which still continued, was now checked; the quantity given in and was reduced one-half and the strength of the spirits lowered. missionaries could not be employed with success, on account of the small number of indians at any one point. the only hope seemed to be to have schools at red river and to remove the children from their parents to these. many difficulties, arising from the objections of the parents, were, however, sure to come in the way. evidences were not wanting of chief factors being somewhat alienated from the governor, but those dissatisfied were promptly invited to the council and their coolness removed. in carrying out discipline among the men some difficulty was experienced, as the long conflicts between the companies had greatly demoralized the employés. one plan suggested was that offenders should be fined and the fines vested in a charitable fund. it was found that this would only do for europeans. "a blow was better for a canadian," and though this was highly reprobated, it was justified by experience. at a meeting at york factory instructions were given to chief factor stuart on lake superior to complete and launch a new vessel much larger than the _discovery_, then afloat. captain bayfield, r.n., the british officer surveying the lakes, wintered at this time with his crew at fort william, and the work of surveying the lakes promised to take him three summers. the following entry, september th, , shows the considerate way in which the governor sought the advice of his council:--"governor simpson requested permission to visit england. if granted, will hold himself ready to return to canada in and proceed by express canoe in time to make arrangements for the season." at the same date, , a step in advance was taken in having a permanent and representative council to regulate the affairs of red river settlement. the entry reads, "captain robert parker pelly, governor of assiniboia, rev. mr. west, rev. mr. jones, mr. logan added to the council. jacob corrigal, chief trader, appointed sheriff, vice andrew stewart, deceased. rev. mr. jones appointed chaplain at a salary of _l._ during absence of mr. west. he will officiate at red river." there lies before the writer a work entitled "peace river; a canoe voyage from the hudson bay to the pacific." it was written by archibald macdonald and annotated between forty and fifty years after by malcolm mcleod, of ottawa. it gives a graphic account of the state maintained by governor simpson and his method of appealing to the imagination of the indians and company servants alike. the journey was made from ocean to ocean, the point of departure being york factory, on hudson bay, and the destination fort vancouver, on the columbia river. in addition to macdonald, governor simpson took with him dr. hamlyn as medical adviser, and in two light canoes, provided with nine men each, the party went with extraordinary speed along the waterways which had already been the scenes of many a picturesque and even sanguinary spectacle. fourteen chief officers--factors and traders--and as many more clerks were summoned on july th, , to give a send-off to the important party. as the pageant passed up hayes river, loud cheers were given and a salute of seven guns by the garrison. the voyageurs then struck up one of the famous chansons by which they beguiled the lonely waterways, and with their dashing paddles, hastened away to the interior. so well provided an expedition, with its tents for camping, suitable utensils for the camp fire, arms to meet any danger, provisions including wine for the gentlemen, and spirits for the voyageurs, was not long in ascending the watercourses to norway house, where the outlet of lake winnipeg was reached. the arrival at norway house was signalized by much pomp. the residents of the fort were on the qui vive for the important visitor. the union jack, with its magic letters "h. b. c.," floated from the tall flag-staff of norway pine, erected on signal hill. indians from their neighbouring haunts were present in large numbers, and the lordly red men, at their best when "en fête," were accompanied by bevies of their dusky mates, who looked with admiring gaze on the "kitche okema" who was arriving. the party had prepared for the occasion. they had, before reaching the fort, landed and put themselves in proper trim and paid as much attention to their toilets as circumstances would permit. fully ready, they resumed their journey, and with flashing paddles speeded through the deep rocky gorge, quickly turned the point, and from the gaudily painted canoe of the governor with high prow, where sat the french canadian guide, who for the time commanded, there pealed forth the strains of the bagpipes, while from the second canoe was heard the sound of the chief factor's bugle. as the canoes came near the shore, the soft and lively notes fell on the ear of "la claire fontaine" from the lively voyageurs. altogether, it was a scene very impressive to the quiet residents of the post. the time of the governor was very fully occupied at each stopping-place. a personal examination and inspection of each post, of its officers and employés, buildings, books, trade, and prospects was made with "greatest thoroughness." fond as the governor was of pomp, when the pageant was passed, then he was a man of iron will and keenest observation. his correspondence at each resting-place was great, and he was said to be able to do the work of three men, though twelve years after the date of the present journey he became affected with partial blindness. fort chipewyan had always maintained its pre-eminence as an important depôt of the fur trade. the travelling emperor of the fur traders was captured by its picturesque position as well as by its historic memories. here he found william mcgillivray, with whose name the fur traders conjured, and under invitation from the governor the former nor'-wester and his family joined the party in crossing the rockies. the waving of flags, firing of guns, shouting of the indians and employés, and the sound of singing and bagpipe made the arrival and departure as notable as it had been at norway house. a little more than a month after they had left york factory the indomitable travellers entered peace river, in order to cross the rocky mountains. fort vermilion, fort dunvegan, st. john, all had their objects of interest for the party, but one of the chief was that it was a scarce year, and at dunvegan, as well as at fort mcleod across the mountains, there was not enough of food at hand to supply the visitors. cases of dispute were settled by the governor, who presided with the air of a chief justice. caution and advice were given in the most impressive fashion, after the manner of a father confessor, to the indians, fault being found with their revelries and the scenes of violence which naturally followed from these. from mcleod to fort st. james the journey was made by land. thus the crest of the rocky mountains was crossed, the voyageurs packing on their shoulders the impedimenta, and horses being provided for the gentlemen of the party. this was the difficult portage which so often tried the traders. fort st. james, it will be remembered, was at lake stuart, where fraser started on his notable journey down the fraser river. it was the chief place and emporium of new caledonia. the entry is thus described: "unfurling the british ensign, it was given to the guide, who marched first. after him came the band, consisting of buglers and bagpipers. next came the governor, mounted, and behind him hamlyn and macdonald also on horses. twenty men loaded like beasts of burden, formed the line; after them a loaded horse; and finally, mcgillivray with his wife and family brought up the rear." thus arranged, the imposing body was put in motion. passing over a gentle elevation, they came in full view of the fort, when the bugle sounded, a gun was fired, and the bagpipes struck up the famous march of the clans, "si coma leum codagh na sha" ("if you will it, war"). trader douglas, who was in charge of the fort, replied with small ordnance and guns, after which he advanced and received the distinguished visitors in front of the fort. passing on, by september th the party came to fort alexandria, four days down the fraser, and reached kamloops, the junction of the north and south thompson. at every point of importance, the governor took occasion to assemble the natives and employés, and gave them good advice, "exhorting them to honesty, frugality, temperance," finishing his prelections with a gift of tobacco or some commodity appreciated by them. running rapids, exposed to continual danger, but fortunate in their many escapes, they reached fort langley, near the mouth of the fraser river, two days less than three months from the time of their starting from york factory. from this point, governor simpson made his way to fort vancouver on the columbia, then the chief post on the pacific coast, and in the following year returned over the mountains, satisfied that he had gained much knowledge and that he had impressed himself on trader, _engagé_, and indian chief alike. with marvellous energy, the governor-in-chief, as he was called, covered the vast territory committed to his care. establishments in unnecessary and unremunerative places were cut down or closed. governor simpson, while in some respects fond of the "show and circumstance" which an old and honourable company could afford, was nevertheless a keen business man, and never forgot that he was the head of a company whose object was trade. it cannot be denied that the personal element entered largely into his administration. he had his favourites among the traders, he was not above petty revenges upon those who thwarted his plans, and his decisions were sometimes harsh and tyrannical, but his long experience, extending over forty years, was marked on the whole by most successful administration and by a restoration of the prestige of the company, so nearly destroyed at the time of the union. in the year , when the colonial office was engaged in settling up the canadian rebellion which a blundering colonial system had brought upon both lower and upper canada, the british government sought to strengthen itself among those who had loyally stood by british influence. governor simpson and the whole staff of the hudson's bay company had been intensely loyal, and it was most natural and right that the young queen victoria, who had lately assumed the reins of power, should dispense such a favour as that of knighthood on the doughty leader of the fur traders. sir george simpson worthily bore the honours bestowed upon him by his sovereign, and in undertook a voyage round the world, crossing, as he did so, rupert's land and the territories in his rapid march. two portly volumes containing an itinerary of the voyage, filling nine hundred pages, appeared some five years after this journey was completed. this work is given in the first person as a recital by the governor of what he saw and passed through. internal evidence, however, as well as local tradition on the red river, shows another hand to have been concerned in giving it a literary form. it is reported that the moulding agent in style and arrangement was judge thom, the industrious and strong-minded recorder of the red river settlement. the work is dedicated to the directors of the hudson's bay company. these were nine in number, and their names are nearly all well known in connection with the trade of this period. sir john henry pelly, long famous for his leadership; andrew colville, deputy-governor, who, by family connection with lord selkirk, long held an important place; benjamin harrison; john halkett, another kinsman of lord selkirk; h. h. berens; a. chapman, m.p.; edward ellice, m.p., a chief agent in the union and a most famous trader; the earl of selkirk, the son of the founder; and r. weynton. the names of almost all these traders will be found commemorated in forts and trading-posts throughout rupert's land. leaving london, march rd, , the governor called at halifax, but disembarked at boston, went by land to montreal, and navigation being open on may th on the st. lawrence, he and his party started and soon reached ste. anne, on montreal island. the evidence of the humour of sir george's editor, who knew montreal well, is seen in his referring to moore's "canadian boat song," in saying, "at ste. anne's rapid, on the ottawa, we neither sang our evening hymn nor bribed the lady patroness with shirts, caps, &c., for a propitious journey; but proceeded." following the old canoe route, georgian bay and lake superior were soon passed over, though on the latter lake the expedition was delayed about a week by the ice, and here too sir george met the sad news of the unfortunate death of his kinsman, thomas simpson, of whom we shall speak more fully in connection with arctic exploration. taking the route from fort william by kaministiquia, the travellers hastened over the course by way of rainy lake and river and lake of the woods. in referring to rainy river the somewhat inflated style of the editor makes sir george speak without the caution which every fur trader was directed to cultivate in revealing the resources of the fur country. a decade afterwards mr. roebuck, before the committee of the house of commons, "heckled" sir george over this fulsome passage. the passage is: "from the very brink of the river (rainy river) there rises a gentle slope of greenwood, crowned in many places with a plentiful growth of birch, poplar, beech, elm, and oak. is it too much for the eye of philanthropy to discern, through the vista of futurity, this noble stream, connecting, as it does, the fertile shores of two spacious lakes, with crowded steamboats on its bosom and populous towns on its borders?" following the usual route by river winnipeg, lake winnipeg, and red river, fort garry was soon reached, and here the governor somewhat changed his plans. he determined to cross the prairies by light conveyances, and accordingly on july rd, at five in the morning, with his fellow-travellers, with only six men, three horses, and one light cart, the emperor of the plains left fort garry under a salute and with the shouting of the spectators, as he started on his journey to skirt the winding assiniboine river. a thousand miles over the prairie in july is one of the most cheery and delightsome journeys that can be made. the prairie flowers abound, their colours have not yet taken on the full blaze of yellow to be seen a month later, and the mosquitoes have largely passed away on the prairies. the weather, though somewhat warm, is very rarely oppressive on the plains, where a breeze may always be felt. this long journey the party made with most reckless speed--doing it in three weeks, and arriving at edmonton house, to be received by the firing of guns and the presence of nine native chiefs of the blackfeet, piegans, sarcees, and bloods, dressed in their grandest clothes and decorated with scalp locks. "they implored me," says the governor, "to grant their horses might always be swift, that the buffalo might instantly abound, and that their wives might live long and look young." four days sufficed at edmonton on the north saskatchewan to provide the travellers with forty-five fresh horses. they speedily passed up the saskatchewan river, meeting bands of hostile sarcees, using supplies of pemmican, and soon catching their first view of the white peaks of the rocky mountains. deep muskegs and dense jungles were often encountered, but all were overcome by the skill and energy of the expert fur trader row and their guide. through clouds of mosquitoes they advanced until the sublime mountain scenery was beheld whenever it was not obscured with the smoke arising from the fires through this region, which was suffering from a very dry season. at length fort colville, on the columbia river, was gained after nearly one thousand miles from edmonton; and this journey, much of it mountain travelling, had averaged forty miles a day. the party from fort garry had been travelling constantly for six weeks and five days, and they had averaged eleven and a half hours a day in the saddle. the weather had been charming, with a steady cloudless sky, the winds were light, the nights cool, and the only thing to be lamented was the appearance of the whole party, who, with tattered garments and crownless hats, entered the fort. embarking below the chaudière falls of the columbia, the company took boats, worked by six oars each, and the water being high they were able to make one hundred, and even more miles a day, in due course reaching fort vancouver. at fort vancouver governor simpson met trader douglas--afterward sir james douglas. he accompanied the party, which now took horses and crossed country by a four days' journey to fort nisqually. here on the shore of puget sound lay the ship _beaver_, and embarking on her the party went on their journey to sitka, the chief place in alaska, whence the governor exchanged dignified courtesies with the russian governor etholin, and enjoyed the hospitality of his "pretty and lady-like" wife. in addition, governor simpson examined into the company's operations (the hudson's bay company had obtained exclusive licence of this sleepy alaska for twenty years longer), and found the trade to be , fur seals, sea otters, , beaver, land otters,----foxes and martins, , sea-horse teeth. the return journey was made, the _beaver_ calling, as she came down the coast, at forts stikine, simpson, and mcloughlin. in due course fort vancouver was reached again. sir george's journey to san francisco, thence to sandwich islands, again direct to alaska, and then westward to siberia, and over the long journey through siberia on to st. petersburg, we have no special need to describe in connection with our subject. the great traveller reached britain, having journeyed round the globe in the manner we have seen, in nineteen months and twenty-six days. enough has been shown of sir george's career, his administration, method of travel, and management, to bring before us the character of the man. at times he was accompanied on his voyages to more accessible points by lady simpson, and her name is seen in the post of fort frances on rainy river and in lake frances on the upper waters of the liard river, discovered and named by chief factor robert campbell. sir george lived at lachine, near montreal, where so many retired hudson's bay company men have spent the sunset of their days. he took an interest in business projects in montreal, held stock at one time in the allan line of steamships, and was regarded as a leader in business and affairs in montreal. he passed away in . sir e. w. watkin, in his work, "recollections of canada and the states," gives a letter from governor dallas, who succeeded sir george, in which reference is made to "the late sir george simpson, who for a number of years past lived at his ease at lachine, and attended more apparently to his own affairs than to those of the company." whether this is a true statement, or simply the biassed view of dallas, who was rather rash and inconsiderate, it is hard for us to decide. governor simpson lifted the fur trade out of the depth into which it had fallen, harmonised the hostile elements of the two companies, reduced order out of chaos in the interior, helped, as we shall see, various expeditions for the exploration of rupert's land, and though, as tradition goes and as his journey around the world shows, he never escaped from the witchery of a pretty face, yet the business concerns of the company were certainly such as to gain the approbation of the financial world. chapter xxx. the life of the traders. lonely trading posts--skilful letter writers--queer old peter fidler--famous library--a remarkable will--a stubborn highlander--life at red river--badly-treated pangman--founding trading houses--beating up recruits--priest provencher--a fur-trading mimic--life far north--"ruled with a rod of iron"--seeking a fur country--life in the canoe--a trusted trader--sheaves of letters--a find in edinburgh--faithful correspondents--the bishop's cask of wine--red river, a "land of canaan"--governor simpson's letters--the gigantic archdeacon writes--"macargrave's" promotion--kindly sieveright--traders and their books. it was an empire that governor simpson established in the solitudes of rupert's land. the chaos which had resulted from the disastrous conflict of the companies was by this napoleon of the fur trade reduced to order. men who had been in arms against one another--macdonell against macdonell, mcleod against mcleod--learned to work together and gathered around the same council board. the trade was put upon a paying basis, the indians were encouraged, and under a peaceful rule the better life of the traders began to grow up. it is true this social life was in many respects unique. the trading posts were often hundreds of miles apart, being scattered over the area from labrador to new caledonia. still, during the summer, brigades of traders carried communications from post to post, and once or twice in winter the swift-speeding dog-trains hastened for hundreds of miles with letters and despatches over the icy wastes. there grew up during the well-nigh forty years of george simpson's governorship a comradeship of a very strong and influential kind. leading posts like york factory on hudson bay, fort garry in the red river settlement, fort simpson on the mackenzie river, and fort victoria on the pacific coast, were not only business centres, but kept alive a hudson's bay company sentiment which those who have not met it can hardly understand. letters were written according to the good old style. not mere telegraphic summaries and business orders as at the present day, but real news-letters--necessary and all the more valuable because there were no newspapers in the land. the historian of to-day finds himself led back to a very remarkable and interesting social life as he reads the collection of traders' letters and hears the tales of retired factors and officers. specimens and condensed statements from these materials may help us to picture the life of the period. queer old peter fidler. traditions have come down from this period of men who were far from being commonplace in their lives and habits. among the most peculiar and interesting of these was an english trader, peter fidler, who for forty years played his part among the trying events preceding governor simpson's time, and closed his career in the year after the union of the companies. the quaint old trader, peter fidler, is said to have belonged to the town of bolsover, in the county of derby, england, and was born august th, . from his own statement we know that he kept a diary in the service of the company beginning in , from which it is inferred that he arrived in rupert's land about that time and was then engaged in the fur trade. eight years afterwards he was at green lake, in the saskatchewan district, and about the same time in isle à la crosse. in this region he came into active competition with the north-west company traders, and became a most strenuous upholder of the claims of the hudson's bay company. promoted on account of his administrative ability, he is found in the early years of the new century at cumberland house, the oldest post of the company in the interior. his length of service at the time of the establishment of the selkirk colony being above twenty years, he was entrusted with the conduct of one of the parties of settlers from hudson bay to red river. [illustration: red river note.] in his will, a copy of which lies before the writer, it is made quite evident that fidler was a man of education, and he left his collection of five hundred books to be the nucleus of a library which was afterwards absorbed into the red river library, and of which volumes are to be seen in winnipeg to this day. but fidler was very much more than a mere fur trader. he is called in his will "surveyor" and trader for the honourable hudson's bay company. he was stated to have made the boundary survey of the district of assiniboia, the limits of which have been already referred to in the chapter on lord selkirk. he also surveyed the lots for the selkirk settlers, in what was at that time the parish of kildonan. the plan of the selkirk settlement made by him may be found in amos's trials and in the blue book of , and this proved to be of great value in the troublesome lawsuits arising out of the disputes between the fur companies. the plan itself states that the lots were established in ; and we find them to be thirty-six in number. about the same time fidler was placed in charge of the red river district, and it is said that the traders and clerks found him somewhat arbitrary and headstrong. as the troubles were coming on, and governor semple had taken command of the red river company's fort and colony, fidler was placed in charge of brandon house, then a considerable hudson's bay company fort. he gives an account of the hostilities between the companies there and of the seizure of arms. he continues actively engaged in the company's service, and from his will being made at norway house, this would seem to have been his headquarters, although in the official statement of the administration of his effects he is stated to be "late of york factory." mr. justice archer martin, in his useful book, "hudson's bay company's land tenure," gives us an interesting letter of alexander mclean to peter fidler, dated . this is the time of the union of the hudson's bay company and the north-west company. in the letter mention is made of the departure for new york of (mr. nicholas) garry, a gentleman of the honourable committee, and of mr. simon mcgillivray, one of the north-west company. we have spoken elsewhere of mr. garry's visit, and a few years afterward fort garry was named after this officer. the chief interest to us, however, centres in fidler's eccentric will. we give a synopsis of it:-- ( ) he requests that he may be buried at the colony of red river should he die in that vicinity. ( ) he directs that his journals, covering twenty-five or thirty years, also four or five vellum bound books, being a fair copy of the narrative of his journeys, as well as astronomical and meteorological and thermometrical observations, also his manuscript maps, be given to the committee of the honourable hudson's bay company. ( ) the books already mentioned making up his library, his printed maps, two sets of twelve-inch globes, a large achromatic telescope, wilson's microscope, and a brass sextant, a barometer, and all his thermometers were to be taken by the governor of the red river colony and kept in government hands for the general good of the selkirk colonists. ( ) cattle, swine, and poultry, which he had purchased for one hundred pounds from john wills, of the north-west company, the builder of fort gibraltar, were to be left for the sole use of the colony, and if any of his children were to ask for a pair of the aforesaid animals or fowls their request was to be granted. ( ) to his indian wife, mary fidler, he bequeathed fifteen pounds a year for life to be paid to her in goods from the hudson's bay company store, to be charged against his interest account in the hands of the company. ( ) the will required further that of all the rest of the money belonging to him, in the hands of the hudson's bay company or the bank of england, as well as the legacy left him by his uncle jasper fidler and other moneys due him, the interest be divided among his children according to their needs. ( ) after the interest of fidler's money had been divided among his children till the youngest child peter should come of age, the testator makes the following remarkable disposal of the residue: "all my money in the funds and other personal property after the youngest child has attained twenty-one years of age, to be placed in the public funds, and the interest annually due to be added to the capital and continue so until august th, (i being born on that day two hundred years before), when the whole amount of the principal and interest so accumulated i will and desire to be then placed at the disposal of the next male child heir in direct descent from my son peter fidler" or to the next-of-kin. he leaves his "copyhold land and new house situated in the town of bolsover, in the county of derby," after the death of mary fidler, the mother of the testator, to be given to his youngest son, peter fidler. this will was dated on august th, , and fidler died in the following year. the executors nominated were the governor of the hudson's bay company, the governor of the selkirk settlement, and the secretary of the hudson's bay company. some time after the death of this peculiar man, john henry pelly, governor-in-chief of the hudson's bay company, donald mckenzie, governor of the selkirk settlement, and william smith, secretary of the hudson's bay company, renounced the probate and execution of the will, and in october, , "thomas fidler," his natural and lawful son, was appointed by the court to administer the will. a considerable amount of interest in this will has been shown by the descendants of peter fidler, a number of whom still live in the province of manitoba, on the banks of the red and assiniboine rivers. lawyers have from time to time been appointed to seek out the residue, which, under the will, ought to be in process of accumulation till , but no trace of it can be found in hudson's bay company or bank of england accounts, though diligent search has been made. stubborn john mcleod. john mcleod has already figured in our story. coming out with lord selkirk's first party from the island of lewis, as one of the "twelve or thirteen young gentleman clerks," he, as we have seen, gave a good account of himself in the "imminent and deadly breach," when he defended the hudson's bay company encampment at the forks against the fierce nor'-westers. his journal account of that struggle we found to be well told, even exciting. it further gives a picture of the fur trader's life, as seen with british eyes and by one of hudson's bay company sympathies. he met at the forks, immediately on his arrival, three chiefs of the nor'-westers. one of these was john wills, who, as an old x y trader, had joined the nor'-westers and shortly after built fort gibraltar. a second of the trio was benjamin frobisher, of the celebrated montreal firm of that name, who perished miserably; and the last was alexander macdonell, who was commonly known as "yellow head," and afterward became the "grasshopper governor." mcleod vividly describes the scene on his arrival, when the hudson's bay company, as represented by trader william hillier, formally transferred to miles macdonell, lord selkirk's agent, the grant of land and the privileges pertaining thereto. the ceremony was performed in the presence of the settlers and other spectators. mcleod quaintly relates that the three bourgeois mentioned were present on his invitation, but wills would not allow his men to witness the transaction, which consisted of reading over the concession and handing it to macdonell. hugh henney, the local officer in charge of the hudson's bay company affairs, then read over the concession in french for the benefit of the voyageurs and free traders. mcleod relates a misadventure of irascible peter fidler in dealing with a trader, pangman, who afterwards figured in red river affairs. after henney had taken part in the formal cession, he departed, leaving mcleod and pangman in charge of the hudson's bay company interests at the forks. mcleod states that prior to this time ( ), the hudson's bay company "_had no house at this place_," thus disposing of a local tradition that there was a hudson bay trading post at the forks before lord selkirk's time. mcleod, however, proceeded immediately to build "a good snug house." this was ready before the return of the fall craft (trade), and it was this house that mcleod so valiantly defended in the following year. during the summer mcleod found pangman very useful in meeting the opposition of the north-west company traders. peter pangman was a german who had come from the united states, and was hence called "bostonnais pangman," the title bostonnais being used in the fur-trading country for an american. fidler, who had charge of the district for the hudson's bay company, refused to give the equipment promised by henney to pangman. mcleod speaks of the supreme blunder of thus losing, for the sake of a few pounds, the service of so capable a man as pangman. pangman left the hudson's bay company service, joined the nor'-westers, and was ever after one of the most bitter opponents of the older company. after many a hostile blow dealt to his opponents, pangman retired to canada, where he bought the seigniory of lachenaie, and his son was an influential public man in lower canada, hon. john pangman. events of interest rapidly followed one another at the time of the troubles. after the fierce onset at the forks had been met by mcleod, he was honoured by being sent miles south-westward by his senior officer, colin robertson, with horses, carts, and goods, to trade with the indians on the plains. this daring journey he accomplished with only three men--"an orkneyman and two irishmen." in early winter he had returned to pembina, where he was to meet the newly-appointed governor, robert semple. mcleod states that semple was appointed under the resolution of the board of directors in london on may th, , first governor of assiniboia. from this we are led to think that miles macdonell was lord selkirk's agent only, and was governor by courtesy, though this was not the case. the unsettled state of the country along the boundary line is shown in a frightful massacre spoken of by mcleod. on a journey down the red river, mcleod had spent a night near christmas time in a camp of the saulteaux indians. he had taken part in their festivities and passed the night in their tents. he was horrified to hear a few days after at pembina that a band of sioux had, on the night of the feast, fallen upon the camp of saulteaux, which was composed of thirty-six warriors, and that all but three of those making up the camp had been brutally killed in a night attack. on his return to his post mcleod passed the scene of the terrible massacre, and he says he saw "the thirty-three slain bodies scalped, the knives and arrows and all that had touched their flesh being left there." mcleod was noted for his energy in building posts. he erected an establishment on turtle river; and in the year after built a trading house beyond lake winnipeg, at the place where oxford house afterward stood. mcleod, being possessed of courage and energy, was sent west to saskatchewan, where, having wintered in the district with traders bird and pruden, and faced many dangers and hardships, he returned to red river and was among those arrested by the nor'-westers. he was sent to montreal, where, after some delay, the charge against him was summarily dismissed. he was, while there, summoned as a witness in the case against reinhart in quebec. in montreal mcleod was rejoiced to meet lady selkirk, the wife of his patron, from whom he received tokens of confidence and respect. the trader had a hand in the important movement by which lord selkirk provided for his french and german dependents on the red river, who belonged to the roman catholic faith, the ordinances of religion. as we shall see, lord selkirk secured, according to his promise, the two priests provencher and dumoulin, and with them sent out a considerable number of french canadians to red river. mcleod's account of his part in the matter is as follows:--"on my way between montreal and quebec, i took occasion, with the help of the good roman catholic priests, dumoulin of three rivers, and provencher of montreal, to beat up recruits for the hudson's bay company service and the colony among the french canadians. on the opening of navigation about may st, i started, in charge with a brigade of seven large canoes, and with about forty canadians, some with their families, headed by my two good friends the priests--the first missionaries in the north since the time of the french before the conquest. without any loss or difficulty, i conducted the whole through to norway house, whence in due course they were taken in boats and schooner to red river. at this place we had a navy on the lake, but lately under the command of lieutenant holt, one of the victims of . holt had been of the swedish navy." at norway house mcleod's well-known ability and trustworthiness led to his appointment to the far west, "and from this time forth his field was northward to the arctic." he had the distinguished honour of establishing a permanent highway, by a line of suitable forts and trade establishments to the peace river region. while in charge of his post he had the pleasure of entertaining franklin (the noble sir john) on his first arctic land expedition, and afterwards at norway house saw the same distinguished traveller on his second journey to the interior of the north land. after the union of the companies, mcleod, now raised to the position of chief trader, was the first officer of the old hudson's bay company to be sent across the rocky mountains to take charge of the district in new caledonia. among the restless and vindictive natives of that region he continued for many years with a good measure of success, and ended up a career of thirty-seven years as a successful trader and thorough defender of the name and fame of the hudson's bay company, by retiring to spend the remainder of his days, as so many of the traders did, upon the ottawa river. willard ferdinand wentzel's dislikes and the new rÉgime. wentzel was a norwegian who had entered the north-west company in , and spent most of his time in athabasca and mackenzie river districts, where he passed the hard life of a "winterer" in the northern department. he was intelligent, but a mimic--and this troublesome cleverness prevented his promotion in the company. he co-operated with franklin the explorer in his journey to the arctic ocean. wentzel was a musician--according to franklin "an excellent musician." this talent of his brightened the long and dreary hours of life and contributed to keep all cheerful around him. a collection of the voyageur songs made by him is in existence, but they are somewhat gross. wentzel married a montagnais indian woman, by whom he had two children. one of them lived on the red river and built the st. norbert roman catholic church in . from wentzel's letters we quote extracts showing the state of feeling at the time of the union of the fur companies in and for a few years afterwards. _march th, ._--"in athabasca, affairs seem to revive; the natives are beginning to be subjected by the rivalship in trade that has been carried on so long, and are heartily desirous of seeing themselves once more in peaceable times, which makes the proverb true that says, 'too much of a good thing is good for nothing.' besides, the hudson's bay company have apparently realized the extravagance of their measures; last autumn they came into the department with fifteen canoes only, containing each about fifteen pieces. mr. simpson (afterward sir george), a gentleman from england last spring, superintends their business. his being a stranger, and reputedly a gentlemanly man, will not create much alarm, nor do i presume him formidable as an indian trader. indeed, mr. leith, who manages the concerns of the north-west company in athabasca, has been so liberally supplied with men and goods that it will be almost wonderful if the opposition can make good a subsistence during the winter. fort chipewyan alone has an equipment of no less than seventy men, enough to crush their rivals." (editor's note.--another year saw simpson governor of the united company.) _april th, ._--"necessity rather than persuasion, however, influenced me to remain; my means for future support are too slender for me to give up my employment, but the late revolution in the affairs of the country (the coalition of the hudson's bay company with the north-west company in ) now obliges me to leave it the ensuing year, as the advantages and prospects are too discouraging to hold forth a probability of clearing one penny for future support. salaries do not exceed one hundred pounds sterling, out of which clerks must purchase every necessity, even tobacco, and the prices of goods at the bay are at the rate of one hundred and fifty or three hundred per cent. on prime cost, therefore i shall take this opportunity of humbly requesting your advice how to settle my little earnings, which do not much exceed five hundred pounds, to the best advantage." _march st, ._--"respecting the concerns of the north-west (country), little occurs that can be interesting to canada. furs have lost a great deal of their former value in europe, and many of the chief factors and traders would willingly compound for their shares with the company for one thousand five hundred pounds, in order to retire from a country which has become disgusting and irksome to all classes. still, the returns are not altogether unprofitable; but debts, disappointments, and age seem to oppress everyone alike. _engagés'_ prices are now reduced to twenty-five pounds annually to a boute (foreman), and twenty pounds to middlemen, without equipment or any perquisites whatever. in fact, no class enjoys the gratuity of an equipment. besides, the committee at home insist upon being paid for families residing in posts and belonging to partners, clerks, or men, at the rate of two shillings for every woman and child over fourteen years of age, one shilling for every child under that age. this is complained of as a grievance by all parties, and must eventually become very hard on some who have large families to support. in short, the north-west is now beginning to be ruled with a rod of iron." (evidently wentzel is not an admirer of the new régime.) finlay's search for fur. the name of finlay was a famous one among the traders. as we have seen, james finlay was one of the first to leave montreal, and penetrate among the tribes of indians, in search of fur, to the far distant saskatchewan. his son james was a trader, and served in the firm of gregory, mcleod & co. as was not uncommon, these traders had children by the indian women, having a "country marriage," as it was called. as the result of these there was connected with the finlay family a half-breed named jaceo, or jacko finlay, who took his part in exploration in the rocky mountains in company with david thompson. besides these, there was a well-known trader, john finlay, who is often difficult to separate from the other traders of the name. the writer has lying before him a manuscript, never hitherto published, entitled "a voyage of discovery from the rocky mountain portage in peace river, to the sources of finlay's branch, and north-westward: summer, ." this is certified by chief factor mcdougall, to-day of prince albert, to be the journal of john finlay. as it illustrates the methods by which the fur country was opened, we give a few extracts. _may th._--"rainy weather. in the evening, left rocky mountain portage establishment. crossed over to the portage and encamped for the night.... the expedition people are as follows: six effective canoe men, joseph le guard, antoine perreault (bowman), joseph cunnayer, j. b. tourangeau, j. m. bouche, and louis olsen (middleman), m. mcdonald, manson, and myself, besides le prise, and wife, in all ten persons. le prise is in the double capacity of hunter and interpreter." finlay speaks of "the existing troubles in this quarter caused by the murderers of our people at st. john's, roving about free and, it is said, menacing all; but as this is an exploratory voyage, and the principal motive to ascertain the existence of beaver in the country we are bound for, we shall do our best to accomplish the intentions of the voyage." _ th._--"encamped at the hill at the little lake on the top of the hills at the west side of the portage. mr. m. shot a large fowl of the grouse kind, larger than the black heath cock in scotland. found some dried salmon in exchange with mr. stunt for pemmican--a meal for his men, and this year he seems independent of the peace river, at least as far as dunvegan: they have nothing in provisions at the portage." finlay is very much in the habit of describing the rock formations seen on his voyage. his descriptions are not very valuable, for he says, "i am not qualified to give a scientific description of the different species and genera of the different substances composing the strata of the rocky mountains." _ nd may._--"in this valley, about four miles before us right south, finlay's branch comes in on the right: a mile and a half below finlay's branch made a portage of five hundred paces. at a rapid here we found the canny _cache_ (a hiding place for valuables); said to be some beaver in it of last year's hunt." _ rd._--"met a band of indians, who told us they were going up the small river--(evidently this had been named after the elder finlay, as this instances its familiarity)--on the left, to pass the summer, and a little before another river on the right; that there were some beavers in it, but not so many as the one they were to pass the summer in." _ th._--"to-day some tracks of the reindeer, mountain sheep and goats, but the old slave (hunter) has killed nothing but a fowl or beaver now and then." _ th._--"i have never seen in any part of the country such luxuriance of wood as hereabout, the valley to near the tops of the mountains on both sides covered with thick, strong, dark-green branching pines. we see a good many beaver and some fowl, game (bustards), and duck, but kill few." finlay declares to the slave, the hunter of his party, his intention to go up the large branch of the finlay. "this is a disappointment to him as well as to the people, who have indulged their imaginations on this route falling on the liard river, teeming in beaver and large animals." _ th june._--"this afternoon we have seen a great deal of beaver work, and killed some bustards and canadian grey geese; we have seen no swans, and the ducks, with few exceptions, are shabby." finlay gives a statement of his journey made so far, thus:-- rocky mountain portage to entrance of finlay's branch days. to deserter's portage ,, to large branch ,, to point du mouton ,, to end of portage ,, to fishing lakes ,, -- days. -- finlay gives his views as to a "beaver country." "in some of the large rivers coming into finlay's branch, where soft ground with wood, eligible for beaver, had been accumulated, beaver were to be found. otherwise, except such places as here and here, the whole country is one continued mountain valley of rock and stone, and can by no means come under the denomination of a beaver country, in the common acceptation of the word, on the waters of the hudson's bay and mackenzie river." _june th._--"very fine warm weather; huge masses of snow falling down from the mountains with a noise resembling thunder. those snow _déboules_ seem irresistible, shivering the trees to atoms, carrying all clean before them, forming ruins as if the tower of babel or the pyramids of egypt had been thrown down from their foundations." _june th._--"made a good fishery to-day: trout, carp, small white fish, like those at mcleod's lake in western caledonia." finlay closes his journal of seventy-five closely-written quarto pages at the lake high in the mountains, where he saw a river rising. this lake we see from the map to be the source of the liard river. a trusted trader and his friends. not very long ago it was the good fortune of the writer to be in edinburgh. he was talking to his friend, a well-known writer to the signet. the conversation turned on the old fur-trading days, and in a short time author and lawyer found themselves four stories high, in a garret, examining boxes, packages, and effects of james hargrave and his son joseph, who as fur traders, father and son, had occupied posts in the hudson's bay company service extending from to . several cases were filled with copies of a book entitled "red river," published by the younger hargrave in . other boxes enclosed the library of father and son. two canvas bags contained many pounds of new farthings, which, by some strange mischance, had found their way to the hudson bay and had been returned as useless. miscellaneous articles of no value to the searchers lay about, but in one large valise were many bundles of letters. these were done up in the most careful manner. the packages were carefully tied with red tape, and each, securely sealed with three black ominous seals, emphasized the effect of the directions written on them, in some cases "to be opened only by my son," in others, "to be opened only by my children." after some delay the permission of the heirs was obtained, and the packages were opened and examined. they were all letters written between and by fur-trading friends to james hargrave, who had carefully preserved them, folded, docketed, and arranged them, and who had, in the last years of his life at "burnside house," his residence at brockville, canada, kept the large correspondence as the "apple of his eye." the vast majority of the letters, numbering many hundreds in all, had been addressed to york factory. for most of his life hargrave had been in charge of york factory, on hudson bay. york factory was during the greater part of this fur trader's life, as it had been for more than a century before his time, the port of entry to which goods brought by ship from britain had been borne to the interior of rupert's land, and also the port from which the ships had carried their precious cargoes of furs to the mother country. james hargrave had thus become the trusted correspondent of governor and merchant, of bishop and clergyman, of medical man and educationist. he was emphatically a middleman, a sort of janus, looking with one face to the london merchants and with the other to the dwellers in rupert's land. but hargrave was also a letter-writer, and a receiver of many news letters and friendly letters, a man who enjoyed conversation, and when this could not be had with his friends _tête-à-tête_, his social chats were carried on by means of letters, many months and even years apart. by degrees he rose in the service. from the first a friend of the emperor-governor, he has the good wishes of his friends expressed for his first rise to the post of chief trader, which he gained in , and by-and-by came his next well-deserved promotion to be chief factor in . along with all these letters was a book handsomely bound for keeping accounts and private memoranda. this book shows james hargrave to have been a most methodical and painstaking man. in it is contained a list of all the promotions to official positions of commissioned officers for nearly forty years, from the atlantic to the pacific. here also is an account of his investments, and the satisfactory statement that, during his nearly forty years of service, his shares of the profits, investments, and re-investments of what he did not use, allowed him to retire from active service with, as the result of his labour, about , _l._ the writer has sought to glean from the hundreds of letters in the edinburgh garret what is interesting in the life of rupert's land, so far as is shown in the writing and acting of this old fur trader and his friends. many of the letters are from governor simpson. these letters of the governor are chiefly written from red river or norway house--the former the "fur traders' paradise," the latter the meeting-place of the council, held once a year to decide all matters of business. occasionally a letter of the governor's is from bas de la rivière (i.e. the mouth of the winnipeg river), written by that energetic officer, as might be said, "on the wing," and in a few cases from london, england, whither frequently governor simpson crossed on the business of the company. governor simpson's remarks as to society in red river, , are keen and amusing:--"as yet we have had one fête, which was honoured by the presence of all the elegance and dignity of the place from his reverence of juliopolis (bishop provencher) down to friend cook, who (the latter) was as grave and sober as a bishop.... by-the-bye, we have got a very 'rum' fellow of a doctor here now: the strangest compound of skill, simplicity, selfishness, extravagance, musical taste, and want of courtesy, i ever fell in with. the people are living on the fat of the earth, in short, red river is a perfect land of canaan as far as good cheer goes.... do me the favour to pick out a couple pounds of choice snuff for me and send them by mr. miles." a short time after this, governor simpson, writing, says, speaking of the completion of st. john's church, afterward the cathedral church, and referring to the discontent of the selkirk settlers, with which he had small sympathy, "we have got into the new church, which is really a splendid edifice for red river, and the people are less clamorous about a gaelic minister than they were." the good governor had his pleasant fling at the claim made by the highlanders to have their private stills when he says, "and about whiskey they say not one word, now that rum is so cheap, and good strong 'heavy wet' in general use." speaking of one of the chief officers who was off duty, the governor says "chief factor charles is like a fish out of water, having no musquash to count, nor chipewyans to trade with; he is as brisk and active as a boy, and instead of showing any disposition to retire, wishes to volunteer to put a finishing hand to the as yet fruitless attempt at discovering the north-west passage." governor simpson knows well the art of flattery, and his skill in managing his large force of company officers and men is well seen. he states to hargrave that he once predicted at the board that the traders of york factory would yet have a seat at the board. this, he stated, gave mortal offence to some members, but he was to bear the prediction in mind. he compliments him on sending the best-written letter that he has received for a long time, and we find that in the following year hargrave was made chief trader. this was the occasion for numerous congratulations from his friends archdeacon cochrane of red river, trader sieveright, and others. the news of the time was common subject of discussion between the traders in their letters. governor simpson gave an account of the outbreak of cholera in the eastern states and provinces, and traces in a very graphic way its dangerous approach towards rupert's land. up to august, , fifteen hundred people had died in montreal. the pestilence had reached mackinaw, and two hundred of the steamboat passengers were carried off, and some near sault ste. marie. "god grant," says the governor, "it may not penetrate further into our wilds, but the chances are decidedly against us." that the hudson's bay company officers were not traders only is made abundantly evident. in one of his letters, governor simpson states that their countryman, sir walter scott, has just passed away, he thanks hargrave for sending him copies of _blackwood's magazine_, and orders are often given for fresh and timely books. a little earlier we find the minute interest which the fur traders took in public events in a letter from chief factor john stuart, after whom stuart's lake, in new caledonia, was named. he speaks to hargrave of the continuation of southey's "history of the war of the peninsula" not being published, and we know from other sources that this history fell still-born, but stuart goes on to say that he had sent for col. napier's "history of the peninsular war." "napier's politics," says stuart, "are different, and we shall see whether it is the radical or a laurel (southey was poet laureate) that deserves the palm." these examples but illustrate what all close observers notice, that the officers of the hudson's bay company not only read to purpose, but maintained a keen outlook for the best and most finished contemporary literature. much additional evidence might be supplied on this point. all through governor simpson's letters there is a strain of sympathy for the people of the company that is very beautiful. these show that instead of being a hard and tyrannical man, the governor had a tender heart. in one of his letters he expresses sympathy for trader heron, who had met misfortune. he speaks of his great anxiety for a serious trouble that had arisen in rev. mr. jones's school at red river, and hopes that it may not injure education; he laments at considerable length over mr. j. s. mctavish's unfortunate accident. having heard of hargrave's long illness he sends a letter of warm sympathy, and this in the midst of a flying visit, and in london in the following year pays every attention by giving kind, hospitable invitations to hargrave to enjoy the society of himself and lady simpson. the racy letters of governor simpson are by no means more interesting than those of many others of hargrave's friends. ordinary business letters sometimes seem to have a humorous turn about them even fifty years after they were written. the roman catholic bishop provencher (bishop of juliopolis _in partibus infidelium_) affords an example of this. he writes in great distress to hargrave as to the loss of a cask of white wine (_une barrique de vin blanc_). he had expected it by the york boats sent down by the great red river merchant, andrew mcdermott.... the cask had not arrived. the good bishop cannot understand it, but presumes, as it is december when he writes, that it will come in the spring. the bishop's last remark is open to a double meaning, when he says, "leave it as it is, for he will take it without putting it in barrels." the bishop in a more important matter addresses governor simpson, and the governor forwards his letter to york factory. in this bishop provencher thanks him for giving a voyage in the canoes, from red river to montreal, to priest harper, and for bringing up sub-deacon poiré, a "young man of talent." he also gives hearty thanks for a passage, granted by the governor on the fur traders' route from the st. lawrence, to two stonemasons. "i commence," he said, "to dig the foundation of my church to-morrow." he asks for a passage down and up for members of his ecclesiastical staff. he wants from york factory forty or fifty hoes for mr. belcour to use in teaching the indians to cultivate potatoes and indian corn, and he naïvely remarks, "while thus engaged, he will at the same time cultivate their spirits and their hearts by the preaching of the word of god." the eye for business is seen in the bishop's final remark that he thinks "that the shoes from the bay will cost much less than those made by the smiths at red river." archdeacon cochrane, a man of gigantic form and of amazing _bonhomie_, who has been called the "founder of the church of england on red river," writes several interesting letters. beginning with business he drifts into a friendly talk. one of his letters deals with the supplies for the school he had opened ( ) at st. andrew's, red river, another sings the praises of his new church at the rapids: "it is an elegant little church, pewed for three hundred and forty people, and finished in the neatest manner it could be for red river. the ceiling is an arc of an ellipse, painted light blue. the moulding and pulpit brown; the jambs and sashes of the windows white." a little of the inner working of the fur-trading system in the predominance of scottish influence is exhibited by archdeacon cochrane in one letter to hargrave. referring to hargrave's promotion to the chief tradership, not yet bestowed, the old clergyman quaintly says, "are you likely to get another feather in your cap? i begin to think that your name will have to be changed into macargrave. a 'mac' before your name would produce a greater effect than all the rest of your merits put together. can't you demonstrate that you are one of the descendants of one of the great clans?" among the correspondence is a neat little note to hargrave ( ) from rev. david jones, the archdeacon's predecessor, written at red river, asking his company to a family dinner on the next monday, at p.m.; and a delicate missive from acting-governor bulger, of red river, asking hargrave to accept a small quantity of snuff. among hargrave's correspondents are such notable fur traders as cuthbert grant, the leader of the bois brûlés, who had settled down on white horse plains, on the assiniboine river, and was the famous captain of the buffalo hunters; and william conolly, the daring chief factor of new caledonia. events in fort churchill are well described in the extensive correspondence of j. g. mctavish, long stationed there; and good governors finlayson and mcmillan of red river are well represented; as well as alexander ross, the historian of the red river affairs. a full account of the wanderings from york factory to the far distant pacific slope of mr. george barnston, who afterwards was well known in business circles as a resident of montreal, could be gathered, did time permit, from a most regular correspondence with hargrave. probably the man most after the york chief factor's own heart was a good letter writer, john sieveright, who early became chief trader and afterwards chief factor in . sieveright had become acquainted with hargrave at sault ste. marie. afterwards he was removed to fort coulonge on the upper ottawa, but he still kept up his interest in hargrave and the affairs of rupert's land. sieveright has a play of humour and pleasant banter that was very agreeable to hargrave. he rallies him about an old acquaintance, the handsome daughter of fur trader johnston, of sault ste. marie, who, it will be remembered, married an indian princess. he has a great faculty of using what other correspondents write to him, in making up very readable and well written letters to his friends. for many years sieveright was at fort coulonge, and thus was in touch with the hudson's bay company house at lachine, the centre of the fur trade on this continent. every year he paid a visit to headquarters, and had an advantage over the distant traders on the saskatchewan, mackenzie, and nelson rivers. he, however, seemed always to envy them their lot. writing of fort coulonge, he gives us a picture of the fur trader's life: "this place has the advantage of being so near the civilized world as to allow us to hear now and then what is going on in it; but no society or amusement to help pass the time away. in consequence i cannot help reading a great deal too much--injurious at any time of life--particularly so when on the wrong side of fifty. i have been lately reading john galt's 'southernan,' not much to be admired. his characters are mostly all caricatures. if place will be allowed in paper trunk, i shall put that work and 'laurie todd' in for your acceptance." chapter xxxi. the voyageurs from montreal. lachine, the fur traders' mecca--the departure--the flowing bowl--the canoe brigade--the voyageur's song--"en roulant ma boule"--village of st. anne's--legend of the church--the sailor's guardian--origin of "canadian boat song"--a loud invocation--"a la claire fontaine"--"sing, nightingale"--at the rapids--the ominous crosses--"lament of cadieux"--a lonely maiden sits--the wendigo--home of the ermatingers--a very old canal--the rugged coast--fort william reached--a famous gathering--the joyous return. montreal, to-day the chief city of canada, was, after the union of the companies, the centre of the fur trade in the new world. the old nor'-wester influence centred on the st. lawrence, and while the final court of appeal met in london, the forces that gave energy and effect to the decrees of the london board acted from montreal. at lachine, above the rapids, nine miles from the city, lived governor simpson, and many retired traders looked upon lachine as the mecca of the fur trade. even before the days of the lachine canal, which was built to avoid the rapids, it is said the pushing traders had taken advantage of the little river st. pierre, which falls into the st. lawrence, and had made a deep cutting from it up which they dragged their boats to lachine. to the hardy french voyageurs, accustomed to "portage" their cargoes up steep cliffs, it was no hardship to use the improvised canal and reach lachine at the head of the rapids. [illustration: i.--portage.] [illustration: ii.