Royalty and loyalty or A short survey of the power of kings over their subjects: and the duty of subjects to their kings. Abstracted out of ancient and later writers, for the better composeing of these present distempers: and humbly presented to ye consideration of his Ma.tie. and both Howses of Parliament, for the more speedy effecting of a pacification / by Ro: Grosse dd: 1647 Grosse, Robert, D.D. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A85738 of text R201664 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E397_3). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 119 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A85738 Wing G2078 Thomason E397_3 ESTC R201664 99862165 99862165 114316 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A85738) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 114316) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 63:E397[3]) Royalty and loyalty or A short survey of the power of kings over their subjects: and the duty of subjects to their kings. Abstracted out of ancient and later writers, for the better composeing of these present distempers: and humbly presented to ye consideration of his Ma.tie. and both Howses of Parliament, for the more speedy effecting of a pacification / by Ro: Grosse dd: 1647 Grosse, Robert, D.D. [2], 62 p. s.n., [London : 1647] T.p. is engraved. Place of publication from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "July 7th 1647". Imperfect: heavy foxing in places, affecting text. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Prerogative, Royal -- Early works to 1800. Divine right of kings -- Early works to 1800. Executive power -- Early works to 1800. Kings and rulers -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A85738 R201664 (Thomason E397_3). civilwar no Royalty and loyalty or A short survey of the power of kings over their subjects: and the duty of subjects to their kings.: Abstracted out o Grosse, Robert, D.D. 1647 21866 76 135 0 0 0 0 96 D The rate of 96 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ד ה ד ח ד Royalty Per me Reges regnant Quam bonum est conuenire Regem & Populum conuenire Loyalty Subdite estate Potestati Superem 〈…〉 ROYALTY AND LOYALTY or A short Survey of the Power of Kings over their Subjects : and the Duty of Subjects to their Kings . Abstracted out of Ancient and later Writers , for the better Composeing of these present Distempers : And humbly presented to ye Consideration of his ●Ma . tie and both Howses of Parliament , for the more speedy effecting of a Pacification . by Ro Grosse 〈…〉 By Gods Comand Wee rule this Land . Wee are all Yours And what is Ours . CHAP. 1. THE KINGS ROYALTIE : OR The Power of KINGS over their SVBIECTS . AT the first , there was no distinction , or difference of men ; one man was as good as another : But afterwards , some excelling others in desert , were preferred before others in place . Nature , saith Gregorie , did produce all men alike : but the order of their ments varying , occult dispensation did prefer some before others . But this distinction , which happened from Sin , is rightly ordered by the just judgement of God , that , because all men doe not goe the same course of Life , one man should be governed by another . St. Augustine saith , that God would not that man , a rationall creature , made after his owne Image , should domineere over any but Irrationall Creatures ; not man over man , but man over beasts . Hence it was that those first just men , were constituted rather Pastors of Sheepe , than governours of men : that even so , God might insinuate both what the order of the Creatures did require , and what the merit of Sinne had deserved . If men had continued in their first integrity and state of innocencie , there had beene no use of Emperours , or Commanders : every man would have seemed a King unto himselfe ; nor would he have had any other Law-giver , than God and Nature . But when this could not be obtained , and the perversenesse of degenerous man-kind grew such , as that breaking the bonds of all Lawes , they left nothing unattempted , which did not tend to the height of impiety , there was a great necessity of Magistrates ; without whose prudence , and diligence , a City could not then consist ; and by whose description and putting men into order , the government of each Common-wealth is still continued , and preserved . Hence came the command of man over men : without which , as Cicero saith , neither House , nor City , nor Nation , nor Mankind , nor the nature of things , nor the World it selfe can subsist . For to governe , and be governed , is not onely ( according to Aristotle ) amongst those things that are necessary , but those things that are profitable . And to use St. Chrysostoms words , in our dialect : If you take away judiciall Tribunals , you take away all order of Life : For , as a Ship cannot but miscarry without a Pilot ; and an Army cannot march in due number , or decent order , without a Captain : So , without a Governour , a City cannot be well ordered ; and without a King , a Kingdome must needs come to ruine . If you take a King from his Command , or Authority from a King , we shall live a more beastly life , than irrationall creatures : some biting and devouring others ; he that is Rich , him that is Poore ; he that is strong , him that is weaker ; he that is fierce , him that is milder ; so farre , and to this purpose , the golden-mouthed Chrysostome . With whom , is agreeable that of the Scriptures , In those dayes there was no King in Jsraell : and what follows ? every one did that which was right in his own eies , Iud. 17.6 . So that , as Tacitus hath it , it is better to be under an evil Prince , than under none . The Tragoedian tels us , that there is no greater evill than Anarchie : it brings all things to confusion ; it ruines Cities ; layes waste Houses ; overthrows Armies : but the submissive and due obedience of true Subjects , doth preserve both life and fortunes . An Empire now being constituted amongst men , it must needs be that one , or more , must have the preheminence : The former is called a Monarchie , or a Kingdome ; the latter an Optimacie , or State of the People . A Kingdome then , which is most proper to us , is the Command , or Soverainty of one man , for the good of all . I will not dwell long in describing the causes of it : I would they were as well observed , as they are knowne ; or better knowne , that they might be the better observed . All power over the Creature , is originally in God the Creator : but out of his goodnesse to Mankind , communicated to Man above all others . So that God is the onely Author , and efficient Cause , as of Things , so of Kings : For however there are divers wayes to attaine to the Princely Scepter ; as some have mounted the Imperiall Throne by force and armes ; others by the command of God , have been designed Kings , as David , Hazael , Jehu , and others , of which you may reade in the holy Scriptures ; others have been elected Princes by the Suffrages of the people ; and others borne in purple , by hereditary right , to a Kingdome : Yet it is most certaine , that whether by these , or any other wayes , men doe ascend the Chaire of State , they have their power , whatsoever it is , solely from God ; and ought to use it to the glory of God , and the good of their Subjects . Seneca tells us , that Nature at first did invent a King : which is to be seen both in Animals , and in Inanimates : For the Bees , Cranes , and other living creatures , have their Kings or Commanders : So among foure-footed beasts , the Lyon ; and amongst Birds , the Eagles doe excell . In Inanimates likewise the same is evident ; the Sun amongst the Stars , the fire amongst the elements , sight amongst the senses , gold amongst metals , wine amongst liquids have the precedencie . And to speak truth , under God , the Law of Nature is a speciall cause for to effect and perfect Monarchie . It is certaine , faith that great States-man amongst the Romans , that all ancient Nations did at first subject themselves to Kings : and that was the first name of Government upon earth . The Jews had a Monarchie from Saul to Zedekiah , as may be seen in sacred Histories . The Assyrians from Nimrod to Sardanapalus . The Medes from Arbaces to Astyages . The Persians from Cyrus to Darius the son of Arsamus . The Macedonians from Caranus to Perseus . Herodotus testifyeth of the Egyptians , that they could be at no time without a King , and therefore they did voluntarily carry the rods before them , and submit themselves to be ruled by them . The first King , so far as may be gathered from Antiquity , was called Menes . The same custome was also prevalent among other Nations : The first King of the Indians was Alexander ; of the Trojans , Trojus ; of the Danes , the first that was King , was Graemus ; Brito of the Britains ; Fergusius of the Scots ; Craco of the Polonians ; Attilas of Hungary ; Zechus of Bohemia ; Pharamundus of France ; and Pelagius of Spain . The first Kings that are celebrated of the Grecians , were Saturne , Jupiter , and Cecrops ; of the Garamantes , a people of the middle of Lybia , Cambyses ; of the Romanes , Romulus , from whom at first to L. Tarquinius Superbus , and afterwards from C. Julius Caesar to this day , they have retained a Monarchie . Bellarmine would divine , that the Civill power ought to be immediately , if not by the Law of God , yet by the Law of Nature , in the whole multitude as in its subject ; and from it to be transferred by the same law of Nature to one or more : But he much deceives himselfe , and others also , with such his hallucination . For this power of Life and Death is given by Nature unto none . None seemes to be Lord of his owne Members ; much lesse of anothers . Onely God , who gives Life to Men , hath the power of taking it away from them ; or those , to whom , by a speciall favour , he hath communicated that power . And surely your blood of your lives wil I require ( saith God ) at the hands of every Beast will I require it , and at the hand of Man , at the hand of every Mans Brother will I require the Life of Man . Whosoever sheddeth mans bloud , by man shall his bloud be shed : for in the image of God made he man . Hence is that precept both of God and Nature : Thou shalt not kill . But , if this power were given by Nature unto men , it should surely have been given to one man , rather than to all : for the command of one man ( even Bellarmine himselfe being the Judge ) is the best , and most agreeable unto nature ; but the command of a multitude , the worst . Now Nature in every thing ( as the Philosophers will have it ) doth intend that which is best : So that , out of the politique society , and a certaine forme of Civill Government , there is not any Politique or Civill Power given unto men . But all consent , that all ancient Nations ( as formerly was spoken ) did at first obey Kings : and , that it was the first name of command upon earth . Yea , as Bellarmine himselfe confesseth , Kingdomes are of greater antiquity than Common-wealths . In the beginning of States , ( saith Justine ) the command of People and Nations was in the Kings . It must needs be then , that Kings not receive their power and authority from the multitude , or men , but from God onely the King of Kings . For it is a Maxime and Principle among the Lawyers , that no man can transfer more power upon another than he hath himselfe . Nor is this assertion contradicted , though you should alledge , that Princes , as I said before , are sometimes chosen by men ; more often , if not alwayes , inaugurated by them . For hence it is that S. Peter calleth a King , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the ordinance of man : which is not so to be understood , Causally , as if it were excogitated or invented by men ; but Subjectively , because it is exercised by men ; and Objectively , because it is versed about the government of humane society ; and then Finally , because it is constituted by God for the good of men , and the conservation of humane policie . For the word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} doth recall us to God , as to the first Author of authority : and although Kings are created by men , that is , erected , anointed , and inaugurated by them ; yet the first Creator of Kings is God , to whom all creation doth appertaine , and from whom all power doth come . For there is no power but of God , if we will beleeve S. Paul , who from his Master tels us , that the powers that be 〈◊〉 ordained of God . The Finall cause of sover aignty is the glory of God , and the happinesse of the subject : that a King , as the Keeper of the two Tables in the Decalogue , with one eye looks up unto God , whose Vicegerent he is , in advancing and defending Religion and piety ; and with the other upon his Subjects , that they may live in peace and prosperity . For this cause , saith Epiphanius , are powers ordained , that all things from God may be well disposed and administred to the good order of government of the whole world . This is that goale to which the Princely Champion runs ; which is no other , as Lipsius speaks , than the commodity , security , and prosperity of Subjects . And this is the end which S. Paul expresseth , when as he saith , that the Magistrate is the Minister of God to them for good : Where , by [ good ] we may understand , good Naturall , good Moral , good Civill , and good Spirituall . First , the King is the minister of God to his Subjects for their good naturall , whenas he makes provision of corn and victuals , whereby they may live . Secondly , he is a minister of God for their good morall , when as he doth prescribe such Laws to his Subjects , as that they conforming their lives to them may live honestly . Thirdly , he is the Minister of God to them for good Civill , when as by his sword he doth preserve their persons and estates from injury , and mainteine the publique peace . And lastly , he is the Minister of God for good unto them , good spirituall , when as hee doth advance and maintain Religion and piety , and suppresse prophanenesse and superstition . The materiall cause of Soverainty , is the King and people ; with which , as with its integrall parts , it is compleat and absolute ; and without which , it cannot at all subsist . The formal cause of it , consists in that order which is betweene the King and his Subjects : by which , he is above them , and they under him ; he commands , and they obey ; he rules , and they submit : of which , as Lipsius