--dÉcharge.] accordingly, lachine became the port of departure for the voyageurs on their long journeys up the ottawa, and on to the distant fur country. heavy canoes carrying four tons of merchandise were built for the freight, and light canoes, some times manned with ten or twelve men, took the officers at great speed along the route. the canoes were marvels of durability. made of thin but tough sheets of birch bark, securely gummed along the seams with pitch, they were so strong, and yet so light, that the indians thought them an object of wonder, and said they were the gift of the manitou. the voyageurs were a hardy class of men, trained from boyhood to the use of the paddle. many of them were iroquois indians--pure or with an admixture of white blood. but the french canadians, too, became noted for their expert management of the canoe, and were favourites of sir george simpson. like all sailors, the voyageurs felt the day of their departure a day of fate. very often they sought to drown their sorrows in the flowing bowl, and it was the trick of the commander to prevent this by keeping the exact time of the departure a secret, filling up the time of the voyageurs with plenty to do and leaving on very short notice. however, as the cargo was well-nigh shipped, wives, daughters, children, and sweethearts too, of the departing canoe men began to linger about the docks, and so were ready to bid their sad farewells. in the governor's or chief factor's brigade each voyageur wore a feather in his cap, and if the wind permitted it a british ensign was hoisted on each light canoe. farewells were soon over. cheers filled the air from those left behind, and out from lachine up lake st. louis, an enlargement of the st. lawrence, the brigade of canoes were soon to shoot on their long voyage. no sooner had "le maître" found his cargo afloat, his officers and visitors safely seated, than he gave the cheery word to start, when the men broke out with a "chanson de voyage." perhaps it was the story of the "three fairy ducks," with its chorus so lively in french, but so prosaic, even in the hands of the poetic mclennan, when translated into english as the "rolling ball":-- "derrière chez nous, il y a un étang (behind the manor lies the mere), en roulant ma boule. (chorus.) trois beaux canards s'en vont baignant. (three ducks bathe in its waters clear.) en roulant ma boule. rouli, roulant, ma boule roulant, en roulant, ma boule roulant, en roulant ma boule." and now the paddles strike with accustomed dash. the voyageurs are excited with the prospect of the voyage, all scenes of home swim before their eyes, and the chorister leads off with his story of the prince (fils du roi) drawing near the lake, and with his magic gun cruelly sighting the black duck, but killing the white one. with falling voices the swinging men of the canoe relate how from the snow-white drake his "life blood falls in rubies bright, his diamond eyes have lost their light, his plumes go floating east and west, and form at last a soldier's bed. en roulant ma boule (sweet refuge for the wanderer's head), en roulant ma boule, rouli, roulant, ma boule roulant, en roulant ma boule roulant, en roulant ma boule." as the brigade hies on its way, to the right is the purplish brown water of the ottawa, and on the left the green tinge of the st. lawrence, till suddenly turning around the western extremity of the island of montreal, the boiling waters of the mouth of the ottawa are before the voyageurs. since there has been a canal by which the canoes avoid these rapids, but before that time all men and officers disembarked and the goods were taken by portage around the foaming waters. and now the village of ste. anne's is reached, a sacred place to the departing voyageurs, and here at the old warehouse the canoes are moored. among the group of pretty canadian houses stands out the gothic church with its spire so dear an object to the canoe men. the superstitious voyageurs relate that old bréboeuf, who had gone as priest with the early french explorers, had been badly injured on the portage by the fall of earth and stones upon him. the attendance possible for him was small, and he had laid himself down to die on the spot where stands the church. he prayed to ste. anne, the sailors' guardian, and on her appearing to him he promised to build a church if he survived. of course, say the voyageurs, with a merry twinkle of the eye, he recovered and kept his word. at the shrine of "la bonne ste. anne" the voyageur made his vow of devotion, asked for protection on his voyage, and left such gift as he could to the patron saint. coming up and down the river at this point the voyageurs often sang the song:-- "dans mon chemin j'ai rencontré deux cavaliers très bien montés;" with the refrain to every verse:-- "a l'ombre d'un bois je m'en vais jouer, a l'ombre d'un bois je m'en vais jouer." ("under the shady tree i go to play.") it is said that it was when struck with the movement and rhythm of this french chanson that thomas moore, the irish poet, on his visit to canada, while on its inland waters, wrote the "canadian boat song," and made celebrated the good ste. anne of the voyageurs. whether in the first lines he succeeded in imitating the original or not, his musical notes are agreeable:-- "faintly as tolls the evening chime, our voices keep tune and our oars keep time." certainly the refrain has more of the spirit of the boatman's song:-- "row, brothers, row; the stream runs fast, the rapids are near and the daylight's past." the true colouring of the scene is reflected in "we'll sing at ste. anne;" and-- "ottawa's tide, this trembling moon, shall see us float over thy surges soon." ste. anne really had a high distinction among all the resting-places on the fur trader's route. it was the last point in the departure from montreal island. religion and sentiment for a hundred years had consecrated it, and a short distance above it, on an eminence overlooking the narrows--the real mouth of the ottawa--was a venerable ruin, now overgrown with ivy and young trees, "château brillant," a castle speaking of border foray and indian warfare generations ago. if the party was a distinguished one there was often a priest included, and he, as soon as the brigade was fairly off and the party had settled down to the motion, reverently removing his hat, sounded forth a loud invocation to the deity and to a long train of male and female saints, in a loud and full voice, while all the men at the end of each versicle made response, "qu'il me bénisse." this done, he called for a song. none of the many songs of france would be more likely at this stage than the favourite and most beloved of all french canadian songs, "a la claire fontaine." the leader in solo would ring out the verse-- "a la claire fontaine, m'en allent promener, j'ai trouvé l'eau si belle, que je m'y sois baigné." ("unto the crystal fountain, for pleasure did i stray; so fair i found the waters, my limbs in them i lay.") then in full chorus all would unite, followed verse by verse. most touching of all would be the address to the nightingale-- "chantez, rossignol, chantez, toi qui as le coeur gai; tu as le coeur à rire, moi, je l'ai à pleurer." ("sing, nightingale, keep singing, thou hast a heart so gay; thou hast a heart so merry, while mine is sorrow's prey.") the most beautiful of all, the chorus, is again repeated, and is, as translated by lighthall:-- "long is it i have loved thee, thee shall i love alway, my dearest; long is it i have loved thee, thee shall i love alway." the brigade swept on up the lake of two mountains, and though the work was hard, yet the spirit and exhilaration of the way kept up the hearts of the voyageurs and officers, and as one song was ended, another was begun and carried through. now it was the rollicking chanson, "c'est la belle françoise," then the tender "la violette dandine," and when inspiration was needed, that song of perennial interest, "malbrouck s'en va-t-en guerre." a distance up the ottawa, however, the scenery changes, and the river is interrupted by three embarrassing rapids. at carillon, opposite to which was port fortune, a great resort for retired fur traders, the labours began, and so these rapids, carillon, long sault, and chute au blondeau, now avoided by canals, were in the old days passed by portage with infinite toil. up the river to the great chaudière, where the city of ottawa now stands, they cheerfully rowed, and after another great portage the upper ottawa was faced. the most dangerous and exacting part of the great river was the well-known section where two long islands, the lower the calumet, and the allumette block the stream, and fierce rapids are to be encountered. this was the _pièce de résistance_ of the canoe-men's experience. around it their superstitions clustered. on the shores were many crosses erected to mark the death, in the boiling surges beside the portage, of many comrades who had perished here. between the two islands on the north side of the river, the hudson's bay company had founded fort coulonge, used as a depôt or refuge in case of accident. no wonder the region, with "deep river" above, leading on to the sombre narrows of "hell gate" further up the stream, appealed to the fear and imagination of the voyageurs. ballad and story had grown round the boiling flood of the calumet. as early as the time of champlain, the story goes that an educated and daring frenchman named cadieux had settled here, and taken as his wife one of the dusky ottawas. the prowling iroquois attacked his dwelling. cadieux and one indian held the enemy at bay, and firing from different points led them to believe that the stronghold was well manned. in the meantime, the spouse of cadieux and a few indians launched their canoes into the boiling waters and escaped. from pool to pool the canoe was whirled, but in its course the indians saw before them a female figure, in misty robes, leading them as protectress. the christian spouse said it was the "bonne ste. anne," who led them out of danger and saved them. the iroquois gave up the siege. cadieux's companion had been killed, and the surviving settler himself perished from exhaustion in the forest. beside him, tradition says, was found his death-song, and this "lament de cadieux," with its touching and attractive strain, the voyageurs sang when they faced the dangers of the foaming currents of the upper ottawa. the whole route, with its rapids, whirlpools, and deceptive currents, came to be surrounded, especially in superstitious minds, with an air of dangerous mystery. a traveller tells us that a prominent fur trader pointed out to him the very spot where his father had been swept under the eddy and drowned. the camp-fire stories were largely the accounts of disasters and accidents on the long and dangerous way. as such a story was told on the edge of a shadowy forest the voyageurs were filled with dread. the story of the wendigo was an alarming one. no crew would push on after the sun was set, lest they should see this apparition. some said he was a spirit condemned to wander to and fro in the earth on account of crimes committed, others believed the wendigo was a desperate outcast, who had tasted human flesh, and prowled about at night, seeking in camping-places of the traders a victim. tales were told of unlucky trappers who had disappeared in the woods and had never been heard of again. the story of the wendigo made the camping-place to be surrounded with a sombre interest to the traders. unbelievers in this mysterious ogre freely declared that it was but a partner's story told to prevent the voyageurs delaying on their journey, and to hinder them from wandering to lonely spots by the rapids to fish or hunt. one of the old writers spoke of the enemy of the voyageurs-- "il se nourrit des corps des pauvres voyageurs, des malheureux passants et des navigateurs." ("he feeds on the bodies of unfortunate men of the river, of unlucky travellers, and of the mariners.") impressed by the sombre memories of this fur traders' route, a traveller in the light canoes in fur-trading days, dr. bigsby, relates that he had a great surprise when, picking his way along a rocky portage, he "suddenly stumbled upon a young lady sitting alone under a bush in a green riding habit and white beaver bonnet." the impressionable doctor looked upon this forest sylph and doubted whether she was "one of those fairy shepherds and shepherdesses who hereabouts live on simplicity and watercresses." after confused explanations on the part of both, the lady was found to be an ermatinger, daughter of the well-known trader of sault ste. marie, who with his party was then at the other end of the portage. we may now, with the privilege accorded the writer, omit the hardships of hundreds of miles of painful journeying, and waft the party of the voyageurs, whose fortunes we have been following, up to the head of the west branch of the ottawa, across the vaz portages, and down a little stream into lake nipissing, where there was an old-time fort of the nor'-westers, named la ronde. across lake nipissing, down the french river, and over the georgian bay with its beautiful scenery, the voyageurs' brigade at length reached the river st. mary, soon to rest at the famous old fort of sault ste. marie. sault ste. marie was the home of the ermatingers, to which the fairy shepherdess belonged. [illustration: block house of old h. b. company post. sault ste. marie.] the ermatinger family, whose name so continually associates itself with sault ste. marie, affords a fine example of energy and influence. shortly after the conquest of canada by wolfe, a swiss merchant came from the united states and made canada his home. one of his sons, george ermatinger, journeyed westward to the territory now making up michigan, and, finding his way to sault ste. marie, married, engaged in the fur trade, and died there. still more noted than his brother, charles oaks ermatinger, going westward from montreal, also made sault ste. marie his home. a man of great courage and local influence in the war of , the younger brother commanded a company of volunteers in the expedition from fort st. joseph, which succeeded that summer in capturing michilimackinac. his fur-trading establishment at sault ste. marie was situated on the south side of the river, opposite the rapids. when this territory was taken possession of by the troops of the united states in , the fur trader's premises at sault ste. marie were seized and became the american fort. for some years after this seizure trader ermatinger had a serious dispute with the united states government about his property, but finally received compensation. true to the ermatinger disposition, the trader then withdrew to the canadian side, retained his british connection, and carried on trade at sault ste. marie, drummond island, and elsewhere. a resident of sault ste. marie informs the writer that the family of ermatinger about that place is now a very numerous one, "related to almost all the families, both white and red." very early in the century ( ), a passing trader named franchère arrived from the west country at the time that the american troops devastated sault ste. marie. charles ermatinger then had his buildings on the canadian side of the river, not far from the houses and stores of the north-west company, which had been burnt down by the american troops. ermatinger at the time was living on the south side of the river temporarily in a house of old trader nolin, whose family, the traveller tells us, consisted of "three half-breed boys and as many girls, one of whom was passably pretty." ermatinger had just erected a grist mill, and was then building a stone house "very elegant." to this home the young lady overtaken by dr. bigsby on the canoe route belonged. of the two nephews of the doughty old trader of sault ste. marie, charles and francis ermatinger, who were prominent in the fur trade, more anon. the dashing rapids of the st. mary river are the natural feature which has made the place celebrated. the exciting feat of "running the rapids" is accomplished by all distinguished visitors to the place. john busheau, or some other dusky canoe-man, with unerring paddle, conducts the shrinking tourist to within a yard of the boiling cauldron, and sweeps down through the spray and splash, as his passenger heaves a sigh of relief. the obstruction made by the rapids to the navigation of the river, which is the artery connecting the trade of lakes huron and superior, early occupied the thought of the fur traders. a century ago, during the conflict of the north-west company and the x y, the portage past the rapids was a subject of grave dispute. ardent appeals were made to the government to settle the matter. the x y company forced a road through the disputed river frontage, while the north-west company used a canal half a mile long, on which was built a lock; and at the foot of the canal a good wharf and store-house had been constructed. this waterway, built at the beginning of the century and capable of carrying loaded canoes and considerable boats, was a remarkable proof of the energy and skill of the fur traders. the river and rapids of st. mary past, the joyful voyageurs hastened to skirt the great lake of superior, on whose shores their destination lay. deep and cold, lake superior, when stirred by angry winds, became the grave of many a voyageur. few that fell into its icy embrace escaped. its rocky shores were the death of many a swift canoe, and its weird legends were those of the inini-wudjoo, the great giant, or of the hungry heron that devoured the unwary. cautiously along its shores jean baptiste crept to michipicoten, then to the pic, and on to nepigon, places where trading posts marked the nerve centres of the fur trade. at length, rounding thunder cape, fort william was reached, the goal of the "mangeur de lard" or montreal voyageur. around the walls of the fort the great encampment was made. the river kaministiquia was gay with canoes; the east and west met in rivalry--the wild couriers of the west and the patient boatmen of the east. in sight of the fort stood, up the river, mckay mountain, around which tradition had woven fancies and tales. its terraced heights suggest man's work, but it is to this day in a state of nature. here in the days of conflict, when the opposing trappers and hunters went on their expeditions, old trader mckay ascended, followed them with his keen eye in their meanderings, and circumvented them in their plans. the days of waiting, unloading, loading, feasting, and contending being over, the montreal voyageurs turned their faces homeward, and with flags afloat, paddled away, now cheerfully singing sweet "alouette." "ma mignonette, embrassez-moi. nenni, monsieur, je n'oserais, car si mon papa le savait." (my darling, smile on me. no! no! good sir, i do not dare, my dear papa would know! would know!) "but who would tell papa?" "the birds on the forest tree." "ils parlent français, latin aussi, hélas! que le monde est malin d'apprendre aux oiseaux le latin." ("they speak french and latin too, alas! the world is very bad to tell its tales to the naughty birds.") bon voyage! bon voyage, mes voyageurs! [illustration: map of the far north.] chapter xxxii. explorers in the far north. the north-west passage again--lieut. john franklin's land expedition--two lonely winters--hearne's mistake corrected--franklin's second journey--arctic sea coast explored--franklin knighted--captain john ross by sea--discovers magnetic pole--magnetic needle nearly perpendicular--back seeks for ross--dease and simpson sent by hudson's bay company to explore--sir john in _erebus_ and _terror_--the paleocrystic sea--franklin never returns--lady franklin's devotion--the historic search--dr. rae secures relics--captain mcclintock finds the cairn and written record--advantages of the search. the british people were ever on the alert to have their famous sea captains explore new seas, especially in the line of the discovery of the north-west passage. from the time of dobbs, the discomfiture of that bitter enemy of the hudson's bay company had checked the advance in following up the explorations of davis and baffin, whose names had become fixed on the icy sea channels of the north. captain phipps, afterwards lord mulgrave, had been the last of the great captains who had taken part in the spasm of north-west interest set agoing by dobbs. two generations of men had passed when, in , the quest for the north-west passage was taken up by captain william scoresby. scoresby advanced a fresh argument in favour of a new effort to attain this long-harboured dream of the english captains. he maintained that a change had taken place in the seasons, and the position of the ice was such as probably to allow a successful voyage to be made from baffin's bay to behring strait. sir john barrow with great energy advocated the project of a new expedition, and captain john ross and edward parry were despatched to the northern seas. parry's second expedition enabled him to discover fury and hecla strait, to pass through lancaster strait, and to name the continuation of it barrow strait, after the great patron of northern exploration. franklin's land expedition. meanwhile john franklin was despatched to cross the plains of rupert's land to forward arctic enterprise. this notable man has left us an heritage of undying interest in connection with this movement. a native of lincolnshire, a capable and trusted naval officer, who had fought with nelson at copenhagen, who had gone on an arctic voyage to spitzbergen, and had seen much service elsewhere, he was appointed to command the overland expedition through rupert's land to the arctic sea, while lieutenant parry sought, as we have seen, the passage with two vessels by way of lancaster sound. accompanied by a surgeon--dr. richardson--two midshipmen, back and hood, and a few orkneymen, lieutenant franklin embarked from england for hudson bay in june, . wintering for the first season on the saskatchewan, the party were indebted to the hudson's bay company for supplies, and reached fort chipewyan in about a year from the time of their departure from england. the second winter was spent by the expedition on the famous barren grounds of the arctic slope. their fort was called fort enterprise, and the party obtained a living chiefly from the game and fish of the region. in the following summer the franklin party descended the coppermine river to the arctic sea. here hearne's mistake of four degrees in the latitude was corrected and the latitude of the mouth of the coppermine river fixed at ° ´ n. having explored the coast of the arctic sea eastward for six degrees to cape turnagain and suffered great hardships, the survivors of the party made their return journey, and reached britain after three years' absence. franklin was given the rank of captain and covered with social and literary honours. three years after his return to england, captain franklin and his old companions went upon their second journey through rupert's land. having reached fort chipewyan, they continued the journey northward, and the winter was spent at their erection known as fort franklin, on great bear lake. here the party divided, one portion under franklin going down the mackenzie to the sea, and coasting westward to return reef, hoping to reach captain cook's icy cape of . in this they failed. dr. richardson led the other party down the mackenzie river to its mouth, and then, going eastward, reached the mouth of the coppermine, which he ascended. by september both parties had gained their rendezvous, fort franklin, and it was found that unitedly they had traced the coast line of the arctic sea through thirty-seven degrees of longitude. on the return of the successful adventurer, after an absence of two years, to england, he was knighted and received the highest scientific honours. captain john ross by sea. when the british people become roused upon a subject, failure seems but to whet the public mind for new enterprise and greater effort. the north-west passage was now regarded as a possibility. after the coast of the arctic ocean had been traced by the franklin-richardson expedition, to reach this shore by a passage from parry's fury and hecla strait seemed feasible. two years after the return of franklin from his second overland journey, an expedition was fitted out by a wealthy distiller, sheriff felix booth, and the ship, the _victory_, provided by him, was placed under the command of captain john ross, who had already gained reputation in exploring baffin's bay. captain ross was ably seconded in his expedition by his nephew, captain james ross. going by baffin's bay and through lancaster sound, prince regent's inlet led ross southward between cockburn island and somerset north, into an open sea called after his patron, gulf of boothia, on the west side of which he named the newly-discovered land boothia felix. he even discovered the land to the west of boothia, calling it king william land. his ship became embedded in the ice. after four winters in the arctic regions he was rescued by a whaler in barrow strait. one of the most notable events in this voyage of ross's was his discovery of the north magnetic pole on the west side of boothia felix. during his second winter ( ) captain ross determined to gratify his ambition to be the discoverer of the point where the magnetic needle stands vertically, as showing the centre of terrestrial magnetism for the northern hemisphere. after four or five days' overland journey, with a trying headwind from the north-west, he reached the sought-for point on june st. we deem it only just to state the discovery in the words of the veteran explorer himself:-- "the land at this place is very low near the coast, but it rises into ridges of fifty or sixty feet high about a mile inland. we could have wished that a place so important had possessed more of mark or note. it was scarcely censurable to regret that there was not a mountain to indicate a spot to which so much interest must ever be attached; and i could even have pardoned any one among us who had been so romantic or absurd as to expect that the magnetic pole was an object as conspicuous and mysterious as the fabled mountain of sinbad, that it was even a mountain of iron, or a magnet as large as mont blanc. but nature had here erected no monument to denote the spot which she had chosen as the centre of one of her great and dark powers; and where we could do little ourselves towards this end, it was our business to submit, and to be content in noting in mathematical numbers and signs, as with things of far more importance in the terrestrial system, what we could ill distinguish in any other manner. "the necessary observations were immediately commenced, and they were continued throughout this and the greater part of the following day.... the amount of the dip, as indicated by my dipping-needle, was ° ´, being thus within one minute of the vertical; while the proximity at least of this pole, if not its actual existence where we stood, was further confirmed by the action, or rather by the total inaction, of several horizontal needles then in my possession.... there was not one which showed the slightest effort to move from the position in which it was placed. "as soon as i had satisfied my own mind on this subject, i made known to the party this gratifying result of all our joint labours; and it was then that, amidst mutual congratulations, we fixed the british flag on the spot, and took possession of the north magnetic pole and its adjoining territory, in the name of great britain and king william the fourth. we had abundance of material for building in the fragments of limestone that covered the beach; and we therefore erected a cairn of some magnitude, under which we buried a canister containing a record of the interesting fact, only regretting that we had not the means of constructing a pyramid of more importance and of strength sufficient to withstand the assaults of time and of the esquimaux. had it been a pyramid as large as that of cheops i am not quite sure that it would have done more than satisfy our ambition under the feelings of that exciting day. the latitude of this spot is ° ´ ´´ and its longitude ° ´ ´´." thus much for the magnetic pole. this pole is almost directly north of the city of winnipeg, and within less than twenty degrees of it. one of lady franklin's captains--captain kennedy, who resided at red river--elaborated a great scheme for tapping the central supply of electricity of the magnetic pole, and developing it from winnipeg as a source of power. sir george back, the explorer. in the third year of captain ross's expedition his protracted absence became a matter of public discussion in britain. dr. richardson, who had been one of franklin's followers, offered to take charge of an overland expedition in search of ross, but his proposition was not accepted. mr. ross, a brother of sir john and father of captain james ross, was anxious to find an officer who would take charge of a relief expedition, and the british government favoured the enterprise. captain george back, one of the midshipmen who had accompanied franklin, was favourably regarded for the important position. the hudson's bay company was in sympathy with the exploration of its arctic possessions and gave every assistance to the project. nicholas garry, the deputy-governor of the company, ably supported it; and the british government at last gave its consent to grant two thousand pounds, provided the hudson's bay company would furnish, according to its promise, the supplies and canoes free of charge, and that captain ross's friends would contribute three thousand pounds. captain back cordially accepted the offer to command the expedition, and his orders from the government were to find captain ross, or any survivors or survivor of his party; and, "subordinate to this, to direct his attention to mapping what remains unknown of the coasts which he was to visit, and make such other scientific observations as his leisure would admit." in captain back crossed the atlantic, accompanied by a surgeon, dr. richard king, and at montreal obtained a party of four regulars of the royal artillery. pushing on by the usual route, he reached lake winnipeg, and thence by light canoe arrived at fort resolution on great slave lake in august. he wintered at fort reliance, near the east end of great slave lake, which was established by roderick mcleod, a hudson's bay company officer, who had received orders to assist the expedition. before leaving this point a message arrived from england that captain ross was safe. notwithstanding this news, in june of the following year back and his party crossed the country to artillery lake, and drew their boats and baggage in a most toilsome manner over the ice of this and three other lakes, till the great fish river was reached and its difficult descent begun. on july th the party encamped at cape beaufort, a prominent point of the inlet of the arctic ocean into which the great fish river empties. the expedition again descended the river and returned to england, where it was well received, and captain back was knighted for his pluck and perseverance. an expedition under back in the next year, to go by ship to wager bay and then to cross by portage the narrow strip of land to the gulf of boothia, was a failure, and the party with difficulty reached britain again. a hudson's bay company expedition--dease and simpson. [illustration: sir john franklin. lady franklin. sir george back. sir john richardson. searchers in the north.] dr. richard king, who had been back's assistant and surgeon, now endeavoured to organize an expedition to the arctic ocean by way of lake athabasca and through a chain of lakes leading to the great fish river. this project received no backing from the british government or from the hudson's bay company. the company now undertook to carry out an expedition of its own. the reasons of this are stated to have been--( ) the interest of the british public in the effort to connect the discoveries of captains back and ross; ( ) they are said to have desired a renewal of their expiring lease for twenty-one years of the trade of the indian territories; ( ) the fact was being pointed out, as in former years, that their charter required the company to carry on exploration. in the hudson's bay company in london decided to carrying out the expedition, and gave instructions to governor simpson to organize and despatch it. at norway house, at the meeting of the governor and officers of that year, steps were taken to explore the arctic coast. an experienced hudson's bay company officer, peter warren dease, and with him an ardent young man, thomas simpson, a relation of the governor, was placed in charge. the party, after various preparations, including a course of mathematics and astronomy received by thomas simpson at red river, made its departure, and fort chipewyan was reached in february, where the remainder of the winter was spent. as soon as navigation opened, the descent of the mackenzie river was made to the mouth. the party then coasting westward on the arctic ocean, passed franklin's "return reef," reached boat extreme, and simpson made a foot journey thence to cape barrow. having returned to the mouth of the mackenzie river, the great bear lake, where fort confidence had been erected by the advance guard of the party, was reached. the winter was passed at this point, and in the following spring the expedition descended the copper-mine river, and coasting eastward along the polar sea, reached cape turnagain in august. returning and ascending the coppermine for a distance, the party halted, and simpson made a land journey eastward to new territory which he called victoria land, and erected a pillar of stones, taking possession of the country, "in the name of the honourable company, and for the queen of great britain." their painful course was then retraced to fort confidence, where the second winter was spent. on the opening of spring, the company descended to the coast to carry on their work. going eastward, they, after much difficulty, reached new ground, passed dease's strait, and discovered cape britannia. taking two years to return, simpson arrived at fort garry, and disappointed at not receiving further instructions, he joined a freight party about to cross the plains to st. paul, minnesota. while on the way he was killed, either by his half-breed companions or by his own hand. his body was brought back to fort garry, and is buried at st. john's cemetery. the hudson's bay company thus made an earnest effort to explore the coast, and through its agents, dease and simpson, may be said to have been reasonably successful. the search for franklin. after the return of sir john franklin from his second overland expedition in rupert's land, sir john was given the honourable position of lieutenant-governor of tasmania, and on his coming again to england, was asked by the admiralty to undertake a sea voyage for the purpose of finding his way from lancaster sound to behring's strait. sir john accepted the trust, and his popularity led to the offer of numerous volunteers, who were willing to undertake the hazards of the journey. two excellent vessels, the _erebus_ and _terror_, well fitted out for the journey, were provided, and his expedition started with the most glowing hopes of success, on may th, . many people in britain were quite convinced that the expectation of a north-west passage was now to be realized. we know now only too well the barrier which lay in franklin's way. almost directly north-east of the mouth of fish river, which back and simpson had both found, there lies a vast mass of ice, which can neither move toward behring's strait on account of the shallow opening there, or to baffin's bay on account of the narrow and tortuous winding of the channels. this, called by sir george nares the paleocrystic sea, we are now aware bars the progress of any ship. franklin had gone down on the west side of north somerset and boothia, and coming against the vast barrier of the paleocrystic sea, had been able to go no further. two years after the departure of the expedition from which so much was expected, there were still no tidings. preparations were made for an expedition to rescue the adventurers, and in the first party of relief sailed. for the next eleven years the energy and spirit and liberality of the british public were something unexampled in the annals of public sympathy. regardless of cost or hazard, not less than fifteen expeditions were sent out by england and the united states on their sad quest. lady franklin, with a heroism and skill past all praise, kept the eye of the nation steadily on her loss, and sacrificed her private fortune in the work of rescue. we are not called upon to give the details of these expeditions, but may refer to a few notable points. the hudson's bay company at once undertook a journey by land in quest of the unfortunate navigator. dr. richardson, who had gone on franklin's first expedition, along with a well-known hudson's bay company officer, dr. rae, scoured the coast of the arctic sea, from the mouth of the mackenzie to that of the coppermine river. for two years more, dr. rae continued the search, and in the fourth year ( ) this facile traveller, by a long sledge journey in spring and boat voyage in summer, examined the shores of wollaston and victoria land. a notable expedition took place in the sending out by lady franklin herself of the _prince albert_ schooner, under captain kennedy, who afterwards made his home in the red river settlement. his second in command was lieutenant bellot, of the french navy, who was a plucky and shrewd explorer, and who, on a long sledge journey, discovered the strait which bears his name between north somerset and boothia. the names of mcclure, austin, collinson, sir edmund belcher, and kellett stand out in bold relief in the efforts--fruitless in this case--made to recover traces of the unfortunate expedition. the first to come upon remains of the franklin expedition was dr. john rae, who, we have seen, had thoroughly examined the coast along the arctic ocean. the writer well remembers meeting dr. rae many years after in the city of winnipeg and hearing his story. rae was a lithe, active, enterprising man. in , he announced that the drawback in former expeditions had been the custom of carrying a great stock of provisions and useless impedimenta, and so under hudson's bay company auspices he undertook to go with gun and fishing tackle up the west coast of hudson bay. this he did, ascended chesterfield inlet, and wintered with eight men at repulse bay. in the next season he made a remarkable journey of fifty-six days, and succeeded in connecting the discoveries of captain james ross with those of dease and simpson, proving king william land to be an island. rae discovered on this journey plate and silver decorations among the eskimos, which they admitted had belonged to the franklin party. dr. rae was awarded a part of the twenty thousand pounds reward offered by the imperial government. the british people could not, however, be satisfied until something more was done, and lady franklin, with marvellous self-devotion, gave the last of her available means to add to the public subscription for the purchase and fitting out of the little yacht _fox_, which, under captain leopold mcclintock, sailed from aberdeen in . having in less than two years reached bellot strait, mcclintock's party was divided into three sledging expeditions. one of them, under captain mcclintock, was very successful, obtaining relics of the lost franklin and his party and finding a cairn which contained an authoritative record of the fortunes of the company for three years. sir john had died a year before this record was written. captain mcclintock was knighted for his successful effort and the worst was now at last known. the attempt of sir john and the efforts to find him reflect the highest honour on the british people. and not only sentiment, but reason was satisfied. as had been said, "the catastrophe of sir john franklin's expedition led to seven thousand miles of coast line being discovered, and to a vast extent of unknown country being explored, securing very considerable additions to geographical knowledge. much attention was also given to the collection of information, and the scientific results of the various search expeditions were considerable." chapter xxxiii. expeditions to the frontier of the fur country. a disputed boundary--sources of the mississippi--the fur traders push southward--expedition up the missouri--lewis and clarke meet nor'-westers--claim of united states made--sad death of lewis--lieutenant pike's journey--pike meets fur traders--cautions dakotas--treaty with chippewas--violent death--long and keating fix deg. n.--visit fort garry--follow old fur traders' route--an erratic italian--strange adventures--almost finds source--beltrami county--cass and schoolcraft fail--schoolcraft afterwards succeeds--lake itasca--curious origin of name--the source determined. the treaty of paris was an example of magnanimity on the part of great britain to the united states, her wayward transatlantic child, who refused to recognize her authority. it is now clearly shown that lord shelbourne, the english premier, desired to promote good feeling between mother and daughter as nations. accordingly the boundary line west of lake superior gave over a wide region where british traders had numerous establishments, and where their occupation should have counted for possession. in the treaty of amity and commerce, eleven years afterward, it was agreed that a line drawn from lake of the woods overland to the source of mississippi should be the boundary. but, alas! the sources of the mississippi for fifty years afterward proved as difficult a problem as the source of the nile. in the first decade of this century it was impossible to draw the southern line of rupert's land. the united states during this period evinced some anxiety in regard to this boundary, and, as we shall see, a number of expeditions were despatched to explore the country. the sources of the mississippi naturally afforded much interest to the government at washington, even though the convention of london of had settled the deg. n. as the boundary. the region west of the mississippi, which was known as louisiana, extended northward to the british possessions, having been transferred by spain to the united states in . a number of expeditions to the marches or boundary land claim a short notice from us, as being bound up with the history and interests of the hudson's bay company. lewis and clarke's expedition. of these, a notable and interesting voyage was that of captains meriwether lewis and william clarke, of the united states army. this expedition consisted of nearly fifty men--soldiers, volunteers, adventurers, and servants. being a government expedition, it was well provided with stores, indian presents, weapons, and other necessary articles of travel. leaving wood river, near st. louis, the party started up the missouri in three boats, and were accompanied by two horses along the bank of the river to bring them game or to hunt in case of scarcity. after many adventures the expedition, which began its journey on may th, , reached the headquarters of the mandan indians on the missouri on october th. the mandans, or, as they have been called, the white bearded sioux, were at this time a large and most interesting people. less copper-coloured than the other indians, agricultural in habit, pottery makers, and dwelling in houses partly sunk in the earth, their trade was sought from different directions. we have seen already that verendrye first reached them; that david thompson, the astronomer of the north-west company, visited them; that harmon and others, north-west traders, met them; that fur traders from the assiniboine came to them; that even the hudson's bay company had penetrated to their borders. the mandans themselves journeyed north to the assiniboine and carried indian corn, which they grew, to rupert's land to exchange for merchandise. the mandan trail can still be pointed out in manitoba. a fur trader, hugh mccracken, met lewis and clarke at this point, and we read, "that he set out on november st on his return to the british fort and factory on the assiniboine river, about one hundred and fifty miles from this place. he took a letter from captain lewis to the north-west company, enclosing a copy of the passport granted by the british minister in the united states." this shows the uncertainty as to the boundary line, the leaders of the expedition having provided themselves with this permission in case of need. in dealing with the mandans, captain lewis gave them presents, and "told them that they had heard of the british trader, mr. laroche, having attempted to distribute medals and flags among them; but that these emblems could not be received from any other than the american nation, without incurring the displeasure of their great father, 'the president. on december st the party was visited by a trader, henderson, who came from the hudson's bay company. he had been about eight days on his route in a direction nearly south, and brought with him tobacco, beads, and other merchandise to trade for furs, and a few guns which were to be exchanged for horses. on december th hugh harvey and two companions arrived at the camp, having come in six days from the british establishment on the assiniboine, with a letter from mr. charles chaboillez, one of the north-west company, who, with much politeness, offered to render us any service in his power." with the expedition of lewis and clarke we have little more to do. it successfully crossed from the sources of the missouri, over the rocky mountains to the columbia, descended it to the mouth, and returned by nearly the same route, reaching the mouth of the missouri in . the expedition of lewis and clarke has become the most celebrated of the american transcontinental ventures. its early presence at the mouth of the columbia river gave strength to the claim of the united states for that region; it was virtually a taking possession of the whole country from the mississippi to the pacific ocean; it had a picturesqueness and an interest that appealed to the national mind, and the melancholy death of captain lewis, who, in , when the american government refused to fulfil its engagements with him, blew out his brains, lends an impressiveness to what was really a great and successful undertaking. pike's expedition. the source or sources of the mississippi was, as we have seen, an important matter in settling the boundary line between the possessions of great britain and the united states. the matter having occupied the authorities at washington, zebulon m. pike, a lieutenant of the united states army, was sent to examine the country upon the upper mississippi and to maintain the interests of the government in that quarter. leaving st. louis on august th, , he ascended the "father of waters," and reached prairie du chien in september. here he was met by the well-known free-traders who carried on the fur trade in this region. their names were fisher, frazer and woods. these men were in the habit of working largely in harmony with the north-west company traders, and, on account of their british origin, were objects of suspicion to the united states authorities. pushing on among the indians, by the help of french canadian interpreters, he came to lake pepin. on the shores of this lake pike met murdoch cameron, the principal british free-trader on the upper minnesota river. cameron was a shrewd and daring scotchman, noted for his generosity and faithfulness. he was received with distinction by pike, and the trader as shown by his grave, pointed out many years afterward on the banks of the minnesota, was in every way worthy of the attention. shortly after this, pike passed near where the city of st. paul, minn., stands to-day, the encampment of j. b. faribault, a french canadian free-trader of note, whose name is now borne by an important town south of st. paul. pike held a council with the dakota indians, and purchased from them a considerable amount of land for military purposes, for which the senate paid them the sum of two thousand dollars. pike seems to have cautioned the dakotas or sioux to beware of the influence of the english, saying, "i think the traders who come from canada are bad birds among the chippeways, and instigate them to make war upon their red brothers, the sioux." about the end of october, unable to proceed further up the mississippi on account of ice, pike built a blockhouse, which he enclosed with pickets, and there spent the most severe part of the winter. at his post early in december he was visited by robert dickson, a british fur trader, described by neill as "a red-haired scotchman, of strong intellect, good family, and ardent attachment to the crown of england, who was at the head of the indian trade in minnesota." pike himself speaks of dickson as a "gentleman of general commercial knowledge and of open, frank manners." explanations took place between the government agent and the trader as to the excessive use of spirits by the indians. on december th pike started on a journey northward in sleds, taking a canoe with him for use so soon as the river should open. when pike arrived near red cedar lake, he was met by four chippewa indians, a frenchman, and one of the north-west traders, named grant. going with grant to his establishment on the shores of the lake, pike tells us, "when we came in sight of the house i observed the flag of great britain flying. i felt indignant, and cannot say what my feelings would have excited me to had grant not told me that it belonged to the indians." on february st pike reached leech lake, which he considered to be the main source of the mississippi. he crossed the lake twelve miles to the establishment of the north-west company, which was in charge of a well-known north-west trader, hugh mcgillies. while he was treated with civility, it is plain from his cautions to mcgillies and his bearing to him, that he was jealous of the influence which british traders were then exercising in minnesota. having made a treaty with the chippewa indians of red lake, pike's work was largely accomplished, and in april he departed from this region, where he had shown great energy and tact, to give in his report after a voyage of some nine months. a most melancholy interest attaches to this gentlemanly and much-respected officer of the united states. in the war of - , pike, then made a general, was killed at the taking of york (toronto), in upper canada, by the explosion of the magazine of the fort evacuated by general sheaffe. pike, as leader on this mississippi expedition, as commanding an expedition on the rio grande, where he was captured by the spaniards, and as a brave soldier, has handed down an honourable name and fame. long and keating. the successful journey of lewis and clarke, as well as the somewhat useful expedition of lieutenant pike, led the united states government to send in an expedition to the northern boundary line deg. n., which had been settled a few years before. in charge of this was major stephen h. long. he was accompanied by a scientific corps consisting of thomas say, zoologist and antiquary; samuel seymour, landscape painter and designer; and william h. keating, mineralogist and geologist, who also acted as historian of the expedition. leaving philadelphia in april, the company passed overland to prairie du chien on the mississippi, ascended this river, and going up its branch, the minnesota, reached the town of mendota in the month of july. a well-known french half-breed, joseph renville, acted as guide, and several others joined the party at this point. after journeying up the minnesota river, partly by canoe, and partly by the use of horses, they reached in thirteen days big stone lake, which is considered to be the source of the river. following up the bed of a dried-up stream for three miles, they found lake traverse, the source of the red river, and reached pembina village, a collection of fifty or sixty log huts inhabited by half-breeds, numbering about three hundred and fifty. we have already seen how the north-west and hudson's bay companies had posts at this place, and that it had been visited regularly by the selkirk settlers as being in proximity to the open plains where buffalo could be obtained. on the day after long's arrival he saw the return of the buffalo hunters from the chase. the procession consisted of one hundred and fifteen carts, each loaded with about eight hundred pounds of the pressed buffalo meat. there were three hundred persons, including the women. the number of horses was about two hundred. twenty hunters, mounted on their best steeds, rode abreast, giving a salute as they passed the encampment of the expedition. one of major long's objects in making his journey was to ascertain the point where the parallel of deg. n. crossed the red river. for four days observations were taken and a flag-staff planted a short distance south of the th parallel. the space to the boundary line was measured off, and an oak post fixed on it, having on the north side the letters g. b., and on the south side u. s. this post was kept up and was seen by the writer in . in , a joint expedition of british and american engineers took observations and found long's point virtually correct. they surveyed the line of deg. eastward to lake of the woods and westward to the rocky mountains. posts were erected at short distances along the boundary line, many of them of iron, with the words on them, "convention of london, ." his work at pembina having been accomplished, major long gave up, on account of the low country to be passed, the thought of following the boundary line eastward to the lake of the woods. he sold his horses and took canoes down the river to the hudson's bay company at fort garry, where he was much interested in the northern civilization as well as in the settlers who had fort douglas as their centre. it was august th when long's expedition left fort douglas and went down the red river. it took but two days to reach the mouth of the river and cross lake winnipeg to fort alexander at the mouth of the winnipeg river. six days more brought the swift canoe-men up the river to lake of the woods. at the falls of rainy river was the hudson's bay company establishment, then under the charge of fur trader mcgillivray. on the opposite side of the river was the fort of the american fur company. following the old route, they reached grand portage, september th, and thence the expedition returned to the east. major long's expedition was a well-conducted and successful enterprise. its members were of the highest respectability, and the two volumes written by secretary keating have the charm of real adventure about them. beltrami's dash. when major long was leaving fort snelling, on the mississippi, to go upon the expedition we have just described, an erratic but energetic and clever italian, named j. c. beltrami, asked to be allowed to accompany him. this aspiring but wayward man has left us a book, consisting of letters addressed to madame la comtesse compagoni, a lady of rank in florence, which is very interesting. on starting he wrote, "my first intention, that of going in search of the real source of the mississippi, was always before my eyes." beltrami, while clever, seems to have been a man of insufferable conceit. on the journey to big stone lake and thence along the river, in the buffalo hunts, in conferences with the sioux, the italian adventurer awakened the resentment of the commander of the expedition, who refused to allow him to accompany his party further. this proved rather favourable to the purpose of beltrami, who, with a half-breed guide and chippewa indians, started to go eastward, having a mule and a dog train as means of transport. after a few days' journey the guide left him, returning with the mule and dog train to pembina. next his indian guide deserted him, fearing the sioux, and beltrami was left to make his way in a canoe up the river to red lake. inexperienced in the management of a birch bark canoe, beltrami was upset, but he at length proceeded along the bank and shallows of the river, dragging the canoe with a tow line after him, and arrived in miserable plight at red lake. here he engaged a guide and interpreter, and writes that he went "where no white man had previously travelled." he was now on the highway to renown. he was taken from point to point on the many lakes of northern minnesota, and affixed names to them. on august th, , he went over several portages, led by his guide to turtle lake, which was to him a source of wonder, as he saw it from the flow of waters south to the gulf of mexico, north to the frozen sea, east to the atlantic, and west toward the pacific ocean. his own words are: "a vast platform crosses this distinguished supreme elevation, and, what is more astonishing, in the midst of it rises a lake. how is this lake formed? whence do its waters proceed? this lake has no issue! and my eyes, which are not deficient in sharpness, cannot discover in the whole extent of the clearest and widest horizon any land which rises above it. all places around it are, on the contrary, considerably lower." beltrami then went to examine the surrounding country, and found the lake, to which he gave the name of lake julia, to be bottomless. this lake he pronounces to be the source of the mississippi river. this opinion was published abroad and accepted by some, but later explorations proved him to be wrong. a small lake to the south-west, afterwards found to be the true source, was described to him by his guide as lac la biche, and he placed this on his chart as "doe lake," the west source of the mississippi. it is a curious fact that lake julia was the same lake surveyed twenty-five years before by astronomer thompson. after further explorations, beltrami returned to fort snelling, near st. paul, minn., being clothed in indian garments, with a piece of bark for a hat. the intrepid explorer found his way to new orleans, where he published "la découverte des sources du mississippi." though the work was criticized with some severity, yet beltrami, on his arrival at london in , published "a pilgrimage in europe and america" in two volumes, which are the source of our information. the county in minnesota, which includes both julia and doe lakes, is appropriately called beltrami county. cass and schoolcraft. lewis cass, of new hampshire was appointed governor of michigan in . six years after this he addressed the secretary of war in washington, proposing an expedition to and through lake superior, and to the sources of the mississippi. it was planned for an examination of the principal features of the north-west tributary to lake superior and the mississippi river. this was sanctioned in , and the expedition embarked in may of that year at detroit, michigan, henry schoolcraft being mineralogist, and captain d. b. douglas topographer and astronomer. the expedition, after much contrary weather, reached sault ste. marie, and the governor, after much difficulty, here negotiated a treaty with the indians. going by way of the fond du lac, the party entered the st. louis river, and made a tiresome portage to sandy lake station. this fur-trading post the party left in july, and ascended the upper mississippi to the upper cedar lake, the name of which was changed to lake cassina, and afterwards cass lake. from the indians governor cass learned that lac la biche--some fifty miles further on--was the true source of the river, but he was deterred by their accounts of the lowness of the water and the fierceness of the current from attempting the journey any further. the expedition ingloriously retired from the project, going down to st. anthony falls, ascending the wisconsin river, and thence down fox river. the governor himself in september arrived in detroit, having crossed the southern peninsula of michigan on horseback. hon. j. w. brown says: "when governor cass abandoned his purpose to ascend the mississippi to its source, he was within an easy distance, comparatively speaking, of the goal sought for. less timidity had often been displayed in canoe voyages, even in the face of low water, and an o-z-a-win-dib or a keg-wed-zis-sag, indian guides, would have easily won the battle of the day for governor cass." schoolcraft at length succeeds. henry rowe schoolcraft, of good family, was born in new york state, and was educated in that state and in vermont. his first expedition was in company with de witt clinton in a journey to missouri and arkansas. on his return he published two treatises which gave him some reputation as an explorer and scientist. we have already spoken of the part taken by him in the expedition of governor cass. he received after this the appointment of "superintendent of indian affairs" at sault ste. marie, and to this we are indebted for the treasury of indian lore published in four large quarto volumes, from which longfellow obtained his tale of "hiawatha." in schoolcraft received orders from washington, ostensibly for conference with the indians, but in reality to determine the source of the mississippi. the rev. w. t. boutwell, representing a board of missions, accompanied the expedition. lac la biche was already known to exist, and to this schoolcraft pointed his expedition. on their journey outward schoolcraft suddenly one day asked boutwell the greek and latin names for the headwaters or true source of a river. mr. boutwell could not recall the greek, but gave the two latin words--_veritas_ (truth) and _caput_ (head). these were written on a slip of paper, and mr. schoolcraft struck out the first and last three letters, and announced to boutwell that "itasca shall be the name." it is true that schoolcraft wrote a stanza in which he says, "by fair itasca shed," seemingly referring to an indian maiden. boutwell, however, always maintained his story of the name, and this is supported by the fact that the word was never heard in the ojibway mythology. the party followed the same route as that taken by governor cass on his journey, reaching cass lake on july th, . taking the advice of ozawinder, a chippewa indian, they followed up their journey in birch bark canoes, went up the smaller fork of the mississippi, and then by portage reached the eastern extremity of la biche or itasca lake. the party landed on the island in the lake which has since been known as schoolcraft island, and here raised their flag. after exploring the shores of the lake, he returned to cass lake, and, full of pride of his discovery, journeyed home to sault ste. marie. on the map drawn to illustrate schoolcraft's inland journey occurs, beside the lake of his discovery, the legend, "itasca lake, the source of the mississippi river; length from gulf of mexico, , miles; elevation, , ft. reached july th, ." [illustration: fort edmonton, on the north saskatchewan.] [illustration: jasper house, rocky mountains.] chapter xxxiv. famous journeys in rupert's land. fascination of an unknown land--adventure, science, or gain--lieutenant lefroy's magnetic survey--hudson's bay company assists--winters at fort chipewyan--first scientific visit to peace river--notes lost--not "gratuitous canoe conveyance"--captain palliser and lieutenant hector--journey through rupert's land--rocky mountain passes--on to the coast--a successful expedition--hind and dawson--to spy out the land for canada--the fertile belt--hind's description good--milton and cheadle--winter on the saskatchewan--reach pacific ocean in a pitiable condition--captain butler--the horse blackie and dog "cerf vola"--fleming and grant--"ocean to ocean"--"land fitted for a healthy and hardy race"--waggon road and railway. the vast area of rupert's land and the adjoining indian territories have always had a fascination for the british imagination; and not alone its wide extent, but its being a fur traders' paradise, and in consequence largely a "terra incognita," has led adventurous spirits to desire to explore it. just as sir john mandeville's expedition to the unknown regions of asia in the fourteenth century has appealed to the hardy and brave sons of britain from that early day; and in later times the famous ride of colonel burnaby to khiva in our own generation has led central asia to be viewed as a land of mystery; so the plains of rupert's land, with the reputed chinese wall thrown around them by the hudson's bay company's monopoly, have been a favourite resort for the traveller, the mighty hunter, and the scientist. it is true no succeeding records of adventure can have the interest for us that gathers around those of the intrepid verendrye, the mysterious hearne, or the heroic alexander mackenzie, whose journeys we have already described, yet many daring adventurers who have gone on scientific or exploratory expeditions, or who have travelled the wide expanse for sport or for mere curiosity, may claim our attention. lefroy's magnetic survey. the discovery of the magnetic pole by sir john ross, and the continued interest in the problems connected with the arctic sea, the romance of the north land, and the dream of a north-west passage, led to the desire to have a scientific survey of the wide expanse of rupert's land. the matter was brought to the notice of the royal society by major, afterwards general sir edward sabine, a noted student of magnetism. sir john herschell, the leading light on the subject of physics, succeeded in inducing the society to pronounce a favourable opinion on the project, and the strong influence of the royal society, under the presidency of the marquis of northampton, induced the lords of the treasury to meet the estimated expenses, nine hundred and ten pounds, with the understanding that, as stated by the president, gratuitous canoe conveyance would be provided by the hudson's bay company in the territories belonging to them. lieutenant, afterwards general sir henry lefroy, a young artillery officer, was selected to go upon the journey. a circular letter was sent to the hudson's bay company posts by governor simpson, directing that every assistance should be given to the survey. lefroy, having wintered in montreal, was given a passage on may st, , on the canoes for the north-west. passing up the ottawa and along the fur traders' route, he soon reached sault ste. marie and fort william; magnetic observations, accurate observations of latitude and longitude being made at the hudson's bay company posts along the route. kakabeka falls and the various points along the kaministiquia route were examined, and exchanging the "canot de maître" for the "canot de nord," by way of lake of the woods and lake winnipeg, the observer arrived at fort garry on june th, having found sir george simpson at lower fort garry. after a close examination of the red river valley and some geological observations on the west side of lake winnipeg, lefroy made his way to norway house, and then by the watercourses, four hundred miles, to york factory. having done good work on the bay, he made the return journey to norway house, and on august nd, cumberland house on the saskatchewan was gained. here he adopted the latitude and longitude taken by franklin's two land expeditions, and here took seven independent observations of variation and dip of the magnetic needle. now striking energetically northward, and stopping long enough at the posts to take the necessary observations, the explorer arrived at fort chipewyan on september rd. it was twelve years since the dwellers on lake athabasca had been visited by any traveller from the south, and lefroy's voyageurs, as they completed their three thousand miles of journey, decked out in their best apparel, made the echoes of the lake resound with their gay chansons. lefroy wintered in the fort, where the winter months were enjoyed in the well-selected library of the company and the new experiences of the fur trader's life, while his voyageurs went away to support themselves at a fishing station on the lake. the summer of was spent in a round of thirteen hundred and forty miles, going from lake athabasca, up the peace river to fort dunvegan, then by way of lower slave lake to edmonton, and down the saskatchewan to cumberland. lefroy claims that no scientific traveller had visited the peace river since the time of alexander mackenzie, fifty-five years before. unfortunately, lefroy's notes of this journey and some of his best observations were lost in his return through the united states, and could not be replaced. in march, , lieutenant lefroy left lake athabasca, and travelled on snow shoes to fort resolution on great slave lake, and thence to fort simpson, four hundred and fifty miles, having his instruments for observation borne on dog sleds. this journey was made in nineteen days. waiting at the fort till may, he accomplished the descent of the mackenzie river after the breaking up of the ice, and reached fort good hope. the return journey to fort resolution was made at a very rapid rate, and the route thence to lake athabasca was followed. the diary ends june th, . at the close of the expedition some misunderstanding arose as to the settlement of the accounts. the hudson's bay company had promised to give "gratuitous canoe conveyance." the original plan of the journey was, however, much changed, and lieutenant lefroy was a much greater expense to the company than had been expected. a bill of upwards of twelve hundred pounds was rendered by the hudson's bay company to the royal society. after certain explanations and negotiations a compromise of eight hundred and fifty pounds was agreed on, and this was paid by the treasury department to the company. the work done by lieutenant lefroy was of the most accurate and valuable kind. his name is remembered as that of one of the most trustworthy of the explorers of the plains of rupert's land and the north, and is commemorated by fort lefroy in the rocky mountains. it is true his evidence, recorded in the blue book of , was somewhat disappointing, but his errors were those of judgment, not of prejudice or intention. palliser and hector. the approach of the time when the twenty-one years' lease of the indian territories granted by the imperial parliament to the hudson's bay company was drawing near a close in , when the committee of the house of commons met in february of this year to consider the matter. a vast mass of evidence was taken, and the consideration of the blue book containing this will afford us material for a very interesting chapter. the interest in the matter, and the necessity for obtaining expert information, led the imperial government to organize an expedition under captain john palliser, r.n.a., of the royal engineers. with captain palliser, who was to go up the canadian lakes to the interior, was associated lieutenant blakiston, r.n., who received orders to proceed by ship to york factory and meet the main expedition at some point in rupert's land. the geologist of the expedition was james hector, m.d. (edin.). j. w. sullivan was secretary and m. e. bourgeau, botanist. after the usual incidents of an ocean voyage, some difficulty with the customs authorities in new york arose as to the entry of astronomical instruments, which was happily overcome, and after a long journey by way of detroit, sault ste. marie was reached, where palliser found two birch bark canoes and sixteen voyageurs awaiting him, as provided by the hudson's bay company. sir george simpson had lately passed this point. journeying along the fur traders' route, the explorers found themselves expected at fort frances, on rainy river. here a deputation of indians waited upon them, and the old chief discoursed thus: "i do not ask for presents, although i am poor and my people are hungry, but i know you have come straight from the great country, and we know that no men from that country ever came to us and lied. i want you to declare to us truthfully what the great queen of your country intends to do to us when she will take the country from the fur company's people. all around me i see the smoke of the white men to rise. the 'long knives' (the americans) are trading with our neighbours for their lands and they are cheating them and deceiving them. now, we will not sell nor part with our lands." having reached fort garry, captain palliser divided his party, sending one section west, and himself going south to the boundary line with the other. going west from pembina, palliser reached the french half-breed settlement of st. joseph (st. jo.), and some days afterwards turtle mountain. thence he hurried across country to fort ellice to meet the other portion of his expedition. while the tired horses rested here he made an excursion of a notable kind to the south-west. this was to the "roches percées" on the souris river. this is a famous spot, noted for the presence of tertiary sandstone exposures, which have weathered into the most fantastic shapes. it is a sacred spot of the indians. here, as at the "red pipestone quarry," described by longfellow, and not more than one hundred and fifty miles distant from it, sioux, assiniboines, and crees meet in peace. though war may prevail elsewhere, this spot is by mutual agreement kept as neutral. at this point palliser saw a great camp of assiniboines. returning from this side excursion, the captain resumed his command, and having obtained mckay, the hudson's bay company officer at fort ellice, with governor christie's permission, set off by way of qu'appelle lakes for the elbow of the saskatchewan. on the south saskatchewan palliser came to the "heart of the buffalo country." the whole region as far as the eye could reach was covered with the buffalo in bands varying from hundreds to thousands. so vast were the herds, that he began to have serious apprehensions for his horses, as "the grass was eaten to the earth, as if the place had been devastated by locusts." crossing the saskatchewan the explorers went northward to fort carlton on the north branch, where the party wintered while captain palliser returned to canada, paying _l._ to a red river trader to drive him five hundred and twenty miles from fort garry to crow wing, the nearest minnesota settlement. palliser's horse, for which he had bargained, was killed at pembina, and he walked the four hundred and fifty miles of the journey, which was made with painful slowness by the struggling horses and sleds of the traders. in june of the following year palliser left fort carlton, part of his command going to the red deer river, the other part to visit fort pitt and edmonton house. from edmonton the explorer reports that during the summer, his men had succeeded in finding a pass through the rocky mountains, one not only practicable for horses, but which, with but little expense, could be rendered available for carts also. he also states the passes discovered by him to be:-- ( ) kananaskis pass and vermilion pass; ( ) lake pass and beaver foot pass; ( ) little fork pass; ( ) kicking horse pass--six in all, which, with the north kootenay (on british territory), make up seven known passes. having wintered at edmonton, he satisfied himself that this region so far north and west is a good agricultural region, that the saskatchewan region compares favourably with that of the red river valley, that the rule of the country should be given over by the hudson's bay company to the general government, and that a railway could be built easily from the red river to the eastern foot of the rocky mountains. orders having reached palliser to proceed, he undertook, in the summer of , a journey across the rocky mountains, following in part the old hudson's bay company trail. on st. andrew's day, the party arrived at the hudson's bay company post at vancouver on the columbia, and was welcomed by mr. graham, the officer in charge. taking steamer down the columbia with his assistant sullivan, captain palliser went to victoria, a hudson's bay company establishment on vancouver island, whither they were followed by dr. hector. journeying south-west to san francisco, he returned, _viâ_ isthmus of panama, to new york and england. the expedition was one of the best organized, best managed, and most successful that visited rupert's land. the report is a sensible, well-balanced, minute, and reliable account of the country passed over. hind and dawson's exploration. in the same year that palliser's expedition was despatched by the british government to examine the resources and characteristics of rupert's land, a party was sent by the canadian government with similar ends in view, but more especially to examine the routes and means of access by which the prairies of the north-west might be reached from lake superior. the staff of the party was as follows: george gladman, director; professor henry youle hind, geologist; w. h. e. napier, engineer; s. j. dawson, surveyor. these, along with several foremen, twelve caughnawaga iroquois, from near lachine, and twelve ojibway indians from fort william, made up a stirring canoe party of forty-four persons. in july, , the expedition left toronto, went by land to collingwood on lake huron, embarked there on the steamer _collingwood_, and passing by sault st. marie, reached on august st fort william at the mouth of the kaministiquia. mr. john mcintyre, the officer of the hudson's bay company in charge of fort william, has given to the writer an account of the arrival of the party there with their great supply canoes, trading outfit, and apparatus, piled up high on the steamer's deck--a great contrast to the scanty but probably more efficient means of transport found on a hudson's bay company trading journey. the party in due time went forward over the usual fur traders' route, which we have so often described, and arrived at fort garry early in september. as the object of the expedition was to spy out the land, the red river settlement, now grown to considerable size, afforded the explorers an interesting field for study. simple though the conditions of life were, yet the fact that six or seven thousands of human beings were gaining a livelihood and were possessed of a number of the amenities of life, made its impress on the visitors, and hind's chapters vi. to x. of his first volume are taken up with a general account of the settlement, the banks of the red river, statistics of population, administration of justice, trade, occupations of the people, missions, education, and agriculture at red river. having arrived at the settlement, the leaders devised plans for overtaking their work. the approach of winter made it impossible to plan expeditions over the plains to any profit. mr. gladman returned by canoe to lake superior early in september, napier and his assistants took up their abode among the better class of english-speaking half-breeds between the upper and lower forts on the banks of the red river. mr. dawson found shelter among his roman catholic co-religionists half a mile from fort garry. he and his party were to be engaged during the winter between red river and the lake of the woods, along the route afterwards called the dawson road, while hind followed his party up the western bank of red river to pembina, and his own account is that there was of them "all told, five gentlemen, five half-breeds, six saddle horses, and five carts, to which were respectively attached four poor horses and one refractory mule." this party was returning to canada, going by way of crow wing, thence by stage coach to st. paul, on the mississippi, then by rail unbroken to toronto, which was reached after an absence of three and a half months. the next season hind was placed in charge of the expedition, and with new assistants went up the lakes in may, leading them by the long-deserted route of grand portage instead of by kaministiquia. the journey from lake superior to fort garry was made in about twenty-one days. on their arrival at red river the party found that mr. dawson had gone on an exploring tour to the saskatchewan. having organized his expedition hind now went up the assiniboine to fort ellice. the qu'appelle valley was then explored, and the lake reached from which two streamlets flow, one into the qu'appelle and thence to the assiniboine, the other into the saskatchewan. descending the saskatchewan, at the mouth of which the grand rapids impressed the party, they made the journey thence up lake winnipeg and red river to the place of departure. the tour was a most interesting one, having occupied all the summer. hind was a close observer, was most skilful in working with the hudson's bay company and its officers, and he gained an excellent view of the most fertile parts of the country. his estimate of it on the whole has been wonderfully borne out by succeeding years of experience and investigation. milton and cheadle. the world at large, after hind's expedition and the publication of his interesting observations, began to know more of the fur traders' land and showed more interest in it. in the years succeeding hind's expedition a number of enterprising canadians reached fort garry by way of st. paul, minn., and took up their abode in the country. a daring band of nearly canadians, drawn by the gold fever, started in , on an overland journey to cariboo; but many of them perished by the way. three other well-known expeditions deserve notice. the first of these was in by viscount milton and dr. cheadle. coming from england by way of minnesota to fort garry, they stopped at red river settlement, and by conveyance crossed the prairies in their first season as far as fort carlton on the north saskatchewan, and wintered there. the season was enjoyable, and in spring the explorers ascended the saskatchewan to edmonton, and then, by way of the yellow head pass, crossed the rocky mountains. their descent down the thompson river was a most difficult one. the explorers were nearly lost through starvation, and on their arrival by way of fraser river at victoria their appearance was most distressing and their condition most pitiable. a few years ago, in company with a party of members of the british association, dr. cheadle visited winnipeg, and at a banquet in the city expressed to the writer his surprise that the former state of scarcity of food even on red river had been so changed into the evident plenty which manitoba now enjoys. milton and cheadle's "the north-west passage by land" is a most enjoyable book. captain butler. in the early months of the year , when red river settlement was under the hand of the rebel louis riel, a tall, distinguished-looking stranger descended the red river in the steamer _international_. news had been sent by a courier on horseback to the rebel chief that a dangerous stranger was approaching. the stalwart irish visitor was captain w. f. butler, of h.m. th regiment of foot. as the _international_ neared fort garry, butler, with a well-known resident of red river settlement, sprang upon the river-bank from the steamer in the dark as she turned into the assiniboine river. he escaped to the lower part of the settlement, but the knowledge that he had a letter from the roman catholic archbishop taché led to the rebel chief sending for and promising him a safe-conduct. butler came and inspected the fort, and again departed to lake winnipeg, river winnipeg, and lake of the woods, where he accomplished his real mission, in telling to general wolseley, of the relief expedition coming to drive away the rebels, the state of matters in the red river. captain butler then went west, crossed country to the saskatchewan, descended the river, and in winter came through, by snow-shoe and dog train, over lakes winnipegoosis and manitoba to the east, and then to europe. love of adventure brought captain butler back to the north-west. in he journeyed through the former fur traders' land, reaching lake athabasca in march, . ascending the peace river, he arrived in northern british columbia in may. through three hundred and fifty miles of the dense forests of new caledonia he toiled to reach quesnel, on the fraser, four hundred miles north of victoria, british columbia, where he in due time landed. captain butler has left a graphic, perhaps somewhat embellished, account of his travels in the books, "great lone land" and "wild north land." the central figure of his first book is the faithful horse "blackie" and of the second the eskimo dog "cerf-vola." the appreciative reader feels, however, especially in the latter, the spirit and power of milton's and cheadle's "north-west passage by land" everywhere in these descriptive works. fleming and grant. third of these expeditions was that undertaken in , under the leadership of sandford fleming, which has been chronicled in the work "ocean to ocean," by rev. principal grant. the writer saw this expedition at winnipeg in the summer of its arrival. it came for the purpose of crossing the plains, as a preliminary survey for a railway. the party came up the lakes, and by boat and portage over the traders' route, and the dawson road from lake of the woods to red river, and halted near fort garry. going westward, they for the most part followed the path of milton and cheadle. fort carlton and then edmonton house were reached, and the yellow head pass was followed to the north thompson river. the forks of the river at kamloops were passed, and then the canoe way down the fraser to the sea was taken. the return journey was made by way of san francisco. the expedition did much to open the way for canadian emigration and to keep before the minds of canadians the necessity for a waggon road across the rocky mountains and for a railway from ocean to ocean as soon as possible. dr. grant's conclusion was: "we know that we have a great north-west, a country like old canada--not suited for lotus-eaters to live in, but fitted to rear a healthy and hardy race." chapter xxxv. red river settlement. - . chiefly scottish and french settlers--many hardships--grasshoppers--yellow head--"gouverneur sauterelle"--swiss settlers--remarkable parchment--captain bulger, a military governor--indian troubles--donald mackenzie, a fur trader, governor--many projects fail--the flood--plenty follows--social condition--lower fort built--upper fort garry--council of assiniboia--the settlement organized--duncan finlayson governor--english farmers--governor christie--serious epidemic--a regiment of regulars--the unfortunate major--the people restless. the cessation of hostilities between the rival companies afforded an opportunity to lord selkirk's settlement to proceed with its development. to the scared and harassed settlers it gave the prospects of peace under their governor, alexander macdonell, who had been in the fur trade, but took charge of the settlement after the departure of miles macdonell. the state of affairs was far from promising. the population of scottish and irish settlers was less than two hundred. there were a hundred or thereabout of de meurons, brought up by lord selkirk, and a number of french voyageurs, free traders or "freemen" as opposed to _engagés_, and those who, with their half-breed families, had begun to assemble about the forks and to take up holdings for themselves. for the last mentioned, the hunt, fishing, and the fur trade afforded a living; but as to the settlers and de meurons, providence seemed to favour them but little more than the hostile nor'-westers had done. the settlers were chiefly men who were unacquainted with farming, and they had few implements, no cattle or horses, and the hoe and spade were their only means of fitting the soil for the small quantity of grain supplied them for sowing. other means of employment or livelihood there were none. in the crops of the settlers were devoured by an incursion of locusts. on several occasions clouds of these destructive insects have visited red river, and their ravages are not only serious, but they paralyze all effort on the part of the husbandmen. the description given by the prophet joel was precisely reproduced on the banks of the red river, "the land is as the garden of eden before them, and behind them is a desolate wilderness; yea, and nothing shall escape them." there was no resource for the settlers but to betake themselves to pembina to seek the buffalo. in the next year they sowed their scanty seed, but the young "grasshoppers," as they were called, rose from the eggs deposited in the previous year, and while the wheat was in the blade, cleared it from the fields more thoroughly than any reaper could have done. this scourge continued till the spring of , when the locusts disappeared suddenly, and the crop of that year was a bountiful one. during these years the colony was understood to be under the personal ownership of lord selkirk. he regarded himself as responsible, as lord paramount of the district, for the safety and support of the colonists. in the first year of the settlement he had sent out supplies of food, clothing, implements, arms, and ammunition; a store-house had been erected; and this continued during these years to be supplied with what was needed. it was the governor's duty to regulate the distribution of these stores and to keep account of them as advances to the several settlers, and of the interest charged upon such advances. whilst the store was a boon, even a necessity, to the settlers, it was also an instrument of oppression. alexander macdonell was called "gouverneur sauterelle" ("grasshopper governor"), the significant statement being made by ross "that he was so nicknamed because he proved as great a destroyer within doors as the grasshoppers in the fields." he seems, moreover, to have been an extravagant official, being surrounded by a coterie of kindred spirits, who lived in "one prolonged scene of debauchery." with the departure of the grasshoppers from the country departed also the unpopular and unfaithful governor. it was only on the visit of mr. halkett, one of lord selkirk's executors, that macdonell's course of "false entries, erroneous statements, and over-charges" was discovered, and the accounts of the settlers adjusted to give them their rights. the disgraceful reign of governor macdonell was brought to a close none too soon. during the period of governor macdonell's rule a number of important events had taken place. the union of the two rival companies was accomplished. clergy, both roman catholic and of the church of england, had arrived in the colony. a farm had been begun by the colony officers on the banks of the assiniboine, and the name of hayfield farm was borne by it. perhaps the most notable event was the arrival at red river of a number of swiss settlers. these were brought out by colonel may, late of the de watteville regiment. a native of berne, he had come to canada, but not to red river. the swiss were in many ways an element of interest. crossing the ocean by hudson's bay company's ships they arrived at york factory in august, , and were borne in the company's york boats to their destination. gathered, as they had been, from the towns and villages of switzerland, and being chiefly "watch and clock makers, pastry cooks, and musicians," they were ill-suited for such a new settlement as that of red river, where they must become agriculturists. they seem to have been honest and orderly people, though very poor. it will be remembered that the de meurons had come as soldiers; they were chiefly, therefore, unmarried men. the arrival of the swiss, with their handsome sons and daughters, produced a flutter of excitement in the wifeless de meuron cabins along german creek. the result is described in the words of a most trustworthy eye-witness of what took place: "no sooner had the swiss emigrants arrived than many of the germans, who had come to the settlement a few years ago from canada and had houses, presented themselves in search of a wife, and having fixed their attachment with acceptance, they received those families in which was their choice into their habitations. those who had no daughters to afford this introduction were obliged to pitch their tents along the banks of the river and outside the stockades of the fort, till they removed to pembina in the better prospects of provisions for the winter." the whole affair was a repetition of the old sabine story. in connection with these de meurons and swiss, it may be interesting to mention a remarkable parchment agreement which the writer has perused. it is eleven feet long, and one and a half feet wide, containing the signatures of forty-nine settlers, of which twenty-five are those of de meurons or swiss, the remainder being of highlanders and norwegians. among these names are bender, lubrevo, quiluby, bendowitz, kralic, wassloisky, joli, jankosky, wachter, lassota, laidece, warcklur, krusel, jolicoeur, maquet, and lalonde. this agreement binds the earl of selkirk or his agents not to engage in the sale of spirituous liquors or the fur trade, but to provide facilities for transport of goods from and into the country, and at moderate rates. the settlers are bound to keep up roads, to support a clergyman, and to provide for defence. the document is not only a curiosity, but historically valuable. there is no date upon it, but the date is fixed by the signatures, viz. "for the buffalo wool company, john pritchard." that company, we know, began, and as we shall see afterwards, failed in the years and . this, accordingly, is the date of the document marking the era of the fusion of the hudson's bay company and the nor'-westers. the de meurons and swiss never took kindly to red river. so early as , after wintering at pembina, a number of them, instead of turning their faces toward fort garry, went up the red river into minnesota, and took up farms where st. paul now stands, on the mississippi. they were the first settlers there. among their names are those of garvas, pierrie, louis massey, and that of perry, men who became very rich in herds in the early days of minnesota. on the removal of governor macdonell, captain a. bulger was, in june, , installed as governor of assiniboia. his rule only lasted one year and proved troublous, though he was a high-minded and capable official. there lies before the writer, "papers referring to red river," consisting chiefly of a long letter published by the captain in india, written in to andrew colville, one of the executors of lord selkirk. one of his chief troubles was the opposition given him by the hudson's bay company officer clarke, who was in charge of their establishment at the forks. every effort was put forth by clarke to make bulger's position uncomfortable, and the opposition drove the captain away. bulger also had a worrying experience with peguis, the chief of the indians on the lower red river. though peguis and the other chiefs had made a treaty with lord selkirk and ceded certain lands to his lordship, they now, with the fickleness of children, repented of their bargain and sought additional payment for the concession. bulger's military manner, however, overcame the chief, and twenty-five lashes administered to an indian who had attempted violence had a sobering effect upon the red man. governor bulger expresses himself very freely on the character of the de meuron settlers. he says: "it is quite absurd to suppose they will ever prove peaceable and industrious settlers. the only charm that red river possesses in their eyes, and, i may say, in the eyes of almost all the settlers, is the colony stores. their demands are insatiable, and when refused, their insolence extreme. united as they are among themselves, and ferocious in their dispositions, nothing can be done against them." it is but fair, however, to state that the captain had a low opinion both of the hudson's bay company's officers and of the french canadian freemen. governor bulger, on retiring, made the following suggestions, which show the evils which he thought needed a remedy, viz. "to get courts and magistrates nominated by the king; to get a company of troops sent out to support the magistrates and keep the natives in order; to circulate money; to find a market for the surplus grain; to let it be determined whether the council at york factory are justified in preventing the settlers from buying moose or deer skin for clothing and provisions." the governor's closing words are, "if these things cannot be done, it is my sincere advice to you to spend no more of lord selkirk's money upon red river." governor bulger was succeeded by robert pelly, who was the brother of sir j. h. pelly, the governor of the company in london. it seems to have been about this time that the executors of lord selkirk, while not divesting themselves of their red river possessions, yet in order to avoid the unseemly conflicts seen in bulger's time, entrusted the administration of their affairs to the company's officers at red river. we have seen in a former chapter the appointment of the committee to manage these red river affairs at norway house council. after two years pelly retired, and donald mckenzie, a fur trader who had taken part in the stirring events of astoria, to which we have referred, became governor. the discontent of the settlers, and the wish to advance the colony, led the company for a number of years after the union of the companies to try various projects for the development of the colony. though the recital of these gives a melancholy picture of failure, yet it shows a heartiness and willingness on the part of the company to do the best for the settlers, albeit there was in every case bad management. immediately after the union of the two fur companies in , a company to manufacture cloth from buffalo wool was started. this, of course, was a mad scheme, but there was a clamour that work should be found for the hungry immigrants. the company began operations, and every one was to become rich. $ , of money raised in shares was deposited in the hudson's bay company's hands as the bankers of the "buffalo wool company," machinery was obtained, and the people largely gave up agriculture to engage in killing buffalo and collecting buffalo skins. trade was to be the philosopher's stone. in the bubble burst. it cost $ . to manufacture a yard of buffalo wool cloth on red river, and the cloth only sold for $ . a yard in london. the hudson's bay company advanced $ , beyond the amount deposited, and a few years afterwards was under the necessity of forgiving the debt. the hudson's bay company had thus its lesson in encouraging the settlers. the money distributed to the settlers through this company, however, bought cattle for them, several hundred cattle having been brought from illinois that year. a model farm for the benefit of the settlers was next undertaken. buildings, implements, and also a mansion, costing $ , , for the manager, were provided. a few years of mismanagement and extravagance brought this experiment to an end also, and the founders were $ , out of pocket. such was another scheme to encourage the settlers. driven to another effort by the discontent of the people, governor simpson tried another model farm. at a fine spot on the assiniboine, farm dwellings, barns, yards, and stables were erected and fields enclosed, well-bred cattle were imported, also horses. the farm was well stocked with implements. mismanagement, however, again brought its usual result, and after six years the trial was given up, there having been a loss to the company of $ , . nothing daunted, the red river settlers started the "assiniboine wool company," but as it fell through upon the first demand for payment of the stock, it hurt nobody, and ended, according to the proverb, with "much cry and little wool." another enterprise was next begun by governor simpson, "the flax and hemp company," but though the farmers grew a plentiful quantity of these, the undertaking failed, and the crop rotted on the fields. a more likely scheme for the encouragement of the settlers was now set on foot by the governor, viz. a new sheep speculation. sheep were purchased in missouri, and after a journey of nearly fifteen hundred miles, only two hundred and fifty sheep out of the original fourteen hundred survived the hardships of the way. a tallow company is said to have swallowed up from $ , to $ , for the hudson's bay company, and a good deal of money was spent in opening up a road to hudson bay. thus was enterprise after enterprise undertaken by the company, largely for the good of the settlers. if ever an honest effort was made to advance an isolated and difficult colony, it was in these schemes begun by the hudson's bay company here. the most startling event during the rule of governor mackenzie was the red river flood in . the winter of this year had been severe, and a great snowfall gave promise of a wet and dangerous spring. the snow had largely cleared away, when, early in the month of may, the waters began rising with surprising rapidity. the banks of the rivers were soon unable to contain the floods, and once on the prairie level the waters spread for miles east and west in a great lake. the water rose several feet in the houses of the settlers. when the wind blew the waves dashed over the roofs. buildings were undermined and some were floated away. the settlers were compelled to leave their homes, and took flight to the heights of stony mountain, little mountain, bird's hill, and other elevations. for weeks the flood continued, but at last, on its receding, the homeless settlers returned to their battered and damaged houses, much disheartened. the crops, however, were sown, though late, and a fair harvest was gathered in that unpromising year. the flood was the last straw that broke the back of the endurance of de meurons and swiss colonists. they almost all withdrew from the country and became settlers in minnesota and other states of the american union. either from pride or real dislike, the selkirk settlers declared that they were well rid of these discontented and turbulent foreigners. the year of the flood seems to have introduced an era of plenty, for the people rebuilt their houses, cultivated their fields, received full returns for their labour, and were enabled to pay off their debts and improve their buildings. during governor mckenzie's régime at the time of the flood, the population of the red river settlement had reached fifteen hundred. after this, though the colony lost by desertions, as we have seen, yet it continued to gain by the addition of retiring hudson's bay company officers and servants, who took up land as allowed by the company in strips along the river after the lower canadian fashion, for which they paid small sums. there were in many cases no deeds, simply the registration of the name in the company's register. a man sold his lot for a horse, and it was a matter of chance whether the registration of the change in the lot took place or not. this was certainly a mode of transferring land free enough to suit an english radical or even henry george. the land reached as far out from the river as could be seen by looking under a horse, say two miles, and back of this was the limitless prairie, which became a species of common where all could cut hay and where herds could run unconfined. wood, water, and hay were the necessaries of a red river settler's life; to cut poplar rails for his fences in spring and burn the dried rails in the following winter was quite the authorized thing. there was no inducement to grow surplus grain, as each settler could only get a market for eight bushels of wheat from the hudson's bay company. it could not be exported. pemmican from the plains was easy to get; the habits of the people were simple; their wants were few; and while the condition of red river settlement was far from being that of an arcadia, want was absent and the people were becoming satisfied. to governor mckenzie, who ruled well for eight years, credit is due largely for the peace and progress of the period. alexander ross, who came from the rocky mountains to red river in , is the chronicler of this period, and it is with amusement we read his gleeful account of the erection of the first stone building, small though it was, on the banks of red river. lime had been burnt from the limestone, found abundantly along the lower part of the red river, during the time of governor bulger. it was in that the hudson's bay company built a small powder magazine of stone, near fort garry. this was the beginning of solid architecture in the settlement. in the following year the hudson's bay company, evidently encouraged by the thrift and contentment of the people, began the erection of a very notable and important group of buildings some nineteen miles down the river from the forks. this was called lower fort garry. it was built on the solid rock, and was, and is to this day, surrounded by a massive stone wall. various reasons have been advanced for the building of this, the first permanent fort so far from the old centre of trade, and of the old associations at the "forks." some have said it was done to place it among the english people, as the french settlers were becoming turbulent; some that it was at the head of navigation from lake winnipeg, being north of the st. andrew's rapids; and some maintained that the site was chosen as having been far above the high water during the year of flood, when fort douglas and upper fort garry had been surrounded. the motive will probably never be known; but for a time it was the residence of the governor of rupert's land when he was in the country, and was the seat of government. four years afterwards, when alexander christie had replaced mr. donald mckenzie as local governor, fort garry or upper fort garry was begun in at the forks, but on higher ground than the original fort garry of , which had been erected after the union of the companies. this fort continued the centre of business, government, education, and public affairs for more than three decades and was the nucleus of the city of winnipeg. sold in the year , the fort was demolished, and the front gate, now owned by the city, is all that remains of this historic group of buildings. the destruction of the fort was an act of vandalism, reflecting on the sordid man who purchased it from the hudson's bay company. in governor christie's time the necessity was recognized of having a form of government somewhat less patriarchal than the individual rule of the local governor had been. accordingly, the council of assiniboia was appointed by the hudson's bay company, the president being sir george simpson, the governor of rupert's land, and with him fourteen councillors. it may be of interest to give the names of the members of this first council. besides the president there were: alexander christie, governor of the colony; rev. d. t. jones, chaplain h. b. c.; right rev. bishop provencher; rev. william cochrane, assistant chaplain; james bird, formerly chief factor, h. b. c.; james sutherland, esq.; w. h. cook, esq.; john pritchard, esq.; robert logan, esq.; sheriff alex. ross; john mccallum, coroner; john bunn, medical adviser; cuthbert grant, esq., warden of the plains; andrew mcdermott, merchant. it is generally conceded, however, that the council did not satisfy the public aspirations. the president and councillors were all declared either sinecurists or paid servants of the company. the mass of the people complained at not being represented. it was, however, a step very much in advance of what had been, although there was a suspicion in the public mind that it had something of the form of popular government without the substance. at the first meeting of the council a number of measures were passed. to preserve order a volunteer corps of sixty men was organized, with a small annual allowance per man. of this body, sheriff ross was commander. the settlement was divided into four districts, over each of which a justice of the peace was appointed, who held quarterly courts in their several jurisdictions. at this court small actions only were tried, and the presiding magistrate was allowed to refer any case of exceptional difficulty to the court of governor and council. this higher court sat quarterly also. in larger civil cases and in criminal cases the law required a jury to be called. a jail and court-house were erected outside the walls of fort garry. to meet the expense involved under the new institutions a tax of - / per cent. duty was levied on imports and a like duty on exports. the hudson's bay company also agreed to contribute three hundred pounds a year in aid of public works throughout the settlement. the year was notable in the history of the colony. a new governor, duncan finlayson, was appointed, and steps were taken also to improve the judicial system which had been introduced. an appointment was made of the first recorder for red river settlement. the new appointee was a young scottish lawyer from montreal, named adam thom. he had been a journalist in montreal, was of an ardent and somewhat aggressive disposition, but was a man of ability and broad reading. judge thom was, however, a company officer, and as such there was an antecedent suspicion of him in the public mind. it was pointed out that he was not independent, receiving his appointment and his salary of seven hundred pounds from the company. in montreal he had been known as a determined loyalist in the late papineau rebellion, and the french people regarded him as hostile to their race. the population of the settlement continued to increase. in the last year of governor finlayson's rule, twenty families of lincolnshire farmers and labourers came to the country to assist with their knowledge of agriculture. after five years' rule governor finlayson retired from office, and was succeeded for a short time by his old predecessor, mr. alexander christie. a serious epidemic visited the red river in the year . ross describes it in the following graphic way: "in january the influenza raged, and in may the measles broke out; but neither of these visitations proved fatal. at length in june a bloody flux began its ravages first among the indians, and others among the whites; like the great cry in egypt, 'there was not a house where there was not one dead,' on red river there was not a smiling face on 'a summer's day.' from june th to august nd, the deaths averaged seven a day, or three hundred and twenty-one in all, being one out of every sixteen of our population. of these one-sixth were indians, two-thirds half-breeds, and the remainder white. on one occasion thirteen burials were proceeding at once." during this year also the oregon question, with which we shall afterwards deal, threatened war between great britain and the united states. the policy of the british government is, on the first appearance of trouble, to prepare for hostilities. accordingly the th royal regiment of foot, with sappers and artillery, in all five hundred strong, was hurried out under colonel crofton to defend the colony. colonel crofton took the place of alexander christie as governor. the addition of this body of military to the colony gave picturesqueness to the hitherto monotonous life of red river. a market for produce and the circulation of a large sum of money marked their stay on red river. the turbulent spirits who had made much trouble were now silenced, or betook themselves to a safe place across the boundary line. chapter xxxvi. the prairies: sledge, keel, wheel, cayuse, chase. a picturesque life--the prairie hunters and traders--gaily caparisoned dog trains--the great winter packets--joy in the lonely forts--the summer trade--the york boat brigade--expert voyageurs--the famous red river cart--shagganappe ponies--the screeching train--tripping--the western cayuse--the great buffalo hunt--warden of the plains--pemmican and fat--the return in triumph. the great prairies of rupert's land and their intersecting rivers afforded the means for the unique and picturesque life of the prairie hunters and traders. the frozen, snowy plains and lakes were crossed in winter by the serviceable sledge drawn by eskimo dogs, familiarly called "eskies" or "huskies." when summer had come, the lakes and rivers of the prairies, formerly skimmed by canoes, during the fifty years from the union of the companies till the transfer of rupert's land to canada, were for freight and even rapid transit crossed and followed by york and other boats. the transport of furs and other freight across the prairies was accomplished by the use of carts--entirely of wood--drawn by indian ponies, or by oxen in harness, while the most picturesque feature of the prairie life of red river was the departure of the brigade of carts with the hunters and their families on a great expedition for the exciting chase of the buffalo. these salient points of the prairie life of the last half-century of fur-trading life we may with profit depict. sledge and packet. under the régime established by governor simpson, the communication with the interior was reduced to a system. the great winter event at red river was the leaving of the north-west packet about december th. by this agency every post in the northern department was reached. sledges and snow-shoes were the means by which this was accomplished. the sledge or toboggan was drawn by three or four "huskies," gaily comparisoned; and with these neatly harnessed dogs covered with bells, the traveller or the load of valuables was hurried across the pathless snowy wastes of the plains or over the ice of the frozen lakes and rivers. the dogs carried their freight of fish on which they lived, each being fed only at the close of his day's work, and his allowance one fish. the winter packet was almost entirely confined to the transport of letters and a few newspapers. during sir george simpson's time an annual file of the _montreal gazette_ was sent to each post, and to some of the larger places came a year's file of the london _times_. a box was fastened on the back part of the sledge, and this was packed with the important missives so prized when the journey was ended. going at the rate of forty or more miles a day with the precious freight, the party with their sledges camped in the shelter of a clump of trees or bushes, and built their camp fire; then each in his blankets, often joined by the favourite dog as a companion for heat, sought rest on the couch of spruce or willow boughs for the night with the thermometer often at deg. or deg. below zero f. the winter packet ran from fort garry to norway house, a distance of miles. at this point the packet was all rearranged, a part of the freight being carried eastward to hudson bay, the other portion up the saskatchewan to the western and northern forts. the party which had taken the packet to norway house, at that point received the packages from hudson bay and with them returned to fort garry. the western mail from norway house was taken by another sledge party up the saskatchewan river, and leaving parcels at posts along the route, reached its rendezvous at carlton house. the return party from that point received the mail from the north, and hastened to fort garry by way of swan river district, distributing its treasures to the posts it passed and reaching fort garry usually about the end of february. at carlton a party of runners from edmonton and the upper saskatchewan made rendezvous, deposited their packages, received the outgoing mail, and returned to their homes. some of the matter collected from the upper saskatchewan and that brought, as we have seen, by the inland packet from fort garry was taken by a new set of runners to mackenzie river, and athabasca. thus at carlton there met three parties, viz. from fort garry, edmonton, and athabasca. each brought a packet and received another back in return. the return packet from carlton to fort garry, arriving in february, took up the accumulated material, went with it to norway house, the place whence they had started in december, thus carrying the "red river spring packet," and at norway house it was met by another express, known as the "york factory spring packet," which had just arrived. the runners on these various packets underwent great exposure, but they were fleet and athletic and knew how to act to the best advantage in storm and danger. they added a picturesque interest to the lonely life of the ice-bound post as they arrived at it, delivered their message, and again departed. keel and canoe. the transition from winter to spring is a very rapid one on the plains of rupert's land. the ice upon the rivers and lakes becomes honey-combed and disappears very soon. the rebound from the icy torpor of winter to the active life of the season that combines spring and summer is marvellous. no sooner were the waterways open in the fur-trading days than freight was hurried from one part of the country to another by means of inland or york boats. these boats, it will be remembered, were introduced by governor simpson, who found them more safe and economical than the canoe generally in use before his time. each of these boats could carry three or four tons of freight, and was manned by nine men, one of them being steersman, the remainder, men for the oar. four to eight of these craft made up a brigade, and the skill and rapidity with which these boats could be loaded or unloaded, carried past a portage or décharge, guided through rapids or over considerable stretches of the lakes, was the pride of their indian or half-breed tripsmen, as they were called, or the admiration of the officers dashing past them in their speedy canoes. the route from york factory to fort garry being a long and continuous waterway, was a favourite course for the york boat brigade. many of the settlers of the red river settlement became well-to-do by commanding brigades of boats and carrying freight for the company. in the earlier days of governor simpson the great part of the furs from the interior were carried to fort garry or the grand portage, at the mouth of the saskatchewan, and thence past norway house to hudson bay. from york factory a load of general merchandise was brought back, which had been cargo in the company's ship from the thames to york. lake winnipeg is generally clear of ice early in june, and the first brigade would then start with its seven or eight boats laden to the gunwales with furs; a week after, the second brigade was under way, and thus, at intervals to keep clear of each other in crossing the portages, the catch of the past season was carried out. the return with full supplies for the settlers was earnestly looked for, and the voyage both ways, including stoppages, took some nine weeks. far up into the interior the goods in bales were taken. one of the best known routes was that of what was called, "the portage brigade." this ran from lake winnipeg up the saskatchewan northward, past cumberland house and ile à la crosse to methy portage, otherwise known as portage la loche, where the waters part, on one side going to hudson's bay, on the other flowing to the arctic sea. the trip made from fort garry to portage la loche and return occupied about four months. at portage la loche the brigade from the mackenzie river arrived in time to meet that from the south, and was itself soon in motion, carrying its year's supply of trading articles for the far north, not even leaving out peel's river and the yukon. the frequent transhipments required in these long and dangerous routes led to the secure packing of bales, of about one hundred pounds each, each of them being called an "inland piece." seventy-five made up the cargo of a york boat. the skill with which these boats could be laden was surprising. a good half-breed crew of nine men was able to load a boat and pack the pieces securely in five minutes. the boat's crew was under the command of the steersman, who sat on a raised platform in the stern of the boat. at the portages it was the part of the steersman to raise each piece from the ground and place two of them on the back of each tripsman, to be held in place by the "portage strap" on the forehead. it will be seen that the position of the captain was no sinecure. one of the eight tripsmen was known as "bowman." in running rapids he stood at the bow, and with a light pole directed the boat, giving information by word and sign to the steersman. the position of less responsibility though great toil was that of the "middlemen," or rowers. when a breeze blew, a sail hoisted in the boat lightened their labours. the captain or steersman of each boat was responsible to the "guide," who, as a commander of the brigade, was a man of much experience, and consequently held a position of some importance. such were the means of transport over the vast water system of rupert's land up to the year , although some years before that time transport by land to st. paul in minnesota had reached large proportions. since the date named, railway and steamboat have directed trade into new channels, for even mackenzie river now has a hudson's bay company steamboat. cart and cayuse. the lakes and rivers were not sufficient to carry on the trade of the country. accordingly, land transport became a necessity. if the ojibway indians found the birch bark canoe and the snow-shoe so useful that they assigned their origin to the manitou, then certainly it was a happy thought when the famous red river cart was similarly evolved. these two-wheeled vehicles are entirely of wood, without any iron whatever. the wheels are large, being five feet in diameter, and are three inches thick. the felloes are fastened to one another by tongues of wood, and pressure in revolving keeps them from falling apart. the hubs are thick and very strong. the axles are wood alone, and even the lynch pins are wooden. a light box frame, tightened by wooden pegs, is fastened by the same agency and poised upon the axle. the price of a cart in red river of old was two pounds. the harness for the horse which drew the cart was made of roughly-tanned ox hide, which was locally known as "shagganappe." the name "shagganappe" has in later years been transferred to the small-sized horse used, which is thus called a "shagganappe pony." the carts were drawn by single ponies, or in some cases by stalwart oxen. these oxen were harnessed and wore a collar, not the barbarous yoke which the ox has borne from time immemorial. the ox in harness has a swing of majesty as he goes upon his journey. the indian pony, with a load of four or five hundred pounds in a cart behind him, will go at a measured jog-trot fifty or sixty miles a day. heavy freighting carts made a journey of about twenty miles a day, the load being about eight hundred pounds. a train of carts of great length was sometimes made to go upon some long expedition, or for protection from the thievish or hostile bands of indians. a brigade consisted of ten carts, under the charge of three men. five or six more brigades were joined in one train, and this was placed under the charge of a guide, who was vested with much authority. he rode on horseback forward, marshalling his forces, including the management of the spare horses or oxen, which often amounted to twenty per cent. of the number of those drawing the carts. the stopping-places, chosen for good grass and a plentiful supply of water, the time of halting, the management of brigades, and all the details of a considerable camp were under the care of this officer-in-chief. one of the most notable cart trails and freighting roads on the prairies was that from fort garry to st. paul, minnesota. this was an excellent road, on the west side of the red river, through dakota territory for some two hundred miles, and then, by crossing the red river into minnesota, the road led for two hundred and fifty miles down to st. paul. the writer, who came shortly after the close of the fifty years we are describing, can testify to the excellence of this road over the level prairies. at the period when the sioux indians were in revolt and the massacre of the whites took place in , this route was dangerous, and the road, though not so smooth and not so dry, was followed on the east side of the red river. every season about three hundred carts, employing one hundred men, departed from fort garry to go upon the "tip," as it was called, to st. paul, or in later times to st. cloud, when the railway had reached that place. the visit of this band coming from the north, with their wooden carts, "shagganappe" ponies, and harnessed oxen, bringing huge bales of precious furs, awakened great interest in st. paul. the late j. w. taylor, who for about a quarter of a century held the position of american consul at winnipeg, and who, on account of his interest in the north-west prairies, bore the name of "saskatchewan taylor," was wont to describe most graphically the advent, as he saw it, of this strange expedition, coming, like a midianitish caravan in the east, to trade at the central mart. on sundays they encamped near st. paul. there was the greatest decorum and order in camp; their religious demeanour, their honest and well-to-do appearance, and their peaceful disposition were an oasis in the desert of the wild and reckless inhabitants of early minnesota. another notable route for carts was that westward from fort garry by way of fort ellice to carlton house, a distance of some five hundred miles. it will be remembered that it was by this route that governor simpson in early days, palliser, milton, and cheadle found their way to the west. in later days the route was extended to edmonton house, a thousand miles in all. it was a whole summer's work to make the trip to edmonton and return. on the hudson's bay company reserve of five hundred acres around fort garry was a wide camping-ground for the "trippers" and traders. day after day was fixed for the departure, but still the traders lingered. after much leave-taking, the great train started. it was a sight to be remembered. the gaily-caparisoned horses, the hasty farewells, the hurry of women and children, the multitude of dogs, the balky horses, the subduing and harnessing and attaching of the restless ponies, all made it a picturesque day. the train in motion appealed not only to the eye, but to the ear as well, the wooden axles creaked, and the creaking of a train with every cart contributing its dismal share, could be heard more than a mile away. in the far-west the early traders used the cayuse, or indian pony, and "travoie," for transporting burdens long distances. the "travoie" consisted of two stout poles fastened together over the back of the horse, and dragging their lower ends upon the ground. great loads--almost inconceivable, indeed--were thus carried across the pathless prairies. the red river cart and the indian cayuse were the product of the needs of the prairies. plain hunters and the buffalo. a generation had passed since the founding of the selkirk settlement, and the little handful of scottish settlers had become a community of five thousand. this growth had not been brought about by immigration, nor by natural increase, but by what may be called a process of accretion. throughout the whole of rupert's land and adjoining territories the employés of the company, whether from lower canada or from the orkney islands, as well as the clerks and officers of the country, had intermarried with the indian women of the tribes. when the trader or company's servant had gained a competence suited to his ideas, he thought it right to retire from the active fur trade and float down the rivers to the settlement, which the first governor of manitoba called the "paradise of red river." here the hunter or officer procured a strip of land from the company, on it erected a house for the shelter of his "dusky race," and engaged in agriculture, though his former life largely unfitted him for this occupation. in this way, four-fifths of the population of the settlement were half-breeds, with their own traditions, sensibilities, and prejudices--the one part of them speaking french with a dash of cree mixed with it, the other english which, too, had the form of a red river patois. we have seen that tripping and hunting gave a livelihood to some, if not the great majority, but these occupations unfitted men for following the plough. in addition there was no market for produce, so that agriculture did not in general thrive. one of the favourite features of red river, which fitted in thoroughly with the roving traditions of the large part of the population, was the annual buffalo hunt, which, for those who engaged in it, occupied a great portion of the summer. we have the personal reminiscences of the hunt by alexander ross, sometime sheriff of assiniboia, which, as being lively and graphic, are worthy of being reproduced. ross says: "buffalo hunting here, like bear baiting in india, has become a popular and favourite amusement among all classes; and red river, in consequence, has been brought into some degree of notice by the presence of strangers from foreign countries. we are now occasionally visited by men of science as well as men of pleasure. the war road of the savage and the solitary haunt of the bear have of late been resorted to by the florist, the botanist, and the geologist; nor is it uncommon nowadays to see officers of the guards, knights, baronets, and some of the higher nobility of england and other countries coursing their steeds over the boundless plains and enjoying the pleasures of the chase among the half-breeds and savages of the country. distinction of rank is, of course, out of the question, and at the close of the adventurous day all squat down in merry mood together, enjoying the social freedom of equality round nature's table and the novel treat of a fresh buffalo steak served up in the style of the country, that is to say, roasted on a forked stick before the fire; a keen appetite their only sauce, cold water their only beverage. looking at this assemblage through the medium of the imagination, the mind is led back to the chivalric period of former days, when chiefs and vassals took counsel together.... "with the earliest dawn of spring the hunters are in motion like bees, and the colony in a state of confusion, from their going to and fro, in order to raise the wind and prepare themselves for the fascinating enjoyments of hunting. it is now that the company, the farmers, the petty traders are all beset by their incessant and irresistible importunities. the plain mania brings everything else to a stand. one wants a horse, another an axe, a third a cart; they want ammunition, they want clothing, they want provisions; and though people refuse one or two they cannot deny a whole population, for, indeed, over-much obstinacy would not be unattended with risk. thus the settlers are reluctantly dragged into profligate speculation. "the plain hunters, finding they can get whatever they want without ready money, are led into ruinous extravagances; but the evil of the long credit system does not end here.... so many temptations, so many attractions are held out to the thoughtless and giddy, so fascinating is the sweet air of freedom, that even the offspring of the europeans, as well as natives, are often induced to cast off their habits of industry and leave their comfortable homes to try their fortunes in the plains. "the practical result of all this may be stated in a few words. after the expedition starts there is not a man-servant or maid-servant to be found in the colony. at any season but seed-time and harvest-time, the settlement is literally swarming with idlers; but at these urgent periods money cannot procure them. "the actual money value expended on one trip, estimating also their lost time, is as follows:-- carts (in ) £ hunters (two months) at _s._ a day women (two months) at _d._ boys and girls (two months) at _d._ buffalo runners (horses) at _l._ cart horses at _l._ draught oxen at _l._ guns, gunpowder, knives, axes, harness, camp equipage, and utensils (estimate approaching) ----- say £ , "from fort garry, june th, , the cavalcade and followers went crowding on to the public road, and thence, stretching from point to point, till the third day in the evening, when they reached pembina (sixty miles south of fort garry), the great rendezvous on such occasions. when the hunters leave the settlement it enjoys that relief which a person feels on recovering from a long and painful sickness. here, on a level plain, the whole patriarchal camp squatted down like pilgrims on a journey to the holy land in ancient days, only not quite so devout, for neither scrip nor staff were consecrated for the occasion. here the roll was called and general muster taken, when they numbered on this occasion , souls; and here the rules and regulations for the journey were finally settled. the officials for the trip were named and installed into office, and all without the aid of writing materials. "the camp occupied as much ground as a modern city, and was formed in a circle. all the carts were placed side by side, the trams outward. within this line of circumvallation, the tents were placed in double, treble rows, at one end, the animals at the other, in front of the tents. this is the order in all dangerous places, but where no danger is apprehended, the animals are kept on the outside. thus the carts formed a strong barrier, not only for securing the people and their animals within, but as a place of shelter and defence against an attack of the enemy from without. in the number of carts assembled for the first trip was " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " "there is another appendage belonging to the expedition, and these are not always the least noisy, viz. the dogs or camp followers. on the present occasion they numbered no fewer than . in deep snow, where horses cannot conveniently be used, dogs are very serviceable animals to the hunters in these parts. the half-breed, dressed in his wolf costume, tackles two or three sturdy curs into a flat sled, throws himself on it at full length, and gets among the buffalo unperceived. here the bow and arrow play their part to prevent noise. and here the skilful hunter kills as many as he pleases, and returns to camp without disturbing the band. "but now to the camp again--the largest of the kind, perhaps, in the world. the first step was to hold a council for the nomination of chiefs or officers for conducting the expedition. ten captains were named, the senior on this occasion being jean baptiste wilkie, an english half-breed, brought up among the french, a man of good sound sense and long experience, and withal a fine, bold-looking, and discreet fellow, a second nimrod in his way. "besides being captain, in common with the others, he was styled the great war chief or head of the camp, and on all public occasions he occupied the place of president. all articles of property found without an owner were carried to him and he disposed of them by a crier, who went round the camp every evening, were it only an awl. each captain had ten soldiers under his orders, in much the same way as policemen are subject to the magistrate. ten guides were likewise appointed, and here we may remark that people in a rude state of society, unable either to read or write, are generally partial to the number ten. their duties were to guide the camp each in his turn--that is day about--during the expedition. the camp flag belongs to the guide of the day; he is therefore standard bearer in virtue of his office. "the hoisting of the flag every morning is the signal for raising camp. half an hour is the full time allowed to prepare for the march; but if anyone is sick or their animals have strayed, notice is sent to the guide, who halts till all is made right. from the time the flag is hoisted, however, till the hour of camping arrives it is never taken down. the flag taken down is a signal for encamping. while it is up the guide is chief of the expedition. captains are subject to him, and the soldiers of the day are his messengers; he commands all. the moment the flag is lowered his functions cease, and the captains' and soldiers' duties commence. they point out the order of the camp, and every cart as it arrives moves to its appointed place. this business usually occupies about the same time as raising camp in the morning; for everything moves with the regularity of clockwork. "all being ready to leave pembina, the captains and other chief men hold another council and lay down the rules to be observed during the expedition. those made on the present occasion were:-- ( ) no buffalo to be run on the sabbath day. ( ) no party to fork off, lag behind, or go before, without permission. ( ) no person or party to run buffalo before the general order. ( ) every captain with his men in turn to patrol the camp and keep guard. ( ) for the first trespass against these laws, the offender to have his saddle and bridle cut up. ( ) for the second offence the coat to be taken off the offender's back and to be cut up. ( ) for the third offence the offender to be flogged. ( ) any person convicted of theft, even to the value of a sinew, to be brought to the middle of the camp, and the crier to call out his or her name three times, adding the word 'thief' at each time. "on the st the start was made, and the picturesque line of march soon stretched to the length of some five or six miles in the direction of south-west towards côte à pique. at p.m. the flag was struck, as a signal for resting the animals. after a short interval it was hoisted again, and in a few minutes the whole line was in motion, and continued the route till five or six o'clock in the evening, when the flag was hauled down as a signal to encamp for the night. distance travelled, twenty miles. "the camp being formed, all the leading men, officials, and others assembled, as the general custom is, on some rising ground or eminence outside the ring, and there squatted themselves down, tailor-like, on the grass in a sort of council, each having his gun, his smoking bag in his hand, and his pipe in his mouth. in this situation the occurrences of the day were discussed, and the line of march for the morrow agreed upon. this little meeting was full of interest, and the fact struck me very forcibly that there is happiness and pleasure in the society of the most illiterate men, sympathetically if not intellectually inclined, as well as among the learned, and i must say i found less selfishness and more liberality among those ordinary men than i had been accustomed to find in higher circles. their conversation was free, practical, and interesting, and the time passed on more agreeably than could be expected among such people, till we touched on politics. "of late years the field of chase has been far from pembina, and the hunters do not so much as know in what direction they may find the buffalo, as these animals frequently shift their ground. it is a mere leap in the dark, whether at the outset the expedition takes the right or the wrong road; and their luck in the chase, of course, depends materially on the choice they make. the year of our narrative they travelled a south-west or middle course, being the one generally preferred, since it leads past most of the rivers near their sources, where they are easily crossed. the only inconvenience attending this choice is the scarcity of wood, which in a warm season is but a secondary consideration. "not to dwell on the ordinary routine of each day's journey, it was the ninth day from pembina before we reached the cheyenne river, distant only about miles, and as yet we had not seen a single band of buffalo. on july rd, our nineteenth day from the settlement, and at a distance of little more than miles, we came in sight of our destined hunting grounds, and on the day following we had our first buffalo race. our array in the field must have been a grand and imposing one to those who had never seen the like before. no less than huntsmen, all mounted, and anxiously waiting for the word 'start!' took up their position in a line at one end of the camp, while captain wilkie, with his spyglass at his eye, surveyed the buffalo, examined the ground, and issued his orders. at eight o'clock the whole cavalcade broke ground, and made for the buffalo; first at a slow trot, then at a gallop, and lastly at full speed. their advance was over a dead level, the plain having no hollow or shelter of any kind to conceal their approach. we need not answer any queries as to the feeling and anxiety of the camp on such an occasion. when the horsemen started the cattle might have been a mile and a half ahead, but they had approached to within four or five hundred yards before the bulls curved their tails or pawed the ground. in a moment more the herd took flight, and horse and rider are presently seen bursting in among them. shots are heard, and all is smoke, dash, and hurry. the fattest are first singled out for slaughter, and in less time than we have occupied with the description, a thousand carcases strew the plain. "the moment the animals take to flight the best runners dart forward in advance. at this moment a good horse is invaluable to his owner, for out of the on this occasion, not above fifty got the first chance of the fat cows. a good horse and an experienced rider will select and kill from ten to twelve animals at one heat, while inferior horses are contented with two or three. but much depends on the nature of the ground. on this occasion the surface was rocky, and full of badger holes. twenty-three horses and riders were at one moment sprawling on the ground. one horse, gored by a bull, was killed on the spot, two men disabled by the fall. one rider broke his shoulder blade; another burst his gun and lost three of his fingers by the accident; and a third was struck on the knee by an exhausted ball. these accidents will not be thought over-numerous considering the result; for in the evening no less than , buffalo tongues were brought into camp. "the rider of a good horse seldom fires till within three or four yards of his object, and never misses. and, what is admirable in point of training, the moment the shot is fired his steed springs on one side to avoid stumbling over the animal, whereas an awkward and shy horse will not approach within ten or fifteen yards, consequently the rider has often to fire at random and not infrequently misses. many of them, however, will fire at double that distance and make sure of every shot. the mouth is always full of balls; they load and fire at the gallop, and but seldom drop a mark, although some do to designate the animal. "of all the operations which mark the hunter's life and are essential to his ultimate success, the most perplexing, perhaps, is that of finding out and identifying the animals he kills during a race. imagine horsemen entering at full speed a herd of some thousands of buffalo, all in rapid motion. riders in clouds of dust and volumes of smoke which darken the air, crossing and recrossing each other in every direction; shots on the right, on the left, behind, before, here, there, two, three, a dozen at a time, everywhere in close succession, at the same moment. horses stumbling, riders falling, dead and wounded animals tumbling here and there, one over the other; and this zigzag and bewildering _mêlée_ continued for an hour or more together in wild confusion. and yet, from practice, so keen is the eye, so correct the judgment, that after getting to the end of the race, he can not only tell the number of animals which he had shot down, but the position in which each lies--on the right or on the left side--the spot where the shot hit, and the direction of the ball; and also retrace his way, step by step, through the whole race and recognize every animal he had the fortune to kill, without the least hesitation or difficulty. to divine how this is accomplished bewilders the imagination. "the main party arrived on the return journey at pembina on august th, after a journey of two months and two days. in due time the settlement was reached, and the trip being a successful one, the returns on this occasion may be taken as a fair annual average. an approximation to the truth is all we can arrive at, however. our estimate is nine hundred pounds weight of buffalo meat per cart, a thousand being considered the full load, which gives one million and eighty-nine thousand pounds in all, or something more than two hundred pounds weight for each individual, old and young, in the settlement. as soon as the expedition arrived, the hudson's bay company, according to usual custom, issued a notice that it would take a certain specified quantity of provisions, not from each fellow that had been on the plains, but from each old and recognized hunter. the established price at this period for the three kinds over head, fat, pemmican, and dried meat, was two pence a pound. this was then the company's standard price; but there is generally a market for all the fat they bring. during the years , , and , the company expended five thousand pounds on the purchase of plain provisions, of which the hunters got last year the sum of twelve hundred pounds, being rather more money than all the agricultural class obtained for their produce in the same year. it will be remembered that the company's demand affords the only regular market or outlet in the colony, and, as a matter of course, it is the first supplied." [illustration: map of labrador and the king's domains.] chapter xxxvii. life on the shores of hudson bay and labrador. the bleak shores unprogressive--now as at the beginning--york factory--description of ballantyne--the weather--summer comes with a rush--picking up subsistence--the indian trade--inhospitable labrador--establishment of ungava bay--mclean at fort chimo--herds of cariboo--eskimo crafts--"shadowy tartarus"--the king's domains--mingan--mackenzie--the gulf settlements--the moravians--their four missions--rigolette, the chief trading post--a school for developing character--chief factor donald a. smith--journeys along the coast--a barren shore. life on the shores of hudson bay is as unchangeable as the shores and scenery of the coast are monotonous. the swampy, treeless flats that surround the bay simply change from the frozen, snow-clad expanse which stretches as far as the eye can see in winter, to the summer green of the unending grey willows and stunted shrubs that cover the swampy shores. for a few open months the green prevails, and then nature for eight months assumes her winding sheet of icy snow. for two hundred and fifty years life has been as unvarying on these wastes as travellers tell us are the manners and customs of living of the bedouins on their rocky araby. no log shanties give way in a generation to the settler's house, and then to the comfortable, well-built stone or brick dwelling, which the fertile parts of america so readily permit. the accounts of mclean, rae, ryerson, and ballantyne of the middle of the nineteenth century are precisely those of robson, ellis, or hearne of the eighteenth century, or indeed practically those of the early years of the company in the seventeenth century. the ships sail from gravesend on the thames with the same ceremonies, with the visit and dinner of the committee of the directors, the "great guns," as the sailors call them, as they have done for two centuries and a quarter, from the days of zachariah gillam and pierre esprit radisson. no more settlement is now seen on hudson bay than in the early time, unless it be in the dwellings of the christianized and civilized swampy crees and in the mission houses around which the indians have gathered. york factory, up to the middle of the nineteenth century, retained its supremacy. however, at times, fort churchill, with its well-built walls and formidable bastions, may have disputed this primacy, yet york factory was the depôt for the interior almost uninterruptedly. to it came the goods for the northern department, by way in a single season of the vessel the _prince rupert_, the successor of a long line of _prince ruperts_, from the first one of , or of its companions, the _prince albert_ or the _prince of wales_. by these, the furs from the far north found their way, as at the first, to the company's house in london. york factory is a large square of some six acres, lying along hayes river, and shut in by high stockades. the houses are all wooden, and on account of the swampy soil are raised up to escape the water of the spring-time floods. at a point of advantage, a lofty platform was erected to serve as a "look-out" to watch for the coming ship, the great annual event of the slow-passing lives of the occupants of the post. the flag-staff, on which, as is the custom at all hudson's bay company posts, the ensign with the magic letters h. b. c. floats, speaks at once of many an old tradition and of great achievements. ballantyne in his lively style speaks of his two years at the post, and describes the life of a young hudson's bay company officer. the chief factor, to the eye of the young clerk, represents success achieved and is the embodiment of authority, which, on account of the isolation of the posts and the absence of all law, is absolute and unquestioned. york factory, being a depôt, has a considerable staff, chiefly young men, who live in the bachelors' hall. here dwell the surgeon, accountant, postmaster, half a dozen clerks, and others. in winter, ballantyne says, days, if not weeks, passed without the arrival of a visitor, unless it were a post from the interior, or some cree trader of the neighbourhood, or some hungry indian seeking food. the cold was the chief feature of remark and consideration. at times the spirit thermometer indicated deg. below zero, and the uselessness of the mercury thermometer was then shown by a pot of quicksilver being made into bullets and remaining solid. every precaution was taken to erect strong buildings, which had double windows and double doors, and yet in the very severe weather, water contained in a vessel has been known to freeze in a room where a stove red hot was doing its best. it is worthy of notice, however, that even in arctic regions, a week or ten days is as long as such severe weather continues, and mild intervals come regularly. on the bay the coming of spring is looked for with great expectation, and when it does come, about the middle of may, it sets in with a "rush;" the sap rises in the shrubs and bushes, the buds burst out, the rivers are freed from ice, and indeed, so rapid and complete is the change, that it may be said there are only two seasons--summer and winter--in these latitudes. as summer progresses the fare of dried geese, thousands of which are stored away for winter use, of dried fish and the white ptarmigan and wood partridge that linger about the bushes and are shot for food, is superseded by the arrival of myriads of ducks and geese and the use of the fresh fish of the bay. in many of the posts the food throughout the whole year is entirely flesh diet, and not a pound of farinaceous food is obtainable. this leads to an enormous consumption of the meat diet in order to supply a sufficient amount of nourishment. an employé will sometimes eat two whole geese at a meal. in dr. rae's celebrated expedition from fort churchill, north along the shore of hudson bay, on his search for sir john franklin, the amount of supplies taken was entirely inadequate for his party for the long period of twenty-seven months, being indeed only enough for four months' full rations. in rae's instructions from sir george simpson it is said, "for the remaining part of your men you cannot fail to find subsistence, animated as you are and they are by a determination to fulfil your mission at the cost of danger, fatigue, and privation. whenever the natives can live, i can have no fears with respect to you, more particularly as you will have the advantage of the eskimos, not merely in your actual supplies, but also in the means of recruiting and renewing them." the old forts still remained in addition to the two depôt posts, york and moose factory, there being churchill, severn, rupert's house, fort george, and albany--and the life in them all of the stereotyped description which we have pictured. besides the preparation in summer of supplies for the long winter, the only variety was the arrival of indians with furs from the interior. the trade is carried on by means of well-known standards called the "castor" or "beaver." the indian hands his furs over to the trader, who sorts them into different lots. the value is counted up at so many--say fifty--castors. the indian then receives fifty small bits of wood, and with these proceeds to buy guns, knives, blankets, cloth, beads, or trinkets, never stopping till his castors are all exhausted. the castor rarely exceeds two shillings in value. while resembling in its general features the life on the bay, the conduct of the fur trader on the shore of labrador and throughout the labrador peninsula is much more trying and laborious than around the bay. the inhospitable climate, the heavy snows, the rocky, dangerous shore, and the scarcity in some parts of animal life, long prevented the fur companies from venturing upon this forbidding coast. the northern part of labrador is inhabited by eskimos; further south are tribes of swampy crees. between the eskimos and indians deadly feuds long prevailed. the most cruel and bloody raids were made upon the timid eskimos, as was done on the coppermine when hearne went on his famous expedition. mclean states that it was through the publication of a pamphlet by the moravian missionaries of labrador, which declared that "the country produced excellent furs," that the hudson's bay company was led to establish trading posts in northern labrador. the stirring story of "ungava," written by ballantyne, gives what is no doubt in the main a correct account of the establishment of the far northern post called "fort chimo," on ungava bay. the expedition left moose factory in , and after escaping the dangers of floating ice, fierce storms, and an unknown coast, erected the fort several miles up the river running into ungava bay. the story recalls the finding out, no doubt somewhat after the manner of the famous boys' book, "the swiss family robinson," the trout and salmon of the waters, the walrus of the sea, and the deer of the mountain valleys, but the picture is not probably overdrawn. the building of fort chimo is plainly described by one who was familiar with the exploration and life of the fur country; the picture of the tremendous snowstorm and its overwhelming drifts is not an unlikely one for this coast, which, since the day of cortereal, has been the terror of navigators. mclean, a somewhat fretful and biassed writer, though certainly not lacking in a clear and lively style, gives an account of his being sent, in , to take charge of the district of north labrador for the company. on leaving york factory in august the brig encountered much ice, although it escaped the mishaps which overtook almost all small vessels on the bay. the steep cliffs of the island of akpatok, which stands before ungava bay, were very nearly run upon in the dark, and much difficulty was experienced in ascending the ungava, or south river, to fort chimo. the trader's orders from governor simpson were to push outposts into the interior of labrador, to support his men on the resources of the country, and to open communication with esquimaux bay, on the labrador coast, and thus, by means of the rivers, to establish an inland route of inter-communication between the two inlets. mclean made a most determined attempt to establish the desired route, but after innumerable hardships to himself and his company, retired, after nearly four months' efforts, to fort chimo, and sent a message to his superior officer that the proposed line of communication was impracticable. mclean gives an account of the arrival of a herd of three hundred reindeer or cariboo, and of the whole of them being captured in a "pound," as is done in the case of the buffalo. the trader was also visited by eskimos from the north side of hudson strait, who had crossed the rough and dangerous passage on "a raft formed of pieces of driftwood picked up along the shore." the object of their visit was to obtain wood for making canoes. the trader states that the fact of these people having crossed "hudson's strait on so rude and frail a conveyance" strongly corroborates the opinion that america was originally peopled from asia by way of behring's strait. it became more and more evident, however, that the ungava trade could not be profitably continued. great expense was incurred in supplying ungava bay by sea; the country was poor and barren, and the pertinacity of the eskimos in adhering to their sealskin dresses made the trade in fabrics, which was profitable among the indians, an impossibility at ungava. mclean continued his explorations and was somewhat successful in opening the sought-for route by way of the grand river, and, returning to fort chimo, wintered there. having been promoted by sir george simpson, mclean obtained leave to visit britain, and before going received word from the directors of the company that his recommendation to abandon ungava bay had been accepted, and that the ship would call at that point and remove the people and property to esquimaux bay. mclean, in speaking of the weather of hudson straits during the month of january ( ), gives expression to his strong dislike by saying, "at this period i have neither seen, read, nor heard of any locality under heaven that can offer a more cheerless abode to civilized man than ungava." referring also to the fog that so abounds at this point as well as at the posts around hudson bay, the discontented trader says: "if pluto should leave his own gloomy mansion _in tenebris tartari_, he might take up his abode here, and gain or lose but little by the exchange." but the enterprising fur-traders were not to be deterred by the iron-bound coast, or foggy shores, or dangerous life of any part of the peninsula of labrador. early in the century, while the hudson's bay company were penetrating southward from the eastern shore of hudson bay, which had by a kind of anomaly been called the "east main," the north-west company were occupying the north shore of the st. lawrence and met their rivals at the head waters of the saguenay. the district of which tadoussac was the centre had from the earliest coming of the french been noted for its furs. that district all the way down to the west end of the island of anticosti was known as the "king's domains." the last parish was called murray bay, from general murray, the first british governor of quebec, who had disposed of the district, which furnished beef and butter for the king, to two of his officers, captains nairn and fraser. the north-west company, in the first decade of the nineteenth century, had leased this district, which along with the seigniory of mingan that lay still further down the gulf of st. lawrence, was long known as the "king's posts." beyond the seigniory of mingan, a writer of the period mentioned states that the labrador coast had been left unappropriated, and was a common to which all nations at peace with england might resort, unmolested, for furs, oil, cod-fish, and salmon. a well-known trader, james mckenzie, after returning from the athabasca region, made, in , a canoe journey through the domains of the king, and left a journal, with his description of the rocky country and its inhabitants. he pictures strongly the one-eyed chief of mingan and father labrosse, the nestor for twenty-five years of the king's posts, who was priest, doctor, and poet for the region. mckenzie's voyage chiefly inclined him to speculate as to the origin and religion of the natives, while his description of the inland indians and their social life is interesting. his account of the manners and customs of the montagners or shore indians was more detailed than that of the nascapees, or indians of the interior, and he supplies us with an extensive vocabulary of their language. mckenzie gives a good description of the saguenay river, of chicoutimi, and lake st. john, and of the ruins of a jesuit establishment which had flourished during the french régime. whilst the bell and many implements had been dug up from the scene of desolation, the plum and apple trees of their garden were found bearing fruit. from the poor neglected fort of assuapmousoin mckenzie returned, since the fort of mistassini could only be reached by a further journey of ninety leagues. this north-west post was built at the end of lake mistassini, while the hudson's bay company fort, called birch point, was erected four days' journey further on toward east main house. leaving the saguenay, mckenzie followed the coast of the st. lawrence, passing by portneuf, with its beautiful chapel, "good enough for his holiness the pope to occupy," after which--the best of the king's posts for furs--ile jérémie was reached, with its buildings and chapels on a high eminence. irregularly built godbout was soon in view, and the seven islands fort was then come upon. mingan was the post of which mckenzie was most enamoured. its fine harbour and pretty chapel drew his special attention. the "man river" was famous for its fisheries, while masquaro, the next port, was celebrated for the supply of beavers and martins in its vicinity. the salmon entering the river in the district are stated to be worthy of note, and the traveller and his company returned to quebec, the return voyage being two hundred leagues. since the time of mckenzie the fur trade has been pushed along the formerly unoccupied coast of labrador. even before that time the far northern coast had been taken up by a brave band of moravians, who supported themselves by trade, and at the same time did christian work among the eskimos. their movement merits notice. as early as a brave hollander pilot named erhardt, stimulated by reading the famous book of henry ellis on the north-west passage, made an effort to form a settlement on the labrador coast. he lost his life among the deceitful eskimos. years afterward, count zinzendorf made application to the hudson's bay company to be allowed to send moravian missionaries to the different hudson's bay company posts. the union of trader and missionary in the moravian cult made the company unwilling to grant this request. after various preparations the moravians took up unoccupied ground on the labrador coast, in deg. ´ n., where they found plenty of wood, runlets of sparkling water and a good anchorage. they erected a stone marked g.r. iii., , for the king, and another with the inscription v.f. (unitas fratrum), the name of their sect. their first settlement was called nain, and it was soon followed by another thirty miles up the coast known as "okkak." thirty miles south of nain they found remains of the unfortunate movement first made by the society, and here they established a mission, calling it "hopedale." when they had become accustomed to the coast, they showed still more of the adventurous spirit and founded their most northerly post of hebron, well nigh up to the dreaded "ungava bay." a community of upwards of eleven hundred christian eskimos has resulted from the fervour and self-denial of these humble but faithful missionaries. their courage and determination stand well beside that of the daring fur traders. the hudson's bay company was not satisfied with mingan as their farthest outward point. in and , captain bayfield, r.n., surveyed the labrador coast. in due time the company pushed on to the inlet known as hamilton inlet or esquimaux bay, on the north side of which the fort grew up, known as rigolette. here a farm is maintained stocked with "cattle, sheep, pigs and hens," and the place is the depôt of the hudson's bay company and of the general trade of the coast. farther up two other sub-posts are found, viz., aillik, and on the opposite side of the inlet kaipokok. the st. lawrence and labrador posts of the hudson's bay company have been among the most difficult and trying of those in any part where the company carries on its vast operations from atlantic to pacific. this labrador region has been a noble school for the development of the firmness, determination, skill, and faithfulness characteristic of both the officers and men of the hudson's bay company. most notable of the officers of the first rank who have conducted the fur trade in labrador is lord strathcona and mount royal, the present governor of the company. coming out at eighteen, donald alexander smith, a well-educated scottish lad, related to peter and cuthbert grant, and the brothers john and james stuart, prominent officers, whose deeds in the north-west company are still remembered, the future governor began his career. young smith, on arriving at montreal ( ), was despatched to moose factory, and for more than thirty years was in the service, in the region of hudson bay and labrador. rising to the rank of chief trader, after fourteen years of laborious service he reached in ten years more the acme of desire of every aspirant in the company, the rank of chief factor. his years on the coast of labrador, at rigolette, and its subordinate stations were most laborious. the writer has had the privilege from time to time of hearing his tales, of the long journey along the frozen coast, of camping on frozen islands, without shelter, of storm-staid journeys rivalling the recitals of ballantyne at fort chimo, of cold receptions by the moravians, and of the doubtful hospitalities of both indians and eskimos. every statement of cortereal, gilbert, or cabot of the inhospitable shore is corroborated by this successful officer, who has lived for thirty years since leaving labrador to fill a high place in the affairs both of canada and the empire. one of his faithful subordinates on this barren coast was chief factor p. w. bell, who gained a good reputation for courage and faithfulness, not only in labrador, but on the barren shore of lake superior. the latter returned to labrador after his western experience, and retired from the charge of the labrador posts a few years ago. it is to the credit of the hudson's bay company that it has been able to secure men of such calibre and standing to man even its most difficult and unattractive stations. chapter xxxviii. athabasca, mackenzie river, and the yukon. peter pond reaches athabasca river--fort chipewyan established--starting-point of alexander mckenzie--the athabasca library--the hudson bay company roused--conflict at fort wedderburn--suffering--the dash up the peace river--fort dunvegan--northern extension--fort resolution--fort providence--the great river occupied--loss of life--fort simpson, the centre--fort reliance--herds of cariboo--fort norman built--fort good hope--the northern rockies--the yukon reached and occupied--the fierce liard river--fort halkett in the mountains--robert campbell comes to the stikine--discovers the upper yukon--his great fame--the districts--steamers on the water stretches. (the map on page should be consulted while this chapter is being read.) less than twenty years after the conquest of canada by the british, the traders heard of the lake athabasca and mackenzie river district. the region rapidly rose into notice, until it reached the zenith as the fur traders' paradise, a position it has held till the present time. as we have seen, samuel hearne, the hudson's bay company adventurer--the mungo park of the north--first of white men, touched, on his way to the coppermine, lake athapuscow, now thought to have been great slave lake. it was the good fortune, however, of the north-west company to take possession of this region first for trade. lake and river athabasca. the daring montreal traders, who had seized upon the saskatchewan and pushed on to lake ile à la crosse, having a surplus of merchandise in the year , despatched one of their agents to lake athabasca, and "took seisin" of the country. as already stated, the man selected was the daring and afterwards violent trader peter pond. on the river athabasca, some thirty miles south of the lake, pond built the first indian trading post of the region, which, however, after a few years was abandoned and never afterwards rebuilt. fort chipewyan. less than ten years after this pioneer led the way, a fort was built on the south side of lake athabasca, at a point a few miles east of the entrance of the river. to this, borrowing the name of the indian nation of the district, was given the name fort chipewyan. this old fort became celebrated as the starting-place of the great expedition of alexander mackenzie, when he discovered the river that bears his name and the polar sea into which it empties. at this historic fort also, roderick mckenzie, cousin of the explorer, founded the famous "athabasca library," for the use of the officers of the company in the northern posts, and in its treasures lieutenant lefroy informs us he revelled during his winter stay. at the beginning of the century the x y company aggressively invaded the athabasca region, and built a fort a mile north of fort chipewyan, near the site of the present roman catholic mission of the nativity. as the conflict between the north-west and hudson's bay companies waxed warm, the former company, no doubt for the purpose of being more favourably situated for carrying on the trade with the mackenzie river, removed their fort on lake athabasca to the commanding promontory near the exit of slave river from the lake. renewed and often enlarged, fort chipewyan has until recently remained the greatest depôt of the north country. the hudson's bay company aroused. the fierceness of the struggle for the fur trade may be seen in the fact that the hudson's bay company ( ) with vigour took up a site on an island in front of fort chipewyan and built fort wedderburn, at no greater distance than a single mile, and though it was not their first appearance on the lake, yet they threw themselves in considerable force into the contest, numbering, under john clark, afterward chief factor, ten clerks, a hundred men, and fourteen large canoes loaded with supplies. many misfortunes befell the new venture of the company. a writer of the time says, "no less than fifteen men, one woman, and several children perished by starvation. they built four trade posts on the peace river (lower) and elsewhere in the autumn; but not one of them was able to weather out the following winter. all were obliged to come to terms with their opponents to save the party from utter destruction. that year the athabasca trade of the north-west company was four hundred packs against only five in all secured by the hudson's bay company." three years afterward the old company, with british pluck, again appeared on this lake, having nineteen loaded canoes. trader clark was now accompanied by the doughty leader, colin robertson, whose prowess we have already seen in the red river conflict. it will be remembered that in the year before the union of the companies, george simpson, the young clerk, arrived on lake athabasca with fifteen loaded canoes. he was chiefly found at fort wedderburn and a short distance up the peace river. it is not certain that the prospective governor ever visited slave lake to the north. he gives, however, the following vivid summary of his winter's experience in athabasca: "at some seasons both whites and indians live in wasteful abundance on venison, buffalo meat, fish, and game of all kinds, while at other times they are reduced to the last degree of hunger, often passing several days without food. in the year our provisions fell short at the establishment, and on two or three occasions i went for two or three whole days and nights without having a single morsel to swallow, but then again, i was one of a party of eleven men and one woman which discussed at one sitting meal no less than three ducks and twenty-two geese!" this winter's knowledge was of great value to the man afterwards called to be the arbiter of destiny of many a hard-pressed trader. other forts are mentioned as having been established by both companies at different points on the athabasca river, but their period of duration was short. in some cases these abandoned forts have been followed by new forts, in recent times, on the same sites. the peace river. soon after the arrival of the first traders in the athabasca district, the fame of the peace river--the indian "unjijah," a mighty stream, whose waters empty into the river flowing from lake athabasca--rose among the adventurers. an enterprising french canadian trader, named boyer, pushed up the stream and near a small tributary--red river--established the first post of this great artery, which flows from the west, through the rocky mountains. long abandoned, this post has in late years been re-established. the peace river has ever had a strange fascination for trader and tourist, and a few years after boyer's establishment became known, a trading house was built above the "chutes" of the river. this was afterwards moved some distance up stream and became the well-known fort vermilion. this fort has remained till the present day. farther still up the peace river, where the smoky river makes its forks, a fort was erected whose stores and dwelling-houses were on a larger scale than those of the mother establishment of fort chipewyan, having had stockaded walls, a good powder magazine, and a good well of water. this fort for a time was known as mcleod's fort, but in the course of events its site was abandoned. fort dunvegan, famous to later travellers, was first built on the south side of the river, and was the headquarters of the beaver indians, from whom the north-west company received a formal gift of the site. the present fort is on the opposite side of the peace river. it will be remembered, however, that it was from the post at the mouth of smoky river that alexander mackenzie, having wintered, started on his great journey to the pacific. in later years the hudson's bay company has maintained a fort at this point as an outpost of dunvegan. early in the century we find allusions to the fact that the catch of beaver was, from over-hunting, declining in the peace river country, and that, in consequence, the north-west company had been compelled to give up several of their forts. around fort st. john's a tragic interest gathers. john mclean, in his "notes of a twenty-five years' service," speaks of reaching on his journey-- --the "tenantless fort," where some years before a massacre had taken place. it had been determined by the hudson's bay company to remove the fort to rocky mountain portage. the tribe of tsekanies, to whom the fort was tributary, took this as an insult. at the time of removal the officer in charge, mr. hughes, had sent off a part of his men with effects of the fort intended for the new post. hughes was shot down on the riverside by the indians. the party of boatmen, on returning, "altogether unconscious of the fate that awaited them, came paddling towards the landing-place, singing a voyageur's song, and just as the canoe touched the shore, a volley of bullets was discharged at them, which silenced them for ever. they were all killed on the spot." an expedition was organized by the traders to avenge the foul murder, but more peaceful counsels prevailed. most of the fugitives paid the penalty of their guilt by being starved to death. the deserted fort was some twenty miles below the present fort st. john's. the present fort was built in the latter half of the century, and its outpost of hudson's hope, together with the trade station at battle river, below dunvegan, was erected about a generation ago. great slave lake. the extension of the fur trade to great slave lake dates back to within seven years after the advent of peter pond on the athabasca river. the famous trader, cuthbert grant, father of the "warden of the plains," who figured in the seven oaks fight, led the way, and with him a frenchman, laurent leroux. reaching this great lake, these ardent explorers built a trading post on slave river, near its mouth. a short time afterwards the traders moved their first post to moose deer island, a few miles from the old site, and here the north-west company remained until the time of the union of the companies. the impulse of union led to the construction of a new establishment on the site chosen by the hudson's bay company for the erection of their post some six years before. the new post was called fort resolution, and was on the mainland two miles or more from the island. this post marked the extreme limit of the operations of the hudson's bay company up to the time of the union. when alexander mackenzie determined to make his first great voyage, he started from fort chipewyan and bravely pushing out into the unknown wilds, left great slave lake and explored the river that bears his name. here he promised the tribe of the yellow knife indians to establish a post among them in the next year. the promise was kept to the letter. the new post, built at the mouth of the yellow knife river, was called fort providence. it was afterwards removed to a large island in the north arm of the lake, and to this the name fort rae, in honour of the celebrated arctic explorer, john rae, was given. near this new station there has been for years a roman catholic mission. it was from the neighbourhood of these forts on the lake that captain franklin set out to build his temporary station, fort enterprise, one hundred miles from his base of supplies. fort rae has remained since the time of its erection a place of some importance. it formed the centre of the northern operations of captain dawson, r.a., on his expedition for circumpolar observation in recent times. after the hudson's bay company had transferred rupert's land to canada, a new post was opened on the slave river, midway between athabasca and great slave lake. it was called fort smith, in honour of chief commissioner donald a. smith, now lord strathcona and mount royal. near the site of fort smith are the dangerous noyé rapids of slave river, where grant and leroux, on their voyage to great slave lake, lost a canoe and five of its occupants. from fort smith southward to smith landing a waggon or cart road has been in use up to the present time. now this is to be converted into a tramway. [illustration: map of mackenzie river and the yukon.] mackenzie river. northward the course of the fur traders' empire has continually made its way. leaving great slave lake four years before the close of the eighteenth century, along the course of alexander mackenzie's earlier exploration, duncan livingston, a north-west company trader, built the first fort on the river eighty miles north of the lake. three years later the trader, his three french-canadian voyageurs and indian interpreter, were basely killed by the eskimos on the lower mackenzie river. a year or two afterward a party of fur traders, under john clark, started on an expedition of exploration and retaliation down the river, but again the fury of the eskimos was roused. in truth, had it not been for a storm of fair wind which favoured them, the traders would not have escaped with their lives. very early in the present century, fort simpson, the former and present headquarters of the extensive mackenzie river district, was built, and very soon after its establishment the prominent trader, and afterwards chief factor, george keith, is found in charge of it. it is still the great trading and church of england mission centre of the vast region reaching to the arctic sea. during the first half of the century, big island, at the point where the mackenzie river leaves great slave lake, was, on account of its good supply of white fish, the wintering station for the supernumerary district servants of the hudson's bay company. though this point is still visited for fishing in the autumn, yet in later years the trade of this post has been transferred to another built near the roman catholic mission at fort providence, forty miles farther down the river. on hay river, near the point of departure of the mackenzie river from the lake, several forts have been built from time to time and abandoned, among them a fort george referred to by the old traders. the eastern end of the lake, known as fond du lac, became celebrated, as we have already seen, in connection with the arctic explorers, sir george back and dr. richard king, for here they built fort reliance and wintered, going in the spring to explore the great fish river. in after years, on account of the district being the resort for the herds of cariboo, fort reliance was rebuilt, and was for a time kept up as an outpost of fort resolution for collecting furs and "country provisions." it may be re-occupied soon on account of the discoveries of gold and copper in the region. journeying down the mackenzie river, we learn that there was a fur traders' post of the montreal merchants sixty miles north of fort simpson. in all probability this was but one of several posts that were from time to time occupied in that locality. at the beginning of the century the north-west company pushed on further north, and had a trading post on the shore of great bear lake, but almost immediately on its erection they were met here by their rivals, the x y company. at this point, reached by going up the bear river from its junction with the mackenzie on the south-west arm of the lake, chief factor peter dease built fort franklin for the use of the great arctic explorer, after whom he named the fort. fort norman, on the mackenzie. to explore new ground was a burning desire in the breasts of the nor'-westers. immediately in the year of their reunion with the x y company, the united north-west company established a post on the mackenzie river, sixty miles north of the mouth of bear river. indeed, the mouth of bear river on the mackenzie seems to have suggested itself as a suitable point for a post to be built, for in fort norman had been first placed there. for some reason the post was moved thirty or forty miles higher up the river, but a jam of ice having occurred in the spring of , the fort was mainly swept away by the high water, though the occupants and all the goods were saved. in the same year the mouth of the bear river came into favour again, and fort norman was built at that point. after this time the fort was moved once or twice, but was finally placed in its present commanding position. it was in quite recent times that, under chief factor camsell's direction, a station half-way between fort norman and fort simpson was fixed and the name of fort wrigley given to it. fort good hope. not only did the impulse of union between the north-west and x y companies reach bear river, but in the same year, at a point on the mackenzie river beyond the high perpendicular cliffs known as "the ramparts," some two hundred miles further north than fort norman, was fort good hope erected. here it remained for nearly a score of years as the farthest north outpost of the fur trade, but after the union of the north-west and hudson's bay companies it was moved a hundred miles southward on the river and erected on manitoulin island. after some years ( ) an ice jam of a serious kind took place, and though the inmates escaped in a york boat, yet the fort was completely destroyed by the rushing waters of the angry mackenzie. the fort was soon rebuilt, but in its present beautiful situation on the eastern bank of the river, opposite the old site on manitoulin island. during governor simpson's time the extension of trade took place toward the mouth of the mackenzie river. a trader, john bell, who not only faced the hardships of the region within the arctic circle, but also gained a good name in connection with sir john richardson's expedition in search of franklin, built the first post on peel's river, which runs into the delta of mackenzie river. bell, in , descended the rat river, and first of british explorers set eyes on the lower yukon. in the following year the hudson's bay company established la pierre's house in the heart of the rocky mountains toward the arctic sea, and chief trader murray built and occupied the first fort yukon. this fort the hudson's bay company held for twenty-two years, until the territory of alaska passed into the hands of the people of the united states. rampart house was built by the hudson's bay company within british territory. both rampart house and la pierre's house were abandoned a few years ago as unprofitable. a similar fate befell fort anderson, two degrees north of the arctic circle, built for the eastern eskimos on the anderson river, discovered in by chief factor r. macfarlane, a few years before the transfer of the territory of the hudson's bay company to canada. no doubt the withdrawal from fort anderson was hastened by the terribly fatal epidemic of scarlatina which prevailed all over the mackenzie river district in the autumn and early winter of . more than eleven hundred indians and eskimos, out of the four thousand estimated population, perished. the loss of the hunters caused by this disease, and the difficulties of overland transport, led to the abandonment of this out-of-the-way post. the liard river. the conflict of the north-west and x y companies led to the most extraordinary exploration that rupert's land and the indian territories have witnessed. at the time when the mackenzie river, at the beginning of the century, was being searched and occupied, a fort known as the forks was established at the junction of the liard and mackenzie rivers. this fort, called, after the union of the hudson's bay and north-west companies, fort simpson, became the base of operations for the exploration of the liard river. we have followed the course of trade by which the mackenzie itself was placed under tribute; it may be well also to look at the occupation of the liard, the most rapid and terrible of all the great eastern streams that dash down from the heart of the rocky mountains. the first post to be established on this stream was fort liard, not far below the junction of the western with the east branch of the river. there was an old fort between fort liard and fort simpson, but fort liard, which is still occupied by the hudson's bay company, began almost with the century, and a few years afterwards was under the experienced trader, george keith. probably, at an equally early date, fort nelson, on the eastern branch of the river, was established. in the second decade of the century, alexander henry, the officer in charge, and all of his people were murdered by the indians. the post was for many years abandoned, but was rebuilt in , and is still a trading post. it was probably shortly after the union of the north-west and hudson's bay companies that fort halkett, far up the western branch of the river, was erected. after forty or fifty years of occupation, fort halkett was abandoned, but a small post called toad river was built some time afterward, half way between its site and that of fort liard. in , chief trader john m. mcleod, not the mcleod whose journal we have quoted, pushed up past the dangerous rapids and boiling whirlpools, and among rugged cliffs and precipices of the rocky mountains, discovered dease river and dease lake from which the river flows. robert campbell, an intrepid scottish officer of the hudson's bay company, in , succeeded in doing what his predecessors had been unable to accomplish, viz. to establish a trading-post on dease lake. in the summer of the same year campbell crossed to the pacific slope and reached the head waters of the stikine river. in opening his new post campbell awakened the hostility of the coast indians. he and his men became so reduced in supplies that they subsisted for some time on the skin thongs of their moccasins and snow shoes and on the parchment windows of their huts, boiled to supply the one meal a day which kept them alive. in the end campbell was compelled to leave his station on the dease lake, and the fort was burnt by the indians. discovery of the upper yukon. under orders from governor simpson, campbell, in , undertook the exploration that has made his name famous. this was to ascend the northern branch of the wild and dangerous liard river. for this purpose he left the mountain post, fort halkett, and passing through the great gorge arrived at lake frances, where he gave the promontory which divides the lake the name "simpson's tower." leaving the lake and ascending one of its tributaries, called by him finlayson's river, he reached the interesting reservoir of finlayson's lake, of which, at high water, one part of the sheet runs west to the pacific ocean and the other to the arctic sea. with seven trusty companions he crossed the height of land and saw the high cliffs of the splendid river, which he called "pelly banks," in honour of the then london governor of the company. the company would have called it campbell's river, but the explorer refused the honour. going down the stream a few miles on a raft, campbell then turned back, and reached fort halkett after an absence of four months. highly complimented by governor simpson, campbell, under orders, in the next year built a fort at lake frances, and in a short time another establishment at pelly banks. descending the river, the explorer met at the junction of the lewis and pelly banks a band of indians, who would not allow him to proceed further, and indeed plotted to destroy him and his men. eight years after his discovery of pelly banks, campbell started on his great expedition, which was crowned with success. reaching again the junction of the pelly and lewis rivers, he erected a post, naming it fort selkirk, although it was long locally known as campbell's fort. two years after the building of fort selkirk, campbell, journeying in all from the height of land for twelve hundred miles, reached fort yukon, where, as we have seen, trader murray was in charge. making a circuit around by the porcupine river and ascending the mackenzie river, campbell surprised his friends at fort simpson by coming up the river to fort simpson. in , a thievish band of coast indians called the chilkats plundered fort selkirk and shortly afterward destroyed it. its ruins remain to this day, and the site is now taken up by the canadian government as a station on the way to the yukon gold-fields. campbell went home to london, mapped out with the aid of arrowsmith the country he had found, and gave names to its rivers and other features. a few years ago an officer of the united states army, lieutenant schwatka, sought to rob campbell of his fame, and attempted to rename the important points of the region. campbell's merit and modesty entitle him to the highest recognition. the trading posts of the great region we are describing have been variously grouped into districts. previous to the union of the north-west and hudson's bay companies, from athabasca north and west was known as the "athabasca-mackenzie department," their returns all being kept in one account. this northern department was long under the superintendency of chief factor edward smith. a new district was, some time after the transfer of the indian territories to canada, formed and named "peace river." the management has changed from time to time, fort dunvegan, for example, for a period the headquarters of the peace river district, having lost its pre-eminence and been transferred to be under the chief officer on lesser slave lake. the vast inland water stretches of which we have spoken have been the chief means of communication throughout the whole country. without these there could have been little fur trade. the distances are bewildering. the writer remembers seeing bishop bompas, who had left the far distant fort yukon to go to england, and who by canoe, york boat, dog train, snow shoe, and waggon, had been nine months on the journey before he reached winnipeg. the first northern inland steamer in these remote retreats was the _graham_ ( ), built by the company at fort chipewyan on lake athabasca, by captain john m. smith. three years later the same captain built the screw-propeller _wrigley_, at fort smith, on the slave river; and a few years afterward, this indefatigable builder launched at athabasca landing the stern-wheeler _athabasca_, for the water stretches of the upper athabasca river. how remarkable the record of adventure, trade, rivalry, bloodshed, hardship, and successful effort, from the time, more than a century ago, when peter pond started out on his seemingly desperate undertaking! chapter xxxix. on the pacific slope. extension of trade in new caledonia--the western department--fort vancouver built--governor's residence and bachelor's hall--fort colville--james douglas, a man of note--a dignified official--an indian rising--a brave woman--the fertile columbia valley--finlayson, a man of action--russian fur traders--treaty of alaska--lease of alaska to the hudson's bay company--fort langley--the great farm--black at kamloops--fur trader v. botanist--"no soul above a beaver's skin"--a tragic death--chief nicola's eloquence--a murderer's fate. the great exploration early in the century secured the pacific slope very largely to the north-west company. several of their most energetic agents, as the names of the rivers running into the pacific ocean show, had made a deep impression on the region even as far south as the mouth of the columbia river. on the union of the north-west and hudson's bay companies, governor simpson threw as much energy into the development of trade in the country on the western side of the rocky mountains as if he had been a thorough-going nor'-wester. in his administration from ocean to ocean he divided the trading territory into four departments, viz. montreal, the southern, the northern, and the western. in each of these there were four factors, and these were, in the western or rocky mountain department, subject to one chief. under the chief factor the gradation was chief trader, chief clerk, apprenticed clerk, postmaster, interpreter, voyageur, and labourer. this fuller organization and the cessation of strife resulted in a great increase of the trade of the hudson's bay company on the coast as well as the east side of the rocky mountains. the old fort of astoria, which was afterwards known as fort george, was found too far from the mountains for the convenience of the fur traders. accordingly in - , a new fort was erected on the north side of the columbia river, six miles above its junction with the willamette river. the new fort was called fort vancouver, and was built on a prairie slope about one mile back from the river, but it was afterwards moved nearer the river bank. the new site was very convenient for carrying on the overland traffic to puget sound. this fort was occupied for twenty-three years, until international difficulties rendered its removal necessary. fort vancouver was of considerable size, its stockade measuring ft. in length and ft. in breadth. the governor's residence, bachelor's hall, and numerous other buildings made up a considerable establishment. about the fort a farm was under cultivation to the extent of fifteen hundred acres, and a large number of cattle, sheep, and horses were bred upon it and supplied the trade carried on with the russians in the far north. farther up the columbia river, where the walla walla river emptied in, a fort was constructed in . the material for this fort was brought a considerable distance, and being in the neighbourhood of troublesome tribes of indians, care was taken to make the fort strong and defensible. still further up the columbia river and near the mountains, an important post, fort colville, was built. this fort became the depôt for all the trade done on the columbia river; and from this point the brigade which had been organized at fort vancouver made its last call before undertaking the steep mountain climb which was necessary in order that by the middle of march it might reach norway house and be reported at the great summer meeting of the fur traders' council there. this task needed a trusty leader, and for many years chief factor, afterward sir james, douglas became the man on whom governor and council depended to do this service. the mention of the name of james douglas brings before us the greatest and most notable man developed by the fur trade of the pacific slope. the history of this leader was for fifty years after the coalition of the companies in , the history of the hudson's bay company on the pacific. [illustration: sir james douglas.] born near the beginning of the century, a scion of the noble house of douglas, young douglas emigrated to canada, entered the north-west company, learned french as if by magic, and though little more than a lad, at once had heavy responsibilities thrown upon him. he was enterprising and determined, with a judicious mixture of prudence. he had capital business talents and an adaptability that stood him in good stead in dealing with indians. the veteran chief factor, mcloughlin, who had served his term in the nor'-wester service about lake superior and lake nepigon, was appointed to the charge of the pacific or western district. he discerned the genius of his young subordinate, and with the permission of the directors in london, after a short interval, took douglas west of the mountains to the scene of his future successes. the friendship between these chiefs of the pacific coast was thus early begun, and they together did much to mould the british interests on the pacific coast into a comely shape. while mcloughlin crossed at once to the columbia and took charge of fort vancouver, he directed douglas to go north to new caledonia, or what is now northern british columbia, to learn the details of the fur trade of the mountains. douglas threw himself heartily into every part of his work. he not only learned the indian languages, and used them to advantage in the advancement of the fur trade, but studied successfully the physical features of the country and became an authority on the pacific slope which proved of greatest value to the company and the country for many a day. douglas had as his headquarters fort st. james, near the outlet of stuart lake, i.e. just west of the summit of the rocky mountains. he determined to enforce law and do away with the disorder which prevailed in the district. an indian, who some time before had murdered one of the servants of the hudson's bay company, had been allowed to go at large. judgment being long deferred, the murderer thought himself likely to be unmolested, and visited stuart lake. douglas, learning of his presence, with a weak garrison seized the criminal and visited vengeance on him. the indians were incensed, but knowing that they had to deal with a doughty douglas, employed stratagem in their reprisals. the old chief came very humbly to the fort and, knocking at the gate, was given admittance. he talked the affair over with douglas, and the matter seemed in a fair way to be settled when another knock was heard at the gate. the chief stated that it was his brother who sought to be admitted. the gate was opened, when in rushed the whole of the nisqually tribe. mclean vividly describes the scene which ensued: "the men of the fort were overpowered ere they had time to stand on their defence. douglas, however, seized a wall-piece that was mounted in the hall, and was about to discharge it on the crowd that was pouring in upon him, when the chief seized him by the hands and held him fast. for an instant his life was in the utmost peril, surrounded by thirty or forty indians, their knives drawn, and brandishing them over his head with frantic gestures, and calling out to the chief, "shall we strike? shall we strike?" the chief hesitated, and at this critical moment the interpreter's wife (daughter of an old trader, james mcdougall) stepped forward, and by her presence of mind saved him and the establishment. "observing one of the inferior chiefs, who had always professed the greatest friendship for the whites, standing in the crowd, she addressed herself to him, exclaiming, 'what! you a friend of the whites, and not say a word in their behalf at such a time as this! speak! you know the murderer deserved to die; according to your own laws the deed was just; it is blood for blood. the white men are not dogs; they love their own kindred as well as you; why should they not avenge their murder?'" the moment the heroine's voice was heard the tumult subsided; her boldness struck the savages with awe. the chief she addressed, acting on her suggestion, interfered, and being seconded by the old chief, who had no serious intention of injuring the whites, and was satisfied with showing them that they were fairly in his power, douglas and his men were set at liberty, and an amicable conference having taken place, the indians departed much elated with the issue of their enterprise. douglas spent his four years in the interior in a most interesting and energetic life. the experience there gained was invaluable in his after career as a fur trader. in , at bear lake, at the head of a branch of the river skeena, he built a fort, which he named fort connolly, in honour of his superior officer, the chief of the pacific department. other forts in this region date their origin to douglas's short stay in this part of the mountains. douglas also had an "affair of the heart" while at fort st. james. young and impressionable, he fell in love with nellie, the daughter of mr. connolly, a young "daughter of the country," aged sixteen. she became his wife and survived him as lady douglas. his life of adventure in the rocky mountains came to an end by the summons of chief factor mcloughlin to appear at fort vancouver, the chief point of the company's trade on the pacific slope. in two years more the rising young officer became chief trader, and three years afterward he had reached the high dignity of chief factor. his chief work was to establish forts, superintend the trade in its different departments, and inspect the forts at least annually. his vigilance and energy were surprising. he became so noted that it was said of him: "he was one of the most enterprising and inquisitive of men, famous for his intimate acquaintance with every service of the coast." though james douglas rose by well marked tokens of leadership to the chief place on the pacific coast, yet the men associated with him were a worthy and able band. his friend, chief factor dr. john mcloughlin, who had been his patron, was a man of excellent ability. mcloughlin was of a sympathetic and friendly disposition, and took an interest in the settlement of the fertile valley of the columbia. his course seems to have been disapproved of by the london committee of the company, and his place was given to douglas, after which he spent his life in oregon. his work and influence cannot, however, be disregarded. he passed through many adventures and dangers. he was fond of show, and had a manner which might well recommend him to sir george simpson, governor-in-chief. from a trader's journal we learn: "mcloughlin and his suite would sometimes accompany the south-bound expeditions from fort vancouver, in regal state, for fifty or one hundred miles up the willamette, when he would dismiss them with his blessing and return to the fort. he did not often travel, and seldom far; but on these occasions he indulged his men rather than himself in some little variety.... it pleased mrs. mcloughlin thus to break the monotony of her fort life. upon a gaily-caparisoned steed, with silver trappings and strings of bells on bridle reins and saddle skirt, sat the lady of fort vancouver, herself arrayed in brilliant colours and wearing a smile which might cause to blush and hang its head the broadest, warmest, and most fragrant sunflower. by her side, also gorgeously attired, rode her lord, king of the columbia, and every inch a king, attended by a train of trappers, under a chief trader, each upon his best behaviour." but a group of men, notable and competent, gathered around these two leaders of the fur trade on the pacific coast. these comprised roderick finlayson, john work, a. c. anderson, w. f. tolmie, john tod, s. black, and others. these men, in charge of important posts, were local magnates, and really, gathered together in council, determined the policy of the company along the whole coast. in the spirit of extension of the trading operations took possession of the hudson's bay company. in that year the officers at fort vancouver saw arrive from the thames the schooner _cadboro_, seventy-two tons burthen. she became as celebrated on the pacific coast as any prominent fur trader could have become. it was said of this good ship, "she saw buried every human body brought by her from england, save one, john spence, ship carpenter." her arrival at this time was the occasion for an expedition to occupy the lower fraser with a trading post. john mcmillan commanded the expedition of twenty-five men. leaving fort vancouver in boats, and, after descending the columbia for a distance, crossing the country to puget's sound, they met the _cadboro_, which had gone upon her route. transported to the mouth of the fraser river, which empties into the gulf of georgia, they, with some difficulty, ascended the river and planted fort langley, where in the first season of trade a fair quantity of beaver was purchased, and a good supply of deer and elk meat was brought in by the hunters. the founding of fort langley meant virtually the taking hold of what we now know as the mainland of british columbia. the reaching out in trade was not favoured by the indians of the columbia. two years after the founding of fort langley, a hudson's bay company ship from london, the _william and ann_, was wrecked at the mouth of the columbia river. the survivors were murdered by the indians, and the cargo was seized and secreted by the savage wreckers. chief factor mcloughlin sent to the indians, demanding the restoration of the stolen articles. an old broom was all that was brought to the fort, and this was done in a spirit of derision. the schooner _vancouver_--the first ship of that name--( tons burthen), built on the coast, was wrecked five years after, and became a total loss. in the same year as the wreck of the _william and ann_, it was strongly impressed upon the traders that a sawmill should be erected to supply the material for building new vessels. chief factor mcloughlin determined to push this on. he chose as a site a point on the willamette river, a tributary of the columbia from the south, where oregon city now stands. he began a farm in connection with the mill, and in a year or two undertook the construction of the mill race by blasting in the rock, and erected cottages for his men and new settlers. the indians, displeased with the signs of permanent residence, burnt mcloughlin's huts. it is said it was this enterprise that turned the hudson's bay company committee in london against the veteran trader. years afterwards, edward ellice, the fur-trade magnate residing in england, said, "dr. mcloughlin was rather an amphibious and independent personage. he was a very able man, and, i believe, a very good man; but he had a fancy that he would like to have interests in both countries, both in united states and in english territory.... while he remained with the hudson's bay company he was an excellent servant." among the traders far up in the interior, in command of fort kamloops, which was at the junction of the north and south thompson, was a scotchman named samuel black. there came as a visitor to his fort a man of science and a countryman of his own. this man was david douglas. he was an enthusiast in the search for plants and birds. he was indefatigable as a naturalist, did much service to the botany of western america, and has his name preserved in the characteristic tree of the pacific slope--the douglas fir. douglas, on visiting black, was very firm in the expression of his opinions against the company, saying, "the hudson's bay company is simply a mercenary corporation; there is not an officer in it with a soul above a beaver's skin." black's caledonian blood was roused, for he was a leading spirit among the traders, having on the union of the companies been presented with a ring with the inscription on it, "to the most worthy of the worthy nor'-westers." he challenged the botanist to a duel. the scientist deferred the meeting till the morning, but early next day black tapped at the parchment window of the room where douglas was sleeping, crying, "mister douglas, are ye ready?" douglas disregarded the invitation. david douglas some time after visited hawaii, where, in examining the snares for catching wild cattle, he fell into the pit, and was trampled to death by a wild bullock. the death of samuel black was tragic. in , tranquille, a chief of the shushwaps, who dwelt near kamloops, died. the friends of the chief blamed the magic or "evil medicine" of the white man for his death. a nephew of tranquille waited his opportunity and shot chief trader black. the hudson's bay company was aroused to most vigorous action. a writer says: "the murderer escaped. the news spread rapidly to the neighbouring posts. the natives were scarcely less disturbed than the white men. the act was abhorred, even by the friends and relatives of tranquille. anderson was at nisqually at the time. old john tod came over from fort alexandria, mclean from fort colville, and mckinley and ermatinger from fort okanagan. from fort vancouver mcloughlin sent men.... cameron was to assist tod in taking charge of kamloops. all traffic was stopped. "tod informed the assembled shushwaps that the murderer must be delivered up. the address of nicola, chief of the okanagans, gives a fine example of indian eloquence. he said: 'the winter is cold. on all the hills around the deer are plenty; and yet i hear your children crying for food. why is this? you ask for powder and ball, they refuse you with a scowl. why do the white men let your children starve? look there! beneath yon mound of earth lies him who was your friend, your father. the powder and ball he gave you that you might get food for your famishing wives and children, you turned against him. great heavens! and are the shushwaps such cowards, dastardly to shoot their benefactor in the back while his face was turned? yes, alas, you have killed your father! a mountain has fallen! the earth is shaken! the sun is darkened! my heart is sad. i cannot look at myself in the glass. i cannot look at you, my neighbours and friends. he is dead, and we poor indians shall never see his like again. he was just and generous. his heart was larger than yonder mountain, and clearer than the waters of the lake. warriors do not weep, but sore is my breast, and our wives shall wail for him. wherefore did you kill him? but you did not. you loved him. and now you must not rest until you have brought to justice his murderer.' "the old man was so rigid in expression that his whole frame and features seemed turned to stone. "archibald mckinley said, 'never shall i forget it; it was the grandest speech i ever heard.' "the murderer was soon secured and placed in irons, but in crossing a river he succeeded in upsetting the boat in the sight of nicola and his assembled indians. the murderer floated down the stream, but died, his death song hushed by the crack of rifles from the shore." thus by courage and prudence, alas! not without the sacrifice of valuable lives, was the power of the hudson's bay company and the prestige of great britain established on the pacific coast. chapter xl. from oregon to vancouver island. fort vancouver on american soil--chief factor douglas chooses a new site--young mcloughlin killed--liquor selling prohibited--dealing with the songhies--a jesuit father--fort victoria--finlayson's skill--chinook jargon--the brothers ermatinger--a fur-trading junius--"fifty-four, forty, or fight"--oregon treaty--hudson's bay company indemnified--the waggon road--a colony established--first governor--gold fever--british columbia--fort simpson--hudson's bay company in the interior--the forts--a group of worthies--service to britain--the coast become canadian. the columbia river grew to be a source of wealth to the hudson's bay company. its farming facilities were great, and its products afforded a large store for supplying the russian settlements of alaska. but as on the red river, so here the influx of agricultural settlers sounded a note of warning to the fur trader that his day was soon to pass away. with the purpose of securing the northern trade, fort langley had been built on the fraser river. the arrival of sir george simpson on the coast on his journey round the world was the occasion of the company taking a most important step in order to hold the trade of alaska. in the year following sir george's visit, chief factor douglas crossed puget sound and examined the southern extremity of vancouver island as to its suitability for the erection of a new fort to take the place in due time of fort vancouver. douglas found an excellent site, close beside the splendid harbour of esquimalt, and reported to the assembled council of chief factors and traders at fort vancouver that the advantages afforded by the site, especially that of its contiguity to the sea, would place the new fort, for all their purposes, in a much better position than fort vancouver. the enterprise was accordingly determined on for the next season. a tragic incident took place at this time on the pacific coast, which tended to make the policy of expansion adopted appear to be a wise and reasonable one. this was the violent death of a young trader, the son of chief trader mcloughlin, at fort taku on the coast of alaska, in the territory leased from the russians by the hudson's bay company. the murder was the result of a drunken dispute among the indians, in which, accidentally, young mcloughlin had been shot. sir george simpson had just returned to the fort from his visit to the sandwich islands, and was startled at seeing the russian and british ships, with flags at half-mast, on account of the young trader's death. the indians, on the arrival of the governor, expressed the greatest penitence, but the stern lycurgus could not be appeased, and this calamity, along with one of a similar kind, which had shortly before occurred on the stikine river, led sir george simpson and the russian governor etholin to come to an agreement to discontinue at once the sale of spirituous liquor in trading with the indians. the indians for a time resorted to every device, such as withholding their furs unless liquor was given them, but the traders were unyielding, and the trade on the coast became safer and more profitable on account of the disuse of strong drink. the decision to build a new fort having been reached in the next spring, the moving spirit of the trade on the coast, james douglas, with fifteen men, fully supplied with food and necessary implements, crossed in the _beaver_ from nisqually, like another eneas leaving his untenable city behind to build a new troy elsewhere. on the next day, march th, the vessel came to anchor opposite the new site. a graphic writer has given us the description of the beautiful spot: "the view landwards was enchanting. before them lay a vast body of land, upon which no white man then stood. not a human habitation was in sight; not a beast, scarcely a bird. even the gentle murmur of the voiceless wood was drowned by the gentle beating of the surf upon the shore. there was something specially charming, bewitching in the place. though wholly natural it did not seem so. it was not at all like pure art, but it was as though nature and art had combined to map out and make one of the most pleasing prospects in the world." the visitor looking at the city of victoria in british columbia to-day will say that the description is in no way overdrawn. not only is the site one of the most charming on the earth, but as the spectator turns about he is entranced with the view on the mainland, of mount olympia, so named by that doughty captain, john meares, more than fifty years before the founding of this fort. the place had been already chosen for a village and fortification by the resident tribe, the songhies, and went by the indian name of camosun. the indian village was a mile distant from the entrance to the harbour. when the _beaver_ came to anchor, a gun was fired, which caused a commotion among the natives, who were afraid to draw near the intruding vessel. next morning, however, the sea was alive with canoes of the songhies. the trader immediately landed, chose the site for his post, and found at a short distance tall and straight cedar-trees, which afforded material for the stockades of the fort. douglas explained to the indians the purpose of his coming, and held up to them bright visions of the beautiful things he would bring them to exchange for their furs. he also employed the indians in obtaining for him the cedar posts needed for his palisades. the trader showed his usual tact in employing a most potent means of gaining an influence over the savages by bringing the jesuit father balduc, who had been upon the island before and was known to the natives. gathering the three tribes of the south of the island, the songhies, clallams, and cowichins, into a great rustic chapel which had been prepared, father balduc held an impressive religious service, and shortly after visited a settlement of the skagits, a thousand strong, and there too, in a building erected for public worship, performed the important religious rites of his church before the wondering savages. it was the intention of the hudson's bay company to make the new fort at camosun, which they first called fort albert, and afterwards fort victoria--the name now borne by the city, the chief trading depôt on the coast. [illustration: fort victoria, b.c.] as soon as the buildings were well under way, chief factor douglas sailed northward along the coast to re-arrange the trade. fort simpson, which was on the mainland, some fifteen degrees north of the new fort and situated between the portland canal and the mouth of the skeena river, was to be retained as necessary for the alaska trade, but the promising officer, roderick finlayson, a young scotchman, who had shown his skill and honesty in the northern post, was removed from it and given an important place in the new establishment. living a useful and blameless life, he was allowed to see the new fort become before his death a considerable city. charles ross, the master of fort mcloughlin, being senior to finlayson, was for the time being placed in charge of the new venture. the three minor forts, taku, stikine, and mcloughlin, were now closed, and the policy of consolidation led to fort victoria at once rising into importance. on the return of the chief factor from his northern expedition, with all the employés and stores from the deserted posts, the work at fort victoria went on apace. the energetic master had now at his disposal fifty good men, and while some were engaged at the buildings--either store-houses or dwellings--others built the defences. two bastions of solid block work were erected, thirty feet high, and these were connected by palisades or stockades of posts twenty feet high, driven into the earth side by side. the natives encamped alongside the new work, looked on with interest, but as they had not their wives and children with them, the traders viewed them with suspicion. on account of the watchfulness of the builders, the indians, beyond a few acts of petty theft, did not interfere with the newcomers in their enterprise. three months saw the main features of the fort completed. on entering the western gate of the fort, to the right was to be seen a cottage-shaped building, the post office, then the smithy; further along the walls were the large store-house, carpenter's shop, men's dormitory, and the boarding-house for the raw recruits. along the east wall were the chapel, chaplain's house, then the officers' dining-room, and cook-house attached. along the north wall was a double row of store-houses for furs and goods, and behind them the gunpowder magazine. in the north-west corner was the cottage residence of the chief factor and his family. the defences of the fort were important, consisting of two bastions on the western angles, and these contained six or eight nine-pounders. the south tower was the real fort from which salutes were fired; the north tower was a prison; and near the western or front gate stood the belfry erection and on its top the flag-staff. such was the first fort albert or victoria. victoria rapidly grew into notice, and in due time roderick finlayson, the man of adaptation and force, on the death of his superior officer became chief factor in charge. the writer met the aged fur trader years after he had retired from active service, and spent with him some hours of cheerful discourse. large and commanding in form, finlayson had the marks of governing ability about him. he lacked the adroitness of mcloughlin, the instability of tod, and the genius of douglas, but he was a typical scotchman, steady, patient, and trustworthy. like an old patriarch, he spent his last days in victoria, keeping a large extent of vacant city property in a common. urged again and again to sell it when it had become valuable, the sturdy pioneer replied that he "needed it to pasture his 'coo.'" one of the things most striking in all the early traders was their ability to master language. many of the officers of the company were able to speak four languages. on the pacific coast, on account of the many indian tongues differing much from each other, there grew up a language of commerce, known as the chinook jargon. it was a most remarkable phenomenon; it is still largely in use. the tribe most familiar to the traders at the beginning of the century was the chinooks. english-speaking, french, and united states traders met with them, and along with them the kanakas, or sandwich island workmen, with many bands of coast indians. a trade has developed upon the pacific coast, the chinook jargon has grown, and now numbers some five hundred words. of these, nearly half were chinook in origin, a number were from other indian languages, almost a hundred were french, and less than seventy english, while several were doubtful. the then leading elements among the traders were known in the jargon as respectively, pasai-ooks, french, a corruption of français; king chautchman (king george man), english; and boston, american. the following will show the origin and meaning of a few words, showing changes made in consonants which the indians cannot pronounce. _french._ _jargon._ _meaning._ le mouton. lemoots. sheep. chapeau. seahpo. hat. sauvage. siwash. indian. _english._ _jargon._ _meaning._ fire. piah. fire or cook. coffee. kaupy. coffee. handkerchief. hat'atshum. handkerchief. _chinook._ _jargon._ _meaning._ tkalaitanam. kali-tan. arrow. thliakso. yokso. hair. ---- klootchman. woman. songs, hymns, sermons, and translations of portions of the bible are made in the jargon, and used by missionaries and teachers. several dictionaries of the dialect have been published. among the out-standing men who were contemporaries upon the pacific coast of finlayson were the two brothers ermatinger. already it has been stated that they were nephews of the famous old trader of sault ste. marie. their father had preferred england to canada, and had gone thither. his two sons, edward and francis, were, as early as , apprenticed by their father to the hudson's bay company and sent on the company's ship to rupert's land, by way of york factory. edward, whose autobiographical sketch, hitherto unpublished, lies before us, tells us that he spent ten years in the fur trade, being engaged at york factory, oxford house, red river, and on the columbia river. desirous of returning to the service after he had gone back to canada, he had received an appointment to rupert's land again from governor simpson. this was cancelled by the governor on account of a grievous quarrel with old charles, the young trader's uncle, on a sea voyage with the governor to britain. for many years, however, edward ermatinger lived at st. thomas, ontario, where his son, the respected judge ermatinger, still resides. the old gentleman became a great authority on hudson's bay affairs, and received many letters from the traders, especially, it would seem, from those who had grievances against the company or against its strong-willed governor. francis ermatinger, the other brother, spent between thirty and forty years in the far west, especially on the pacific coast. an unpublished journal of francis ermatinger lies before us. it is a clear and vivid account of an expedition to revenge the death of a trader, alexander mackenzie, and four men who had been basely murdered ( ) by the tribe of clallam indians. the party, under chief factor alexander mcleod, attacked one band of indians and severely punished them; then from the ship _cadboro_ on the coast, a bombardment of the indian village took place, in which many of the tribe of the murderers were killed, but whether the criminals suffered was never known. that francis ermatinger was one of the most hardy, determined, and capable of the traders is shown by a remarkable journey made by him, under orders from sir george simpson on his famous journey round the world. ermatinger had left fort vancouver in charge of a party of trappers to visit the interior of california. sir george, having heard of him in the upper waters of one of the rivers of the coast, ordered him to meet him at monterey. this ermatinger undertook to do, and after a terrific journey, crossing snowy chains of mountains, fierce torrents in a country full of pitfalls, reached the imperious governor. ermatinger had assumed the disguise of a spanish caballero, and was recognized by his superior officer with some difficulty. ermatinger wrote numerous letters to his brothers in canada, which contained details of the hard but exciting life he was leading. most unique and peculiar of all the traders on the pacific coast was john tod, who first appeared as a trader in the selkirk settlement and wrote a number of the hargrave letters. in he was sent by governor simpson, it is said, to new caledonia as to the penal settlement of the fur traders, but the young scotchman cheerfully accepted his appointment. he became the most noted letter-writer of the pacific coast, indeed he might be called the prince of controversialists among the traders. there lies before the writer a bundle of long letters written over a number of years by tod to edward ermatinger. tod, probably for the sake of argument, advocated loose views as to the validity of the scriptures, disbelief of many of the cardinal christian doctrines, and in general claimed the greatest latitude of belief. it is very interesting to see how the solemn-minded and orthodox ermatinger strives to lead him into the true way. tod certainly had little effect upon his faithful correspondent, and shows the greatest regard for his admonitions. the time of sir george simpson's visit to the coast on his journey round the world was one of much agitation as to the boundary line between the british and united states possessions on the pacific coast. by the treaty of russia and britain had come to an agreement that the russian strip along the coast should reach southward only to deg. ´ n. lat. the united states mentioned its claim to the coast as far north as the russian boundary. however preposterous it may seem, yet it was maintained by the advocates of the monroe doctrine that great britain had no share of the coast at all. the urgency of the american claim became so great that the popular mind seemed disposed to favour contesting this claim with arms. thus originated the famous saying, "fifty-four, forty, or fight." the hudson's bay company was closely associated with the dispute, the more that fort vancouver on the columbia river might be south of the boundary line, though their action of building fort victoria was shown to be a wise and timely step. at length in the treaty between great britain and the united states was made and the boundary line established. the oregon treaty, known in some quarters as the ashburton treaty, provided that the th parallel of latitude should on the mainland be the boundary, thus handing over fort vancouver, walla walla, colville, nisqually, and okanagan to the united states, and taking them from their rightful owners, the hudson's bay company. article two of the great treaty, however, stated that the company should enjoy free navigation of the columbia river, while the third article provided that the possessory rights of the hudson's bay company and all other british subjects on the south side of the boundary line should be respected. the decision in regard to the boundary led to changes in the hudson's bay company establishments. dr. mcloughlin, having lost the confidence of the company, threw in his lot with his united states home, and retired in the year of the treaty to oregon city, where he died a few years after. his name is remembered as that of an impulsive, good-hearted, somewhat rash, but always well-meaning man. though fort victoria became the depôt for the coast of the trade of the company, fort vancouver, with a reduced staff, was maintained for a number of years by the company. while under charge of chief trader wark, a part of the fields belonging to the company at fort vancouver were in a most high-handed manner seized by the united states for military purposes. the senior officer, mr. grahame, on his return from an absence, protested against the invasion. in june, , however, the hudson's bay company withdrew from the columbia. the great herd of wild cattle which had grown up on the columbia were disposed of by the company to a merchant of oregon. the company thus retired to the british side of the boundary line during the three years closing with . steps were taken by the hudson's bay company to obtain compensation from the united states authorities. a long and wearisome investigation took place; witnesses were called and great diversity of opinion prevailed as to the value of the interest of the company in its forts. the hudson's bay company claimed indemnity amounting to the sum of , , dols. witnesses for the united states gave one-tenth of that amount as a fair value. compensation of a moderate kind was at length made to the company by the united states. on its withdrawal from oregon the hudson's bay company decided on opening up communication with the interior of the mainland up the fraser river. this was a task of no small magnitude, on account of the rugged and forbidding banks of this great river. a. caulfield anderson, an officer who had been in the company's service for some fourteen years before the date of the oregon treaty and was in charge of a post on the fraser river, was given the duty of finding the road to the interior. he was successful in tracing a road from fort langley to kamloops. the indians offered opposition to anderson, but he succeeded in spite of all hindrances, and though other routes were sought for and suggested, yet anderson's road by way of the present town of hope and lake nicola to kamloops afterwards became one great waggon road to the interior. no sooner had the boundary line been fixed than agitation arose to prepare the territory north of the line for a possible influx of agriculturists or miners and also to maintain the coast true to british connection. the hudson's bay company applied to the british government for a grant of vancouver island, which they held under a lease good for twelve years more. mr. gladstone opposed the application, but considering it the best thing to be done in the circumstances, the government made the grant ( ) to the company under certain conditions. the company agreed to colonize the island, to sell the lands at moderate rates to settlers, and to apply nine-tenths of the receipts toward public improvements. the company entered heartily into the project, issued a prospectus for settlers, and hoped in five years to have a considerable colony established on the island. steps were taken by the british government to organize the new colony. the head of the government applied to the governor of the company to name a governor. chief factor douglas was suggested, but probably thinking an independent man would be more suitable, the government gave the appointment to a man of respectability, richard blanshard, in the end of . the new governor arrived, but no preparations had been made for his reception. no salary was provided for his maintenance, and the attitude of the hudson's bay company officially at fort victoria was decidedly lacking in heartiness. governor blanshard's position was nothing more than an empty show. he issued orders and proclamations which were disregarded. he visited fort rupert, which had been founded by the company on the north-east angle of the island, and there held an investigation of a murder of three sailors by the newitty indians. governor blanshard spent much of his time writing pessimistic reports of the country to britain, and after a residence of a year and a half returned to england, thoroughly soured on account of his treatment by the officers of the company. the colonization of vancouver island proved very slow. a company of miners for nanaimo, and another of farmers from sooke, near victoria, came, but during governor blanshard's rule only one _bonâ-fide_ sale of land was made, and five years after the cession to the company there were less than five hundred colonists. chief factor douglas succeeded to the governorship and threw his accustomed energy into his administration. the cry of monopoly, ever a popular one, was raised, and inasmuch as the colony was not increasing sufficiently to satisfy the imperial government, the great committee of the house of commons of was appointed to examine the whole relation of the company to rupert's land and the indian territories. the result of the inquiry was that it was decided to relieve the hudson's bay company of the charge of vancouver island at the time of expiry of their lease. the hudson's bay company thus withdrew on the pacific coast to the position of a private trading company, though sir james douglas, who was knighted in , continued governor of the crown colony of vancouver island, with the added responsibility of the territory on the mainland. at this juncture the gold discovery in the mainland called much attention to the country. thousands of miners rushed at once to the british possessions on the pacific coast. fort victoria, from being a lonely traders' post, grew as if by magic into a city. thousands of miners betook themselves to the fraser river, and sought the inland gold-fields. all this compelled a more complete organization than the mere oversight of the mainland by governor douglas in his capacity as head of the fur trade. accordingly the british government determined to relieve the hudson's bay company of responsibility for the mainland, which they held under a licence soon to expire, and to erect new caledonia and the indian territories of the coast into a separate crown colony under the name of british columbia. in lord lytton's dispatches to governor douglas, to whom the governorship of both of the colonies of vancouver island and british columbia was offered, the condition is plainly stated that he would be required to sever his connection with the hudson's bay company and the puget sound agricultural company, and to be independent of all local interests. here we leave sir james douglas immersed in his public duties of governing the two colonies, which in time became one province under the name of british columbia, thus giving up the guidance of the fur-trading stations for whose up-building he had striven for fifty years. the posts of the hudson's bay company on the pacific coast in were:-- _vancouver island_-- fort victoria. fort rupert. nanaimo. _fraser river_-- fort langley. _thompson river_-- kamloops. fort hope. _north-west coast_-- fort simpson. _new caledonia_-- stuart lake. mcleod lake. fraser lake. alexandria. fort george. babines. connolly lake. chapter xli. pro gloria dei. a vast region--first spiritual adviser--a _locum tenens_--two french canadian priests--st. boniface founded--missionary zeal in mackenzie river district--red river parishes--the great archbishop taché--john west--archdeacon cochrane, the founder--john mccallum--bishop anderson--english missionary societies--archbishop machray--indian missions--john black, the presbyterian apostle--methodist missions on lake winnipeg--the cree syllabic--chaplain staines--bishop cridge--missionary duncan--metlakahtla--roman catholic coast missions--church of england bishop--diocese of new westminster--dr. evans--robert jamieson--education. wherever british influence has gone throughout the world the christian faith of the british people has followed. it is true, for one hundred and fifty years the ships to hudson bay crossed regularly to the forts on the bay, and beyond certain suggestions as to service to the employés, no recognition of religion took place on hudson bay, and no christian clergyman or missionary visitor found his way thither. the company was primarily a trading company, its forts were far apart, and there were few men at any one point. the first heralds of the cross, indeed, to reach rupert's land were the french priests who accompanied verendrye, though they seem to have made no settlements in the territory. it is said that after the conquest of canada, when the french traders had withdrawn from the north-west, except a few traditions in one of the tribes, no trace of christianity was left behind. the first clergyman to arrive in rupert's land was in connection with lord selkirk's colony in . a party of lord selkirk's first colonists having come from sligo, the founder sent one father bourke to accompany the party to red river. the wintering at york factory seems to have developed some unsatisfactory traits in the spiritual adviser, and he did not proceed further than the shore of the bay, but returned to his native land. the necessity of providing certain spiritual oversight for his scottish colonists occupied lord selkirk's mind. in james sutherland, an elder authorized by the church of scotland to baptize and marry, arrived with one of the bands of colonists at red river. the first point in the agreement between lord selkirk and his colonists was "to have the services of a minister of their own church." this was lord selkirk's wish, and mr. sutherland was sent as _locum tenens_. for three years this devout man performed the duties of his sacred office, until in the conflict between the rival companies he was forcibly taken away to canada by the north-west company. lord selkirk entered into correspondence with the roman catholic authorities in lower canada as to their appointing priests to take charge of the french and de meurons of his colony. we have already seen in the sketch of john mcleod that two french priests, joseph norbert provencher and sévère dumoulin, proceeded to the north-west and took up a position on the east side of red river nearly opposite the site of the demolished fort gibraltar. on account of the preponderance of the german-speaking de meurons, the settlement was called st. boniface, after the german patron saint. though these pioneer priests endured hardships and poverty, they energetically undertook their work, and maintained a school in which, shortly after, we are told, there were scholars in the "humanities." with great zeal the roman catholic church has carried its missions to the indians, even to distant athabasca and mackenzie river. in the priest provencher was made a bishop under the title of bishop of juliopolis (_in partibus infidelium_). his jurisdiction included rupert's land and the north-west or indian territories. besides the work among the indians, the bishop organized the french settlements along the red and assiniboine rivers into parishes. in addition to st. boniface, some of these were st. norbert, st. françois xavier, st. charles, st. vital, and the like, until, at the close of the hudson's bay company's rule in , there were nine french parishes. the indian missions have been largely carried on by a society of the roman catholic church known as the oblate fathers. a sisterhood of the grey nuns have also taken a strong hold of the north-west. in the year a young french priest named alexandre antonin taché came to the north-west and led the way in carrying the faith among the indians of the mackenzie river. a most interesting work of father taché, called "vingt années de missions," gives the life and trials of this devoted missionary. in a few years the young priest was appointed coadjutor of bishop provencher, and on the death of that prelate in , young monseigneur taché succeeded to the see under the name of the bishop of st. boniface. bishop taché became a notable man of the red river settlement. he was a man of much breadth of view, kindliness of manner, and of great religious zeal. as an educational and public man, he wielded, during the whole time of the hudson's bay company's later régime, a potent influence. a year or two after the elevation of bishop taché to the vacant place of bishop provencher, bishop grandin was appointed a bishop of the interior and took up his abode at ile à la crosse. the roman catholic church has done much in bringing many wild tribes under the civilizing influence of christianity. though lord selkirk was compelled to betake himself to france in in search of health, he did not forget his promise to his scottish colonists on red river. he entrusted the task of procuring a clergyman for them to mr. john pritchard, who, we have seen, had entered the service of his lordship. pritchard, acting under the direction of the committee of the hudson's bay company, seems to have taken a course that lord selkirk would hardly have approved. to some extent disregarding the promise made to the scottish settlers, either the agent or the committee applied to the church missionary society to appoint a chaplain for the hudson's bay company at red river. the choice made was a most judicious one, being that of rev. john west, who wrote a very readable book on his experiences, in which the condition of the settlement, along with an account of his missionary labours, are described. a little volume, written by miss tucker, under the name of "the rainbow of the north," also gives an interesting account of the founding of the protestant faith in the settlement. mr. west arrived in red river settlement in october, , and at once began his labours by holding services in fort garry. for a time he was fully occupied in marrying many who had formerly lived as man and wife, though already married after the indian fashion, and in baptizing the children. he at once opened a school. mr. west made an exploratory journey five or six hundred miles westward, visiting indian tribes. in he erected the first protestant place of worship on the red river, and in the same year was joined by rev. david jones, who was left in charge when mr. west returned to england. two years afterwards rev. william cochrane and his wife arrived at red river. mr. cochrane, afterward archdeacon cochrane, was a man of striking personality, and to him has been given the credit of laying the foundation of the church of england in the red river settlement. the indians to the north of the settlement on red river were visited and yielded readily to the solicitations of the missionaries. early among these self-denying indian missionaries was the rev. a., afterwards archdeacon, cowley. churches were erected in the parishes that were set apart in the same way as the french parishes; st. john's, st. paul's, st. andrew's, st. clement's, st. james, headingly, and the like, to the number of ten, were each provided with church and school. rev. mr. jones did not neglect the educational interests of his wide charge. having become convinced of the necessity of establishing a boarding-school to meet the wants of the scattered families of rupert's land, mr. jones brought out mr. john mccallum, a student of king's college, aberdeen, who had found his way to london. coming to red river in , mccallum began the school which has since become st. john's college. at first this school was under the church missionary society, but a decade after its founding it was conducted by mccallum himself, with an allowance from the company. in an episcopal visit was made to red river by the first protestant bishop who could reach the remote spot. this was dr. mountain, bishop of montreal. he published a small work giving an account of his visit. many confirmations took place by the bishop, and mr. cowley was made a priest. john mccallum had taken such a hold upon the selkirk settlers that it was deemed advisable to ordain him, and for several years he carried on the school along with the incumbency of the parish church. mccallum only lived for five years after the bishop's visit. in james leith, a wealthy chief factor of the hudson's bay company, bequeathed in his will twelve thousand pounds to be expended for the benefit of the indian missions in rupert's land. leith's family bitterly opposed this disposition of their patrimony, but the master of the rolls, hearing that the hudson's bay company was willing to add three hundred pounds annually to the interest accruing from the leith bequest, gave the decision against them, and thus secured an income to the see of seven hundred pounds a year. in the diocese of rupert's land was established by the crown, and rev. david anderson, of oxford university, was consecrated first bishop of rupert's land. in the autumn of the same year bishop anderson arrived at red river, by way of york factory, and his first public duty was to conduct the funeral of the lamented john mccallum. after an incumbency of fifteen years bishop anderson returned to england and resigned the bishopric. in dr. robert machray arrived at red river, having been consecrated bishop by the archbishop of canterbury. under bishop anderson the college successfully begun by mccallum languished, for the bishop seemed more intent on mission work than education. in the year after his arrival, bishop machray revived the institution under the name of st. john's college. it was of much service to the colony. by the time of the passing away of the power of the hudson's bay company, four years after the arrival of bishop machray, substantial stone churches and school-houses had been erected in almost all of the parishes mentioned as organized by the church of england. to the church of england belonged nearly all the english-speaking half-breed population of the colony, as well as a large number of the hudson's bay company officers. bishop machray's diocese covered a vast area. from hudson bay to the rocky mountains was under his jurisdiction. much work was done amongst the indian tribes. at moose factory on the bay, another devoted labourer was working diligently. it is true the missions were widely scattered, but of the twenty-four clergymen belonging to the diocese of rupert's land, fifteen were among the indians at the time of the cessation of the hudson's bay company's rule. the remainder were in the parishes of red river such as st. john's, st. andrew's, st. paul's, headingly, poplar point, and portage la prairie. the assistance rendered not only by the church missionary society, but also by the society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts, the colonial and continental church society, and the society for the promotion of christian knowledge, was very great, and future generations will be indebted to the benevolence and liberality of the english people in sending spiritual assistance to rupert's land. a perusal of the work, "red river settlement," by alexander ross, shows that a long and somewhat disappointing struggle was maintained by the selkirk settlers to obtain the fulfilment of lord selkirk's promise to send them a minister of their own faith. scottish governors came and departed, but no scottish minister came. sir george simpson arrived on his yearly visits at fort garry, and was often interviewed by the settlers of kildonan, but the governor, though pleasant and plausible enough, was impenetrable as the sphinx. petitions were sent to the hudson's bay company and to the scottish general assembly, but they seldom reached their destination and effected nothing. the people conformed to the service of the church of england in the vicinity of their parish. they were treated by the episcopal clergy with much consideration. their own psalter was used in their worship, the service was made as simple as they could well desire, but the people, with highland tenacity, held to their own tenets for forty years, and maintained among themselves regular cottage meetings for prayer and praise. at length the question arose as to the possession of the church property and the right of burial in st. john's burial-ground. the scottish settlers maintained their right to the church and churchyard. a very acrimonious discussion arose. in the end the matter was referred to mr. eden colville, a company director, who was in the settlement on business. mr. colville informed the writer that he claimed the credit of settling the dispute. another site on the river bank two or three miles to the north of st. john's, called la grenouillère, or frog plain, consisting of several hundred acres, was handed over to the scottish settlers for church, manse, and glebe. this was in , and though the kildonan people were still given the right to bury their dead in st. john's, in the future their chief interest centred in the new plot. the presence in red river of mr. ballenden, a countryman of the kildonan people, as hudson's bay company governor of fort garry, led to an application being made to their friends in scotland to send them a minister. indeed, the call had been made again and again for a generation. this request was transmitted to canada to dr. robert burns, a man of warm missionary zeal and great wisdom. sir george simpson had been communicated with, and deemed it wise to reverse his former policy of inaction and promised certain aid and countenance, should a presbyterian minister be found to care for the parish of kildonan. dr. burns had among his acquaintances a recent graduate of knox college, toronto, named john black. him the zealous doctor urged, if not commanded, to go to red river. this trust was accepted, and after a tedious and uncertain journey rev. john black arrived at red river, september, . the kildonan people immediately rallied around their new clergyman, who, though not able to speak gaelic as they desired, yet became an idol to his people. in a church was erected, with the aid of a small grant from the hudson's bay company, and the foundations of presbyterianism were laid. in rev. james nisbet, who had come a few years before to assist mr. black, organized a mission to the cree indians, and named his mission church on the banks of the saskatchewan, prince albert. growing by slow degrees, the presbyterian interest increased and was represented at the end of the hudson's bay company's rule by four or five clergymen. schools as maintained by voluntary contributions were erected in the presbyterian parishes of kildonan and little britain. manitoba college was planned and arranged for in the closing year of the hudson's bay company's régime. the methodists, with the fervour and missionary zeal which has always characterized them, determined to aid in evangelizing the indians of rupert's land. it was the english methodists who first showed a desire in this direction. they agreed to send the indians a clergyman suited for the work, if the canadian methodist church would send a few labourers trained in indian work in canada. james evans, an englishman who had been long in canada, and had laboured for years among the indians of upper canada, consented to go to rupert's land and take the superintendence of the others sent out. leaving montreal with the three english missionaries and two educated young ojibways, peter jacobs and henry b. steinhauser, the party went by canoes up the lakes and then along the old fur traders' route, and arrived at norway house, at the foot of lake winnipeg, in . evans made norway house his headquarters, george barnley went to moose factory, william mason to rainy lake and river winnipeg, and robert t. rundle to edmonton. the missions to the hudson bay and rainy lake were soon given up, but rossville and oxford house, on lake winnipeg, and several points near edmonton, are the evidence to-day of the faithful self-denying work done by these early methodist pioneers. having no whites in the country, the operations of the methodist church in rupert's land were, up to the time of the hudson's bay company's transfer, confined to the indians of rupert's land. mr. evans, the superintendent of these missions, became very celebrated by the invention of a syllabic system of writing introduced among the crees. the plan is simple, and an intelligent indian who has never seen the system[ ] can in a short time learn to read and write the syllabic. the syllabic has spread widely over rupert's land, and the different churches use, especially among the crees, this ingenious invention in printing the bible and service books. when lord dufferin, a number of years ago, visited the north-west as governor-general of canada, on hearing of evans' invention he remarked, "the nation has given many a man a title and a pension and a resting-place in westminster abbey who never did half so much for his fellow-creatures." some claim has been made for mason as being the inventor of this character, but there seems to be no ground for the claim. john ryerson, a canadian methodist divine, in visited rupert's land from canada, and after seeing the missions on lake winnipeg, went from york factory to england. the taking over of the mission by the canadian methodist church resulted from this visit. these are the main movements of a religious kind that took place within the borders of rupert's land and the territories east of the rocky mountains up to the end of the hudson's bay company's régime. a great service was rendered to the whites and indians alike, to the hudson's bay company, to the kildonan settlers, and all the native people by the patient work of the four churches named. the best feeling, and in many cases active co-operation, were given by these churches to each other. the work done by these churches laid the foundation for the general morality and advanced social life which prevailed in red river and in the regions beyond. on the pacific slope the hudson's bay company took an immediate control of the religious and educational instruction of the people, upon the organization of vancouver island as a colony ( ). the rev. robert staines was sent as chaplain and teacher to fort victoria, and was given a salary and an allowance for carrying on a boarding-school in which he was assisted by his wife. mr. staines did not agree with the company, went to britain as a delegate from the dissatisfied employés, but died of injuries received on his homeward voyage. mr. staines' successor was the rev. edward cridge. the new chaplain was well provided for by the company, being secured a parsonage and glebe of one hundred acres, and three hundred pounds a year, one hundred pounds annually being as chaplain of the company. mr. cridge became a prominent clergyman of the colony, but in later years left his mother church to become bishop of the reformed episcopal church. in bishop hills was made first bishop of the united colonies of vancouver island and british columbia. twenty years afterward the diocese was divided into ( ) vancouver island and the islands, as _diocese of columbia_, ( ) the southern mainland as _diocese of new westminster_, and ( ) the northern mainland as _diocese of new caledonia_. the church of england in british columbia has enjoyed large gifts from the baroness burdett-coutts. one of the most remarkable missions of modern times is that of metlakahtla, begun under the auspices of the church of england by william duncan. the village he founded became an example of civilization among the indians, as well as a handmaid to the christian work done. unfortunately, the model indian village has been largely broken up by a misunderstanding between mr. duncan and his bishop. the first missionary of note of the roman catholic church on the coast was father demers, who became bishop of vancouver island and new caledonia. the oblate fathers were early on the ground in british columbia, the first of the order having baptized upwards of three thousand men, women, and children of indian tribes, the songhies, saanechs, and cowichins, near victoria. many churches, schools, and hospitals have been founded by the energetic and self-denying roman catholics who have made british columbia their home. bishop seghers succeeded the venerable bishop demers in his diocese. ten years after the formation of vancouver island as a crown colony, revs. dr. evans, l. robson, and two other ministers undertook work for the methodist church on the coast. good foundations were laid by the clergymen named, and still better by rev. thomas crosby, who joined them after a few years' service, and entered heartily into efforts to evangelize the indians. he had great success among the flathead indians. in the first presbyterian minister arrived--rev. john hall, from ireland, and he undertook work in victoria. in the year following, rev. robert jamieson came from canada as a representative of the canadian presbyterian church and settled at new westminster. churches were soon built in victoria, nanaimo, and new westminster, that now contain strong and vigorous congregations. all of the churches were under deep obligations to the hudson's bay company for protection, assistance, and sympathy in their undertakings on the coast. the inrush of gold seekers threw a great responsibility upon all the churches, and it was well that the company, merely for motives of self-interest, should regard the influence of the missionaries among the fierce tribes of the mountains, of both island and mainland, as of the greatest importance. the record of self-denying missionaries of the churches has justified all the patronage and favour rendered them by the hudson's bay company. footnote: [ ] see appendix f. chapter xlii. the hudson's bay company and the indians. the company's indian policy--character of officers--a race of hunters--plan of advances--charges against the company--liquor restriction--capital punishment--starving indians--diseased and helpless--education and religion--the age of missions--sturdy saulteaux--the muskegons--wood crees--wandering plain crees--the chipewyans--wild assiniboines--blackfeet indians--polyglot coast tribes--eskimos--no indian war--no police--pliable and docile--success of the company. from time to time the opponents of the company have sought to find grounds for the overthrow of the licence to trade granted by the government of britain over the indian territories. one of the most frequent lines of attack was in regard to the treatment of the indians by the fur traders. it may be readily conceded that the ideal of the company's officials was in many cases not the highest. the aim of governor simpson in his long reign of forty years was that of a keen trader. a politic man, the leader of the traders when in montreal conformed to the sentiment of the city, abroad in the wilds he did very little to encourage his subordinates to cultivate higher aims among the natives. often the missionary was found raising questions very disturbing to the monopoly, and this brought the company officers into a hostile attitude to him. undoubtedly in some cases the missionaries were officious and unfair in their criticisms. but, on the other hand, the men and officers of the company were generally moral. men of education and reading the officers usually were, and their sentiment was likely to be in the right direction. the spirit of the monopoly--the golden character of silence, and the need of being secretive and uncommunicative--was instilled into every clerk, trapper, and trader. [illustration: blood indians. (squaws and papooses.) assiniboines. (indians and squaws on their ponies.) indians of the plains.] but the tradition of the company was to keep the indian a hunter. there was no effort to encourage the native to agriculture or to any industry. to make a good collector of fur was the chief aim. for this the indian required no education, for this the wandering habit needed to be cultivated rather than discouraged, and for this it was well to have the home ties as brittle as possible. hence the tent and teepee were favoured for the indian hunter more than the log cottage or village house. it was one of the most common charges against the company that in order to keep the indian in subjection advances were made on the catch of furs of the coming season, in order that, being in debt, he might be less independent. the experience of the writer in red river settlement in former days leads him to doubt this, and certainly the fur traders deny the allegation. the improvident or half-breed indian went to the company's store to obtain all that he could. the traders at the forts had difficulty in checking the extravagance of their wards. frequently the storekeeper refused to make advances lest he should fail in recovering the value of the articles advanced. fitzgerald, a writer who took part in the agitation of , makes the assertion in the most flippant manner that to keep the indians in debt was the invariable policy of the company. no evidence is cited to support this statement, and it would seem to be very hard to prove. the same writer undertakes, along the line of destructive criticism, to show that the hudson's bay company does not deserve the credit given it of discouraging the traffic in strong drink, and asserts that "a beaver skin was never lost to the company for want of a pint of rum." this is a very grave charge, and in the opinion of the writer cannot be substantiated. the bishop of montreal, r. m. ballantyne, and the agents of the missionary societies are said either to have little experience or to be unwilling to tell on this subject what they knew. this critic then quotes various statements of writers, extending back in some cases thirty or forty years, to show that spirituous liquors were sold by the company. it is undoubted that at times in the history of the fur trade, especially at the beginning of the century, when the three companies were engaged in a most exacting competition, as we have fully shown, in several cases much damage was done. on the pacific coast, too, eight or ten years before this critic wrote, there was, as we have seen, excess. at other times, also, at points in the wide field of operations, over half a continent, intoxicating liquor was plentiful and very injurious, but no feeling was stronger in a hudson's bay company trader's mind than that he was in a country without police, without military, without laws, and that his own and his people's lives were in danger should drunkenness prevail. self-preservation inclined every trader to prevent the use of spirits among the indians. the writer is of opinion that while there may have been many violations of sobriety, yet the record of the hudson's bay company has been on the whole creditable in this matter. the charges of executing capital punishment and of neglecting the indians in years of starvation may be taken together. the criticism of the people of red river was that the company was weak in the execution of the penalties of the law. they complained that the company was uncertain of its powers and that the hand of justice was chained. the marvel to an unprejudiced observer is that the company succeeded in ruling so vast a territory with so few reprisals or executions. in the matter of assisting the indians in years of scarcity, it was the interest of the fur company to save the lives of its trappers and workers. but those unacquainted with the vast wastes of rupert's land and the far north little know the difficulties of at times obtaining food. the readers of milton and cheadle's graphic story or our account of robert campbell's adventures on the stikine, know the hardships and the near approach to starvation of these travellers. dr. cheadle, on a visit to winnipeg a few years ago, said to the writer that on his first visit the greatest difficulty his party had was to secure supplies. there are years in which game and fish are so scarce that in remote northern districts death is inevitable for many. the conditions make it impossible for the company to save the lives of the natives. relief for the diseased and aged is at times hard to obtain. smallpox and other epidemics have the most deadly effect upon the semi-civilized people of the far-off hunter's territory. the charge made up to that the hudson's bay company had done little for the education and religious training of the indians was probably true enough. outside of red river and british columbia they did not sufficiently realize their responsibility as a company. since that time, with the approval and co-operation in many ways of the company, the various missionary societies have grappled with the problem. the indians about hudson bay, on lake winnipeg, in the mackenzie river, throughout british columbia, and on the great prairies of assiniboia, are to-day largely christianized and receiving education. the saulteaux, or indians who formerly lived at sault ste. marie, but wandered west along the shore of lake superior and even up to lake winnipeg, are a branch of the algonquin ojibways. hardy and persevering, most conservative in preserving old customs, hard to influence by religious ideas, they have been pensioners of the hudson's bay company, but their country is very barren, and they have advanced but little. very interesting, among their relations of algonquin origin, are the muskegons, or swampy crees, who have long occupied the region around hudson bay and have extended inland to lake winnipeg. docile and peaceful, they have been largely influenced by christianity. under missionary and company guidance they have gathered around the posts, and find a living on the game of the country and in trapping the wild animals. related to the muskegons are the wood crees, who live along the rivers and on the belts of wood which skirt lakes and hills. they cling to the birch-bark wigwam, use the bark canoe, and are nomadic in habit. they may be called the gipsies of the west, and being in scattered families have been little reached by better influences. another branch of the algonquin stock is the plain crees. these indians are a most adventurous and energetic people. leaving behind their canoes and huskie dogs, they obtained horses and cayuses and hied them over the prairies. birch-bark being unobtainable, they made their tents, better fitted for protecting them from the searching winds of the prairies and the cold of winter, from tanned skins of the buffalo and moose-deer. for seven hundred miles from the mouth of the saskatchewan they extend to the foot hills of the rocky mountains. meeting in their great camps, seemingly untameable as a race of plain hunters, they were, up to the time of the transfer to canada, almost untouched by missionary influence, but in the last thirty years they have been placed on reserves by the canadian government and are in almost all cases yielding to christianizing agencies. north of the country of the crees live tribes with very wide connections. they call themselves "tinné" or "people," but to others they are known as chipewyans, or athabascans. they seem to be less copper-coloured than the other indians, and are docile in disposition. this nation stretches from fort churchill, on hudson bay, along the english river, up to lake athabasca, along the peace river into the very heart of the rocky mountains, and even beyond to the coast. they have proved teachable and yield to ameliorating influences. probably the oldest and best known name of the interior of rupert's land, the name after which lord selkirk called his colony of assiniboia, is that belonging to the wild assiniboines or stony river sioux. the river at the mouth of which stands the city of winnipeg was their northern boundary, and they extended southward toward the great indian confederacy of the sioux natives or dakotas, of which indeed they were at one time a branch. tall, handsome, with firmly formed faces, agile and revengeful, they are an intelligent and capable race. these indians, known familiarly as the "stonies," have greatly diminished in numbers since the time of alexander henry, jun., who describes them fully. in later years they have been cut down with pulmonary and other diseases, and are to-day but the fragment of a great tribe. they have long been friendly with the plain crees, but are not very open to christianity, though there are one or two small communities which are exceptions in this respect. very little under hudson's bay company control were the blackfoot nation, along the foot hills of the rocky mountains, near the national boundary. ethnically they are related to the crees, but they have always been difficult to approach. living in large camps during hudson's bay company days, they spent a wild, happy, comfortable life among the herds of wandering buffalo of their district. since the beginning of the canadian régime they have become more susceptible to civilizing agencies, and live in great reserves in the south-west of their old hunting grounds. a perfect chaos of races meets us among the indians of british columbia and alaska, and their language is polyglot. seemingly the result of innumerable immigrations from malayan and mongolian sources in asia, they have come at different times. one of the best known tribes of the coast is the haidas, numbering some six thousand souls. the nutka indians occupy vancouver island, and have many tribal divisions. to the selish or flatheads belong many of the tribes of the lower fraser river, while the shushwaps hold the country on the columbia and okanagan rivers. mention has been made already of the small but influential tribe of chinooks near the mouth of the columbia river. while differing in many ways from each other, the indians of the pacific coast have always been turbulent and excitable. from first to last more murders and riots have taken place among them than throughout all the vast territory held by the hudson's bay company east of the rocky mountains. while missionary zeal has accomplished much among the western coast indians, yet the "bad indian" element has been a recognized and appreciable quantity among them so far as the company is concerned. last among the natives who have been under hudson's bay company influence are the eskimos or innuits of the far north. they are found on the labrador coast, on coppermine river, on the shore of the arctic sea, and on the alaskan peninsula. dressed in sealskin clothing and dwelling in huts of snow, hastening from place to place in their sledges drawn by wolf-like dogs called "eskies" or "huskies," these people have found themselves comparatively independent of hudson's bay company assistance. living largely on the products of the sea, they have shown great ingenuity in manufacturing articles and implements for themselves. the usual experience of the company from ungava, through the mackenzie river posts, and the trading houses in alaska has been that they were starved out and were compelled to give up their trading houses among them. little has been done, unless in the yukon country, to evangelize the eskimos. the marvel to the historian, as he surveys the two centuries and a quarter of the history of the hudson's bay company, is their successful management of the indian tribes. there has never been an indian war in rupert's land or the indian territories--nothing beyond a temporary _émeute_ or incidental outbreak. thousands of miles from the nearest british garrison or soldier, trade has been carried on in scores and scores of forts and factories with perfect confidence. the indians have always respected the "kingchauch man." he was to them the representative of superior ability and financial strength, but more than this, he was the embodiment of civilization and of fair and just dealing. high prices may have been imposed on the indians, but the company's expenses were enormous. there are points among the most remote trading posts from which the returns in money were not possible in less than nine years from the time the goods left the fenchurch street or lime street warehouses. with all his keen bargaining and his so-called exacting motto, "pro pelle cutem," the trader was looked upon by the indians as a benefactor, bringing into his barren, remote, inhospitable home the commodities to supply his wants and make his life happier. while the indians came to recognize this in their docile and pliable acceptance of the trader's decisions, the trader also became fond of the red man, and many an old fur trader freely declares his affection for his indian ward, so faithful to his promise, unswerving in his attachment, and celebrated for never forgetting a kindness shown him. the success of the company was largely due to honourable, capable, and patient officers, clerks, and employés, who with tact and justice managed their indian dependents, many of whom rejoiced in the title of "a hudson's bay company indian." chapter xliii. unrest in rupert's land ( - ). discontent on red river--queries to the governor--a courageous recorder--free trade in furs held illegal--imprisonment--new land deed--enormous freights--petty revenge--turbulent pensioners--heart-burnings--heroic isbister--half-breed memorial--mr. beaver's letter--hudson's bay company notified--lord elgin's reply--voluminous correspondence--company's full answer--colonel crofton's statement--major caldwell, a partisan--french petition--nearly a thousand signatures--love, a factor--the elder riel--a court scene--violence--"vive la liberté"--the recorder checked--a new judge--unruly corbett--the prison broken--another rescue--a valiant doctor--a red river nestor. the fuller organization of assiniboia, after its purchase by the hudson's bay company from the heirs of the earl of selkirk, encouraged the authorities at red river to assert the rights which the company had always claimed--viz. the monopoly of the fur trade in rupert's land and the imposition of heavy freights on imports and exports by way of hudson bay. the privilege of exporting tallow, the product of the buffalo, had been accorded on reasonable terms to a prominent resident of the red river, named james sinclair. the first venture, a small one, succeeded; but a second larger consignment was refused by the company, and, after lying nearly two years at york factory, the cargo was sold to the company. twenty leading half-breeds then petitioned the company to be allowed to export their tallow and to be given a reasonable freight charge. no answer was returned to this letter. the half-breeds were thus rising in intelligence and means; being frequently employed as middlemen in trafficking in furs, they learned something of the trade and traffic. the half-breed settlers of the red river settlement have always claimed special privileges in rupert's land as being descended from the aboriginal owners. it was under such circumstances that governor christie, following, it is supposed, legal direction, in issued two proclamations, the first, requiring that each settler, before the company would carry any goods for him, should be required to declare that he had not been engaged in the fur trade; the second, that the writer of every letter write his name on the outside of it, in order that, should he be suspected of dealing in furs, it might be opened and examined. this was a direct issue, and they determined to bring the matter to a crisis. twenty leading natives (half-breeds of red river settlement), among them a number well known, such as james sinclair, john dease, john vincent, william bird, and peter garrioch, in approached alexander christie, governor of the settlement, requesting answers to fourteen queries. these questions required satisfaction as to whether half-breeds could hunt, buy, sell, or traffic in furs, and also what were the restrictions in this matter upon europeans, &c. a pacific and soothing reply was made by governor christie, but the company soon began to take steps to repress the free trade in furs, and the council of rupert's land passed certain regulations, among others one placing a duty of twenty per cent. upon imports, but exempting from their tax settlers who were free of the charge of trading in furs. this was a vexatious regulation and roused great opposition. all these devices had a legal smack about them, and were no doubt the suggestions of judge thom, the recorder of red river, a remarkable man, who, six years before this time, had come from montreal to put legal matters in order in the red river settlement. the recorder entered _con amore_ into the matter, and advised the assertion of claims that had fallen into disuse for many years among the different classes of residents in the settlement. the redoubtable judge, who, it will be remembered, was said to have been at the elbow of sir george simpson in writing his "journey round the world," now evolved another tyrannical expedient. a new land deed was devised, and whosoever wished to hold land in the settlement was compelled to sign it. this indenture provided that if the land-holder should invade any privileges of the company and fail to contribute to the maintenance of clergy and schools, or omit to do his work upon the public roads, or carry on trade in skins, furs, peltry, or dressed leather, such offender should forfeit his lands. this was certainly un-british and severe, and we may look upon it as the plan of the judge, who failed to understand the spirit of his age, and would have readily fallen in with a system of feudal tenure. the writer in after years met this judge, then very old, in london, and found him a kindly man, though with scottish determination, willing to follow out his opinions logically, however rash or out of place such a course might be. if the hudson's bay company found itself in a sea of trouble, and hostile to public sentiment in the settlement, it had to blame its own creation, the valorous recorder of red river. the imposition of enormous freights, adopted at this time for carrying goods by way of york factory to england, in order to check trade, was a part of the same policy of "thorough" recommended by this legal adviser. sinclair, already mentioned, became the "village hampden" in this crisis. taking an active part in his opposition to this policy of restriction, he found that he was to be punished, by the "company's ship" from england to york factory refusing to carry for him any freight. it was partly the oregon question and partly the unsettled state of public opinion in red river that led to a british regiment being for a time stationed at the red river settlement. on the removal of these troops the pensioners, a turbulent band of old discharged soldiers, came from britain and were settled upon the assiniboine, above fort garry. a writer who knew them well ventures to suggest that they were of the same troublesome disposition as the former de meurons of lord selkirk. coming ostensibly to introduce peace they brought a sword. sooner or later the discontent and irritation produced by judge thorn's inspiration was sure to reach its culmination, and this it did in the sayer affair afterwards described. the cause of the complaints from the red river settlement found a willing and powerful advocate in mr. alexander k. isbister, a young london barrister, and afterwards a prominent educationalist. he was a native of rupert's land, and had a dash of indian blood in his veins, and so took up the brief for his compatriots in a formidable series of documents. mr. isbister's advocacy gave standing and weight to the contention of the red river half-breeds, and a brave and heroic fight was made, even though the point of view was at times quite unjust to the company. in , isbister, with five other half-breeds of red river, forwarded, to the secretary of state for the colonies, a long and able memorial, setting forth the grievances of the petitioners. the document sets forth in short that the company had "amassed a princely revenue" at the expense of the natives, allowed their wards to pass their lives in the darkest heathenism, broke their pledges to exclude strong drink from the indian trade, were careless of the growing evil of want and suffering in the territory, paid little for the furs, and persecuted the natives by checking them in their barter of furs, and followed a short-sighted and pernicious policy. this was assuredly a serious list of charges. earl grey in due time called on isbister and his friends for a more specific statement of the grievances, and wrote to the governor of assiniboia, to the london governor of the hudson's bay company, and to the governor-general of canada, lord elgin, asking their attention to the allegations of the petition. some two months after lord grey's letter was received, the hudson's bay company governor, sir j. h. pelly, submitted a long and minute answer to the various charges of the petitioners. as is usually the case, both parties had some advantages. as to the enormous profits, the company were able to show that they had unfortunately not been able to make "more than the ordinary rate of mercantile profit." they replied as to the religious interests of the natives, that their sole objects, as stated in the charter, were trade and the discovery of a north-west passage, but that they had helped at a considerable annual expense the church missionary society, wesleyan missionary society, and a roman catholic missionary society. the company gives a most indignant denial to the charge that they had resumed the trade in spirituous liquors with the indians, though admitting in the neighbourhood of red river the use of small quantities of strong drink in meeting the american traders. this answer did not, however, quiet the storm. isbister returned to the attack, giving the evidence of mr. alexander simpson, a trader on the pacific coast, and the extensive and strong letter of the rev. herbert beaver, the former chaplain of the hudson's bay company at fort vancouver. isbister also raised the question of the validity of the company's charter. the company again replied, and so the battle raged, reply and rejoinder, quotations and evidence _ad libitum_. isbister may not have proved his case, but his championship won the approbation of many independent observers. lord elgin, the efficient and popular governor-general of canada, gave such reply as he was able. he states that the distance of red river was so great and the intercourse so little, that taking into account the peculiar jurisdiction of the company, he found it difficult to obtain the information sought. as to the complaints about the religious neglect of the indians, lord elgin states that disappointments in this matter occur in other quarters as well as in the hudson's bay company territories, but declares that the result of his inquiries in the matter "is highly favourable to the company, and that it has left in his mind the impression that the authority which they exercise over the vast and inhospitable region subject to their jurisdiction is on the whole very advantageous to the indians." lord elgin states that he is much indebted for his information to colonel crofton, the commander of the th royal regiment, which we have seen was stationed for a time at red river. colonel crofton afterwards gave to the colonial secretary what one would say was rather an unjudicial reply. he said, "i unhesitatingly assert that the government of the hudson's bay company is mild and protective, and admirably adapted, in my opinion, for the state of society existing in rupert's land, where indians, half-breeds, or europeans are happily governed, and live protected by laws which i know were mercifully and impartially administered by mr. thom, the recorder, and by the magistrates of the land." in regard to this opinion, while no doubt an honest expression of views, it is plain that colonel crofton did not understand the aspiration for self-government which prevails in western communities. the reply of the governor of assiniboia, major caldwell, was likewise favourable to the company. alexander ross, in his "red river settlement," criticizes the method taken by major caldwell to obtain information. according to ross, the governor sent around queries to a few select individuals, accepting no one "below what the major considered a gentleman." this, the critic says, was the action of a man "who had never studied the art of governing a people." ross, who did not admire the company greatly, however, sums up the whole matter by saying, "the allegations of harsh conduct or maladministration preferred against the hudson's bay company by mr. isbister and his party were in general totally unfounded and disproved," and therefore neither major caldwell's inquiries nor the inspiration of his genius were required. notwithstanding major caldwell's optimism and lord elgin's favourable reply, there was really a serious condition of affairs in red river settlement. along with the petition of isbister and his five english half-breed compatriots, there was one far more formidable from the french half-breeds, who to the number of nine hundred and seventy-seven subscribed their names. presented to her majesty the queen, in most excellent terms, in the french language, their petition sought, decrying the monopoly as severe:-- . that as good subjects they might be governed by the principles of the british constitution; . that as british subjects they demanded their right to enjoy the liberty of commerce; . they requested the sale of lands to strangers, and that a portion of the proceeds should be applied to improve the means of transport. french and english half-breeds were now united in a common purpose. a strange story is related as to the way in which the english-speaking half-breeds came to throw in their lot with their french fellow-countrymen. a company officer had left his two daughters at fort garry to be educated. one of them was the object of the affection of a young scotch half-breed, and at the same time of a young highlander. the young lady is said to have preferred the metis, but the stern parent favoured the highlander. the scotchman, fortified by the father's approval, proceeded to upbraid the metis for his temerity in aspiring to the hand of one so high in society as the lady. as love ruined troy, so it is said this affair joined french and english half-breeds in a union to defeat the company. the agitation went on, as isbister and his friends corresponded with the people of red river and succeeded so well in gaining the ear of the british government. among the french people one of the fiercest and most noisy leaders was louis riel, the revolutionary "miller of the seine." this man, the father of the rebel chief of later years, was a french half-breed. a tribune of the people, he had a strong ascendency over the ignorant half-breeds. he was ready for any emergency. it is often the case that some trifling incident serves to bring on a serious crisis in affairs. a french settler, named guillaume sayer, half-breed son of an old bourgeois in the north-west company, had bought a quantity of goods, intending to go on a trading expedition to lake manitoba. the company proceeded to arrest him, and, after a stiff resistance, he was overcome by force and imprisoned at fort garry. as the day of trial drew near the excitement grew intense. governor caldwell was a well-known martinet; the recorder was regarded as the originator of the policy of restriction. he was, moreover, believed to be a francophobe, having written a famous series of newspaper communications in montreal, known as the "antigallic letters." the day of trial had been fixed for ascension day, may th, and this was taken as a religious affront by the french. the court was to meet in the morning. on the day of the trial hundreds of french metis, armed, came from all the settlements to st. boniface church, and, leaving their guns at the church door, entered for service. at the close they gathered together, and were addressed in a fiery oration by riel. a french canadian admirer, writing of the matter, says, "louis riel obtained a veritable triumph on that occasion, and long and loud the hurrahs were repeated by the echoes of the red river." crossing by way of point douglas, the metis surrounded the unguarded court house at fort garry. the governor, judge, and magistrate arrived, and took their seats at eleven o'clock. a curious scene now ensued: the magistrates protested against the violence; riel in loud tones declared that they would give the tribunal one hour, and that if justice were not done them, they would do it themselves. an altercation then took place between judge thom and riel, and with his loud declaration, "et je déclare que de ce moment sayer est libre----" drowned by the shouts of the metis, the trial was over. sayer and his fellow-prisoners betook themselves to freedom, while the departing metis cried out, "le commerce est libre! le commerce est libre! viva la liberté!" this crisis was a serious one. judge thom, so instructed by governor simpson, never acted as recorder again. the five years' struggle was over. the movement for liberty continued to stimulate the people. five years afterward the plan of the agitators was to obtain the intervention of canada. accordingly a petition, signed by roderick kennedy and five hundred and seventy-four others, was presented to the legislative assembly of canada. the grievances of the people of red river were recited. it was stated that application had been made to the imperial parliament without result, and this through "the chicanery of the company and its false representations." in the toronto board of trade petitioned the canadian assembly to open the hudson's bay company territories to trade. restlessness and uncertainty largely prevailed in red river, though there were many of the colonists who paid little attention to what they considered the infatuated conduct of the agitators. no truer test of the success of government can be found than the respect and obedience shown by the people for the law. red river settlement, judged by this standard, had a woful record at this time. after the unfortunate sayer affair, recorder thom was superseded, and for a time ( to ) judge johnson, of montreal, came to fort garry to administer justice and to act as governor. judge black, a capable trader who had received a legal training, was appointed to the office of recorder, but soon found a case that tried his judicial ability and skill. a clergyman named corbett, who had been bitterly hostile to the company, testified to certain extreme statements against the company in the great investigation of . he then returned to his parish of headingly in the settlement. a criminal charge was brought against him, for which he was found guilty in the courts and sentenced to six months' imprisonment. the opponents of the company, seemingly without ground, but none the less fiercely, declared that the trial was a persecution by the company and that corbett was innocent. strong in this belief, the mob surrounded the prison at fort garry, overawed the old french jailor, and, rescuing corbett, took him home to his parish. among those who had been prominent in the rescue was james stewart, long afterward a druggist and meteorological observer in winnipeg. stewart and some of his companions were arrested for jail-breaking and cast into prison. some forty or fifty friends of stewart threatened violence should he be kept a prisoner. the governor, bishop, and three magistrates met to overawe the insurgents, but the determined rescuers tore up the pickets enclosing the prison yard, broke open the jail, and made the prisoner a free man. such insubordination and tumult marked the decline of the company's power as a governing body. this lawlessness was no doubt stimulated by the establishment of a newspaper in --_the nor'-wester_--which from the first was hostile to the company. the system of government by the council of assiniboia had always been a vulnerable point in the management by the company, and the newspaper constantly fanned the spirit of discontent. in the year , when the hudson bay company régime was approaching its end, another violent and disturbing affair took place. this was the arrest of dr. schultz, a canadian leader of great bodily strength and determination, who had thrown in his lot with the red river people. as a result of a business dispute, schultz was proceeded against in the court, and an order issued for seizure of his goods. on his resisting the sheriff in the execution of his duty, he was, after a severe struggle, overpowered, taken captive, and confined in fort garry jail. on the following day the wife of dr. schultz and some fifteen men forcibly entered the prison, overpowered the guards, and, breaking open his cell, rescued the redoubtable doctor. hargrave says, "this done, the party adjourned along with him to his house, where report says, 'they made a night of it.'" these events represented the decadence of the company's rule; they indicated the rise of new forces that were to compel a change; and however harmful to those immediately involved they declared unmistakably that the old order changeth, giving place to new. typical of his times, there sat through the court scenes of these troublous days the old "clerk of court and council," william robert smith. with long grey beard he held his post, and was the genius of the place. he was the nestor of red river. a bluecoat boy from london, he had come from school far back in , to enter on the fur trade in rupert's land. at oxford house, ile à la crosse, little slave lake, and norway house, he served eleven faithful years as a clerk, when he retired and became a settler of red river. he was the first to settle near lower fort garry, and named the spot "little britain," from one of his old london localities. farming, teaching, catechizing for the church, acting precentor, a local encyclopædia, and collector of customs, he passed his versatile life, till, the year before the sayer _émeute_, he became clerk of court, which place, with slight interruption, he held for twenty years. how remarkable to think of the man of all work, the company's factotum, reaching in his experience from the beginning to well-nigh the ending of the selkirk settlement! one who knew him says, "from his long residence in the settlement he has seen governors, judges, bishops, and clergymen, not to mention such birds of passage as the company's local officers, who come and go, himself remaining to record their doings to their successors." [illustration: council of hudson's bay company commissioned officers held in winnipeg, . (_see_ appendix g. for names.)] chapter xliv. canada covets the hudson's bay territory. renewal of licence--labouchere's letter--canada claims to pacific ocean--commissioner chief-justice draper--rests on quebec act, --quebec overlaps indian territories--company loses vancouver island--cauchon's memorandum--committee of --company on trial--a brilliant committee--four hundred folios of evidence--to transfer red river and saskatchewan--death of sir george--governor dallas--a cunning scheme--secret negotiations--the watkin company floated--angry winterers--dallas's soothing circular--the old order still--ermatinger's letters--mcdougall's resolutions--cartier and mcdougall as delegates--company accepts the terms. as is well known to those who have followed the history of the hudson's bay company, while the possession of rupert's land was secured by charter, the territory outside rupert's land was secured to the company by licence. this licence ended every twenty-one years. the licence in force at the time of the troubles which have been described was to terminate in . accordingly, three or four years before this date, as their athabasca, new caledonia, and british columbia possessions had become of great value to them, the company with due foresight approached the british government with a request for the renewal of their tenure. men of understanding on both sides of the atlantic saw the possible danger of a refusal to their request, on account of the popular ferment which had taken place both in red river and british columbia. others thought the time had come for ending the power of the company. sir henry labouchere, secretary of state for the colonies, entered into correspondence with sir edmund head, governor-general of canada, on the subject. anxious about the state of things in every part of the empire as the colonial office always is, the turbulence and defiance of law in red river settlement called for special attention. accordingly the governor-general was informed that it was the intention of the home government to have, not only the question of the licence discussed, but also the "general position and prospects" of the company considered, by a committee of the house of commons. the canadian government was therefore cordially invited to have its views, as well as those of the canadian community, represented before the committee. this invitation was the thing for which canada had been waiting. a despatch was sent by the canadian government, in less than seven weeks from the time when the invitation left downing street, accepting the proposal of the mother country. the canadian ministry was pleased that british-american affairs were receiving such prominent notice in england. it suggested the importance of determining the limits of canada on the side towards rupert's land, and went on to state that the general opinion strongly held in the new world was "that the western boundary of canada extends to the pacific ocean." reference is made to the danger of complications arising with the united states, and the statement advanced that the "question of the jurisdiction and title claimed by the hudson's bay company is to canada of paramount importance." in chief justice draper crossed to great britain as canadian representative, with a very wide commission to advance canadian interests. he was called before the committee appointed by the house of commons, and answered nearly two hundred questions relating to canada and to the hudson's bay company interests in rupert's land and beyond. the capable and active-minded chief justice kept before the committee these points:-- ( ) what he conceived to be the true western boundary of canada, and in so doing gave his opinion, based on the quebec act of , that canada should be allowed to extend to the rocky mountains and should have the privilege of exploring and building roads in that region. ( ) the earnest desire of the canadian people that rupert's land and the indian territories should be maintained as british territory. ( ) that canada should be allowed to extend her settlements into these territories. chief justice draper argued his case with great clearness and cogency, and made an excellent impression upon the committee. the matter of the company's hold on vancouver island seems to have been settled without any great difficulty. mr. richard blanshard, the former governor, who received so cool a reception in vancouver island, gave a plain and unvarnished tale. the company had evidently made up its mind to surrender all its claims to vancouver island. and the island, as we have seen, became independent. canada entered with great spirit into the case presented before the committee. the question of the licence was quite overshadowed by the wider discussion covering the validity of the hudson's bay company charter, the original boundary line of the province of canada, and the manner in which the company had carried out its responsibilities. an industrious minister of the canadian government, hon. joseph cauchon, with true gallic fire and a french canadian spirit, prepared a memorandum of a most elaborate kind on the hudson's bay company's claim and status. in this, mr. cauchon goes back to the earliest times, shows the limits of occupation by the french explorers, follows down the line of connection established by the north-west traders, deals with the troubles of lord selkirk, and concludes that the red river and the saskatchewan are not within the limits of the company's charter. this vigorous writer then deals with the treaty of paris, the quebec act, and the discoveries of canadian subjects as giving canada a jurisdiction even to the rocky mountains. as might have been expected, the committee of became a famous one. the whole economy of the company was discussed. the ground gone over by isbister and others during the preceding decade supplied the members with material, and the proceedings of the committee became notable for their interest. the committee held eighteen meetings, examined twenty-nine witnesses, and thoroughly sifted the evidence. the _personnel_ of the committee was brilliant. the secretary of state was chairman. mr. roebuck and mr. gladstone represented the inquiring and aggressive element. lord stanley and lord john russell added their experience, edward ellice--"the old bear"--watched the case for the company, and mr. lowe and sir john pakington took a lively interest in the proceedings and often interposed. altogether the committee was constituted for active service, and every nook and cranny of rupert's land and the adjoining territories was thoroughly investigated. among the witnesses was the distinguished governor simpson. he was at his best. mr. roebuck and he had many a skirmish, and although sir george was often driven into a corner, yet with surprising agility he recovered himself. old explorers such as john ross, dr. rae, col. lefroy, sir john richardson, col. crofton, bishop anderson, col. caldwell, and dr. king, gave information as to having visited rupert's land at different periods. their evidence was fair, with, as could be expected in most cases, a "good word" for the company. rev. mr. corbett gave testimony against the company, governor blanshard in the same strain, a. k. isbister, considerably moderated in his opposition, gave evidence as a native who had travelled in the country, while john mcloughlin, a rash and heady agitator, told of the excitement in red river settlement. edward ellice became a witness as well as a member of the committee, and with adroitness covered the retreat of any of his witnesses when necessity arose. from time to time, from february to the end of july, the committee met, and gathered a vast amount of evidence, making four hundred pages of printed matter. it is a thesaurus of hudson's bay company material. it revealed not only the localities of this unknown land to england and the world, but made everyone familiar with the secret methods, devices, and working of the fur trade over a space of well-nigh half a continent. the committee decided to recommend to parliament that it is "important to meet the just and reasonable wishes of canada to assume such territory as may be useful for settlement; that the districts of the red river and the saskatchewan seem the most available; and that for the order and good government of the country," arrangements should be made for their cession to canada. it was also agreed that those regions where settlement is impossible be left to the exclusive control of the hudson's bay company for the fur trade. the committee not only recommended that vancouver island should be made independent, but that the territory of the mainland in british columbia should be united with it. four years after the sitting of this committee, which gave such anxiety to the hudson's bay company, sir george simpson, after a very short illness, passed away, having served as governor for forty years. in an earlier chapter his place and influence have been estimated and his merits and defects shown. sir george, in his high office as governor of rupert's land, was succeeded by a. j. dallas, a scottish merchant, who had been in business in china, had retired, and afterwards acted as chief factor of the hudson's bay company at fort victoria, in vancouver island, and had then married the daughter of governor james douglas. dallas had shown great nerve and judgment in british columbia, in a serious brush with the united states authorities in . three years after this event he was called to succeed the great governor of rupert's land. on his appointment to this high position, he took up his residence at fort garry, and had, in conjunction with the local governor, william mctavish, to face the rising tide of dissatisfaction which showed itself in the corbett and stewart rescues. writers of the period state that dallas lacked the dignity and tact of old sir george. in his letters, however, governor dallas shows that he thoroughly appreciated the serious state of matters. he says: "i have had great difficulty in persuading the magistrates to continue to act. mr. william mctavish, governor of assiniboia, has resigned his post." governor dallas says he "finds himself with all the responsibility and semblance of authority over a vast territory, but unsupported, if not ignored, by the crown." he states that people do not object to the _personnel_ of the hudson's bay company government, but to the "system of government." he fears the formation of a provisional government, and a movement for annexation to the united states, which had been threatened. he is of opinion that the "territorial right should revert to the crown." these are strong, honest words for an official of the company whose rule had prevailed for some two centuries. and now governor dallas appears co-operating in an ingenious and adroit financial scheme with mr. e. w. watkin, a member of the british house of commons, by which the hudson's bay company property changed hands. edward watkin was a financial agent, who had much to do with the grand trunk railway of canada, and had an intimate knowledge of canadian affairs. he had succeeded in interesting the colonial secretary of state, the duke of newcastle, in a railway, road, and telegraphic scheme for connecting the british possessions in north america. difficulties having arisen in inducing staid old governor berens, the london head of the company, to accept modern ideas, a plan was broached of buying out the whole hudson's bay company possessions and rights. difficulty after difficulty was met and surmounted, and though many a time the scheme seemed hopeless, yet in the end it succeeded, though not without much friction and heart-burning. watkin describes graphically the first interview between three members of the hudson's bay company, berens, eden colville, and lyall, of the first part, and glynn, newmarch, himself, and three other capitalists of the second part. the meeting took place in the hudson's bay company house, fenchurch street, february st, . "the room was the 'court' room, dark and dirty, faded green cloth, old chairs almost black, and a fine picture of prince rupert. governor berens, an old man and obstinate, was somewhat insulting in his manner. we took it patiently." it was a day of fate for the old company. many interviews afterwards took place between watkin and the accountant and solicitors of the company. the company would hear of no dealings, except on the basis of a cash payment. the men of capital accordingly succeeded in interesting the "international financial association," a new corporation looking for some great scheme to lay before the public. at length the whole shares, property, and rights of the hudson's bay company were taken over, the final arrangements being made by mr. richard potter on june st, . thus the company begun in so small a way by prince rupert and his associates nearly two centuries before, sold out, and the purchase money of one and a half millions of pounds was paid over the counter to the old company by the new association. a new company was now to be organized whose stock would be open for purchase, and the international association would, on such organization being formed, hand over the company's assets to the new stockholders. in a short time the company was reconstituted, sir edmund head being the new governor, with, as prominent members of the board of directors, richard potter, eden colville, e. b. watkin, and an american fur trader of experience, sir curtis lampson. secretly as the negotiations for the formation of a new company had been conducted, the news of the affair reached canada and rupert's land, and led to anxious inquiries being made and to a memorial from the company's officers being presented to the board of directors asking for information. so thoroughly secret had the interviews between the london parties been carried on that the officials of the london office knew nothing of them, and stated in their reply to the memorialists that the rumours were incorrect. in july, when the transfer had been consummated and the news of it appeared in the public press, it created surprise and indignation among the chief factors and chief traders, who, under the deed poll or company arrangement which had been adopted in , though somewhat modified thirteen years later, had been regarded as having certain partnership rights in the company. mr. edward watkin informs us, in his interesting "reminiscences," that he had intended that the "wintering partners," as the officers in rupert's land were called, should have been individually communicated with, but that on account of his hasty departure to canada the matter had been overlooked. it certainly was irritating to the officers of the fur trade to learn for the first time from the public press of an arrangement being perfected involving their whole private interests. watkin expresses his great apprehension lest the news in a distorted form should reach the distant regions of the fur country, where the company had one hundred and forty-four posts, covering the continent from labrador to sitka, vancouver island and san francisco. he feared also that there would be a new company formed to occupy the ground with the old. on reaching canada, mr. watkin was agreeably surprised at the arrival of governor dallas from red river in montreal. after consultation it was decided on that the governor should send a conciliatory circular to the commissioned officers of the company, explaining the objects of the new company, and stating that all the interests of the wintering partners would be conserved. it is evident that the attitude of the officers had alarmed even such stout-hearted men as watkin and dallas. there lies before the writer also a personal letter, dated london, july rd, , signed by edmund head, governor, to a chief trader of the company, stating that it was the intention of the committee "to carry on the fur trade as it has been hitherto carried on, under the provisions of the deed poll." none of the collateral objects of the company "should interfere with the fur trade." he begs the officers to "have with him free and unreserved communication through the usual channel." evidently the echo of the angry voices in athabasca had been heard in london. the old deed poll, which they had intended to suspend, as shown by watkin, was thus preserved. this document secured them as follows: according to both deed polls of and , forty per cent. of the net profits of the trade, divided into eighty-five shares of equal amount, were distributed annually among the wintering partners of the company. a chief trader received an eighty-fifth share of the profits, and a chief factor two eighty-fifth shares. both had certain rights after retiring. the proposed abolition of these terms of the deed poll and the substitution therefor of certain salaries with the avowed purpose of reducing the expenses, of course meant loss to every wintering partner. the interests thus involved justified the most strenuous opposition on the part of the partners, and, unless the proposal were modified, would almost certainly have led to a disruption of the company. in harmony with governor head's circular letter no action in the direction contemplated was taken until , when, on the receipt of the three hundred thousand pounds voted by canada to the company, the sum of one hundred and seven thousand and fifty-five pounds was applied to buying out the vested rights of the wintering partners, and the agitation was quieted. the effect of the arrangement made for the payment of officers of the company since , as compared with their previous remuneration, has been a subject of discussion. there lies before the writer an elaborate calculation by an old hudson's bay company officer to the effect that under the old deed poll a chief factor would receive two eighty-fifth shares, his total average being seven hundred and twenty pounds per annum; and under the new (taking the average of twenty-five years) two and one half-hundredths shares, amounting to five hundred and thirty-two pounds annually, or a loss nearly of one hundred and eighty-eight pounds; similarly that a chief trader would receive three hundred and nineteen pounds, as against three hundred and sixty formerly, or a loss per annum of forty-one pounds. besides this, the number of higher commissioned officers was reduced when the old deed poll was cancelled, so that the stockholders received the advantage from there being fewer officials, also the chances of promotion to higher offices were diminished. during the progress of these internal dissensions of the hudson's bay company public opinion had been gradually maturing in canada in favour of acquiring at least a portion of rupert's land. at the time of the special committee of , it will be remembered the hind-gladman expedition had gone to spy out the land. a company, called the north-west transportation company, was about the same time organized in toronto to carry goods and open communication from fort william by way of the old fur traders' route to fort garry. the merits and demerits of the north-western prairies were discussed in the public press of canada. edward ermatinger, whose name has been already mentioned, was a steady supporter of the claim of the hudson's bay company in a series of well-written letters in the _hamilton spectator_, a journal of upper canada. taking the usual line of argument followed by the company, he showed the small value of the country, its inhospitable climate, its inaccessibility, and magnified the legal claim of the hudson's bay company against the canadian contention. it is amusing to read in after years, when his opinion of sir george simpson was changed, his declaration of regret at having been led to so strenuously present his views in the _spectator_. ten years had passed after the setting of the great committee of , and nothing practical as to the transfer of the country to canada had been accomplished. the confederation movement had now widened the horizon of canadian public men. in the very year of the confederation of the canadian provinces ( ), hon. william mcdougall, who had been a persistent advocate of the canadian claim to the north-west, moved in the dominion parliament a series of resolutions, which were carried. these resolutions showed the advantage, both to canada and the empire, of the dominion being extended to the pacific ocean; that settlement, commerce, and development of the resources of the country are dependent on a stable government being established; that the welfare of the red river settlers would be enhanced by this means; that provision was contained in the british north-american act for the admission of rupert's land and the north-west territory to the dominion; that this wide country should be united to canada; that in case of union the legal rights of any corporation, as the hudson's bay company, association, or individual should be respected; that this should be settled judicially or by agreement; that the indian title should be legally extinguished; and that an address be made to her majesty to this effect. the resolutions were carried by a large majority of the house. this was a bold and well-conceived step, and the era of discussion and hesitancy seemed to have passed away in favour of a policy of action. the hudson's bay company, however, insisted on an understanding being come to as to terms before giving consent to the proposed action, and a despatch to the dominion government from her majesty's government called attention to this fact. as soon as convenient, a delegation, consisting of hon. george e. cartier and hon. william mcdougall, proceeded to england to negotiate with the company as to terms. the path of the delegates on reaching england proved a thorny one. the attitude of the imperial government was plainly in favour of recognizing some legal value in the chartered rights of the company, a thing denied by some, specially mr. mcdougall. no progress was being made. at this juncture d'israeli's government was defeated, and a delay resulted in waiting for a new government. earl granville was the new secretary of state for the colonies. while negotiations were going on, the hudson's bay company sent in to the secretary of state a rather hot complaint that canadian surveyors and road builders had entered upon their territory to the west of the lake of the woods. this was quite true, but the action had been taken by the canadian government under the impression that all parties would willingly agree to it. not being at this juncture able to settle anything, the commissioners returned to canada. the imperial government was, however, in earnest in the matter, and pressed the hudson's bay company to consent to reasonable terms, the more that the government by the company in red river was not satisfactory--an indisputable fact. at length the company felt bound to accept the proposed terms. the main provisions of bargain were that the company should surrender all rights in rupert's land; that canada pay the company the sum of three hundred thousand pounds; that the company be allowed certain blocks of land around their posts; that they be given one-twentieth of the arable land of the country; and that the company should be allowed every privilege in carrying on trade as a regular trading company. thus was the concession of generous charles the second surrendered after two centuries of honourable occupation. chapter xlv. troubles of the transfer of rupert's land. transfer act passed--a moribund government--the canadian surveying party--causes of the rebellion--turbulent metis--american interference--disloyal ecclesiastics--governor mcdougall--riel and his rebel band--a blameworthy governor--the "blawsted fence"--seizure of fort garry--riel's ambitions--loyal rising--three wise men from the east--_the new nation_--a winter meeting--bill of rights--canadian shot--the wolseley expedition--three renegades slink away--the end of company rule--the new province of manitoba. the old company had agreed to the bargain, and the imperial act was passed authorizing the transfer of the vast territory east of the rocky mountains to canada. canada, with the strengthening national spirit rising from the young confederation, with pleasure saw the dominion government place in the estimates the three hundred thousand pounds for the payment of the hudson's bay company, and an act was passed by the dominion parliament providing for a government of the north-west territories, which would secure the administration of justice, and the peace, order, and good government of her majesty's subjects and others. it was enacted, however, that all laws of the territory at the time of the passing of the act should remain in force until amended or repealed, and all officers except the chief to continue in office until others were appointed. and now began the most miserable and disreputable exhibition of decrepitude, imbecility, jesuitry, foreign interference, blundering, and rash patriotism ever witnessed in the fur traders' country. this was known as the red river rebellion. the writer arrived in fort garry the year following this wretched affair, made the acquaintance of many of the actors in the rebellion, and heard their stories. the real, deep significance of this rebellion has never been fully made known. whether the writer will succeed in telling the whole tale remains to be seen. the hudson's bay company officials at red river were still the government. this fact must be distinctly borne in mind. it has been stated, however, that this government had become hopelessly weak and inefficient. governor dallas, in the words quoted, admitted this and lamented over it. were there any doubt in regard to this statement, it was shown by the utter defiance of the law in the breaking of jail in the three cases of corbett, stewart, and dr. schultz. no government could retain respect when the solemn behests of its courts were laughed at and despised. this is the real reason lying at the root of the apathy of the english-speaking people of the red river in dealing with the rebellion. they were not cowards; they sprang from ancestors who had fought britain's battles; they were intelligent and moral; they loved their homes and were prepared to defend them; but they had no guarantee of leadership; they had no assurance that their efforts would be given even the colour of legality; the broken-down jail outside fort garry, its uprooted stockades and helpless old jailor, were the symbol of governmental decrepitude and were the sport of any determined law-breaker. it has been the habit of their opponents to refer to the annoyance of the hudson's bay company committee in london with canada for in sending surveyors to examine the country before the transfer was made. reference has also been made to the dissatisfaction of the local officers at the action taken by the company in dealing with the deed poll in ; some have said that the hudson's bay company officials at fort garry did not admire the canadian leaders as they saw them; and others have maintained that these officers cared nothing for the country, provided they received large enough dividends as wintering partners. [illustration: south and east faces, . from sketch by wife of governor finlayson. illustration: east face, in year , when fort was dismantled. x spot where scott was executed. fort garry--winter scenes.] now, there may be something in these contentions, but they do not touch the core of the matter. the hudson's bay company, both in london and fort garry, were thoroughly loyal to british institutions; the officers were educated, responsible, and high-minded men; they had acted up to their light in a thoroughly honourable manner, and no mere prejudice, or fancied grievance, or personal dislike would have made them untrue to their trusts. but the government had become decrepit; vacillation and uncertainty characterized every act; had the people been behind them, had they not felt that the people distrusted them, they would have taken action, as it was their duty to do. the chronic condition of helplessness and governmental decay was emphasized and increased by a sad circumstance. governor william mctavish, an honourable and well-meaning man, was sick. in the midst of the troubles of he would willingly have resigned, as governor dallas assures us; now he was physically incapable of the energy and decision requisite under the circumstances. moreover, as we shall see, there was a most insidious and dangerous influence dogging his every step. his subordinates would not act without him, he could not act without them, and thus an absolute deadlock ensued. moreover, the council of assiniboia, an appointed body, had felt itself for years out of touch with the sentiment of the colony, and its efforts at legislation resulted in no improvement of the condition of things. woe to a country ruled by an oligarchy, however well-meaning or reputable such a body may be! turn now from this picture of pitiful weakness to the unaccountable and culpable blundering of the canadian government. cartier and mcdougall found out in england that sending in a party of surveyors before the country was transferred was offensive to the hudson's bay company. more offensive still was the method of conducting the expedition. it was a mark of sublime stupidity to profess, as the canadian government did, to look upon the money spent on this survey as a benevolent device for relieving the people suffering from the grasshopper visitation. the genius who originated the plan of combining charity with gain should have been canonized. moreover, the plan of contractor snow of paying poor wages, delaying payment, and giving harsh treatment to such a people as the half-breeds are known to be was most ill advised. the evidently selfish and grasping spirit shown in this expedition sent to survey and build the dawson road, yet turning aside to claim unoccupied lands, to sow the seeds of doubt and suspicion in the minds of a people hitherto secluded from the world, was most unpatriotic and dangerous. it cannot be denied, in addition, that while many of the small band of canadians were reputable and hard-working men, the course of a few prominent leaders, who had made an illegitimate use of the nor'-wester newspaper, had tended to keep the community in a state of alienation and turmoil. what, then, were the conditions? a helpless, moribund government, without decision, without actual authority on the one hand, and on the other an irritating, selfish, and aggressive expedition, taking possession of the land before it was transferred to canada, and assuming the air of conquerors. look now at the combustible elements awaiting this combination. the french half-breeds, descendants of the turbulent bois brûlés of lord selkirk's times; the old men, companions of sayer and the elder riel, who defied the authority of the court, and left it shouting, "vive la liberté!" now irritated by the dawson road being built in the way just described; the road running through the seigniory given by lord selkirk to the roman catholic bishop, the road in rear of their largest settlements, and passing through another french settlement at pointe des chênes! further, the lands adjacent to these settlements, and naturally connected with them, being seized by the intruders! furthermore, the natives, antagonized by the action of certain canadians who had for years maintained the country in a state of turmoil! were there not all the elements of an explosion of a serious and dangerous kind? two other most important forces in this complicated state of things cannot be left out. the first of these is a matter which requires careful statement, but yet it is a most potential factor in the rebellion. this is the attitude of certain persons in the united states. for twenty years and more the trade of the red river settlement had been largely carried on by way of st. paul, in the state of minnesota. the hudson bay route and york boat brigade were unable to compete with the facilities offered by the approach of the railway to the mississippi river. accordingly long lines of red river carts took loads of furs to st. paul and brought back freight for the company. the red river trade was a recognized source of profit in st. paul. familiarity in trade led to an interest on the part of the americans in the public affairs of red river. hot-headed and sordid people in red river settlement had actually spoken of the settlement being connected with the united states. now that irritation was manifested at red river, steps were taken by private parties from the united states to fan the flame. at pembina, on the border between rupert's land and the united states, lived a nest of desperadoes willing to take any steps to accomplish their purposes. they had access to all the mails which came from england to canada marked "vià pembina." pembina was an outpost refuge for law-breakers and outcasts from the united states. its people used all their power to disturb the peace of red river settlement. in addition, a considerable number of americans had come to the little village of winnipeg, now being begun near the walls of fort garry. these men held their private meetings, all looking to the creation of trouble and the provocation of feeling that might lead to change of allegiance. furthermore, the writer is able to state, on the information of a man high in the service of canada, and a man not unknown in manitoba, that there was a large sum of money, of which an amount was named as high as one million dollars, which was available in st. paul for the purpose of securing a hold by the americans on the fertile plains of rupert's land. here, then, was an agency of most dangerous proportions, an element in the village of winnipeg able to control the election of the first delegate to the convention, a desperate body of men on the border, who with machiavelian persistence fanned the flame of discontent, and a reserve of power in st. paul ready to take advantage of any emergency. a still more insidious and threatening influence was at work. here again the writer is aware of the gravity of the statement he is making, but he has evidence of the clearest kind for his position. a dangerous religious element in the country--ecclesiastics from old france--who had no love for britain, no love for canada, no love for any country, no love for society, no love for peace! these plotters were in close association with the half-breeds, dictated their policy, and freely mingled with the rebels. one of them was an intimate friend of the leader of the rebellion, consulted with him in his plans, and exercised a marked influence on his movements. this same foreign priest, with jesuitical cunning, gave close attendance on the sick governor, and through his family exercised a constant and detrimental power upon the only source of authority then in the land. furthermore, an irish student and teacher, with a fenian hatred of all things british, was a "familiar" of the leader of the rebellion, and with true milesian zeal advanced the cause of the revolt. can a more terrible combination be imagined than this? a decrepit government with the executive officer sick; a rebellious and chronically dissatisfied metis element; a government at ottawa far removed by distance, committing with unvarying regularity blunder after blunder; a greedy and foreign cabal planning to seize the country, and a secret jesuitical plot to keep the governor from action and to incite the fiery metis to revolt! the drama opens with the appointment, in september, , by the dominion government, of the hon. william mcdougall as lieutenant-governor of the north-west territories, his departure from toronto, and his arrival at pembina, in the dakota territory, in the end of october. he was accompanied by his family, a small staff, and three hundred stand of arms with ammunition. he had been preceded by the hon. joseph howe, of the dominion government, who visited the red river settlement ostensibly to feel the pulse of public opinion, but as commissioner gaining little information. mr. mcdougall's commission as governor was to take effect after the formal transfer of the territory. he reached pembina, where he was served with a notice not to enter the territory, yet he crossed the boundary line at pembina, and took possession of the hudson's bay fort of west lynn, two miles north of the boundary. meanwhile a storm was brewing along red river. a young french half-breed, louis riel, son of the excitable miller of the seine of whom mention was made--a young man, educated by the roman catholic bishop taché, of st. boniface, for a time, and afterwards in montreal, was regarded as the hope of the metis. he was a young man of fair ability, but proud, vain, and assertive, and had the ambition to be a cæsar or napoleon. he with his followers had stopped the surveyors in their work, and threatened to throw off the approaching tyranny. professing to be loyal to britain but hostile to canada, he succeeded, in october, in getting a small body of french half-breeds to seize the main highway at st. norbert, some nine miles south of fort garry. the message to mr. mcdougall not to enter the territory was forwarded by this body, that already considered itself the _de facto_ government. a canadian settler at once swore an affidavit before the officer in charge of fort garry that an armed party of french half-breeds had assembled to oppose the entrance of the governor. here, then, was the hour of destiny. an outbreak had taken place, it was illegal to oppose any man entering the country, not to say a governor, the fact of revolt was immediately brought to fort garry, and no amount of casuistry or apology can ever justify governor mctavish, sick though he was, from immediately not taking action, and compelling his council to take action by summoning the law-abiding people to surround him and repress the revolt. but the government that would allow the defiance of the law by permitting men to live at liberty who had broken jail could not be expected to take action. to have done so would have been to work a miracle. the rebellion went on apace; two of the so-called governor's staff pushed on to the barricade erected at st. norbert. captain cameron, one of them, with eyeglass in poise, and with affected authority, gave command, "remove that blawsted fence," but the half-breeds were unyielding. the two messengers returned to pembina, where they found mr. mcdougall likewise driven back and across the boundary. did ever british prestige suffer a more humiliating blow? the act of rebellion, usually dangerous, proved in this case a trivial one, and riel's little band of forty or fifty badly-armed metis began to grow. the mails were seized, freight coming into the country became booty, and the experiment of a rising was successful. in the meantime the authorities of fort garry were inactive. the rumour came that riel thought of seizing the fort. an affidavit of the chief of police under the government shows that he urged the master of fort garry to meet the danger, and asked authority to call upon a portion of the special police force sworn in, shortly before, to preserve the peace. no governor spoke; no one even closed the fort as a precaution; its gates stood wide open to friend or foe. this exhibition of helplessness encouraged the conspirators, and riel and one hundred of his followers (november nd) unopposed took possession of the fort and quartered themselves upon the company. in the front part of the fort lived the governor; he was now flanked by a body-guard of rebels; the master of the fort, a burly son of britain, though very gruff and out of sorts, could do nothing, and the young napoleon of the metis fattened on the best of the land. riel now issued a proclamation, calling on the english-speaking parishes of the settlement to elect twelve representatives to meet the president and representatives of the french-speaking population, appointing a meeting for twelve days afterwards. mr. mcdougall, on hearing of the seizure of the fort, wrote to governor mctavish stating that as the hudson bay company was still the government, action should be taken to disperse the rebels. a number of loyal inhabitants also petitioned governor mctavish to issue his proclamation calling on the rebels to disperse. the sick and helpless governor, fourteen days after the seizure of the fort and twenty-three days after the affidavit of the rising, issued a tardy proclamation condemning the rebels and calling upon them to disperse. the convention met november th, the english parishes having been cajoled into electing delegates, thinking thus to soothe the troubled land. after meeting and discussing in hot and useless words the state of affairs, the convention adjourned till december st, it being evident, however, that riel desired to form a provisional government of which he should be the joy and pride. the day for the reassembling of the convention arrived. riel and his party insisted on ruling the meeting, and passed a "bill of rights" consisting of fifteen provisions. the english people refused to accept these propositions, and, after vainly endeavouring to take steps to meet mr. mcdougall, withdrew to their homes, ashamed and confounded. meanwhile mr. mcdougall was chafing at the strange and humiliating situation in which he found himself. with his family and staff poorly housed at pembina and the severe winter coming on, he could scarcely be blamed for irritation and discontent. december st was the day on which he expected his commission as governor to come into effect, and wonder of wonders, he, a lawyer, a privy councillor, and an experienced statesman, went so far on this mere supposition as to issue a proclamation announcing his appointment as governor. as a matter of fact, far away from communication with ottawa, he was mistaken as to the transfer. on account of the rise of the rebellion this had not been made, and mr. mcdougall, in issuing a spurious proclamation, became a thing of contempt to the insurgents, an object of pity to the loyalists, and the laughing-stock of the whole world. his proclamation at the same time authorizing colonel dennis, the canadian surveyor in red river settlement, to raise a force to put down the rebellion, was simply a _brutum fulmen_, and was the cause to innocent, well-meaning men of trouble and loss. colonel dennis succeeded in raising a force of some four hundred men, and would not probably have failed had it not transpired that the two proclamations were illegal and that the levies were consequently unauthorized. such a thing to be carried out by william mcdougall and colonel dennis, men of experience and ability! surely there could be no greater fiasco! the canadian people were now in a state of the greatest excitement, and the canadian government, aware of its blundering and stupidity, hastened to rectify its mistakes. commissioners were sent to negotiate with the various parties in red river settlement. these were vicar-general thibault, who had spent long years in the roman catholic missions of the north-west, colonel de salaberry, a french canadian, and mr. donald a. smith, the chief officer of the hudson's bay company, then at montreal. on the last of these commissioners, who had been clothed with very wide powers, lay the chief responsibility, as will be readily seen. a number of canadians--nearly fifty--had been assembled in the store of dr. schultz, at the village of winnipeg, and, on the failure of mr. mcdougall's proclamation, were left in a very awkward condition. with arms in their hands, they were looked upon by riel as dangerous, and with promises of freedom and of the intention of riel to meet mcdougall and settle the whole matter, they (december th) surrendered. safely in the fort and in the prison outside the wall, the prisoners were kept by the truce-breaker, and the metis contingent celebrated the victory by numerous potations of rum taken from the hudson's bay company stores. riel now took a step forward in issuing a proclamation, which has generally been attributed to the crippled postmaster at pembina, one of the dangerous foreign clique longing to seize the settlement. he also hoisted a new flag, with the fleur-de-lis worked upon it, thus giving evidence of his disloyalty and impudence. other acts of injustice, such as seizing company funds and interfering with personal liberty, were committed by him. on december th--a memorable day--mr. donald a. smith arrived. his commission and papers were left at pembina, and he went directly to fort garry, where riel received him. the interview, given in mr. smith's own words, was a remarkable one. riel vainly sought to induce the commissioner to recognize his government, and yet was afraid to show disrespect to so high and honoured an officer. for about two months commissioner smith lived at fort garry, in a part of the same building as governor mctavish. mr. smith says of this period, "the state of matters at this time was most unsatisfactory and truly humiliating. upwards of fifty british subjects were held in close confinement as political prisoners; security for persons or property there was none.... the leaders of the french half-breeds had declared their determination to use every effort for the purpose of annexing the territory to the united states." mr. smith acted with great wisdom and decision. his plan evidently was to have no formal breach with riel but gradually to undermine him, and secure a combination by which he could be overthrown. many of the influential men of the settlement called upon mr. smith, and the affairs of the country were discussed. riel was restless and at times impertinent, but the commissioner exercised his scottish caution, and bided his time. at this time a newspaper, called _the new nation_, appeared as the organ of the provisional government. this paper openly advocated annexation to the united states, thus showing the really dangerous nature of the movement embodied in the rebellion. during all these months of the rebellion, bishop taché, the influential head of the roman catholic church, had been absent in rome at the great council of that year. one of his most active priests left behind was father lestanc, the prince of plotters, who has generally been credited with belonging to the jesuit order. lestanc had sedulously haunted the presence of the governor; he was a daring and extreme man, and to him and his fellow-frenchman, the curé of st. norbert, much of riel's obstinacy has been attributed. commissioner smith now used his opportunity to weaken riel. he offered to send for his commission to pembina, if he were allowed to meet the people. riel consented to this. the commission was sent for, and riel tried to intercept the messenger, but failed to do so. the meeting took place on january th. it was a date of note for red river settlement. one thousand people assembled, and as there was no building capable of holding the people, the meeting took place in the open air, the temperature being twenty below zero. the outcome of this meeting was the election and subsequent assembling of forty representatives--one half french, the other half english--to consider the matter of commissioner smith's message. six days after the open-air meeting the convention met. a second "bill of rights" was adopted, and it was agreed to send delegates to ottawa to meet the dominion government. a provisional government was formed, at the request, it is said, of governor mctavish, and riel gained the height of his ambition in being made president, while the fledgling fenian priest, o'donoghue, became "secretary of the treasury." the retention of the prisoners in captivity aroused a deep feeling in the country, and a movement originated in portage la prairie to rescue the unfortunates. this force was joined by recruits at kildonan, making up six hundred in all. awed by this gathering, riel released the prisoners, though he was guilty of an act of deepest treachery in arresting nearly fifty of the assiniboine levy as they were returning to their homes. among them was major boulton, who afterwards narrowly escaped execution, and who has written an interesting account of the rebellion. the failure of the two parties of loyalists, and their easy capture by riel, raises the question of the wisdom of these efforts. no doubt the inspiring motive of these levies was in many cases true patriotism, and it reflects credit on them as men of british blood and british pluck, but the management of both was so unfortunate and so lacking in skill, that one is disposed, though lamenting their failures, to put these expeditions down as dictated by the greatest rashness. the elevation of riel served to awaken high ambitions. the late archbishop taché, in a later rebellion, characterized riel as a remarkable example of inflated ambition, and called his state of mind that of "megalomania." riel now became more irritable and domineering. he seemed also bitter against the english for the signs of insubordination appearing in all the parishes. the influence of the violent and dastardly lestanc was strong upon him. the anxious president now determined to awe the english, and condemned for execution a young irish canadian prisoner named thomas scott. commissioner smith and a number of influential inhabitants did everything possible to dissuade riel, but he persisted, and scott was publicly executed near fort garry on march th, . "whom the gods destroy, they first make mad." the execution of scott was the death-knell of riel's hopes. canada was roused to its centre. determined to have no further communication with riel, commissioner smith as soon as possible left fort garry and returned to canada. the arrival of bishop taché, who had returned at the request of the canadian government, took place in due time. probably the real attitude of bishop taché will never be known, though his strong french canadian associations and love of british connection make it seem hardly possible that he could have been implicated in the rebellion. bishop taché endeavoured to overcome the terrible mistake of riel. commissioners were despatched to ottawa, the most important of them father ritchot, of st. norbert, whose hand had been in the plot from the beginning. carrying down a "bill of rights" from the provisional government, which, however, there is clear evidence ritchot and others took the liberty of altering, they were instrumental in having a bill passed through the dominion parliament, establishing manitoba as a province. for the establishment of peace, an expedition was organized by canada, consisting of british regulars and canadian volunteers, under colonel wolseley. coming from canada up the fur-traders' route, through lake of the woods, down winnipeg river, across lake winnipeg, and up the red river, the expedition arrived, to the great joy of the suffering people of the settlement, on august th, . after eleven months of the most torturing anxiety had been endured, the sight of the rescuing soldiery sent the blood pulsing again through their veins. as the troops approached fort garry, three slinking figures were seen to leave the fort and escape across the assiniboine. these were the "president riel," "adjutant-general" lepine, and the scoundrel o'donoghue. "they folded their tents like the arabs, and as silently stole away." colonel wolseley says, "the troops then formed line outside the fort, the union jack was hoisted, a royal salute fired, and three cheers were given for the queen, which were caught up and heartily re-echoed by many of the civilians and settlers who had followed the troops from the village." the transfer of rupert's land had been completed, and the governing power of the famous old company was a thing of the past. chapter xlvi. present status of the company. a great land company--fort garry dismantled--the new buildings--new _v._ old--new life in the company--palmy days are recalled--governors of ability--the present distinguished governor--vaster operations--its eye not dimmed. relieved of the burden of government, the hudson's bay company threw itself heartily into the work of developing its resources. mr. donald a. smith, who had done so much to undermine the power of riel, returned to manitoba as chief commissioner of the company, and proceeded to manage its affairs in the altered conditions of the country. representing enormous interests in the north-west, mr. smith entered the first local legislature at winnipeg, and soon after became for a time a member of the canadian house of commons. one of the most important matters needing attention was the land interests of the company. the company claimed five hundred acres around fort garry. this great tract of land, covering now one of the most important parts of the city of winnipeg, was used as a camping-ground, where the traders from the far west posts, even as far as edmonton, made their "corrals" and camped during their stay at the capital. some opposition was developed to this claim, but the block of land was at length handed over to the company, fifty acres being reserved for public purposes. the allotment of wild land to the company of one-twentieth went on in each township as it was surveyed, and though all this land is taxable, yet it has become a great source of revenue to the company. important sites and parcels of land all over the country have helped to swell its resources. the great matter of adapting its agencies to meet the changed conditions of trade was a difficult thing. the methods of two centuries could not be changed in a day. the greatest difficulty lay in the officers and men remote from the important centres. it was reported that in many of the posts no thorough method of book-keeping prevailed. the dissatisfaction arising from the sale made by the company in , and the uncertainty as to the deed poll, no doubt introduced an element of fault-finding and discontent into the company's business. some of the most trusted officers retired from the service. the resources of the company were, however, enormous, its credit being practically unlimited, and this gave it a great advantage in competing with the canadian merchants coming to the country, the majority of whom had little capital. ten years after the transfer fort garry was sold, and though it came back on the hands of the company, yet _miserabile dictu_, the fort had been dismantled, thrown down, and even the stone removed, with the exception of the front gate, which still remains. this gate, with a portion of ground about it, has been given by the hudson's bay company to the city of winnipeg as a small historic park. since the time of sale, large warehouses have been erected, not filled, as were the old shops, with bright coloured cloths, moccasins, and beads, fitted for the indian and native trade, but aiming at full departments after the model of maple and shoolbred, of the mother city of london. these shops are represented in the plate accompanying this description. [illustration: hudson's bay company's stores and general offices, winnipeg.] the trade thus modified has been under the direction of men of ability, who succeeded mr. donald a. smith, such as messrs. wrigley, brydges, and a number of able subordinates. the extension of trade has gone on in many of the rising towns of the canadian west, where the hudson's bay company was not before represented, such as portage la prairie, calgary, lethbridge, prince albert, vancouver, &c. in all these points the company's influence has been a very real and important one. the methods of trade, now employed, require a skill and knowledge never needed in the old fur-trading days. the present successful commissioner, c. c. chipman, esq., resident in winnipeg, controls and directs interests far greater than sir george simpson was called upon to deal with. present and past presents a contrast between ceaseless competition and a sleepy monopoly. [illustration: commissioner chipman (winnipeg). executive officer of h.b. co. in canada.] the portions of the country not reached, or likely to be reached by settlement, have remained in possession of the hudson's bay company almost solely. the canadian government has negotiated treaties with the indians as far north as lake athabasca, leaving many of the chipewyans and eskimos still to the entire management of the company. the impression among the officers of the company is that under the deed poll of they are not so well remunerated as under the former régime. it is difficult to estimate the exact relation of the present to the past, inasmuch as the opening up of the country, the improvement of transportation facilities, and the cheapening of all agricultural supplies has changed the relative value of money in the country. under this arrangement, which has been in force for twenty-four years, the profits of the wintering partners are divided on the basis of one-hundredth of a share. of this an inspecting chief factor receives three shares; a chief factor two and a half; a factor two; and a chief trader one and a half shares. the average for the twenty-five years of the one-hundredth share has been _l._ _s._ - / _d._ since a more liberal provision has been made for officers retiring, and since that time an officer on withdrawing in good standing receives two years' full pay and six years' half pay. later years have seen a further increase. a visit to the hudson's bay house on the corner of leadenhall and lime streets, london, still gives one a sense of the presence of the old company. while in the new world great changes have taken place, and the visitor is struck with the complete departure from the low-ceiling store, with goods in disorder and confusion, with metis smoking "kinni-kinnik" till the atmosphere is opaque--all this to the palatial buildings with the most perfect arrangements and greatest taste; yet in london "the old order changeth" but slowly. it is true the old building on fenchurch street, london, where "the old lady" was said by the nor'-westers to sit, was sold in , and the proceeds divided among the shareholders and officers for four years thereafter. but the portraits of prince rupert, sir george simpson, and the copy of the company charter were transferred bodily to the directors' room in the building on lime street. the strong room contains the same rows of minutes, the same dusty piles of documents, and the journals of bygone years, but the business of a vast region is still managed there, and the old gentlemen who control the hudson's bay company affairs pass their dividends as comfortably as in years gone by, with, in an occasional year, some restless spirit stirring up the echoes, to be promptly repressed and the current of events to go on as before. since , however, it is easy to see that men of greater financial ability have been at the head of the councils of the hudson's bay company, recalling the palmy days of the first operations of the company. after five years' service, sir edmund head, the first governor under the new deed poll, gave way, to be followed for a year by the distinguished politician and statesman, the earl of kimberley. for five years thereafter, sir stafford northcote, who held high government office in the service of the empire, occupied this position. he was followed for six years by one who has since gained a very high reputation for financial ability, the rt. hon. g. j. goschen. eden colville, who seems to carry us back to the former generation--a man of brisk and alert mind, and singularly free from the prejudices and immobility of governor berens, the last of the barons of the old régime--held office for three years after mr. goschen. for the last ten years the veteran of kindly manner, warm heart, and genial disposition, lord strathcona and mount royal, has occupied this high place. the clerk, junior officer, and chief factor of thirty hard years on the inhospitable shores of hudson bay and labrador, the commissioner who, as donald a. smith, soothed the riel rebellion, and for years directed the reorganization of the company's affairs at fort garry and the whole north-west, the daring speculator who took hold, with his friends, of the minnesota and manitoba railway, and with midas touch turned the enterprise to gold, a projector and a builder of the canadian pacific railway, the patron of art and education, has worthily filled the office of governor of the hudson's bay company, and with much success reorganized its administration and directed its affairs. the company's operations are vaster than ever before. the greatest mercantile enterprise of the greater canada west of lake superior; a strong land company, still keeping up its traditions and conducting a large trade in furs; owning vessels and transportation facilities; able to take large contracts; exercising a fatherly care over the indian tribes; the helper and assistant of the vast missionary organizations scattered over northern canada, the company since the transfer of rupert's land to canada has taken a new lease of life; its eye is not dim, nor its natural force abated. chapter xlvii. the future of the canadian west. the greater canada--wide wheat fields--vast pasture lands--huronian mines--the kootenay riches--yukon nuggets--forests--iron and coal--fisheries--two great cities--towns and villages--anglo-saxon institutions--the great outlook. in , soon after rupert's land and the indian territories were transferred to canada, it was the fortune of the writer to take up his abode in winnipeg, as the village in the neighbourhood of fort garry was already called. the railway was in that year still four hundred miles from winnipeg. from the terminus in minnesota the stage coach drawn by four horses, with relays every twenty miles, sped rapidly over prairies smooth as a lawn to the site of the future city of the plains. the fort was in its glory. its stone walls, round bastions, threatening pieces of artillery and rows of portholes, spoke of a place of some strength, though even then a portion of stone wall had been taken down to give easier access to the "hudson's bay store." it was still the seat of government, for the canadian governor lived within its walls, as the last company governor, mctavish, had done. it was still the scene of gaiety, as the better class of the old settlers united with the leaders of the new canadian society in social joys, under the hospitable roof of governor archibald. since that time forty years have well-nigh passed. the stage coach, the red river cart, and the shagganappe pony are things of the past, and great railways with richly furnished trains connect st. paul and minnesota with the city of winnipeg. more important still, the skill of the engineer has blasted a way through the archæan rocks to fort william, lake superior, more direct than the old fur-traders' route; the tremendous cliffs of the north shore of lake superior have been levelled and the chasm bridged. to the west the prairies have been gridironed with numerous lines of railway, the enormous ascents of the four rocky mountain ranges rising a mile above the sea level have been crossed, and the giddy heights of the fraser river cañon traversed. the iron band of the canadian pacific railway, one of whose chief promoters was lord strathcona and mount royal, the present governor of the company, has joined ocean to ocean. the canadian northern railway runs its line from lake superior through winnipeg and edmonton to british columbia. it has in prospect a transcontinental railway from the atlantic to the pacific ocean. the grand trunk pacific railway has in operation a perfectly built line from lake superior through winnipeg and edmonton to the rocky mountains, and with the backing of the canadian government guarantees a most complete connection between the eastern and western shores of the continent. a wonderful transformation has taken place in the land since the days of sir george simpson and his band of active chief factors and traders. it is true, portions of the wide territory reaching from labrador to the pacific ocean will always be the domain of the fur-trader. the labrador, ungava, and arctic shores of canada will always remain inhospitable, but the archæan region on the south and west of hudson bay undoubtedly contains great mineral treasures. the canadian government pledges itself to a completed railway from the prairie wheat fields to york factory on hudson bay. this will bring the seaport on hudson bay as near britain as is new york, and will make an enormous saving in transportation to western canada. what a mighty change from the day when the pessimistic french king spoke of all canada, as "only a few orpents of snow." mackenzie river district is still the famous scene of the fur trade, and may long continue so, though there is always the possibility of any portion of the vast waste of the far north developing, as the yukon territory has done, mineral wealth rivalling the famous sands of pactolus or the riches of king solomon's mines. under canadian sway, law and order are preserved throughout this wide domain, although the hudson's bay company officers still administer law and in many cases are magistrates or officers for the government, receiving their commissions from ottawa. peace and order prevail; the arm of the law has been felt in keewatin, the mackenzie river, and distant yukon. but it is to the fertile prairies of the west and valleys and slopes of the pacific coast we look for the extension of the greater canada. while the hon. william mcdougall was arguing the value of the prairie land of the west, his canadian and other opponents maintained "that in the north-west the soil never thawed out in summer, and that the potato or cabbage would not mature." with this opinion many of the hudson's bay company officers agreed, though it is puzzling to the resident of the prairie to-day to see how such honourable and observing men could have made such statements. the fertile plains have been divided into three great provinces, manitoba ( ), saskatchewan and alberta ( ). manitoba, which at the time of the closing of the hudson's bay company régime numbered some , or , whites and half-breeds and as many more indians, has (in ) a population of well-nigh half a million--the city of winnipeg itself exceeding more than one quarter of that number. saskatchewan and alberta probably make up between them another half million of people in this prairie section. these being the three great bread-providing provinces of the dominion, produced in on , , of acres, which is but per cent. of their total arable land, of wheat, oats, barley and flax, - / million dollars' worth of cereals. the city of winnipeg, which, when the writer first saw the hamlet bearing that name, had less than three hundred souls, has now become a beautiful city, which drew forth the admiration of the whole british association on the occasion of their visit to it in . its assessment in was - / millions of dollars, and the amount of building in that year reached , , dollars. the city has under construction at winnipeg river, fifty miles from the city, , horsepower of electric energy, which will be transmitted by cable to the city in for manufacturing purposes. up till the hudson's bay company store was a low building, a wooden erection made of lumber sawn by whip-saw or by some rude contrivance, having what was known in the old red river days as a "pavilion roof." its highly-coloured fabrics suited to the trade of the country did not relieve its dingy interior. to-day the hudson's bay company departmental stores and offices, built of dark red st. louis brick, speak of the enormous progress made in the development of the country. the hudson's bay company store, great as it now is, has been equalled and even perhaps surpassed by private enterprises of great magnitude. winnipeg, as being from its geographical position half way between the international boundary line and lake winnipeg, is the natural gateway between eastern and western canada. it is becoming the greatest railway centre of canada, and is familiarly spoken of as the "chicago of western canada." it bids fair also to be a great manufacturing centre. in spite of its recent date and unfinished facilities for power its manufactured output has grown from - / millions of dollars in to , , in . from , when its bank clearings were - / millions of dollars, these grew in to - / millions. all this is not surprising when the marvellous immigration and consequent development is shown by the railway mileage of western canada, which has grown from , miles in to , miles in ; and when the annual product, chiefly of cattle and horses, reached in the latter year the sum of , , of dollars. british columbia, including the new caledonia, kootenay country, and vancouver island of the fur-traders, is a land of great resources. its population has increased many times over. its great salmon fisheries, trade in timber, coal mines, agricultural productiveness, and genial climate have long made it a favourite dwelling-place for english-speaking colonists. [illustration: parliament buildings, victoria, b.c. with statue of capt. george vancouver above; figures of sir james douglas and chief justice begbie in niches; and the obelisk of sir james douglas, erected by the people of british columbia.] in late years much prominence has been given to this province by the discovery of its mineral products. gold, silver, and lead mines in the kootenay region, which was discovered by old david thompson, and in the cariboo district, have lately attracted many immigrants to british columbia; the adjoining territory of the yukon, brought to the knowledge of the world by chief factor robert campbell, has surpassed all other parts of the fur-traders' land in rich productiveness, although the region lying between the lake of the woods and lake superior, along the very route of the fur-traders, is becoming famous by its production of gold, silver, and other valuable metals. throughout the wide west great deposits of coal and iron are found, the basis of future manufactures, and in many districts great forests to supply to the world material for increasing development. what, then, is to be the future of this canadian west? the possibilities are illimitable. the anglo-saxon race, with its energy and pluck, has laid hold of the land so long shut in by the wall built round it by the fur-traders. this race, with its dominating forcefulness, will absorb and harmonize elements coming from all parts of the world to enjoy the fertile fields and mineral treasures of a land whose laws are just, whose educational policy is thorough and progressive, whose moral and religious aspirations are high and noble, and which gives a hearty welcome to the industrious and deserving from all lands. the flow of population to the canadian west during the first decade of this century has been remarkable. not only has there been a vast british immigration of the best kind, but some , to , of industrious settlers from the continent of europe have come to build the railways, canals, and public works of the country, and they have been essential for its agricultural development. several hundreds of thousands of the best settlers have come from the united states, a large proportion of them being returned canadians or the children of canadians. on the shores of burrard inlet on the pacific ocean another place of great importance is rising--vancouver city, the terminus of the canadian pacific railway. victoria, begun, as we have seen, by chief factor douglas as the chief fort along the pacific coast, long held its own as the commercial as well as the political capital of british columbia, but in the meantime vancouver has surpassed it in population, if not in influence. all goes to show that the hudson's bay company was preserving for the generations to come a most valuable heritage. the leaders of opinion in canada have frequently, within the last five years of the century, expressed their opinion that the second generation of the twentieth century may see a larger canadian population to the west of lake superior than will be found in the provinces of the east. william cullen bryant's lines, spoken of other prairies, will surely come true of the wide canadian plains:-- "i listen long ... and think i hear the sound of that advancing multitude which soon shall fill these deserts. from the ground comes up the laugh of children, the soft voice of maidens, and the sweet and solemn hymn of sabbath worshippers. the low of herds blends with the rustling of the heavy grain over the dark brown furrows." the french explorers are a reminiscence of a century and a half ago; the lords of the lakes and forests, with all their wild energy, are gone for ever; the astorians are no more; no longer do the french canadian voyageurs make the rivers vocal with their chansons; the pomp and circumstance of the emperor of the fur-traders has been resolved into the ordinary forms of commercial life; and the rude barter of the early trader has passed into the fulfilment of the poet's dream, of the "argosies of magic sails," and the "costly bales" of an increasing commerce. the hudson's bay company still lives and takes its new place as one of the potent forces of the canadian west. appendix a. authorities and references. (chapters i.-vi.) voyages among the north american indians, - (prince society). histoire de l'amérique septentrionale, , by m. bacqueville de la potherie. m. jeremie. the british empire in america, vols. london, . anon. (john oldmixon.) minutes and stock book of hudson's bay company, hudson's bay company house, lime street, london. imperial (hudson's bay company) blue book, . memo. of chief justice draper. imperial blue book, . imperial hudson's bay company blue book, . appendix . stock book of hudson's bay company offices, lime street, london. documents, &c., on boundaries. (ottawa, .) hudson's bay company statement of rights, . documents, &c., on boundaries. (ottawa, .) documents of early french settlements. the materials for chapters iii. and iv. are almost exclusively obtained from the unpublished minutes of the company, - , at hudson's bay company house, lime street, london. the material of chapter v. is largely from the minutes and letter-books of the company at the hudson's bay company's house, lime street, london. the complete story of radisson's life is now for the first time given to the world by the author. instructions to sieur de troyes. documents, &c. ottawa, . n.y. hist. collection. vol. ix., p. . massachusetts archives, boston. french documents. hist, de la nouvelle france, par marc l'escarbot ( ). minutes of hudson's bay company, lime street, london. bacqueville de la potherie. histoire de l'amérique septentrionale. histoire du canada, par f. x. garneau. letter-books of hudson's bay company, lime street, london. (chapters vii.-x.) extracts from treaty of ryswick in documents on boundary. ottawa, . minutes and letter-book of hudson's bay company. (london.) extracts from treaty of utrecht, in documents, &c., on boundary. (ottawa.) . letter-books of hudson's bay company. (london.) account of the countries adjoining hudson bay, by arthur dobbs, esq. london, . discovery of the n.-w. passage. (several authors. ottawa parliamentary library.) middleton. reply to arthur dobbs, . john barrow--voyages. a voyage to hudson bay by the dobbs galley and california, by henry ellis, gentleman. london, . six years' residence in hudson bay, by joseph robson, late surveyor, &c. london, . imperial blue book of imperial parliament relating to hudson's bay company. . n. y. hist. coll., vol. ix. pp. , . archives de paris, nd series, vol. iv. p. . canadian archives. ottawa. manuscripts canadian parl. lib. (ottawa. third series, vol. .) pierre margry in paris, moniteur of . journal of verendrye (original), , canadian archives. (ottawa.) de bougainville's memoir, given in pierre margry's relations, &c. (paris.) . "memoirs and documents, &c." from library, paris. five volumes by pierre margry. (chapters xi.-xiii.) canadiens de l'ouest. joseph tassé, vols. (montreal.) . papers of governor haldimand. canadian archives. (ottawa.) astoria. washington irving. sketches of n.w. of america. bishop taché. (montreal.) . travels and adventures, &c., between - . alex. henry, senr., . alexander mackenzie's voyages. london, . memorial of north-west traders. canadian archives. (ottawa.) (original.) les bourgeois du nord-ouest, par l. r. masson. vols., quebec, - . a journey from prince of wales fort, in hudson bay, to the northern ocean, by samuel hearne. to. london: strahan and cadell, . voyage de la perouse autour du monde. vols. vo. paris, . the present state of hudson bay, by edward umfreville. charles stalker. london, . observations on hudson bay, by andrew graham, factor. presented to james fitzgerald. (manuscript, .) hudson's bay company house, london. (chapters xiv.-xxii.) voyages of alexander mackenzie. (history of fur trade.) london, . vo. haldimand papers. archives dept. ottawa. (unpublished.) umfreville. (supra.) masson's bourgeois du nord-ouest. (supra.) journal of alexander henry. manuscript. (ottawa library.) journals of alexander henry and of david thompson, by elliott coues. vols. f. p. harper. new york, . the columbia river, by ross cox. vols. london: h. colbren and n. bentley, . simon fraser's journal, . masson. (supra.) voyage, - , by gabriel franchère. (translation, new york, .) roderick mckenzie's reminiscences. masson. (supra.) james mckenzie. george keith. john mcdonald of garth. masson. (supra.) journal, , by daniel harmon. andover. letters of john pritchard. edited by writer, published in winnipeg. charles mckenzie's journeys. masson. (supra.) malhiot's journeys. masson. (supra.) trader john johnston, of sault ste. marie. masson. (supra.) duncan cameron and peter grant. (masson.) astoria, by washington irving. ross cox. (supra.) the columbia river, by alex. ross, . journal of gabriel franchère. (supra.) (chapters xxiii.-xxviii.) (_selkirk literature._) highland emigration, by lord selkirk ( ). highland clearances. pamphlets, advocates' library, edinburgh. red river settlement, by alex. ross. london: smith, elder & co. narrative of destruction, &c. archibald macdonald, london, . narrative of occurrences in n.a. anon., london, . lord selkirk's settlement in n.a. anon., london, . blue-book on red river settlement of imperial house of commons, . report of canadian trials, &c. a. amos, london, . do. do. anon., montreal. memorial to duke of richmond. earl of selkirk, montreal. canadiens de l'ouest, by joseph tassé. diary of john mcleod, in prov. library, winnipeg. (unpublished.) manitoba, by the writer. london, . (chapters xxix.-xxxi.) minutes of council meetings in norway house, in hudson's bay house, london, and in toronto. (unpublished.) journey round the world, by governor simpson, . "peace river," by archibald macdonald. annotated by malcolm mcleod, ottawa. peter fidler's will. copy in possession of writer. hudson's bay company land tenures, by mr. justice martin, victoria, b.c. journal of john mcleod. parl. library, winnipeg. (supra.) wentzel's journal. f. masson. (supra.) journal of john finlay. manuscript, unpublished, property of chief factor macdougall, prince albert, n.-w.t. collection of letters from many fur traders to chief factor james hargrave. curwen, edinburgh. (unpublished.) the shoe and canoe. london, . dr. j. bigsby. gabriel franchère. (supra.) picturesque canada. toronto. collection of letters in possession of judge ermatinger, st. thomas, ont. letter of judge steere. sault ste. marie. songs of dominion, by w. d. lighthall. london, . (chapters xxxii.-xxxvi.) journey to polar sea, - , by john franklin. london, . second journey, - . london, . arctic expedition, , by john and james ross. arctic land expedition, by george back, . arctic searching expedition. vols., . expedition to shores of arctic sea, by john rae, . arctic voyages (several authors, parl. library, ottawa). travels, by lewis and clark, vols. london, . travels on the western territories, - , by zebulon m. pike. keating (and long)'s expedition, vols., . j. c. beltrami. pilgrimage of discovery of sources of mississippi. london, . brewer (cass and schoolcraft), sources of the mississippi, published by minn. historical society. j. h. lefroy. magnetic survey. journal of explorations, by palliser (and hector). london, . narrative of the canadian exploring expedition, by hind (and dawson), vols., . the north-west passage by land, by milton and cheadle. london, . ocean to ocean, by g. m. grant, . red river, by alex. ross. london, . captain bulger's letters, published for private circulation, . notes on the flood of red river of , by bishop anderson. red river. j. j. hargrave, montreal, . parchment roll, property of late george mctavish, winnipeg. journal of the red river country, by the rev. john west. london, . (chapters xxxvii., xxxviii.) hudson bay, by r. m. ballantyne. london, . dr. rae. (supra.) notes on years of service, by john mclean. vols. london, . ungava bay, by r. m. ballantyne. london, . explorations in labrador, by h. y. hind, . moravian missions. the important chapter xxxviii. was largely prepared by a chief factor of the hudson's bay company, who had long served on the mackenzie river. chief factor campbell's discoveries were chiefly obtained from a journal of that officer now in the hands of his son, at norway house. (chapters xxxix.-xlvii.) bancroft's north-west coast, vols. san francisco, . history of british columbia, . begg's history of british columbia. journal of trader ermatinger, property of judge ermatinger, st. thomas, ont. chinook jargon, by horatio hall. london, . todd, collection of letters belonging to judge ermatinger. (supra.) coues, alex. henry. (supra.) miles macdonell's letters. archives vol. ottawa. vingt années de missions, &c., by bishop taché, . rainbow of the north, by a.l.o.e. (miss tucker). notes by rev. john west. (supra.) red river, by hargrave. (supra.) journey of bishop of montreal, . pub. . red river settlement, by alex. ross. (supra.) john black, apostle of red river, by the writer, . hudson bay, by rev. john ryerson. toronto, . james evans. wm. briggs, toronto. cree syllabic. history of british columbia. (supra.) hudson's bay territories, &c., by r. m. fitzgerald and martin. london, . indian tribes. "canada."--an encyclopedia. article by writer. bancroft's tribes of the pacific coast. imperial government blue-books, - . history of manitoba, by donald gunn. ottawa, . imperial blue-book of . canada and the states, by sir e. w. watkin, london. blue-books of canada. ermatinger letters. (supra.) begg's creation of manitoba. toronto, . report of donald a. smith. canadian blue-book of . boulton's reminiscences of the north-west rebellion, by major boulton, . red river troubles. report of canadian house of commons. facts and figures, from hudson's bay company offices. appendix b. summary of life of pierre esprit radisson. a. earlier life and voyages ( - ). i. _birth and immigration._ pierre esprit radisson, born in paris (afterwards lived at st. malo) (though some claim that he was born in , this is incorrect, for in his petition read in the house of commons, london, march th, , he states that he is sixty-two years of age.) arrived with his father's family in canada, may (settled at three rivers.) ii. _western voyages._ first voyage to the iroquois country (captured by the iroquois.) escaped and fled to holland returned to canada second voyage to onondaga third voyage, visited sioux and assiniboines through the mississippi country - returned to montreal with indians fourth voyage, to region north of lake superior held great council with the indians leaves the country of the crees and returns to montreal iii. _in english service._ quarrels with french governor. goes to boston from quebec crosses to england vessel engaged to go to hudson bay delayed disturbed condition of england causes further delay _eaglet_, on which radisson embarked, did not reach hudson bay; _nonsuch_, with groseilliers on board, did _nonsuch_ returns to england hudson's bay company chartered through assistance of groseilliers and radisson radisson first visits hudson bay radisson returns and winters in london radisson, with captain gillam, goes to hudson bay returns to london and winters there iv. _enters french service._ radisson and groseilliers desert england for france, october radisson goes on expedition to the antilles crosses under french auspices to canada goes to hudson bay on french ship winters in hudson bay, captures gillam's ship, and returns to canada crosses to france, and undertakes new expedition to hudson bay v. _deserts france and returns to england._ radisson joins english, and goes immediately to hudson bay, may th seizes , furs from french and comes to london sails again to hudson bay vi. _further history._ made a denizen of england sails for hudson bay receives share of the great dividend sir john young applies for increase of radisson's allowance radisson files a bill in chancery against company " petitions parliament for consideration " applies to company for position " receives last allowance from company (probably his death) appendix c. list of hudson's bay company posts in , with the several districts and the number of indians in each. _athabasca district_ ( , )-- fort chipewyan. dunvegan. vermilion. fond du lac. _mackenzie river district_ ( , )-- fort simpson. fort au liard. fort halkett. yukon. peel's river. lapierre's house. fort good hope. fort rae. fort resolution. big island. fort norman. _english river district_ ( , )-- ile à la crosse. rapid river. green lake. deer's lake. portage la loche. _saskatchewan district_ ( , )-- edmonton. carlton. fort pitt. rocky mount house. lac la biche. lesser slave lake. fort assiniboine. jasper's house. fort à la corne. _cumberland district_ ( )-- cumberland house moose lake. the pas. _swan river district_ ( , )-- fort pelly. fort ellice. qu'appelle lakes. shoal river. touchwood hills. egg lake. _red river district_ ( , , including half-breeds and whites)-- fort garry. lower fort garry. white house plain. pembina. manitoba. reed lake. _lac la pluie district_ ( , )-- fort frances. fort alexander. rat portage. white dog. lac du bonnet. lac de boisblanc. shoal lake. _norway house district_ ( , )-- norway house. berens river. nelson river. _york district_ ( , )-- york factory. churchill. severn. trout lake. oxford house. _albany district_ ( , )-- albany factory. marten's falls. osnaburg. lac seul. _kinogumissee district_ ( )-- metawagamingue. kuckatoosh. _lake superior district_ ( , )-- michipicoten. batchewana. mamainse. pic. long lake. lake nipigon. fort william. pigeon river. lac d'orignal. _lake huron district_ ( , )-- lacloche. little current. mississangie. green lake. whitefish lake. _sault ste. marie district_ ( )-- sault ste. marie. _moose district_ ( )-- moose factory. hannah bay. abitibi. new brunswick. _east main district_ ( )-- great whale river. little whale river. fort george. _rupert's river district_ ( )-- rupert's house. mistasini. teniskamay. waswonaby. mechiskan. pike lake. nitchequon. kaniapiscow. _temiscamingue district_ ( , )-- temiscamingue house. grand lac. kakabeagino. lake nipissing. hunter's lodge. temagamingue. _fort coulonge district_ ( )-- lac des allumettes. joachin. matawa. _lac des sables district_ ( )-- buckingham. rivière desert. _lachine district_-- lachine house. _st. maurice district_ ( )-- three rivers. weymontachingue. kikandatch. _king's posts district_ ( , )-- tadoussac. chicoutimé. lake st. john's. ile jérémie. godbout. sepen islands. _mingan district_ ( )-- mingan. musquarro. natosquan. _esquimaux bay district_ ( )-- north-west river. fort nascopie. rigolette. kikokok. _columbia district_ ( , )-- fort vancouver. umpqua. cape disappointment. chinook point. carveeman. champoeg. nisqually. cowelitz. _colville district_ ( , )-- fort colville. pend oreilles river. flat heads. kootenay. okanagan. _snake country district_ ( )-- walla walla. fort hall. fort boisé. _vancouver island district_ ( , )-- fort victoria. fort rupert. nanaimo. _fraser river district_ ( , )-- fort langley. _n.w. coast district_ ( , )-- fort simpson. _thomson river district_ ( , )-- kamloops. fort hope. _new caledonia district_ ( , )-- stuart lake. mcleod's lake. fraser's lake. alexandria. fort george. babines. conolly's lake. honolulu (sandwich isles). _total, districts_:-- indians , not enumerated , eskimos , ------- total , less whites and half-breeds , ------- , in all under hudson's bay company rule, about , . appendix d. list of chief factors in the hudson's bay company service from the coalition of to the year . note.--under the deed polls of , , and , there were commissioned officers, and it is estimated that their nationalities were as follows:-- french canadian irish english scotch --- --- . thomas vincent. john macdonald. john thompson. james bird. james leith. john haldane. colin robertson. alexander stewart. james sutherland. john george mctavish. john clarke. george keith. john dugald cameron. john charles. john stuart. alexander kennedy. edward smith. john m'loughlin. john davis. james keith. joseph beioly. angus bethune. donald mckenzie. alexander christie. john mcbean. . william mcintosh. . william conolly. john rowand. . james mcmillan. . allan mcdonnell. john lee lewis. peter warren dease. . roderick mckenzie, senr. . duncan finlayson. . peter s. ogden. . john p. pruden. alex. mcleod. . john faries. angus cameron. samuel black. . james douglas. donald ross. . archibald mcdonald. . robert s. miles. james hargrave. . nicol finlayson. . john e. harriott. john work. john sieveright. . murdo mcpherson. george barnston. . john ballenden. . john rae. william sinclair. . hector mckenzie. william mctavish. dugald mctavish. . edward h. hopkins. john swanston. john mckenzie. . james anderson. (a). . william mcneill. william f. tolmie. . james anderson. (b). roderick finlayson. . william j. christie. charles dodd. . john m. simpson. james a. grahame. . james r. clare. wemyss m. simpson. donald a. smith. . james s. clouston. joseph gladman. . william mcmurray. . robert campbell. robert hamilton. . william l. hardisty. joseph w. wilson. . james g. stewart. . james bissett. george s. mctavish. richard hardisty. . robert crawford (factor). william h. watt (factor). john macintyre (factor). . william charles. john h. mctavish. alexander munro. . lawrence clarke. r. macfarlane. roderick ross (factor). . peter warren bell. joseph fortescue. colin rankin. archibald mcdonald. samuel k. parson. james h. lawson (factor). ewen macdonald (factor). joseph j. hargrave (chief trader). . james l. cotter. . julian s. camsell. . horace belanger. . william h. adams (factor). . james mcdougall. . peter mckenzie. e. k. beeston (chief trader). . william clark. w. s. becher (chief trader). . william k. broughton. . alexander matheson (factor). appendix e. russian america (alaska). in great britain made a treaty with russia as to the north-west coast of america. the boundary line that has since been a subject of much dispute with the united states, which bought out the rights of russia, was thus laid down in the treaty:-- iii. "the line of demarcation between the possessions of the high contracting parties, upon the coast of the continent and the islands of america to the north-west, shall be drawn in the manner following:--commencing from the southernmost point of the island called prince of wales's island, which point lies in the parallel of degrees minutes, north latitude, and between the st and rd degree of west longitude (meridian of greenwich); the said line shall ascend to the north along the channel called portland channel, as far as the point of the continent where it strikes the th degree of north latitude; from this last-mentioned point the line of demarcation shall follow the summits of the mountains situated parallel to the coast, as far as the point of intersection of the st degree of west longitude (of the same meridian); and finally, from the said point of intersection, the said meridian line of the st degree in its prolongation as far as the frozen ocean, shall form the limit between the russian and british possessions on the continent of america to the north-west. iv. "with reference to the line of demarcation laid down in the preceding article, it is understood:-- st. "that the island called prince of wales's island shall belong wholly to russia. nd. "that wherever the summit of the mountains which extend in a direction parallel to the coast, from the th degree of north latitude to the point of intersection of the st degree of west longitude, shall prove to be at the distance of more than ten marine leagues from the ocean, the limit between the british possessions and the line of coast which is to belong to russia, as above mentioned, shall be formed by a line parallel to the windings of the coast, and which shall never exceed the distance of ten marine leagues therefrom." the hudson's bay company, in the year following the treaty, pushed their posts to the interior, and obtained a hold on the indians from the coast inward. making use of their privilege of ascending the river from the coast, they undertook to erect a post upon one of these rivers. this led the russian american fur company to make a vigorous protest, and a long correspondence ensued on the matter. at length, in , the hudson's bay company, chiefly in order to gain access to their indians of the interior, leased the strip of coast territory from fort simpson to cross sound for a period of ten years. the following is an extract from the agreement made february th, , between the hudson's bay and russian american fur companies:-- "the russian fur company cede to the hudson's bay company for a period of ten years, commencing june st, , the coast (exclusive of the islands) and the interior country situated between cape spencer and latitude ° ´ or thereabouts for an annual rental of two thousand seasoned otters. "the hudson's bay company agree to sell to the russian fur company , otters taken on the west side of the mountains at the price of _s._ sterling per skin, and , seasoned otters taken on the east side of the rocky mountains at _s._ sterling per skin. the hudson's bay company agree to sell to the russian fur company , ferragoes ( lbs. each) of wheat annually for a term of ten years, at the price of _s._ _d._ sterling per ferrago, also flour, peas, barley, salted beef, butter, and pork hams at fixed prices, under certain provisions. "the hudson's bay company relinquish the claim preferred by them for damages sustained by them, arising from the obstruction presented by the russian authorities to an expedition fitted out by the hudson's bay company for entering the stikine river." the agreement was continued after the expiration of ten years, but the rental fine changed from a supply of otters to a money payment of , _l._ a year. the hudson's bay company, as we have seen, pushed their posts down the yukon river, and only withdrew them after alaska, in , passed into the possession of the united states. an officer of the hudson's bay company, james mcdougall, at present a chief factor of the company, was the last in command of the company posts in alaska, and performed the duty of withdrawing them. appendix f. the cree syllabic characters. i. initials or primals. [=a] [=e] [=o] ä ii. syllabics. p[=a] p[=e] p[=o] pä t[=a] t[=e] t[=o] tä ch[=a] ch[=e] ch[=o] chä k[=a] k[=e] k[=o] kä m[=a] m[=e] m[=o] mä n[=a] n[=e] n[=o] nä s[=a] s[=e] s[=o] sä y[=a] y[=e] y[=o] yä iii. finals or terminals. = m = k = w = n = p = r = s = t = l = h = aspirate = ow = christ examples of word formation. = ma-n[=e]-t[=o] = spirit. = n[=e]-p[=e] = water. = o-m[=e]-m[=e] = the pigeon. = me-s-ta-t[=e]-m = horse (big dog). = n[=e]-pa-n = summer. = k[=a]-n[=a]-p[=a]-k = a snake. appendix g. key to plate facing page . th row (_standing_) e.k. w.h. murdoch beeston, adams, matheson, _jr. _factor_. _jr. chief chief trader_. trader_. th row (_standing_) w.j. dr. w.m. robert wm. jas. arch. alex. r. mclean, mckay, campbell, clark, mcdougall, mcdonald, lillie, _chief _chief _ex-chief _factor _factor_ _chief _ex-chief trader_. trader_. trader_. (now (_now factor_. trader_. chief chief factor)_. factor_). rd row (_standing_) cuthbert jas. colin saml. k. peter rodk. jas. l. w. f. sinclair, ander- rankin, parson, bell, mac- lawson, gaird- _jr. son, _chief _chief _chief farlane,_factor_. ner, chief _jr. factor._ factor_. factor_. _chief _jr. trader_. chief factor_. chief trader_. trader_. nd row (_sitting_) alex. alex. thos. richard laurence matheson, munro, smith, hardisty, clarke, _chief _chief _assist. _chief _chief trader_ factor_. commis- factor_. factor_. (_now sioner_. factor_). commissioner horace joseph belanger, wrigley. _chief factor_. st row (_sitting_) david j.s. joseph james l. james armit, camsell, fortescue, cotter, alexander, _jr. _chief _chief _chief _chief chief factor_. factor_. factor_. factor_. trader_. commissioned officers of h.b. co. at winnipeg council . index "À la claire fontaine," . albemarle, duke of, . "alouette," . alliance, the grand, . allumette, . american fur company, . anderson, a. c., . arlington, earl of, . astor, john jacob, . astoria founded, . assiniboia, council of, . assiniboine indians, , . " wool company, . athabasca, first traders of, . " lake and river, . back, sir george, . beaver club, . _beaver_, ship, . beaulieu, françois, . beltrami, j. c. (explorer), . " work of, . black, rev. john, pioneer, . " judge, . " samuel, trader, . blackfeet indians, . blanshard, governor, . bois-brûlés turbulence, . boothia felix, discovery of, . boulton, major, . bourbon, fort, , . bourdon, jean, . bourke, father, . brandon house, . brymner, douglas, archivist, . buffalo wool company, . " hunting, . bulger, governor, . butler, capt. w. f., . button, sir thomas, . cadieux's lament, . cadot, j. baptiste, . caldwell, major, . _california_, ship, . calumet, . campbell, robert, _et seq._ cameron, duncan, - , , . " murdoch, fur trader, . canada company, . canadian boat song, . canoe voyage by gov. simpson, - . cart and cayuse, . cart trails, . carver, jonathan, . cass, lewis, explorer, . cauchon, joseph, memo. of, . calvalcade, the hunting, . charter, h. b. c., _et seq._ charters, royal, . charles, fort, . chilkats, the, . chimo, fort, . chinook jargon, . chipewyan, fort, , , . " tribe, . chipman, c. c., . christie, governor, . christinos (kris), , . christy, miller, . churchill, lord, governor, . " " in tower, . church societies on red river, . cochrane, archdeacon, , . colbert, m., . colleton, sir peter, . coltman, w. b., commissioner, - . columbia, british, of to-day, . colville, gov. eden, . committee of , . company, the northern, . conolly, trader, . coppermine river discovered, . councils of traders, . couture, william, . cox, ross, . craven, earl of, . cree syllabic, . cridge, bishop, . crofton, col., . crosby and evans, revs. . cumberland, first house built, . curry, thomas, . daer, fort, , . dallas, gov. a. j., . dawson, s. j., surveyor, . " road, . dease lake, . " and simpson, arctic explorers, . deed polls, old and new, . d'iberville, , . " victory of, . demers, bishop, . de meurons, . denonville, marquis de, . de witt, dutch ambassador, . dickson, robert, free trader, . dionne, dr. n. e., . dividends, company, . dobbs, arthur, . _dobbs_, galley, . douglas, fort, , . " sir james, . " david, botanist, . draper, chief justice, . duluth, greysolon, . duncan of metlakahtla, . _eaglet_, ship, . elgin, lord, . ellice, hon. edward, . ellis, henry, . enterprise, fort, . ermatinger, miss, . " family, , . " traders, . " francis, . " edward, , . eskimos, . evans, rev. james, . falcon, pierre, . " (song of triumph), . " translation, . " sketch of, . faribault, j. b., . fidler, peter, sketch of, . " " will of, . finlay, john, journal of, - . finlay, james, . finlayson, gov. d., . " roderick, . fleming and grant, expedition of, . flax and hemp co., . flood, red river, . fort william built, . " " description of, _et seq._, . franchère, gabriel, , . franklin, sir john, . " " search for, . " " " " by dr. rae, . franklin, sir john, search for, by capt. mcclintock, . fraser, simon, _et seq._ french half-breeds' petition, . " " turbulent, , . french priests interfere, . garry, fort, . " " camping-ground, . " " lower, . gibraltar, fort, . " " destroyed, . gillam, capt. zachariah, . gold discovery in b.c., . gonor, father, . good hope, fort, . governors, recent, . graham, andrew, journal of, . grand portage, . grant, cuthbert, senr., . " " junr., . " p. (historiographer), - . gravesend, . gregory, mcleod and co., . groseilliers (medard chouart), , . groseilliers, j. baptiste, . half-breeds dissatisfied, . halifax, lord, . hargrave, jas., letters of traders, . hargrave, joseph, work of, . harmon, daniel, - . hayes, sir james, . head, gov. edmund, . hearne, samuel, _et seq._, . hector, dr. james, . henry, alex., senr., . " " jr., - . hills, bishop, . hind, h. y., explorer, . hudson, henry, . hudson bay, early governors on, . hudson bay, early forts, . " " bleak shore of, . " " house, . " " co. ships, . " " " claims of, . " " " stores, . hunt, william, astorian, . hunting regulations, . indian chiefs on red river, . indians and h. b. c., . " in debt, . " of b. c., . " loyal to co., . isbister, a. k., _et seq._ james, capt., . jamieson, rev. robert, . johnson, judge, . johnston, john, trader (sault ste. marie), - , . johnston, miss, . jones, rev. david, , . kaministiquia, , . kamloops rising, . keating, w. h., expedition of, . keel and canoe, . keith, george, tales of, . kelsey, henry, . kennedy and bellot, expedition of, . keveny, owen (murdered), . king, dr. richard, . "king's domains," . " posts," . kirke, sir john, . labrador, mclean on, . lachine, . la france, joseph, . lefroy, lieut. (sir henry), . " (expedition), . leith's bequest, . le moyne, the brothers, . lescarbot, . lestane, the dastard, . lewis and clark, expedition of, . liard, river, . lincolnshire farmers, . locust visitation, . long, stephen h., expedition of, . mccallum, rev. john, . macdonell, miles, . " estimate of, . macdonell, alexander (grasshopper governor), . mcdonald of garth (autobiography), . " on the pacific, . " grand, . mcdonnell, john, diary, . mcdougall, duncan, astorian, . " hon. william, , . mcgillies, hugh, free trader, . machray, archbishop, . mackay, alexander, , . mckay, trader, . mackenzie, alexander, , _et seq._ mackenzie, alexander, st voyage, . mackenzie, alexander, nd voyage, _et seq._ mackenzie, alexander, book of, . mackenzie, river, . mckenzie, roderick, . mckenzie, james, journals, , . mckenzie, charles (journey to mandans), . mckenzie, governor, donald, . mcleod, alex. norman, . " john, diary of, , . mclean, john, on labrador, . mcloughlin, chief factor, . " young (murdered), . mctavish, simon, , . mctavish, governor william, . " " (sick and weak), . magnetic pole, discovery of, . " " and capt. kennedy, . magnet survey by lefroy, . malhiot, françois v., - . mandans, , . manitoba college, . margry, pierre, . maurepas, river, . metis, . michilimackinac, . middleton, capt. c., _et seq._ milton and cheadle, explorations by, . mingan, . missouri company, . model farms, . montague, . moravians in labrador, . mulgrave, lord, . muskegons (crees), . nelson, port, . nemisco, river, . nepigon, . new england company, . nicola's eloquence, . nisbet, rev. james, . nonsuch ketch, . north-west company formed, . " " officers, . nor'-westers unite, - . north-west passage sought (early), . north-west passage by land, . norman, fort, . norton, moses, . noue, de la, . ochagach, . oldmixon, . oppression of judge thom, . orkneymen, early, . " vs. french canadians, . ottawa, . ouinipegon, lake, . paleocrystic sea, . pacific fur company, . palliser, capt. j., . pambrun's story, - . pangman, peter, , , . parker, gilbert, novelist, . peace river, . peel's river post, . pelly, governor, . " gov. j. h., . perouse on hudson bay, . pigeon river, . pike, zebulon m., explorer, . plain hunters, . pond, peter, , , , . portaging, . portman, mr., . posts on pacific, . potherie, de la, . prince society, . prince of wales fort taken, . pritchard, john (lost), - . " story of, . " estimate of, . "pro pelle cutem," . provencher, bishop, , , , . providence, fort, . prudhomme, judge, . quesnel, jules maurice, . radisson, pierre esprit, , _et seq._ rae, dr. john, explorer, . red river plague, . " rebellion, . reine, de la, fort, . reinhart, charles, prisoner, . reliance, fort, . renville, joseph, guide, . resolution, fort, . riel, elder, . " younger, rebellion, . rigolette, . robertson, colin, , . roberval, sieur de, . robinson, sir john, . robson, joseph, . roches percées, . rocky mt. passes, . rolling ball, the, . ross, captain john, . " alexander, . rouge, fort, . rupert, prince, . " " sketch of, _et seq._ " " river, . ryswick, _et seq._ " treaty, terms of, . ste. anne's, . st. charles, fort, massacre, . st. james, fort, outbreak, . st. john's college, . st. pierre, legardeur de, . sargeant, governor, . saskatchewan river discovered, . saulteaux indians, . sault ste. marie, . sayer "rising," . schoolcraft, h. r., explorer, . " " discovers lake itasca, . schultz, dr., rescued, . scoresby, capt. w., . scott, thomas, executed, . selkirk, earl of, . " " purchases h.b.c. stock, . selkirk, earl of, on emigration, . " " colony to prince edward island, . selkirk, earl of, colony to red river, - . selkirk, earl of, opposition to, . " " rescue by, - . " " estimate of, . semple, governor, _et seq._ shagganappe, . shelburne, lord, , . sherbrooke, gov. gen., , . sieveright, trader, . simpson, gov. g., , , , , . simpson, gov. g., knighted, . " " voyage round the world, . simpson, lady, . " fort, . " " on pacific, . " thos., death of, . sinclair, a leader, . slave lake, . sledge and packet, . smith, donald a., , . " william robert, clerk, . south-west fur company, . staines, rev. robert, . stannard, captain, . status, present, of co., . stewart, jas., rescued, . stikine river, . strathcona and mt. royal, lord, , . stuart, john, . sturgeon lake, fort, built, . sutherland james, catechist, . swiss settlers, . " depart, . tachÉ, archbishop, , . tallow company, . terms of company's transfer, . thom, recorder adam, . thompson, david, astronomer, _et seq._ thorn, captain, . tod, john, trader, . _tonquin_, ship, . trade standards, early, . transcontinental journeys (early), . trials, north-west, , . troyes, chevalier de, . turner, astronomer, . umfreville, edw., , . ungava, . utrecht, treaty of, . vancouver, fort, . " given up, . " island, lease of, . " colonization, . " city, . verendrye, _et seq._ victoria, fort, founded, . vyner, sir robert, . wark, chief trader, . watkin, e. w., scheme of, . wedderburn, fort, . wendigo, the, . wentzel, w. f., story of, . " opinions of, . west, rev. john, . western sea, . _william and ann_, wreck of, . william iii., address to, . " great dividend paid, . winnipeg, city of, . wolseley, col., . woods, lake of, . x y company, _et seq._ " " officers, . york, duke of, . " " made governor, . " factory, description of, . young, sir william, . yukon, fort, . " upper, discovery of, . zinzendorf, count, . printed by the east of england printing works london and norwich +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ | transcriber's note: | | | | * obvious punctuation and spelling errors repaired. others | | are listed below. original spelling and its variations were not | | standardized. | | | | * word combinations that appeared with and without hyphens | | were changed to the predominant form if it could be determined, | | or to the hyphenated form if it could not. | | | | * corrections in the spelling of names were made when those | | could be verified. otherwise the variations were left as they | | were. | | | | * footnotes were moved to the ends of the chapters in which they | | they belonged and numbered in one continuous sequence. | | | | * variant forms retained and errors corrected: | | athabasca or athapuscow lake (pp. , ). athapuscow is | | spelling in french texts. both forms were retained. | | | | philip 'turner' changed to philip 'turnor' (p. ). | | | | astor 'brought' out changed to 'bought' out (p. ). | | | | 'it the' grandest speech changed to 'it was the' grandest | | speech (p. ). | | | | * other notes: | | *transcription of the seven oaks monuments inscription (p. ):| | | | seven | | oaks | | | | erected in | | by the | | manitoba historical society | | through the generosity of the | | countess of selkirk | | on the site of seven oaks | | where fell | | governor robert semple and | | twenty of his officers and men | | | | june | | | | * "the map on page should be consulted...." | | changed to (p. ). | | | | * in appendix b, page , the row "radisson goes on expedition | | to the antilles" is missing the date in the original. | | | +--------------------------------------------------------------------+ vol. i february, no. [illustration: _the beaver_ _a journal of progress_] [illustration: _little miss ouikpigak, a future eskimo belle of great whale river, whose father is a famous hunter for h.b.c. the fat of the seal is ouikpigak's only candy--more sweet to her than any all-day sucker._] [illustration: _devoted to the interests of those who serve the hudson's bay company_] h.b.c. pioneer steamer ruled west coast trade years _the "beaver," of tons burthen, took prominent part in history of british columbia--cared for wants of , natives._ by c. h. french there was not a single phase of british columbia history from to in which h.b.s.s. "beaver" did not play a large part. she was admired by all those old pioneers associated with the history of the west coast. the foundation of victoria city was laid by the "beaver." fort rupert and nanaimo were built under her protection, and though fort simpson was founded prior to her arrival on the coast, she was the main protection of that establishment for many years afterwards. _ship used to keep law and order_ operations of the hudson's bay company in russian america were entirely under her control and many minor difficulties in that region were effectively settled promptly on her arrival at the seat of trouble. when, too, the reign of law and order was threatened closer home, in every case the arrival of the "beaver" was awaited before effective steps could be taken to bring affairs back to a normal state. on one occasion, two murderers escaped to cowichan and the warship "thetis" sent a hundred and fifty of her men on the "beaver" and proceeded to cowichan under command of james douglas to administer the law. there were many other cases of this nature that demonstrated the "beaver's" usefulness in developing and colonizing british columbia, particularly the north coast. _the "beaver" steamed round the horn_ it was, to many, a marvel that a small boat of this kind could steam round cape horn and weather any storm that she encountered. these men forget that, though small, she was built of stoutest oak and was considered a more able and seaworthy craft than many of much larger size operating today. her keel was of unusual size and in full keeping with the british oak stem and stern post. the best greenheart and oak ribs were used, being carefully dressed and of large size. the spaces between these frames were filled in solidly to a level above the water line with curved timbers of the same material as the ribs. outside planking was oak and african teak, fastened with copper bolts and tree nails, covered with a layer of thick tar paper and then sheeted with fir fastened with spikes of bronze composition. the hull was surfaced with a sheeting of copper. _launched under royal patronage_ her length was a hundred and one feet, breadth inside paddle boxes twenty feet, outside thirty-three feet, depth eleven and one-half feet, having one hundred and nine tons burden. she carried a crew of twenty-six men and was armed with five nine-pounders. her building, and especially her launching, created a great interest, as she is reported to have plunged into the mighty thames under the patronage of royalty and in the presence of a vast throng of spectators. _h.b.c. quality shewn in building_ the construction of the "beaver" indicates that the hudson's bay company were up-to-date and were living up to their british traditions by being always first in the field in any new enterprise that required capital and far-sighted commercial methods. it must be remembered that steam vessels were not at that time proven to be successful, but were in the experimental stage. the spirit of adventure, as the term was understood in those days, was much in evidence when the company's governor and committee ordered the "beaver" in from messrs. green, wigham & green, at blackwall, london. [illustration: _the "beaver" riding at anchor near victoria_] two new masts were made and installed at port simpson in by a carpenter named rudlin, and she was sent to sitka, alaska, to be overhauled by the russians the same winter ( ). apart from this, nothing seems to have been spent on her other than what her own crew could do. she had two engines nominal horsepower, each of the long since obsolete side-lever type, though much in favour during those early times following the "beaver's" construction. it was an interesting day when the keel of this wonderful little black steamer was laid, but how much more interesting must the th day of august, , have been when the "beaver" glided down into the english channel and out on the trackless ocean on her voyage to the north pacific ocean to become famous in the annals of the west. the "beaver" arrived at robinson crusoe island, via cape horn, december th, , and astoria (columbia river) april th, . _h.b.c. fur headquarters on columbia river_ the hudson's bay company's fur trade up to this date had as its headquarters on the pacific coast the columbia river, but as the trade was being developed it was soon apparent that columbia river was not the most suitable location from which to administer affairs. the ships from london were taking great risks when crossing the columbia river bar, and as there were no steam tugs available, going up the columbia river with a sailing vessel for one hundred miles or more was not at all to their liking. the coastwise boats, apart from the "beaver," were all small sailing-ships and the voyage to the columbia from puget sound was really a stupendous undertaking. the hudson's bay company's possessory rights in oregon were the stumbling blocks. if the columbia river establishments were abandoned the company's claim might be jeopardized, and rather than do that a route was opened through from fort vancouver to nisqually on the puget sound via the cowlitz river, where trade goods could be transported by boat and ox-cart and shipped north on the ships engaged in the trade, thereby saving much time to the ships but wasting considerable of the time of the land forces. _the "beaver's" coast route_ from nisqually, the "beaver" took a full cargo in january, proceeding to fort simpson, calling en route at all indian villages where she would anchor, throw out her boarding nets and proceed to trade, so that by the time she reached fort simpson a large part of her cargo would have been traded. at fort simpson the furs collected were taken ashore and stored and the ship restocked with trade goods; then she proceeded, calling at all villages en route to taku. returning to fort simpson, furs were unloaded and more goods taken. this procedure was kept up all summer, the "beaver" making about four trips north, and the same number south, leaving off in time to reach victoria before christmas. the "beaver" was not subject to orders from any but sir james douglas, but she had all posts on the route she covered under her control. it was estimated that she _had to cater to the wants of forty thousand natives_. _monarch of trade for twenty years_ for twenty years she was complete monarch of the coast. in all new indian trade countries and indeed in all new white settlements, the wants of the population had gradually increased, until in the "beaver" was found to be totally inadequate for the trade. a new boat was built for the company in england and named the "otter," arriving at victoria in april, . _victoria to san francisco in four days_ one of the "otter's" first duties after arriving at victoria from england was to go to san francisco. sir james douglas says, "in spite of head winds, she went down in four days and returned in five days, and she was much admired where her unexpected arrival created quite a sensation." she was the first steamer propelled by a screw to be brought out by the company, and was altogether just as successful as was the "beaver" and had the same fault--being too small. however, the "beaver" and "otter" between them were able to take care of the work for a few years, until the "enterprise" was purchased in , to help out on the fraser river run during the great caribou gold excitement. _"beaver" chartered to british government_ it is easy to understand that by this time the "beaver's" engines were in need of attention, and it was under discussion as to whether they should be taken out and sent home to be re-bored, or whether the steamer should be sent herself to have repairs effected; but before a decision was reached, the boat was chartered to the british government for the purpose of survey work. meanwhile, the hudson's bay company had built in england another ship, the "labouchere." she was of the paddle-wheel type, but much larger and more costly to operate than the "beaver." the zeal of the hudson's bay company's officers to get an up-to-date boat caused them to overlook the fact that money and business were not plentiful, and a steamer to operate successfully on the coast must be carefully selected. when they realized their mistake, other work was sought, with the result that she was placed on the san francisco-victoria mail route in competition with the california steam navigation company's steamer "active," and a rate war, probably the first on the coast, was started. it ended suddenly, however, when the "labouchere" on her second trip was wrecked at point ray. +----------------------+ | little journeys to | | fur trade posts of | | the hudson's bay co. | +----------------------+ graham post _sioux lookout, ontario_ by l. j. williams [illustration: _h.b.c. store, sioux lookout, ont._] graham is one of the comparatively small number of h.b.c. "line" posts, _i.e._, fur trading establishments located close to railway transportation. graham post is on the canadian national railway at sioux lookout, a town of nearly one thousand people and a railroad and lumbering centre. the name "sioux lookout" was taken from the high rocky hill just west of the town. indian legends relate that this high hill was often used by wandering bands of sioux warriors, who, ranging far from their dakota prairies, watched with keen eyes from the top of this hill the narrow gorge from pelican to abraham's lake as they laid plans to ambush and exterminate the indians of that district. a fire ranger's observation tower now stands at the summit of the hill. sioux lookout lies close by pelican lake, one of the chain of lakes comprising the original h.b.c. freight route from the canadian pacific railway to inland posts to the northward--_lac seul_, _osnaburgh_, _fort hope_ and _cat lake_. the staff of the company's present day post at graham includes the post-manager, three clerks, a deliveryman, bookkeeper and junior office clerk. the company's business, in addition to fur trading, is derived from the population of sioux lookout and comprises the transient trade to and from the lumber camps located to the east and west of the town. the wonderful waterways and remarkable scenic beauty of the country surrounding sioux lookout rival those of minaki. vacationers and camping parties in ever increasing numbers are going to sioux lookout every summer, where nearly everybody has a motor boat or canoe to traverse the wondrous stretches of waterways with their miles and miles of beautiful bays and fine sandy beaches. ========== _the fur-ious medicine man_ by s. a. taylor, saskatchewan district the medicine man--his wife was mad, he had done much to peeve 'er ten minks he'd caught; their tails cut off, just simply for to grieve 'er. and when for _bear_-ly half a day he'd strived hard to appease her, he said, "it's why i call 'er mine just so as i can tease 'er." and if she don't improve her ways, next time i come home then, in order to hear what she says, again will i _mar_(r)_ten_. ten of my very choicest _mink_, a spell i will cast o'er them; if that don't make her stop and think, i'll with my jack knife bore them. next day whilst at the water hole his wife fell in the "wotter," he said this time i'll _fisher_ out because i think i _o't ter_. as cunning as a _fox_ his wife was bound she would get even. she thought, i cannot take his life because of children seven. next day she ran off in the bush she'd had too many drinks. they searched all night; to scare the wolves they carried flaming _links_. no doubt the _wolves_ of her made hash, for she was never found. his marriage to her he _mus_(t)_quash_ her hubby would be bound. her carcass you will never find he said; the wolves have got her so let's go home and never mind. he was an awful rotter. now, motto for this pome there's none but for it there's a reason. each verse contains some kind of _fur_ we hope to get this season. ========== esprit de corps _and why it builds successful companies_ by h. f. harman, _land commissioner_ the literal meaning of "esprit de corps" denotes the common spirit pervading the members of a body or association of persons. it implies sympathy, enthusiasm, devotion, and jealous regard for the honor of the organization as a whole. this french phrase was the unwritten but ever present motto or slogan which finally brought about the successful termination of the war for the allies. read slowly the interpretation of the phrase and you will realize its tremendous import when faithfully, persistently exercised. this is the spirit which, for the past years, has animated so many loyal officials and servants of the "governor and company of adventurers of england trading into hudson bay." let this generation see to it that we do not become indifferent to this very essential and necessary characteristic. this spirit should prevail throughout the company's service in the dominion and elsewhere, and when difficulties and differences of opinion arise, as they always will in the natural course of our everyday pursuits, let us all, from the atlantic to the pacific, in towns, cities and the farthest interior, just remember to say to ourselves "esprit de corps, under all circumstances," or, as the governor put it during his recent visit to canada, "pour a little oil on the machinery when it does not run perfectly and smoothly." (it's the only lubricant available these days.) try to put yourself in the other fellow's shoes and do unto him as you would he should do unto you. if i were asked, "what institutions do you consider have been, and are yet, of the greatest service to canada?" my reply would be: "hudson's bay company and canadian pacific railway." "and what has been the chief factor which has created such an enviable position for these two companies?"--"esprit de corps." the success of any organization or corporation depends upon this; let us constantly keep this motto before us. ========== lost in the bush by ashton alston it being a bright, cold, frosty morning in the latter part of october, the indians all off to their hunting grounds and nothing much doing around the post, i thought that i would take a day off and go and put down some marten and fisher traps. i got away about a.m. and after paddling about six miles i arrived at the end of the lake and took to the bush. heading in a northerly direction i trudged along, placing snares for fur at various likely looking places, and so interested was i in my work that i did not notice that the day was fast slipping by and night approaching. it must have been late in the afternoon when i startled a flock of partridges which got away before i could get a shot at them. after following the direction in which they had gone for some distance and failing to locate them, i thought, therefore, that i would hit the trail for home, but after walking for some time i realized that i was lost. in the meantime, the wind was getting up and low, angry clouds were scudding across the sky, which foretold, as a sailor would say, "a dirty night." not expecting to be so long away, i had not brought provisions with me, so was beginning to feel hungry. the sun had long since disappeared and the night was coming on, so i thought it best to look for a good camping place. i luckily came across a spot with any amount of dry and green wood, so started to make things comfortable for the night. i first of all cut down some green trees and with the branches made a shelter. then i cut enough dry wood to last the night, made a good fire and lay down in front of it. fortunately, having a good supply of tobacco and my pipe, i was able to make myself comfortable. about o'clock, however, things changed for the worse. the thermometer dropped and it began to blow and snow. it snowed more or less all night, and having no blankets or overcoat with me, i was employed the best part of the night in keeping the fire burning. the long night came to an end at last. the wind dropped and the snow ceased falling. soon the sun appeared above the tree tops, looking warm and big. i was then enabled to get my bearings. i took out my watch and pointed the hour hand towards the sun. midway between the hour hand and twelve o'clock i knew was south. it does not matter what hour of the day one does this, the result is the same. by this means i was enabled to get my bearings, and knowing that i had been travelling in a more or less northeasterly direction the day previous i took a southwesterly course. after travelling for six hours through thick bush, climbing over dead falls and crossing many creeks, i struck the lake where i had left my canoe and found it a little over a mile from where i came out to the lake. ice was forming on the lake and the country was white with a blanket of snow. having no mitts, my fingers got numbed from time to time. i soon launched the canoe and made for home. at last the post came in sight, and i can assure you that i received a great welcome. it was not long before i had a moose steak put before me. this, washed down with several cups of hot coffee, soon made me forget my experience of the night. ========== the lure of the north by catherine l. nason _poets tell of the sunny climes and speak in beautiful lines of the flowers, the birds and song of summer's rapturous throng._ _they liken it to the freshness of the dew, they speak of smiling skies of blue. the awakening bud--the breath of june is ever the same old poet's tune._ _but i would speak of the dazzling snows that only our great northland knows. there is a beauty yet untold a majestic power a poet cannot unfold._ _there is a rapture in plains of virgin-white in the snow-clad mountain height, and a solemnity so deep--austere that one feels a god-like presence near._ _there is a wonder in the deep, deep silence, and the mighty wind's defiance mingled with the spirit of unconquered might and the undefined mystery of the night._ _the call of the north i cannot define, it has a lure of the great--sublime. man is a being as yet too small to explain or resist the northland's call._ ========== explorations by adventurers of the h.b.c. (_continued from december number_) arranged by j. prest sometimes more dangerous game than buffalo was encountered. on september , hendry writes, "two men were miserably wounded by a grizzly bear that they were hunting today. one may recover but the other never can. his arm is torn from his body, one eye gouged out and his stomach ripped open." the next day the indian died. the assiniboines were marching southwest from the pas towards the land of the blackfeet. they were now three hundred miles southwest of the french house. to hendry's surprise they came to a large river with high banks that looked exactly like the saskatchewan. it was the south branch of the saskatchewan, where it takes the great bend south of prince albert. canoes had been left far behind. what were the four hundred assiniboines to do? but the indians solved the difficulty in less than half a day. making boats of willow branches and moose parchment skin--like the bull boats of the missouri--the assiniboines rafted safely across. the march now turned west toward the eagle river and eagle hills and north saskatchewan. the eagle indians are met and persuaded to bring their furs to york fort. as winter approached, the women began dressing the skins for moccasins and clothes. a fire of punk in an earth hole smoked the skins. beating and pounding and stretching pelts, the squaws then softened the skin. for winter wear, moccasins were left with the fur inside. hendry remarks how in the fall of the year the women sat in the doors of their wigwams "knitting moose leather into snow shoes" made of seasoned wood. it was october before the indians of the far western plains were met. these were the famous blackfeet, for the first time now seen by an english trader. they approached the assiniboines mounted and armed with bows and spears. hendry gave them presents to carry to their chief. hendry notes the signs of mines along the banks of the saskatchewan. he thought the mineral iron. what he saw was probably an outcropping of coal. the jumping deer he describes as a new kind of goat. as soon as ice formed on the swamps, the hunters began trenching for beaver, which were plentiful beyond the fur traders' hopes. when, on october th, the marchers for the third time came on the saskatchewan, which the indians called waskesaw, hendry recognized that all the branches were forks of one and the same great river, the saskatchewan, or, as the french called it, christinaux. the indian names for the two branches were keskatchew and waskesaw. for several days the far smoke of an encampment had been visible, southwest. on october the th, four riders came out to conduct hendry to an encampment of three hundred and twenty-two tents of blackfeet indians, "pitched in two rows with an opening in the middle, where we were conducted to the leader's tent." this was the main tribe of which hendry had already met the outrunners. "the leader's tent was large enough to contain fifty persons. he received us seated on a buffalo skin, attended by twenty elderly men. he made signs for me to sit down on his right hand, which i did. our leaders (the assiniboines) set several great pipes going the rounds and we smoked according to their custom. not one word was spoken. smoking over, boiled buffalo flesh was served in baskets of bent wood. i was presented with ten buffalo tongues. my guide informed the leader i was sent by the grand leader who lives on the great waters to invite his young men down with their furs. they would receive in return, powder, shot, guns and cloth. he made little answer; said it was far off and his people could not paddle. we were then ordered to depart to our tents which we pitched a quarter of a mile outside their lines. again invited to the leader's tent the next morning, hendry heard some remarkable philosophy from the indian. "the chief told me his tribe never wanted food as they followed the buffalo, but he was informed the natives who frequented the settlements often starved on their journey, "which was exceedingly true," added hendry. reciprocal presents closed the interview. the present to the assiniboine chief was a couple of girl slaves, one of whom was murdered at york ten years afterwards by an indian in a fit of jealousy. later, hendry learned that the assiniboines did not want these blackfeet of the far west to come down to the bay. neither would the assiniboines hunt except for food. putting the two facts together, hendry rightly judged that the assiniboines acted as middlemen between the traders and the blackfeet. by the end of october, hendry had left the plains and was in a rolling, wooded land northwest of the north saskatchewan. here, with occasional moves as the hunting shifted, the indians wintered: his journal says, "eight hundred and ten miles west of york," moving back and forward north and south of the river. eight hundred and ten miles would bring hendry in the region between the modern edmonton and battleford. it is to hendry's credit that he remained on good terms with the assiniboines. if he had been a weakling, he would easily have become the butt of the children who infested the tents like imps, but he hunted with the hunters, trapped with the trappers, and could outmarch the best of them. when he met indians hunting for the french forts, with true trader instinct he bribed them with gifts to bring their furs down to hudson bay. almost the entire winter camp moved from bend to bend or branch to branch of the north saskatchewan, heading gradually eastward. towards spring, different tribes joined the assiniboines to go down to york. among these were "green scalps" and many women captives from those blackfeet indians hendry had met. each night the scalps hung like flags from the tent poles. the captives were given around camp as presents. one hears much twaddle of the red man's noble state before he was contaminated by the white man. hendry saw these tribes of the far west before they had met any white men but himself, and the disposal of those captives is a criterion of the red man's noble state. whenever one was not wanted--the present of a girl, for instance, resented by a warrior's jealous wife, she was summarily hacked to pieces and not a passing thought given to the matter. the killing of a dog or a beaver caused more comment. on the value of life as a thing of worth in itself, the indian had absolutely no conception, not so much conception as a domestic dog trained not to destroy life. (_to be continued_) ========== montizambert post news h. h. busch, post manager at montizambert, widely known in lake superior district, recently detailed himself as a "fatigue party" to undertake a task usually considered too weighty for one man to handle. the job was to remove the engine from mrs. busch's motor boat. once started, however, his pride would not let him quit. he sailed into the craft with a hammer, two wrenches, a file and a pair of chisels. chips began to fly; nuts and bolts and ejaculations filled the air. some hours later the clerk saw our doughty factor wrestling at the water's brim, trying to carry the big engine to the fur house. one spectator remarks, "a fog was rising from him like that from a hot spring in winter." after a long tussle he and the engine arrived at the fur house. at lunch, however, our factor was a changed man; his appetite was way below normal. and all afternoon the "sap" appeared to have all gone out of him. for once, mr. busch had tackled a job too big for him, but he saw it through.--a.d.h. ========== lectures on h.b.c. operations the canadian watchman press, publishers and booksellers, of oshawa, ontario, have recently been holding meetings of their employees where lectures, illustrated with maps and charts, are given, dealing with the operations of the hudson's bay company in the northland. ========== "are caterpillars good to eat?" asked little tommy at the dinner table. "no," said the father; "what makes you ask a question like that while we are eating?" "you had one on your lettuce, but it has gone now," replied tommy. ========== a remarkable trip by u.s.a. airmen in a free balloon _from new york to moose factory, james bay, ontario, miles in hours_ by j. beveridge, moose factory three u. s. a. airmen left rockaway station, long island, new york, on monday, th december, in a free balloon, with the intention of flying across the state of new york. after ascending, and while crossing new york city, a storm caught them, and drove them off their course. being at an altitude of feet, and above the clouds, they were unable to see the ground. the country over which they were flying was high, necessitating the discharge of ballast to prevent the balloon striking high land. having no chart, and, therefore, losing their bearings, they were unable to tell over which part of the country they were flying. on tuesday, december th, after being in the air about hours, the men thought they heard a dog bark, and through a rift in the clouds they saw a house; they then decided to descend. the pilot opened the valve, and the balloon commenced to descend at a rapid speed. the wind had carried the balloon beyond the place where they had seen the house, and there was nothing but trees on which to land. all the remaining ballast was thrown overboard to prevent the basket crashing on the trees; thermos flasks and all the furnishings were cast over. but their descent had been too rapid to be arrested so easily, and the basket collided with the trees. too much gas had been released to allow the balloon to ascend again. the basket continued to drag through the bush till at last the balloon came to a halt tangled on the side of a tree. the time of landing was about p.m. taking a southerly course by their compass, which they had managed to retain, they commenced to walk through the bush, but made little headway owing to the dense mass of foliage, spruce trees, willows and marshy land. they built a fire, cooked one of three carrier pigeons. this was the only food they had had since leaving new york. making themselves as comfortable as possible, they rested for the night but had little sleep. keeping the fire going all night was the only means of being warm. on wednesday, the th, they commenced their slow progress once more through the bush. the serious nature of their situation was only dawning on them at this time, and finding no house, nor any traces of dogs, they began thinking their minds had been playing them tricks. no food whatever was available, so they had to make their two remaining pigeons last indefinitely, not knowing when they would reach civilization. as their strength was waning, the oldest man of the party had discarded nearly all his clothes keeping only his flying suit and underclothes. he was nearly "all in" and kept falling down, but the older of the other two kept them all going, knowing that to keep going was their only means of salvation. to stop would have meant being frozen. moss was their only food this day. again they made a fire and rested for the night. on december th, thursday, they set off again, travelling in a southerly direction. a second pigeon was devoured. at last they struck a creek and they were thankful to escape from the bush, walking on the ice being much easier. they travelled all day but discerned no signs of human life. the usual nightly performance was gone through, and each thought it all was rather hopeless, but "life is sweet." friday, december th, they commenced their slow and wearisome journey once more, walking on the creek; but at last the creek joined the river and here they perceived sleigh tracks. noting the direction it had travelled by the imprint of the dog's feet, they followed the trail. about noon they sighted the sleigh, and the younger of the three commenced to hurry in an endeavour to overtake the sleigh. at last the man, an indian trapper, observed that someone was endeavouring to overtake him, but, instead of waiting as would be expected, the indian commenced to hurry. it appears that he was very frightened at the airman's uniform or his sudden appearance. the young officer managed at last to overtake the indian, due to the slow progress of the dogs. the indian was at last made to understand that the men were starving and lost, so he took the young airman to his house which happened to be at hand, and was, in fact, on moose island. a team was sent for the other two airmen, and all were brought to the company's post, where they were thawed out, given a good meal, and put off to bed. the airmen's footwear consisted of ordinary leather boots, but thanks to the mild spell and little snow there were no bad effects. "all's well that ends well." now they are looking forward to the two hundred miles of snowshoeing to the main line and let their wives and families know they are safe and sound. the names of the airmen are: lieutenant farrell, senior; lieutenant hinton, the one who was responsible for keeping up the courage of the party, and who was pilot on the n.c. when commander read made the famous trans-atlantic flight; lieutenant kloor, the only free balloon pilot in the party, and who overtook the indian. the trip was, i believe, a record flight for a free balloon, miles, as the crow flies, in hours. ========== _issued every now and then in the interests of those in the service of the hudson's bay company_ [illustration: pro pelle cutem] the beaver "_a journal of progress_" copyright, , by the hudson's bay company address all communications to editor, "the beaver," york and main streets, winnipeg, canada ======================================= vol. i february, no. ======================================= never a "wild west" in canada canada never knew a "wild west." we are forced to turn elsewhere for "penny thriller" and "dime novel" material, based on frontier lawlessness and bloodshed. three agencies have been mainly responsible for the peaceful and prosperous peopling of the west. two of them, the r.n.w.m.p. and the hudson's bay company, have long ago received recognition for their part in this marvel of empire-building. but there is another whose achievement is but little known or lightly heralded. it is woman. wives and daughters of the bearded pioneers who conquered canada's plains trekked west _with_ them; lived in lowly sod-houses; shared all hardships; made instant home wherever the oxen were unyoked. these women helped tame a wilderness, and wherever they went was law and order. elsewhere in western america, the hotbloods, the blacksheep and fortune hunters sloughed off from a rising civilization went into the west without the good influence of womenfolks--and straight-way became "bad men," "killers" and "road-agents." because nearly every early canadian in the west had found _good women_ nearby, there was no "wild west." and the influence of canadian women is still alive--on the farms, in the factories, the stores and in the modern civic life of this oldtime buffalo kingdom of the northwest. abroad at home what has become of the old-fashioned winter? we would like to know the feelings of that self-exiled band who fled the wholesome prairies of canada last fall, as they open up their home papers on some californian strand and read of the ice famine in iceland; of the hens laying and the dandelions sprouting in canada, in december; of outdoor swimming at vancouver; of spring-like mornings in manitoba, with birds singing and school boys laying off overcoats at play. enthusiasm enthusiasm is the spark which fires the fuel of ability and personality to do its work. without enthusiasm, these qualities are dormant and ineffective--mere potentialities of power. a man may overcome error; he may lack judgment and acquire it; he may make mistakes and remedy them; but he can do none of these things without enthusiasm. to have enthusiasm is a matter of "morale"; if you believe in yourself and believe in the things you do, enthusiasm is sure to ignite your dormant power and bring out your capacities to their utmost accomplishment. conquer doubt, enthusiasm's greatest foe. be enthusiastic in the doing of even the smallest job! ideals no institution ever amounted to anything until some man or group of men back of it established an ideal and set out to attain it. the realization of any ideal, or the success of any business which is struggling toward an ideal, requires conviction. _skepticism, cynicism and pessimism never made a dollar for anyone._ h.b.c. has an ideal and that is to _serve_. too often, indeed, this is said by business firms in a trite, meaningless, parrot-fashion way; but not so with the hudson's bay company. with the company, to _serve_ means to _satisfy_. real satisfaction results only from high quality merchandise and high standards of business dealing. the honor of h.b.c. is bound up with these, because the company established them as ideals _centuries ago_. the wilderness is shrinking "fly to fort norman" is the bold headline of a startling advertisement in western newspapers, "... in absolute safety and comfort; flying time about eight hours each way," continues this epochal announcement. commercial enterprise has brought the air-boat to its aid in penetrating the fastnesses of the northland where, reports say, oil will soon be gushing. but yesterday, this thousand-mile journey from mcmurray down toward the arctic ocean was achieved only by toilsome weeks of tedious travel. what must the astonishment of leather-hued rivermen be to view these winged canoes darting from civilization to norman almost "between meals." how that great wilderness shrinks and becomes smaller. the terror and loneliness of it, the hardships of it begin already to pass away. there are men living who labored over chillkoot and spent months on the ghastly klondike trail, and they must marvel at the advantages given by science and invention to the prospectors of . the key to progress to the plumber, the bathroom is the most beautiful room in the house. to him, pipes and joints and taps are more interesting than chippendales and wedgwood. is your office, your desk, your work the most attractive and interesting in the whole institution--to you? whatever your situation or task in the great h.b.c. organization, endeavor to find such beauty, charm and satisfaction in the business of your own little "work-shop" that the seduction of "greener fields" may not deceive you. the greatest symptom of individual progress is a sincere love for _the work in hand_; advancement follows naturally upon a faithful apprenticeship. the speed game hockey, king of speed games, is canada's _national sport_. the pace of it, the skill and thrill of it appeal to the youth of canada. no other boys in the world could ever play hockey quite as canadian youngsters do. hockey has developed to suit a temperament which expresses itself most completely in this game. it is the spirit of vimy ridge and festubert that crops out strongest in a fast rush down the ice with the puck. the vigor, stamina, fearlessness and self reliant manliness demanded by the game are _natural_, because the canadian came first and then hockey developed as his characteristic sport. what is _your best_? if one does _his best_ every day, it is soon noticeable that what was _his best_ at one time is not now _his best_ by any means. practice in hard work never fails to enlarge the capacity for hard work. it is a natural law that to be strong one must not only possess muscles but must use them constantly. there is an immense "shake-up" and "shake-down" going on in commerce and industry all over the world. today the time of trial for individual efficiency has arrived. the bricklayer who lays more bricks than the "average" bricklayer and the man who can raise his _level best_ a little higher every day is the man who will weather the storm. covering a wide field _the beaver_ goes to every h.b.c. employee at the retail stores from winnipeg to the coast; at all branches of the wholesale department, including the candy factory at winnipeg; at every fur trade post and outpost in all provinces and the northwest territories; at the land department, winnipeg, and its branches in edmonton and victoria; at the executive, accounting, audit and publicity offices in winnipeg; at the eastern buying offices, montreal and new york; at the london offices and fur warehouse; and to retired officers of the company, members of the canadian advisory committee, the london board, the governor and committee. _the beaver_, by special request, exchange and subscription, also reaches a large number of leading canadian and united states business concerns, prominent citizens, government officials, editors, and the principal libraries of the continent. _the beaver_ is a great "traveller." it is doing a good work. please keep these facts in mind as h.b.c. employees and associate editors and correspondents of our journal. ========== h.b.c. pioneer steamer in pacific (_continued from page _) [illustration: main street winnipeg] _new quarters of h.b.c. executive, accounting and audit departments were occupied at main street, winnipeg, january th. the quaint old building originally housed the general offices of the land department more than two decades ago, but most recently was used by the adanac club of winnipeg. the company has always owned both building and site but several tenants have occupied the premises during the past twenty years._ +------------------------------------------------------------------+ mutual help is the root-idea of life insurance. men join together that all may bear, without disaster, loss that would fall with crushing weight upon one alone. obtain particulars of this helpful alliance. while you are doing so, procure particulars of the best there is in life insurance. and the best policies--by the proof of actual results--are those of the great-west life assurance company dept. "d " head office: winnipeg _a postal will bring full information by mail. state age._ +------------------------------------------------------------------+ "a type that made h.b.c. leadership" [illustration: ernest renouf] _ernest renouf, who has been appointed manager of fort george post james bay district, appears in the photograph. mr. renouf joined the h.b.c. service as apprentice clerk in , served in james bay district until november, , when he enlisted for active service overseas; and since september, , he has been stationed at moose factory._ ============================== "skippering a scow" on the athabasca (_continued from last issue_) by n. a. howland the only other boat besides mine that remained above the rapid was the york boat, drawn back up to the island on the cable to re-load and continue the trip to mcmurray if necessary. _we cut loose to shoot the rapids_ gathering my crew and sundry other loose boatmen lying around, we embarked on the scow for the short but swift journey, there being sixteen souls aboard. we shoved off, the steersman standing on the after-deck, alertly watching the stream. he worked the boat into the passage by means of the sweep, which is a massive oar protruding half of the scow's length over and pivoted to the stern with a steel pin. this acted as a rudder, but twice as effectively as the ordinary rudder, because of its length, with the additional advantage that being movable up, down and to either side it offers no resistance to the rocks, therefore cannot break. we travelled slowly at first, but gradually gaining impetus, the scow was soon tossing in the boiling waters, travelling with the speed of an express train. it trembled from stem to stern with the shock of the waves. there was an exhilarating sensation with an element of danger in it. _the steersman distinguished himself_ the performance of the steersman was admirable. it was difficult to believe that this lithe, active fellow who with powerful arms handled the heavy sweep with such ease, bearing down on the handle to lift the blade clear of the water, jumping from one gunwale to the other with a speed and agility truly astonishing, could be the same slow-moving figure that idly lounged on his oar all the previous way. _we made the big eddy safely_ he seemed to guide the boat as by instinct and with such unerring skill, twisting and turning her among the boulders in the roughest of the water through the narrow channel, that we had hardly time to realize what was happening before the restless figure in the stern resumed his usual listless attitude and we were riding in the big eddy. at the cry of "out oars," we were quickly rowed ashore by the remainder of the crew. _pulling the scow back by cable_ after dropping passengers, no time was lost in endeavoring to pick up the cable and pull back to the island. luck was against us. repeatedly the scow was swept away before the log attached to the end of the rope could be caught, though we knew it was being tossed around on the outer rim of the eddy. after battling the current for an hour the men put me ashore. there were still some matters requiring attention on the island, so i walked back, ferrying across again above the rapids. when i reached the landing place the crew had just managed to secure the cable and were being pulled up. after loading the rails and car wheels there was nothing to hinder our departure. my work was done. the next eighty miles to our destination was a succession of rapids, but none bad enough at this time to necessitate unloading. the journey was continued next morning, the previous evening having been spent by all hands in a futile attempt to dislodge the tug "crester." it was apparent that nothing but a further rise of water would move her off, so we left a force of men to help captain barber out of his difficulty and continued on our way. _we carried russian passengers_ cornwall had previously arranged with me to take some of the russians as passengers, his boat being too crowded for rough water work. thus it happened that thirty of these smelly gentlemen were transferred to me. they were not desirable company on account of their odour. besides, they were afraid of the rapids. the weather, which ever since our leaving athabasca landing had been perfect, now changed. the bright sky was obscured by clouds. it rained intermittently all day. the russians huddled themselves up under my tarpaulins. they presented an inexpressibly comic appearance to me, as they sat around for the most part completely covered up, dismal faces now and then peering out from unexpected places to survey the scenes. when the boat hit a few waves, the lumpy canvas would contort and wriggle all over in anguish, uncouth muffled sounds arising. louison, who rarely smiled, took particular pains to seek out the worst water. he grinned broadly whenever we struck a big wave. _the arrival at fort mcmurray_ [illustration: _h.b.c. store at fort mcmurray, alberta_] next day this eventful voyage ended. we arrived at fort mcmurray before noon. there was one particularly handsome fellow among my passengers, who attracted me by his refined appearance, but he spoke no english. the lad with many of his companions went in to bathe in the clearwater river, which joins the athabasca at this point. in front of the village it is very shallow. this man went out too far. there was a hole into which he fell and could not swim out. he was drowned before it was possible for a boat to reach him. a drag was improvised out of a two-by-four to which were attached cords fitted with fish hooks. after six hours' labor our mournful task was successfully accomplished and he was laid to rest in a new outfit of store clothes in accordance with the mohomedan faith. thus for a week was my journeying at an end. (_to be continued_) ========== forty years in service of the hudson's bay company inland (_continued from december issue_) by n. m. w. j. mckenzie buffalo were plentiful in my first years and i have seen thousands of them. many of the old freighters have told me that very often when the buffalo were travelling south that they were compelled to stop their brigades of carts and camp for one or two days until the great herds passed. of course the freighters picked out the choice ones, or as many as they required, for meat supply on the trip. i saw where buffalo in the fall had tried to cross the saskatchewan river, and had broken through the ice. the animals behind had forced the others on, trampling them to death. carcasses of dead buffalo completely bridged the river, the remainder of the herd passing over them. buffalo always followed the leader like sheep. there were millions of them in that part of the country and all disappeared in a few years. today there is a herd of about two hundred and fifty animals in the mackenzie river valley. they have not increased in numbers. the siberian wolves get among them continually and destroy many of the calves. there is another herd in the government park at wainwright, saskatchewan, which is thriving and increasing. after the buffalo had disappeared, the plains indians, who numbered many thousands at that time, were reduced to starvation. many of them died, and the canadian government of that day was compelled to gather them all into reservations throughout the country, and ration them. living in small log houses, with only one room, was a great change from their roaming, open-air life on the plains, and they became afflicted with all kinds of diseases, consumption being their greatest destroyer. the number of horses an indian owned was the gauge of his wealth. some of them had as many as three hundred head, of which quite a large number were in the buffalo-runner class. a horse in that class was never put to any other work. he had to be extra long-winded, swift and tough as steel, able to keep pace with a stampeding herd until his rider had shot down ten or fifteen animals. as a rule, these horses stood about fourteen and a half hands high and weighed nearly a thousand pounds. their sires were usually imported thoroughbreds. the most of that breed of horses have gone to the "happy hunting grounds" where the indian says the buffalo have gone. the gun used was a single barrel, muzzle-loading, flint-lock shot gun, using number twenty-eight ball instead of shot. skill in riding was necessary and quickness at re-loading. fort ellice, where i was assigned to duty, was built on the south bank of the valley of the assiniboine river. it was a beautiful location with charming scenery, about three miles from where the qu'appelle river empties into the assiniboine. the assiniboine valley was about two miles wide and that of the beaver creek about one thousand yards. the fort was built on the top level between the two, on a beautiful plain dotted with little poplar bluffs, with numerous springs of gushing water up at the top of the level in the face of the banks. the river in the centre of the valley winds its tortuous way to empty itself later on into the red river, thence to lake winnipeg, thence to hudson bay and the atlantic ocean. the fort itself was built in a large square, the big front gates being about thirty yards from the edge of the bank which was very precipitous at this point, and well wooded with small trees, ferns and saskatoon bushes. on one side of the square was a long row of one-storey log buildings, with thatched roofs all joined with one another. our carpenter shop was at one end of this row and the blacksmith's shop at the other. the doors or entrances all faced to the fort. there was the men's house, the mechanics' house, the native servants' and dog drivers' houses, also the married servants' houses, each consisting of one large room. a door opened into each from the outside and there was no other means of entrance to any of the other houses in that long row of buildings, except by its own door or down the chimney. two tiers of rough bunks round the walls represented the sleeping accommodations. a large mud chimney and open fire-place provided ventilation. we did all cooking at the open fireside. on the other side of the square, in an equally long row, built in the same style, were warehouses, ration houses, dry meat and pemmican house, flour, pork and beef house, and a well-appointed dairy, with a good cellar and lots of ice. these buildings were one and a-half storeys high and were without chimneys or fire-places. at one side of the big gate in front was the trading store and district office, and on the other side the fur store and reserve stock warehouse. each of these buildings was very long and substantial, fully one and a-half storeys high. the main building in the fort was the factor's dwelling or the "big house," as it was called. this was the quarters of the officers and clerks. it stood well back in the square, its front being in line with the end of the long rows of buildings on either side, so that every house in the fort could be seen from its windows. the "big house" was a two and a-half storey building, with a large kitchen behind, built from the same plan as the officers' dwellings in fort garry, and known as a red river frame building. it had a fine balcony and verandah. the main entrance was in the centre of the building opening into a large recreation and council hall. ============================== [illustration: _carrying supplies aboard an h.b.c. flatboat or scow on the athabasca river. the scow has remained one of the principal links in the company's chain of transportation in this district where tumbling waters make steam or motor boat operation precarious._] ============================== the factor's private office was at the right, and the parlour or sitting-room to the left. the large mess-room, dining-room, and private bedrooms were in the rear. upstairs was a large hall and reading-room, and bedrooms for the clerks. the upper floor was heated with large carron stoves, as well as the hall downstairs, and the trading shop and district office. there were four fire-places on the ground floor and another in the kitchen, as well as a large cooking range. a splendid mud oven stood outside for baking bread and cooking extra large roasts. there was also a fine well close at hand with the proverbial oaken bucket attached to a rope and chain. the "big house" and kitchen were thatched, and all the houses were mudded and white-washed with lime. they presented a good appearance from a distance. a four foot sidewalk ran all around the square, and another one from the front gate to the front door of the "big house." there was a nice vegetable, flower and kitchen garden of about an acre behind the house. the flagstaff stood at the front gate, and the belfry stood outside the factor's private office. while a high stockade enclosed the whole square, so when the big gates were locked at night there was no danger of losing any scalps before morning. (_to be continued_) [illustration: _igloos, the bungalows of eskimo-land, on the east coast of hudson bay. no, that is not a destroyer in the distance. it is a sleigh filled with eatables placed high on a stage of snow blocks out of reach of the vandal dogs_.] ============================== captain freakley married captain norman freakley, superintendent of transport for the company, with headquarters at montreal, came to winnipeg last month to claim a bride from the head office staff of the fur trade department. the captain was wedded december th to miss frances menagh, at st. george's church, winnipeg. miss menagh, daughter of the late mr. and mrs. thomas menagh of cork, ireland, had been engaged with the company at winnipeg for several years. ======================================== two ends to every stick by j. m. green, portage la loche. _oh, it's easy for to sit and grouch when letters don't arrive; letters you've been waitin' for and letters that you prize; and you sit and cuss the postman, and you cuss the bloomin' mail, and maybe you cuss the writer and pile it good and thick, but have you ever stopped to think of his end of the stick?_ _you can sit in cosy rooms back home, the post does all the rest. perhaps to post a letter you walk a block at best. and then you sit and wonder why the devil don't he write? to keep us all awaitin', it's a shame--it isn't right. and you growl like a grizzly. sure; you'd make an indian sick, just because you don't know anything of his end of the stick._ _suppose the nearest mail box was a hundred miles or more. and no one but yourself to pack the letters to your door; and suppose there ain't no street cars, no motors, not a road. just a team of mangy mongrels to help you pack your load; and its forty below zero, and your feet both feel like brick, i wonder what would happen were that your end of the stick?_ _and s'pose the mail man ain't arrived an' spring's set in at last, and there ain't no snow but just the ice arotten' good and fast; and you know to miss the mail man means to wait three months or so before you read a letter, and you don't want for to go, but you can't wait any longer and your heart is mighty sick, i wonder would you grumble, would you grin, or would you stick?_ +-------------------+ | lethbridge | +-------------------+ mr. james young originally hails from scotland, and comes to us from the macleod store to take charge of the dry goods department. mr. young has had wide experience, both in canada and in the old land. mr. p. k. sangster, of new westminster, b.c., has joined the lethbridge staff as advertising manager. mr. sangster was with the i. h. smith co., of new westminster for twelve years, excepting for the period when he was overseas. mr. sangster was one of the fortunate canadian exchanged prisoners from germany. he was picked up on the field in the paschendaele affair, having had four inches of bone blown out of one of his legs. mr. sangster was a prisoner in germany eight months prior to his exchange. after four and one-half years with the lethbridge store, miss annie hurst was presented with a pair of hudson's bay blankets and linen towels prior to her marriage to mr. j. wilsoncroft on january th in st. mary's church of england. a reception was held in the evening at the home of the bride's parents. mrs. mars, manager of the ladies' ready-to-wear department, recently had the pleasure of a visit from her sister, mrs. carney and dr. carney, of great falls, montana. +-------------------+ | nelson, b.c. | +-------------------+ the nelson "store baby" is leaving very soon. she is supposed to be going into another branch of work, but there are those who think it is another style of work altogether. a little bird claims she is a good cook and excellent housekeeper. the hudsonia social club is continuing its good work of last year. several card and dance parties have been held. a big evening open to the public will have been held by the time this goes to press. last year, a similar affair was the hit of the season. ============================== featuring bonnie babies _they are all deserving of prizes and deciding winners was difficult_ promising people indeed are the little pink-toed, plump-jowled babies of h.b.c. fathers who occupy the centre of our interest this month. they are a "full-stage" attraction in this issue of _the beaver_. find them over the page in bonnie _ensemble_; all at that happy stage of life when affectation has utterly no power over dress, expression or gesture. none of them has been specially posed for the occasion; some were snapped at most unconventional moments. there is no sign of race suicide here. yet this showing is only a partial one; we publish only those winning prizes or deserving special mention; and in the limited time allowed for photographs, there was no opportunity to hear from a great many points in the far northern districts. if we could have got them all in this group, surely this would be a "baby show" to evoke the plaudits of the greatest "baby experts." weaklings are notably absent amongst h.b.c. children, and the judges of the group of h.b.c. infants presented in this issue are firmly inclined to the opinion that h.b.c. babes of the types shown score just a little higher than babes ordinarily pictured. the limitation of the prizes to three in number proved a real hardship for the judges, as it was considered the lot of them possessed prize-winning qualities. deciding on the winners was difficult, but awards were finally made as follows: _first prize_-- silver mounted comb and brush set awarded to miss bettie everitt, daughter of mr. b. a. everitt, of the h.b.c. land department, winnipeg. _second prize_-- sterling silver thumb spoon, awarded to kindersley lidstone, son of mr. i. t. lidstone, buyer of crockery h.b.c. store at kamloops, british columbia. this fine baby was born on the day of the th anniversary celebration at kamloops and was named for governor sir robert kindersley by special arrangement. _third prize_-- sterling and ivory bell rattle, awarded to kathleen flora gould, daughter of mr. gould, of h.b.c. edmonton store. [illustration: presenting a bevy of fine babies whose fathers are members of h.b.c. staffs catherine mary bartleman winnipeg age ½ months--wt. lbs. margaret rhoda milne kamloops b.c. age months--wt. lbs. st. prize betty iris everitt winnipeg age months--weight lbs. margaret mitchell edmonton age months--wt. lbs. frank richard rogers winnipeg aged months--wt. ¾ lbs. stanley philip oakes the pas age months rd. prize kathleen flora gould edmonton age ½ months--weight lbs. lilian jessie blake winnipeg age months--wt. ¾ lbs. nd. prize kindersley lidstone kamloops b.c. age months--wt. ½ lbs. margaret l. coulter winnipeg age ½ months--wt. ½ lbs. elfreda grace sewell vancouver age ½ months--weight lbs. mary geraldine wilmot fort william age ½ months sydney roy upton vancouver age months--wt. lbs. james arthur hillman winnipeg age months--wt. lbs. edward ross thompson lethbridge age months--weight lbs. wallace beatty macdonald calgary age months--weight lbs. gwynne shapter calgary age months--wt. lbs. william e. andrews vancouver age months bernard philip jones winnipeg age months--wt. lbs. bonnie gibson calgary age months--wt. lbs.] ================================================== h.b.c. helped settlers remain on land during "lean years" _liberal and constructive policy of company in disposal of its farm land estate in canada has obtained agriculturists for the west and kept them_ probably no institution or organization in canada has done more towards pioneering and paving the way for settlement than the hudson's bay company. from the very beginning, when the first white settlers began to arrive, agricultural lands were made available for settlement by the company in the red river valley, and as the demand increased, prairie lands were surveyed into regular townships, and lands accruing to the company were made available for sale at reasonable prices, and every inducement and encouragement given to agriculturists to settle thereon. there were, of course, in those days, lean years as well as years of abundant crops, but prices which could be realized for grains were usually very low, and facilities for exporting were quite inadequate. there were periods of depression and sometimes hardship, when the early settlers and purchasers of the company's lands were unable to meet their interest payments, and in some cases the farmers could not even meet their taxes. during these difficult times, when lands were not by any means of such great value as they are today, and land was a doubtful security, the hudson's bay company never wavered in its confidence in the future of the west, and in order to assist in maintaining the optimism of the settlers, the company did not unduly press for the liquidation of its purchasers' obligations, but gave every encouragement to the farmers who suffered reverses, would even advance taxes to tide them over until crop conditions improved and they were able to meet their commitments. these conditions obtained fairly often, and by reason of unbounded faith in the future of the prairie provinces by the company's officials, hundreds of settlers and agriculturists were retained for western canada, who in other circumstances would have abandoned their farms and left canada for other parts. long before dominion government surveyors were sent west to sub-divide the prairies into rectangular townships under the existing system of dominion government surveys, and previous to the surrender of rupert's land by the company to the crown, the company arranged to have laid off farming plots fronting on the red river, running east and west to a distance back of two or more miles. the first regular sale of farming land by the company under the government system of surveys is designated as sale no. , the land having been sold to william mckechnie, of emerson, man. the sale was negotiated on the th of august, , covering the whole of section , township , range , east of the principal meridian, containing acres, at the price of $ . per acre, the total consideration being $ , . , which in those days was considered very fair compensation for such land. in the present day administration of the company's land, the same sound policy prevails, and by this time the company has sold many thousands of parcels and continues to make sales, preferring always to deal with and sell to _bona-fide_ settlers. no purchaser of hudson's bay company's farming lands who has made an honest endeavour to cultivate the land and use it for legitimate farming purposes has ever had just cause for complaint in the treatment he has received at the company's hands. lean years are bound to come, and adversity as the result in some cases is bound to follow, and when it is fairly established to the company that the farmer has done his part within reason, he has not been unduly pressed for liquidation of his indebtedness. under the regular terms of hudson's bay farm land sales, the contracts mature in seven years, but it sometimes happens that, on account of adversity over which the purchaser has no control, it has taken him from twenty to twenty-five years before he has been able to fully meet his obligations and obtain title. the company has always been very patient and lenient with this class of purchaser. this method of dealing with settlers and farmers is fundamentally sound, and instead of a dissatisfied purchaser abandoning his interest and leaving the west, he ultimately becomes the possessor of his farm, is retained to canada, and is a worthy asset to the community to which he belongs. the company's persistent policy in dealing with its estate in canada is fully in keeping with its traditions in every branch of its business, and according to the company's land commissioner, "the policy of the directors, as above outlined, has been and is still one of the chief reasons why the company has thousands of satisfied land purchasers, customers and friends with whom it has had dealings during the past forty-two years. "to date the company has disposed of over three and a half million acres of farming lands in the prairie provinces of manitoba, saskatchewan and alberta, and sales continue to be effected at the rate of approximately , acres per month. practically all the lands are sold for development and farming purposes. "the company will continue its sound, proven policy always preserving, under all circumstances, its established name for fair dealing, with the primary object always of contributing, in the fullest measure possible within its powers, towards the up-building of western canada, and incidentally doing its quota towards the building, enlargement and ever increasing integrity of the british empire." ========== dinorwic post news rev. canon lofthouse, of kenora, was a guest over the week-end at the manager's house. tom chief (brother of chief william chief), one of the oldest indians trapping here, died in st. joseph hospital, kenora, on january th, . he was one of our medalists, and a faithful hunter for the company. "the beaver" is awaited with great interest by the members of the staff at this post. it is getting better every issue. we would like to see more news of the fur trade, in this section of the magazine, as this news is of great interest to all in the fur trade department of the company; so all members of it should get busy and gather up all the news they can. the advertising of the company by its employees is another good thing, so all together for it, "_the harder the pull, the higher the flag of the h.b.c._" l. r. johnson (h.b.m.) was confined to his bed three days last month with a severe cold. game overseer w. h. martin, of kenora, paid us an official visit last month. mrs. fred nagle, of fort william, mother of mrs. l. r. johnson, was visiting her for a few days in the month of december. +------------------------------------------------------------------+ we cannot stand still by j. m. gibson general manager, calgary retail _if there is no forward movement, we must slide back, as the power of gravity ever grips where motion has ceased. the business, great or small, that comes to a stand-still with a smile of self-satisfaction is heading for the shelf of dry rot. every business must strive in its present year to beat that of the past, to beat the turnover, the service, the public good-will and the net results. the very strife after these ends develops the initiative, broadens the aspect and reproduces better men; therefore do not hesitate, never stop, but always keep climbing._ +------------------------------------------------------------------+ how shipping rates on goods affect stores' salespower _what change should be made in proposed new freight classification (no. )?_ by j. brown _editor's note._--_a circular letter, dated, th january, from one of the best organized trade associations of canada, indicates that meetings are to be held soon to consider the application of the proposed new freight classification (no. )._ the latterday high cost of transportation so vitally affects the salespower of the company's department stores (as well as other wholesale or retail stores in western canada) that favourable groupings of certain classes of goods under the proposed new freight classification (no. ) are considered important in view of the company's great problem of distribution. while the new schedule is under consideration, h.b.c. traffic men will see the advantage of working to secure a spread of _two classes_ between less-than-carload and full carload ratings on drygoods. it is reported also that every effort will be made to convince carriers that certain lines of drygoods should be listed separately or in greatly restricted groups, instead of being carried, as at present, under extensive groups. it is apparent that an important saving for h.b.c. stores would result from such re-classification in view of the per cent. difference between first and third class and first and second class ratings. under the proposed new freight classification (no. ), certain drygoods shipped in carlots will take a _second class_ rate. the present classification (no. ) on such drygoods gives no advantage in rate for carloads. why classification no. (under consideration) proposes to allow a difference of only one class between l.c.l. and carloads of this commodity is not clear, inasmuch as for other lines of goods a difference of _two classes_ is allowed when shipped by the carload. drygoods certainly should be entitled to take _third class_ rate in carloads. furthermore, both the present classification (no. ) and proposed classification (no. ) arbitrarily "lump" a great number of lines of merchandise in a special class without giving a special carload rate on them (see page , item , no. ; page , item , no. ). one of the aims of the proposed new classification (no. ) is to place a reasonable restriction on the indiscriminate mixing of merchandise which have a basic difference of origin. accordingly, to get the greatest advantage from this classification for the drygoods business, those whose interests are affected will naturally insist upon a reasonable minimum weight for carloads--say , pounds. this would probably mean eliminating, of course, drygoods "not otherwise specified" and substituting certain lines of drygoods which would be entitled to mix and be eligible for _third class_ rate in carloads. a few headings are here suggested for such specified lines: all knitted goods--wool or cotton, such as underwear (men's, women's and children's), hose and half hose (wool and cotton), sweaters, toques, heavy wool gloves. these should be allowed to mix and make up a carload. cloth--and garments made from same. velveteens, velours, cotton velvets and cotton comforters, should be allowed to mix with cotton piece goods. blankets and boots could not mix with other lines. concerted effort on the part of shippers should result in these reasonable, logical and necessary changes being made in the proposed new classification (no. ). in the case of the company, the adoption of suggested amendments along above lines would result in marked savings on freight charges for at least three of the four larger h.b.c. stores. it may be said that the company in some instances could not make up carloads of its own merchandise. granted that this is possible, there are a large number of forwarders in every city of importance and it is not difficult to have smaller packages included at carload rates. table --------------------------------------------------------------------- load (lbs.) | class | from | to | freight | saving ------------+----------+-----------+------------+-----------+-------- , | st l.c.l.| montreal | winnipeg | $ . | , | rd c.l. | montreal | winnipeg | . | $ . | | | | | , | st l.c.l.| montreal | calgary & | | | | | edmonton | $ . | , | rd c.l. | montreal | winnipeg, | | thence by | rd c.l. | winnipeg | calgary & | | | | | edmonton | . | $ . | | | | | , | st l.c.l.| liverpool | winnipeg | $ . | , | rd c.l. | liverpool | winnipeg | . | $ . | | | | | , | st l.c.l.| liverpool | calgary & | | | | | edmonton | $ . | , | rd c.l. | liverpool | winnipeg, | | thence by | rd c.l. | winnipeg | calgary & | | | | | edmonton | . | $ . ===================================================================== table --------------------------------------------------------------------- load (lbs.) | class | from | to | freight | saving ------------+----------+-----------+------------+-----------+-------- , | st l.c.l.| liverpool | calgary & | | | | | edmonton | $ . | , | rd c.l. | liverpool | winnipeg, | | thence by | st l.c.l.| winnipeg | calgary & | | | | | edmonton | . | $ . ===================================================================== table --------------------------------------------------------------------- load (lbs.) | class | from | to | freight | saving ------------+----------+-----------+------------+-----------+-------- , | st l.c.l.| montreal | vancouver | $ . | , | rd c.l. | montreal | winnipeg | | thence by | st l.c.l.| winnipeg | vancouver | . | $ . ===================================================================== as at present possible on groceries, for example, we can cite an instance of freight being saved by taking carload rate to winnipeg and thence to calgary or edmonton through a forwarder. below is a statement of a shipment which moved recently: old way-- barrel of pickles, pounds, liverpool to calgary, l.c.l. rate, at $ . $ . new way-- barrel of pickles, pounds, liverpool to winnipeg, c.l. rate and winnipeg to calgary, c.l. rate, including forwarding charges at $ . ½ $ . the saving of freight on this barrel of pickles alone was $ . . table no. above shows class rate comparisons and will make clear the savings possible on drygoods shipments under proposed new grouping and loading. supposing in some cases it were not possible to make up a carload of drygoods for calgary or edmonton, shipments from liverpool to winnipeg in carloads and thence to the alberta points by first class or less than carloads would still show an appreciable saving as indicated by table no. . due to our inability to make up carloads from winnipeg to vancouver--and the combined carload rate from montreal to winnipeg and l.c.l. rate from winnipeg to vancouver being larger than the through l.c.l. rate from montreal to vancouver--this saving in freight cost would not be felt on montreal or liverpool shipments of drygoods to vancouver. the reason for this is indicated in table no. . the comparatively lower through l.c.l. rate from montreal to vancouver is made to meet competition with the slower but cheaper water route via the panama canal. +---------------+ | winnipeg | +---------------+ [illustration] confirmed winnipeg bachelor meets waterloo _the happy couple "shot" soon after the event._ by our staff photographer this is the tale of a white-coated masseur who used to be perhaps something of a woman-hater, the tale of an irresistibly beautiful maiden in distress, and of the gossamer strands of a brunette coiffure which were too short--oh, far too short. it's a story you'll never forget as long as you can remember it! the co-respondent in the case, the debonair gentleman in question, mr. william saalfeld, administrator of winnipeg store's beauty parlor, though usually triumphantly successful in the treatment of the feminine's crowning glory, was baffled to the point of desperation. (ha!--the plot fattens!) try as he might, he, the designer of fabulously rare head-dresses, could not induce this charming madam's hair to stay "coiffed." finally in great disgust, disregarding his reputation for impeccable deportment, _finesse_ and _savoir faire_, mr. saalfeld abandoned this bewitching minx to her fate, her tresses uncombed, un-marcelled and undone. of course, anyone who could not detect a "rat" in this yarn, somewhere, must have no more imagination than an oyster has shins. the fascinating damsel so endearingly referred to is a wax figure, as you might have seen upon close scrutiny of the portrait. the display department in performing some little operation, such as amputating a finger, adding a new one and powdering her face, tossed her pretty locks. mr. saalfeld, whose services were requisitioned (as you have just heard), gave up in desperation. how they finally re-dressed her hair is a professional secret which mr. macgregor refuses to divulge. and the darling maintained a serene silence, only the deep blush upon her cheek betraying how her sensibilities had been offended. while we have no infallible information regarding recent seismographic disturbances in china, we would cheerfully volunteer the information that mr. kaufman sat down quite impromptu and with considerable emphasis during a curling game recently. memory: _applied to efficiency_ by r. j. hughes we are told our brain is composed of thousands of small cells and that the average person in a lifetime only develops a small number. surely we were given a brain to use and not let half or more of it lie dormant. so let us try and see how many cells we can develop; in other words, train your memory to help you more and more, every day. think out a better way of doing some particular duty you have to perform--a way that will save time or result in greater satisfaction to the customer or the company. memorize this and when the opportunity presents itself, give it a trial. this principle applies to any department you may be in, selling, delivering, packing or unpacking; it all amounts to the same in the end, we are all serving the customer in one way or another. a salesman i know greatly improved his position in the company's service, by memorizing the names of all the customers he served. his method was to note the personal appearance of the customer and any peculiarities such as carriage, gesture or attire, at the same time pronouncing the name clearly and making a mental effort to fix it in memory. after the departure of the customer, he occasionally repeated the name to himself. he associated the customer and the name with as many ideas as possible; for example, the particular part of the store where the customer was purchasing or the customer's attitude at the counter. the impression thus made was reinforced by subsequent repetition of the name. similar plans may be used to memorize many other things. the particular "salesman" referred to is now a buyer and he attributes his success in a large measure to the foregoing. of course, we can't all be buyers, but we can all be a little more efficient and in that way pave our way to greater success. futuristic fables _winnipeg store news as it will, perhaps (?) be reported in the halcyon days of, say, a.d._ mr. george ashbrook, our resident buyer in buenos ayres, south america, wirelesses his congratulations to _the beaver_ upon its attainment to its twenty-fifth year of publication. he adds that the annual revolution in peru will occur two weeks later this spring on account of the prolongation of the rainy season. the marriage is announced of frank r. rogers, the prominent young winnipeg banker, son of our print-shop and book bindery superintendent, to the belle of the season, miss helen ogston, on tuesday next. social circles are all agog over the event. short week-end air flights from surrounding suburbs to see winnipeg with its , , population and its hudson's bay store, are becoming quite the thing. among those who alighted gracefully upon the store's roof-garden 'drome last week-end and dropped in to see us all, we noticed mr. w. j. mclaughlin, of vancouver; mr. j. prest, of edmonton; mr. f. r. reeve, of calgary, and mr. hudson, from hudson bay, the genial senior partner of the firm. mr. reeve stated that his engine had been "missing" ever since he passed over regina. a search party had been organized to locate it. "mac" declares it is still raining in vancouver, but (like the cold one does not feel) coast rain does not wet one! during bonspiel week a very great curiosity visited the store. an old gentleman with a typical scotch tam upon his head roamed through the aisles with the fires of recollection burning in his eyes. the snow of many winters was upon his brow and as he moved gingerly about leaning heavily upon his cane he was evidently an interested spectator of the great progress evidenced on every hand. his manner and garb plainly bespoke that prosperity and independence which possession of plenty of this world's goods always develops. he claimed to be mr. george bowdler, erstwhile champion curler and a member of the store's staff twenty years ago. the store jokesmith mr. conductor, please stop the orchestra just a moment, while we breathlessly inquire whether mr. _tom bone_, reported in january _beaver_ as _vers librist_ and musical instrument maker of vernon, should not spell his name _trom bone_? sounds like sax-oph-one and half-a-dozen of the other to us. (quick, friday, the mallet!) rumored, mr. aulis, in the grocery, has lately purchased a new house. we hope he made a good deal and can sell it, if he wants to, for a $ or so profit, without being called a profiteer! there is a gentleman down here on the prairies who admits he has bowled . mr. samuel beggs offers to tell who it is, if anyone is in doubt. if wishes were material things we bet: _mr. kaufman would have a waist like annette kellerman._ sh-sh-sh! strictly _entre nous_! mr. wood or anybody'll tell you that standing up for the principles one believes in is like learning to roller skate. you won't get anywhere if you sit down too often. do you know --that hudson's bay company's city delivery rigs made , deliveries, travelled , miles, and disposed of , packages during the year ? the figures are given by mr. g. russel, the shipping room manager. --that the hudson's bay company's shipping department despatched to out-of-town points by express, freight and mail, , packages during the year ? --that the dining room manageress, miss beggs, states that her staff served , meals during the month of december, . ========== write like the dickens is right an oriental paper having an english section printed the following notice: "_the news of english we tell the latest. writ in perfectly style and most earliest. do a murder commit, we hear of and tell it. do a mighty chief die, we publish it and in borders somber. staff has each been colleged and write like the kipling and the dickens. we circle every town and extortionate not for advertisements._" miss constance greenfield was married on february th, at st. luke's church, to mr. norman horton. mrs. horton (nee "connie" greenfield) has been with us for eight years and her place will really seem vacant for a long time to come. we hope the newlyweds will enjoy a regular story-book romance. they will reside at guelph apartments. +--------------------------+ | _wholesale-depot_ | +--------------------------+ several enjoyable skating and toboggan parties have been organized by the members of the staff who have taken full advantage of the mild winter experienced at winnipeg. the dears have taken up curling tuesday night, january th saw the commencement of what we hope to see as a regular feature, ladies' night at the heather rink. four rinks turned out under the direction of such experienced skips as d. swan, alex. thompson, mcmicken and bill phelan. the girls had some good sport, but all couldn't win. d. swan and bill phelan took the honors. _heard next morning:_ st girl--"oh my arms do ache!" nd girl--"only your arms?" rd girl--"they tell me the stones weigh lbs. each." th girl--" lbs., you mean, judging by my back and arms." chorus--"oh, for ma wee white bed." the ladies' rinks miss smith miss poole miss gow miss thomas miss hatfield miss davis mr. a. thompson, skip mr. d. swan, skip miss e. smeaton miss rosenberg miss kellet miss norris miss brown miss m. smeaton mr. mcmicken, skip mr. w. phelan, skip standing p. w. l. swan mcmicken a. thompson w. phelan wholesale packing room played retail delivery january st. the draws resulted in a decisive victory for the wholesale; score to . retail skips wholesale skips tait swan mills mcmicken mrs. peter rennie and son and daughter arrived recently from seattle. miss rose paradis, recently one of our steno. stars, is shortly to be married, and has our best wishes. heartiest congratulations from the wholesale staff to mr. mcdonald on the birth of a son. mrs. mcdonald is doing well. miss c. norris is the latest addition to wholesale staff, taking the place of miss paradis as a steno. star. miss masie styne left us at christmas to take a well deserved rest with her parents on the farm at eriksdale. miss laura sheilds has taken over the switch board vacated by maisie. who is the traveller that sold dud eggs as new laid, and what shall be done to him? ========================================== h.b.c. curling associations, winnipeg, _land department_ --------------------------------------------------- | games | | | skip | played | won | lost | standing ---------------+---------+-----+--------+--------- harman | | | | . bellingham | | | | . mcdill | | | | . joslyn | | | | . --------------------------------------------------- _retail store_ --------------------------------------------------- scott | | | | . bowdler | | | | . pearen | | | | . mills | | | | . ogston | | | | . parker | | | | . tait | | | | . sidey | | | | . macgregor | | | | . healy | | | | . sparling | | | | . pugsley | | | | . -------------------------------------------------- _wholesale--depot_ -------------------------------------------------- a. thompson | | | | . johnson | | | | . swan | | | | . veysey | | | | . poitras | | | | . phelan | | | | . brock | | | | . kinsman | | | | . mcmicken | | | | . o. thompson | | | | . +------------------+ | calgary | +------------------+ _retail store news_ [illustration: _photograph taken august st, , at h.b.c. athletic grounds, calgary. first men of the store to enlist at the outbreak of war, in tenth battalion._ back row--a. b. dowty. s. atwell. h. bennet. j. gough. f. h. davies. d. morris. h. bennet, has now returned to calgary. s. atwell, killed at st. julien, april nd, . a. b. dowty, wounded and gassed at st. julien, april th, , now back in the store. f. h. davies, wounded at craters, st. elois, june th, , obtained commission and was killed at mount st. eloi, vimy ridge. j. gough, gassed at st. julien, april nd, , now at victoria, b.c. d. morris, with tenth battalion till september th, transferred to headquarters, rd echelon; now at newtown n. wales.] why not a hudson's bay bonspiel week? is it possible for the stores or other departments in the company's service to hold a bonspiel, say in the last week of february, choosing some central point, calgary, for instance. curling has many fans amongst hudson's bay men and some crack rinks could be assembled. could it not be arranged under the auspices of the h.b.a.a.a. and become a yearly event? as the rinks consist of four men only, could they not be spared during the bonspiel period? it would undoubtedly arouse much interest and enthusiasm in the company and is good publicity too. _sweep hard, you curlers, and let's have some suggestions._ as a starter, calgary issues a challenge to any rink in the service.--_calgary h.b.a.a.a._ a noteworthy event baby stoddart was the first arrival in calgary in . roy stoddart of the carpet department is the proud father of the fine son, who arrived at a.m. new year's morning, and is the recipient of many useful gifts presented by the calgary _herald_ and city merchants. random shots miss patton, our hosiery buyer, says: "window space, like hosiery, gets most attention when properly filled." mr. herring, in men's furnishing department, says: "no wonder we can't buy a cigar for five cents--look where the price of vegetables is." mr. mckernan says: "speaking of women having more sense than men--did you ever notice that when the baby gets big enough to walk, father wants to give away the baby carriage, but mother puts it up in the garret?" george gauld expects to compete in the skating carnival, . the new figures that george cuts while on the ice are somewhat sensational! "stop the press" flash.--bud fisher will wear that beautiful new tie on easter sunday. bud always goes to church "easter sunday." mrs. f. wallis, of the audit office, left the store last month after four years' service. on behalf of the staff with which she has been associated, miss i. dunlop presented her with a beautiful cut glass salad bowl. mrs. m. moodie, of the office staff, is on a three months' visit to ireland. from letters received, she seems to be having a wonderful time. mrs. mccracken (nee miss watson), buyer of the ladies' furs, is leaving after nearly seven years' service. she had a recent offer of a better position, and accepted it--_she is going to devote her energies to looking after her husband and her home_. the best wishes of the whole staff go with her. mrs. mccracken is to be succeeded by mrs. thorburn from the winnipeg store, who is assured of a hearty welcome to calgary. january dance lively affair with plenty of "jazz" music and real girls who knew all about dancing and its inventor, the calgary store staff held their monthly dance on january th, at hickman hall. with all the store boosters helping it along, it could not help but be a success and those who were present will tell you it was the best dance of the season. our calgary editor, frank reeve, was the only one of the store managers present. he promises to bring more of the buyers and other store managers with him if he has to burn up his own gasoline to get them there. our ever-smiling dining room manageress was in no small manner responsible for the success of the dance. calgary boys are enthusiastic curlers by lou dole the calgary stores' curling club, like everything under the direction of the athletic body of the big store, is an unbounded success. no game that one could mention is without its followers in our store and not only are they followers of the rock and broom game, the boys who have taken it up are good at it, at least they will say so and are willing to back up their assertions at any time. jack smith is moving around the store with a lot of extra pep. he is skipping the only undefeated rink at present. jack took the first game from our g.m. and the second round was also a win for him after a hard battle with bill cunningham. the following skips have broken even so far: j. m. gibson, bill cunningham, joe marsh and hutchinson. a bottle, _two calgary girls--a policeman--and the boarding house missus_ by g. brennand some mixup--not the bottle and the girls, but the girls and the boardin' house missus. miss "joe" hickey, who hails from owen sound, and miss irma oliver, from the gateway city, winnipeg, came together in mrs. boyd's invoice office. they decided to room together forever. if there is such a thing as two girls marrying--they married--and so one wednesday afternoon they set out to seek lodging quarters. the first place they called, the woman looked them over and said, "awa' wi' you! i'll have no young and beautiful girls amucking up my parlor with their boy friends." at the next place they were in luck. so the story goes, the boarding missus referred to above, welcomed them, welcomed them with the odor of scotch and cloves. they were to have the "two-room" suite in the attic, including use of the front "piazza." joe thought it was a cook stove and irma giggled in delight; she thought it was a christmas cake. so they moved in. as all "movings in" are dressed up by the imagination they were going to have such fun in this "dear" of a place--they talked of parties with coca-cola and everything! then they retired--poor joe woke irma up and said, "did she (the woman of the scotch and cloves) say this was a _feather_ mattress?" sleepily irma said, "yes." joe pushed irma out on the floor. "you sleep there then, it's my turn to sleep on the feathers." in the morning, they broke the ice in the pitcher to get water. irma said, "not for me; ice baths may be well for mrs. blair, who has time to take 'em, but not for me, i've got that old card to punch!" with a dab here and a dab there of a little powder, they were away to work. coming home at night, bubbling over with anticipation and parcels oozing out of every pocket, they arrived in the "suite" with the piazza n'everything. there on the mantel rested an empty scotch bottle! someone had removed the chair and the curtains. evidently the bottle was left as payment. poor irma, through her tears, said, "joe, this is no place for respectable folks, let's move again." the boarding house missus, who had been listening with her ear to the keyhole, tumbled in the door, for the lock was broken too, "i'll hold your trunks," and poor irma blubbed, "when you button your coat your trunk is locked. so is mine. we'll see if you will." and away they went to the policeman on the corner. he said, "go to the sergeant; i've troubles of my own." the sergeant said, "pay your rent; then move." and so they did! in the next episode of this serial, the young ladies, our heroines, are nestled peacefully in the folding bed that went with the third floor back, in the travers block. ========== mrs. clarke, buyer of the ladies' ready-to-wear, is at present in the east. she finds conditions there are a little difficult as to hotel accommodation. she has been able to pick up some very smart lines in coats, dresses and suits. mrs. clarke writes that indications in new york point to a coat and dress season. taffetas are also to be strongly represented. if any of the ladies are in doubt as to the whereabouts of joe marsh at the dances we would advise them to look into the kitchen. no, joe doesn't stay there because he is tired--he's fond of the lunch part of the dance. curling has taken such a hold in the store that the fair sex are coming out at the next game with a couple of strong rinks. the girls have been reminded to get out the old style skirt and dig up their rubbers for the game. we are not going to mention any names, but we will say that she does the typing for our associate editor, and more than that, she is a real nice girl. the same girl wants to know why they turn out the lights for a moonlight waltz if they won't allow you to get up just a little closer? a heated debate was started among the men on the sixth floor the other day, as to who is the most popular man in the store. after considerable argument, it was unanimously agreed that the porter who closes the windows at : was the lucky man. ed. note--(the store closes at . ). there's a big wide smile wandering around in the wholesale tobacco department in these days, and if you should run up against it you'll see behind it the happy face of mr. sadler. yes, sir, he'll tell you, it's the finest boy you ever saw, by heck, he's so much like me you can't tell us apart; furthermore, i've got money that says he's the second baby in the hudson's bay service, being born on january th last. we regret that miss finn and mrs. goodman of the ready-to-wear section are at present indisposed. here's hoping for their speedy recovery. +---------------------------------------+ | _montreal_ | | _h.b.c. eastern buying agency news_ | +---------------------------------------+ miss a. k. smith, of vancouver, and mr. w. g. florence, of edmonton, are again in montreal. this time, however, their visit is merely a "stop over" as they are en route for europe where they are purchasing, not only for their own branches, but also for the new victoria store, which is to open next summer. mr. florence tells us that he has been transferred to victoria and will enter upon his new duties some time in june. he will take with him the very best wishes of the e.b.a. staff. the following shoe buyers, who have been attending the convention at milwaukee, are again in montreal: mr. s. d. wilson, vancouver, retail mr. h. n. parker, calgary, retail mr. w. e. johnson, edmonton, retail mr. a. c. dunbar, winnipeg, retail [illustration] +--------------------+ | edmonton | +--------------------+ _retail store notes_ [illustration: _left to right, front row, officials and team:_ _g. roberts, team manager; p. a. stone, president a. & a.a.; a. carmichael, defence; h. perry, sub.; m. coleman, left wing; m. r. baker, centre; j. howey, right wing; s. stephens, defence; d. alton, goal; s. ferris, sub.; d. mackenzie, sub.; f. f. harker, store manager; j. d. mclean, supt._] h.b.c. edmonton hockey team sensation of season _but they have yet to reckon with h.b.c. vancouver!_ having entered a team in the senior city hockey league, it was apparent that some good opponents would be encountered, so the h.b.c. team settled down to hard practice. having beaten two mercantile league teams in exhibition games by scores which savored more of cricket than of hockey, they opened their league engagements against the university of alberta, and a few days later played the alberta government telephones. many good judges of the game were of the opinion that either of these two teams would be champions of the league, but the h.b.c. boys played the 'varsity to a draw of - , and beat the 'phones - . the 'varsity game was a stunner, thirty minutes extra time failing to break the deadlock. the 'phones had already won their opening league game and were confident of winning, but they were disappointed, our boys beating them on merit. following up these two games, we met and defeated the south side team, - , on january th, and now head the league. all the players are members of the h.b.c. staff and incidentally of the amusement and athletic association, under whose auspices the team is entered. we hear vancouver store has a hockey team, and we certainly long for a wallop at them on their own ice. monthly dances becoming popular on tuesday, january th, the association gave another very enjoyable dance in the memorial hall. about two hundred couples participated. everyone was highly delighted with the fine floor and the splendid music rendered by boyle's orchestra. judging by the ever-increasing numbers who are attending these monthly dances, they are becoming very popular. ========== miss moore, pianist in the music department, is causing no little comment among the customers who crowd around this department to hear her splendid accompaniment in conjunction with the pathephones. the effect is exactly like an orchestra. mr. roberts, who resigned from the company's service in , to enter the employ of w. e. campbell co., of lacombe, has returned to edmonton to manage the dress goods section, recently vacated by mr. florence. mr. lockie, who has been in the dress goods department since his return from overseas, has been promoted to buyer for the staple section. we extend to him our most hearty congratulations. miss macdonald, the assistant manager of the millinery department, and miss peterson, the millinery trimmer, have just returned from a business trip to calgary. mr. harkness, until recently assistant manager in the staple department, has been transferred to the men's furnishing department as assistant to mr. chassey. the grocery department has been closed out completely in order to make room for the new furniture department. the groceteria is to be continued more aggressively than ever. salesman should be active socially, but not to excess by w. g. cunningham, _asst. supt._ besides his duties to the company and to himself, the salesman has a definite place, and definite duty towards his community. social relations are helpful in gaining selling success, and a good salesman always has many friends, but like all other classes of people, he must choose his friends with care, for we are all judged by the friends we make and keep. the salesman should always be of the social type, the kind that is fond of good company, but he must never let the social duties encroach on his business sufficiently to impair his efficiency. social ambitions are dangerous to successful selling. an evening out occasionally at a social function with several nights intervening for quiet rest is a good rule. when a salesman loses the sleep he needs he will soon develop into the order-taker type. it takes live, wide-awake human effort and energy to make sales. we must have confidence by g. salter _unless_ the general manager has confidence in the merchandise manager and his buyers-- _unless_ the buyers have confidence in the sales force-- _unless_ the sales force have confidence in the merchandise they are selling-- we cannot hope to have the confidence of our customers. the whole h.b.c. merchandising system is built on _confidence_. the merchandise we buy and sell must be of that same quality as the old hudson's bay company have sold and traded for the past two hundred and fifty years. confidence in the old company for quality of merchandise and for fair dealing with those we sell to and those we buy from must be maintained at all cost. ========== an ode to our flappers _her tiny ears are covered, with her hair of golden brown, her swan-like neck is open to the gaze of half the town; her ankles, trim and graceful, that delight the roving eye, with a filmy gauze are covered, to intrigue all passers by._ _a thing of youth and beauty, as she gaily trips along, with her laugh and with her giggle, and her little snatch of song. her head both light and empty, she holds up like a queen, the "flapper" of the moment, thus upon the street is seen._ _what dwells within the compass, of that decorated head? what thoughts and what ambitions, and what dreams within are bred; is she a painted puppet, but for laughter and for scorn, a little social butterfly that but for play was born?_ _there is ethleen mcewan, and pert little alice wright, there's vivacious bessie ogilvie and cute ruth williamson, there are scores of other heart breakers, employed at edmonton, we've got to hand it to 'em, whether it's right or wrong._ _will they be sedate and serious, as the years speed on apace? or grow more mature in wisdom, and more matronly in grace? shall youthful effervescence, disappear in lightsome gleam, and the "flapper" be a woman, yes, the woman of our dream._ --with apologies, j.p. edmonton wholesale news edmonton wholesale is busy with outfit , getting food supplies ready to ship north. it is with considerable satisfaction we feel that while other houses are slowing down we are obliged to keep going at full speed. mr. john sutherland, of fort mcmurray, spent several days in edmonton last month, and mr. h. n. petty, accountant at grouard, has been transferred to mcmurray in the transport service. +-------------------+ | vancouver | +-------------------+ [illustration: _picturing a group of h.b.c. vancouver store elevator operators, with the starter and sentry._ _these young ladies have more "ups and downs in life" than others, yet withal preserve an equanimity and amiability throughout the day that has endeared them to their fellow employees and added much to the popularity of the store._] ========================================== rest room antics after all, associating with the store family day after day is not so unlike going to school, is it girls? there is no pleasanter sight than to watch the younger set enjoying the tripping of the light fantastic toe at the luncheon hour in the employees' rest room. another pleasant feature of this hour of recreation is to see with what good humour and patience the senior employees gather around the walls in order to allow the young folk scope for using their superfluous energy. always, too, one or another can be found to play the waltz or two-step for the merry-makers. this is as it should be, and the spirit of "give and take" thus inculcated will be of inestimable service in the building of character. ========== mr. h. t. lockyer, our general manager, was recently made a member of the vancouver rotary club. "he profits most who serves best." mrs. mcdermid is back in the children's section again after an illness which lasted nearly two weeks. are we, or are we not going to have a cricket club this year? have we the players? if so, will they organize and get ready for practise? any employee of the store who wishes to play this year should send in his name to mr. winslow as quickly as possible. miss a. k. smith is in england purchasing notions, laces, and other lines for the victoria store, as well as for her own departments. mr. w. r. boyle is in the east making purchases for his department. a line of dresses he bought to sell at $ . and $ . were sold off quickly. mr. s. d. wilson is in the eastern markets after having attended the shoe convention in milwaukee. mr. j. white, london buyer, was a welcome visitor in vancouver recently, on a flying trip. his first-hand information as to market conditions in the old land will be of great assistance to the buying staff here. capt. t. p. o'kelly, assistant to the fur trade commissioner, is in vancouver in connection with company transportation business. strong h.b.c. hockey aggregation at vancouver _but could vancouver get away with this stuff against edmonton h.b.c.?_ ice hockey has taken a hold on the staff to such an extent this winter that we are able to produce one of the foremost teams in the commercial league. the team is on an even basis with the speedy kerrisdale team for first place. these two teams have not met as yet, but when they do it is safe to say it will be one of the hardest contested games of the season. it is interesting to note that our hockey team has not lost a game as yet. our genial general manager witnessed the h.b.c. team double the score on the c.p.r. septette and personally congratulated each of the players on their fine showing. we hope to see him at all the games. our all-round sport champion, "jimmie" mcdonald, can make them all travel. when it comes to goal getting, "jimmie" ranks as one of the best in the league. our stonewall defence, timmins, anderson and ham, are just about the pick of the league. percy timmins, our coming star defence player, is a decided attraction to the games, especially to the fair sex, eh what? "doc" almas can still step out and show the younger ones how to get goals, as well as stop 'em all when they come. we would be glad to hear of any eastern h.b.c. teams that are prepared to make a tour. we can't guarantee gate receipts or expense accounts, but we can assure them a "whale" of a good time if they come to vancouver. in our three games this season, only six goals have been scored against us. this speaks well for our goal-tender, w. barber.--_l. a. keele._ dance at navy league hall one of the most successful dances of the vancouver season was the h.b.e.a. affair on january th, at the navy league hall. mr. and mrs. h. t. lockyer and mrs. leonard lockyer honored the function with their presence and a thoroughly enjoyable time was spent by all the three hundred fifty guests. dancing commenced at p.m. and continued until a.m. w. garden's orchestra rendered selections which were highly appreciated. dainty refreshments were served, and the whole event proved to be a further laurel in the crown of the able social committee of the h.b.c. welfare association. ========== what's in a name a stalwart swede stepped into a corner drug store. "i bane sick," said he to the clerk. "and i want some viskey." "nothing doing," answered the clerk. "don't you know the country is dry?" but he added, "you might be able to get some squirrel whiskey over there at that saloon." across the street the big swede made known his wants. "squirrel whiskey," yelled the astonished proprietor, "we don't have such a thing, but," in a whisper, "i can fix you up with a little 'old crow.'" the swede shook his head. "i no want to fly," he answered, "i yoost want to yump around avhile." vancouver welcomes h.b.c. arctic navigators _captain henry hendriksen and engineer rudolph johnson return to vancouver after six years in the north_ by mrs. jack hawkshaw [illustration: _captain hendriksen (left) and engineer johnson (right)_] whether it's because of the climate or because the hearts of those in the west are big, we know not, but the fact is recognized that no branch of the company's service gives a heartier handshake and welcome to the company's employees than does vancouver retail. when captain hendriksen and engineer johnson dropped in recently after spending six years in the frozen north, they were royally welcomed here as brothers in the h.b.c. captain hendriksen and engineer johnson operate the h.b.c. gas schooner "fort mcpherson," a boat of fifty tons which, together with the "ruby" left vancouver in to carry provisions to the company's western arctic posts together with lumber and materials for the building of a post at herschel and baillie islands. fair weather and good luck attended the expedition until it reached point barrow where ice was encountered and they were compelled to fall back to tellar point, a hundred miles north of nome, alaska, before returning south, where the cargo of the "ruby" was discharged and the "fort mcpherson" beached for the winter. in july, , the "ruby" returned from the south, picked up her cargo again, and with the schooner "fort mcpherson," set sail for herschel island, arriving there in august, . since august, , the company has opened seven fur trade posts in the western arctic, the first being at herschel island; then followed one at baillie island, two hundred fifty miles east of herschel and since then others have been established at kittigazuit, aklavick, fort thomson, three rivers, kent's peninsula and shingle point. the "fort mcpherson" is the company's supply boat which during the summer distributes the goods sent to herschel island and to the small posts in the arctic. captain hendriksen and engineer johnson are on their way to winnipeg on vacation. during their leave of absence, the "fort mcpherson" will remain at kittigazuit. it is the captain's intention to continue this trip to the home of his aged mother who is about to celebrate her centenary in denmark, and whom he has not seen for thirty years. the journey to the coast was, as they term it, an uneventful one, being the same kind of an experience they are accustomed to and which is part of the daily round of all the company's employees in the arctic. but to us it reads like a fairy tale. imagine, if you will, two men starting on a twelve hundred mile "mush" from herschel island to fairbanks in a sleigh drawn by four large "huskies." the frozen country they traversed is broken only by the remains of a once great forest, an ice-locked lagoon, horizons bounded by irridescent glaciers whose tips pierce the sky--and over all the sparkling arctic sunshine flooding the wide plains which stretch away to the mystery of the world. in their long hike they met no human being except one roving band of indians. but they saw immense herds of cariboo, many moose, and now and then a cinnamon or grizzly bear. and all the while, the thermometer ranged from to degrees below zero. at night they rested under the canopy of the stars in a small tent perched impertinently in one of earth's most awful and majestic solitudes. picture to yourself the long trail, the occasional pause in the wilderness to stalk and kill a cariboo or moose for food to replenish the larder of the voyageurs and their faithful dogs. their journey lasted for forty days. arctic blizzards crossed their path. these stout hearted men, however, were able to make their way through to seaboard and embark for civilization for the first time since before the great war. h.b.c. salespeople will be on _qui vive_ during coming outfit stores generally realize that the coming six months will test the worth of salespeople more than for many months past. we haven't been selling goods; _we've been handing them out_. _people have been anxious to buy._ a change has taken place. the public is inclined to look for further price reductions. h.b.c. people know that the goods on our shelves have been bought wisely and well. every advantage of our buying organization was used in their assembling. the same goods cannot be purchased elsewhere for less money; that gives the sales-person confidence in selling. let us prove to the company that we are _salespeople_--not order takers; let's do this by being willing, courteous and eager to please. ========== acknowledging receipt of the company's anniversary brochure, mr. david russell of departure bay writes: "if i may be allowed to quote kipling (with slight alteration) to illustrate the inseparable connection between the history of the growth of the hudson's bay company and canada as a nation, i would say," _god took care to hide that country till he judged his people ready, then he chose you for his whisper, and you've found it, and it is ours._ it is sentiments like this from people who have been customers of the company for years that should spur us to honour the great name that our company has earned during its two hundred and fifty years of serving the people of canada and make us the more proud to be servants of this great institution. the situation _in canadian trade and finance_ (from reports of the union bank) the canadian official record shows that the increase of wholesale prices of all commodities reached in may, , over the average prices of the year , was per cent, and that, as between the figures for may and december, a decline of almost fifteen per cent. was recorded. the decline was especially noticeable in the prices for grains, fresh vegetables, breadstuffs, tea, coffee and sugar; certain items in the textile group--cotton, silks and jutes, also show declines. _canada's volume of trade increases half billion_ notwithstanding the fact that an adverse balance will be shown for the first time since the outbreak of the war, the year was a record one so far as the total trade of canada is concerned. statistics for the twelve months ending october, (the latest figures available), show that the total volume of trade amounted to $ , , , , an increase of $ , , as compared with the previous twelve months' period. the unfortunate feature, however, is the excess of imports amounting to more than seventy-five million dollars, which compares with a favorable balance of about three hundred and fifty millions for the twelve months ending october, . practically the whole of the half billion dollar increase in the total volume of trade is due to the growth of our imports for our export increase amounted to approximately only eleven million dollars. the important feature of the statistics is the record of our buying and selling with the united kingdom and the united states. compared with last year, our imports from the united kingdom have increased to the extent of nearly one hundred fifty millions. _canadian banking system demonstrates merit_ on account of the fact that practically all the business of canada is transacted through its banks, the canadian banking system enjoys a unique position compared with the systems of other countries, and accordingly the statement of the chartered banks of canada for the year ending october, , reflects better than any other medium, the actual business condition of this country. [illustration: _loading the boats at an h.b.c. inland post. the start of a long journey to the great auction market in london._] _banks curtailed credit to stabilize business_ much has been said and written in criticism of the policy of the banks in curtailing credit, but there is not the least doubt that the present comparatively favorable condition of canada is due in good part to the continuous pressure that has been exercised by the banks, throughout the year, to restrict advances. notwithstanding this effort on the part of the banks, current loans are higher by three hundred million dollars than they were a year ago. if a conservative policy had not been adopted, the increase in loans would have been considerably greater; as it stands, the increase is balanced by a corresponding decrease in holdings of government securities, acquired originally in connection with the dominion and imperial governments' war financing, and now redeemed. ========== be a booster by j. h. pearin _boost, and the trade boosts with you, knock and you shame yourself. everyone gets sick of the one who kicks and wishes he'd kick himself._ _boost, when the day is cloudless, boost through the cold and rain. if you once take a tumble, don't lie there and grumble, but bob up and boost again._ _boost for your comrades' advancement, boosting makes toiling sublime, for the fellow whose found on the very top round is a booster every time._ hudson's bay company incorporated [illustration: pro pelle cutem] for service value, h.b.c. "point" blankets are unparalleled obtainable at all department stores and posts of the company throughout canada. _standard prices:_ _ point size-- x in., $ . pr._ _ ½ point size-- x in., $ . pr._ _ point size-- x in., $ . pr._ none genuine without the seal of quality. [illustration: the "little trapper" wears a warm coat made from a -point blanket] * * * * * transcriber's notes: punctuation errors repaired. pages seven and eight in the article titled "explorations by adventurers of the h.b.c." has two paragraphs with opening quoation marks without closing them. as no obvious conclusion could be reached, this was retained as printed. pages and , the article titled "h.b.c. pioneer steamer ruled west coast trade years" had a final paragraph that was split across these two pages. it was brought from page to page . page , "to" changed to "the" (reached the landing place)