saith , there is so great a force , or necessity rather , that this alone is the stay or prop of all humane things . This is that same Bond , saith Seneca , by which the Common-wealth coheres ; that vitall spirit , which so many thousands of men doe draw : who , otherwise of themselves , would be nothing but a burthen and a prey , if this soule of command were withdrawn from them . This is that same Circaean rod , with the touch of which both beasts and men become tame and ruley ; & which of all , otherwise head-strong and untractable , makes every one obedient and plyable : each man with the feare of it . A Common-wealth , saith Aristotle , is a certaine description , or order of those men which doe inhabit it . The King , he is above all others , according to that power which God Almighty hath communicated unto him ; and the Subjects , they are under him , by the same authority . And therefore Princes are called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that is , supereminent , seated in a more sublime estate : And Subjects , they are called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , subordinate , reduced into order . The metaphor is taken from military discipline , in which the Commander placed above all others , over-looks the whole body , whiles every one , besides him standing in their ranks , keepe their stations . Whereupon , as souldiers in an Army placed in order , are subordinate to their Captain , and performe obedience to him , as their supream head : In the same manner , Subjects are subordinate to their Prince , and bound to performe obedience to him . Now what this power of a King is , is not of all sides agreed upon . If we looke into the sacred records , we may see the manner of the Israelites King to be described . And Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the people , that asked of him a King . And he said , This will be the manner of the King that shall reigne over you : he will take your sons , and appoint them for himselfe , for his chariots ; and to be his horsemen , and some shall run before his chariots . And he wil appoint them Captains over thousands , and Captains over fifties , and will set them to care his ground , and to reap his harvest , and to make his instruments of war , and instruments of his chariots , And he will take your daughters to be confectionaries , and to be cooks , and to be bakers . And he will take your fields , and your vine-yards , and your olive yards , even the best of them , and give them to his servants . And hee will take the tenth of your seede , and of your vineyards , and give to his officers , and to his servants . And he will take your men servants , and your maid-servants , and your goodliest young men , and your asses , and put them to his work . He will take the tenth of your sheep , and ye shall be his servants . Some , from this description of Samuel , doe think , that the rights of Majestie are set forth : So Luthen ( in Postil . super Evang Dom. 23. post Trinit. Conc. 1. Those things ( saith he ) which are said to be Caesars , Mat. 22.21 . are those rights of Kings which are described , 1 Sam. 8. Now those things which Christ affirmeth to be Caesars , ought of right to be given unto him . So Strigelius in 1 Sam. 8. p. 27. Hic dicunt aliqui describi tyrannum , non regem , &c. Sed textus nominal jus regis , & loquitur de oneribus stipendiorum causâ mpositis . Some say , that here a tyrant is described , not a King ; and that these things are not so spoken , as if the Lord did approve of servitude : but the Text ( saith he ) doth name the rights of Kings , and speaks of burthens imposed by way of Stipend . But these , with others of the same opinion , are much mistaken and deceived . For God constituting Judges under him , was himselfe in a peculiar manner ( which never hapned unto any other Nation ) a King to the Israelites , who now did ask a King of him , as the other Nations had . Hearken ( saith God to Samuel ) unto the voice of the people ; in all that they say unto thee : for they have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me , that I should not reigne over them . Samuel therefore , as the Lord commanded him , that he might reprehend the rashnesse of this people , describes unto them the impune licence , the rage and violence of this man , ( whom , in stead of God , they did desire to be set over them ) and so , in his person , of all kings . As if the Prophet had said ; the lust of this Kings licence shall break forth so far , that it shall not be in your power to restraine it : who yet shall have this one thing betide you , to receive his commands , and to be obedient to him . Insomuch ( sayth he ) that ye shall cry out in that day , because of your King which ye shall have chosen you , and the Lord will not heare you . For Kings are exempted from the punishments of humane Lawes , and have God only to be their Judge and their avenger . The vertue of the Law ( as Modestinus hath it ) is this , to command , forbid , permit , and punish : But no man can command himselfe ; or be compelled by himselfe ; or so make a Law that he may not recede from it . Lawes are given by Superiours to inferiours : but no man is superior , or inferior , to himself . It is impossible therefore for Kings to be bound by their owne Lawes : much lesse , by the Lawes of their predecessors , or the people . For an equal hath not power over an equall : much lesse , an inferiour over a superiour . There are three sorts of Civill government , according to Aristotle : Monarchie , Aristocracie , and Democracie . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . It is necessary , saith he , that the chiefe be one , or a few , or many : For all Nations and Cities ( as that great Secretary of State to many Emperours hath it ) are governed either by the People , or by the Peeres , or by the Prince . As then , in Aristocracie and Democracie , it must needs be that the Government be in the hands of some few , or many : so in Monarchie , it is in one mans hands onely ; whose lawes all men are bound to obey , but himselfe none , save the Law of God . For otherwise , it is not a Monarchie , but a Polyarchie , that is , the state of the Peers , or People . A King subject to Laws , ( saith the Philosopher ) {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , is not a species of a Republike . Cicero being to defend King Deiotarus , before Caesar , begins his oration from the insolencie and novelty of the thing ; telling him that it was so unusuall a thing for a King to be accused , as that , before that time , it was never heard of . C. Memmius a popular man , and of great power , although he were a most deadly enemie to Nobilitie , yet he subscribes to the same opinion . For , to doe any thing without being questioned , is to be a King , saith he . A Prince , saith Ulpian , is free from all Lawes . Dio , his Coaetanie , speaks to the same purpose : They are free from Lawes ( saith he ) as the Latine words doe sound : that is , from all necessity of the Laws , or the necessary observation of the Laws : nor are they tyed to any written Laws . Constantinus Harmenapolus , a Greek Interpreter , to the same sense thus delivers himself . A King is not subjected to Laws ; that is , he is not punished , if he offends . To which , I might adde the common consent of the Interpreters of both Laws , unanimously affirming and concluding , that a King is to give an account for his offences to God onely , and onely before him to justifie his innocencie . Excellently Solomon : Where the word of a King is , there is power ; and who may say unto him , What dost thou ? And therefore the Wise man , in the Wisdome of Solomon , thus addresseth his speech unto them : Heare therefore O ye Kings , learne ye that be Judges of the ends of the earth : Give care you that rule the people , and glory in the multitude of Nations : for power is given you of the Lord , and soveraignty from the Highest , who shall try your works , and search out your counsels . Let us heare some of the Fathers about this matter : Irenaeus tels us , that the Princes of the world having the Laws as the garment of Justice , shall not be questioned for those things they shall doe according to Law and Justice , nor yet suffer punishment : but if they shall practice any thing contrary to Law , in a tyrannicall manner , to the subversion of Justice , in this case they are reserved to the judgement of God , sinning against him onely . Of those things which are committed to Kings by God , they are only to give an account unto God . So far he . Tertullian in his Apologie Rhetorizes it thus : We , saith he , doe invoke the eternall God , the true God , the living God , for the safety of Emperours , whom even the Emperours desire above all others to be propitious unto them . They know who hath given power unto them , who men under them , who their owne soules : They acknowledge it is God onely , in whose power alone they are ; from whom they are second ; next him the first , before all Gods , and above all men . Saint Jerome saith of David , that he repenting , after he had accumulated murther upon his adultery , did say to God , Against thee onely have I sinned , because he was a King , and feared not man . Before S. Jerome , S. Ambrose thus descants on him : David sinned , as most Kings doe ; but David repented , wept , and mourned , which most Kings doe not . That which private men are ashamed to doe , the King was not ashamed to confesse : they that are bound by Laws , dare deny their sin , and disdaine to aske pardon ; which he implored , who was not bound by humane Lawes . He was a King , he was tyed by no Laws : because Kings are free from the 〈◊〉 of transgressions , for they are not called to punisment by the Laws , being free by the power of their command . He did not therefore sin against man , because he was not subject to man . After him let us confort 〈…〉 lar : How far better then is the Emperour , 〈◊〉 not tyed to the same Laws , and hath power to make other Lawes : and in another ●ce , there is a command upon Judges , that they 〈◊〉 revoke sentence that is once passed upon an offender , and shall the Emperour be under the same Law ? for he alone may revoke the sentence , absolve him that is condemned , and give him his life . Gregorie Arch Bishop of Tours , thus speaks to Chelperick King of France . If any of us , O King , shall transgresse the limits of Justice , he may be corrected by you : but if you shall exceed the same limits , who shall question 〈◊〉 for we indeed doe speake unto you ; and if you will , you heare us : if you will not , who shall condemne you , but onely he who hath pronounced him selfe to be Justice it selfe ? Otto Frisingensis writes to Frederick O●n●barius in these words : Furthermore , whereas there is no person in the world , which is not subject to the Laws of the world , by being subject may not be enforced ; onely Kings , as being constituted above Laws , and reserved to the Judgement of God ; are not 〈◊〉 by the Laws of men . Hence is that testimony of that King and Prophet , Against thee onely have I sinned it 〈…〉 then a King , not onely nobilitated with magnanimity of spirit , but illuminated 〈◊〉 divine grace , to acknowledge his Creator , to have alwayes in his mind the King of Kings , and Lord of Lords , and , as much as in him lyes , to take heed by all means not to fall into his hands . For , when as , according to that of the Apostle to every man , It is a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the living God : It will be so much the more fearfull for Kings , who besides him , have none above them , whom they may feare , by how much above others they may sin more freely . Which sayings of the Fathers and other Writers , Divine and profane , thus premised , I cannot but wonder at the stupid ignorance , and ignorant wilfulnesse , of such men , who would make the world believe , that it is in the power of the Pope , or of the People , or of the Peeres , to call Kings in question , and reduce them to order , if they be extravagant . And if there be a lawfull cause , ( saith Bellarmine ) the Multitude may change the Kingdome into an Aristocracie or Democracie ; and on the contrary , as we reade hath beene done at Rome . But to speak truly , there can be no cause , without the expresse command of God , either expressed or excogitated , for which it may be lawfull for Subjects , either to depose , or put to death , or any other way restrain their King , be he never so wicked , never so flagitious . We doe not deny but this thing hath been done at Rome , ( as Bellarmine confesseth ) but by what right , let him look to it . We must not look so much what hath been done at Rome , ( as the Romane Laws advise us ) as what ought to be done . But Bellarmine doth affirme that the King is above the people and that , he acknowledgeth no other , beside 〈…〉 his 〈…〉 temporall things . But to returne whe● 〈…〉 . The power of a King over his people is expressed by Samuel , to which they must of necessity 〈…〉 without resistances . Not that the King was to 〈◊〉 so by right , as Samuel had told the Israelites 〈◊〉 would , ( for the Law of God did prescribe 〈◊〉 a far more differing forme of Government , Then sh●ls in any wise set him 〈…〉 whom the Lord thy God shall choose ( saith Moses . ) But he shall not 〈…〉 to himselfe , nor cause the people to returne into Egypt , to the end that he should multiply horses : forasmuch as the Lord hath said unto you , Ye shall henceforth returne no more that way . Neither shall he multiply 〈◊〉 himselfe that his heart turne 〈…〉 neither shall he greatly multiply to himself silver and gold ) But because it was the common custome of the Kings of the Nations ( whose example they desired to imitate , in asking of a King , as other Nations had ) so to doe . For Samuel doth not speak to him that should be their King , but to the people that desired a King : Yea , and he wrote this Law of a Kingdome , which he there describes , in a 〈◊〉 and put it before the Lord , that is , into 〈…〉 of the Covenant , that it might be for 〈…〉 all for ever , and a testimony to their posterity , of those things which he had foretold . Joseph . l. 6. Antiq. Judaic . c. 5. Where yet we must distinguish , between the rash and gready desire of Kings , and the utility and necessity of Common-wealths . If a King , spurred on by a private desire , and ravenous lust of having , doth claime such things as are there described , he deales unjustly and tyrannically : but if , the safety and necessity of the Common-wealth so requiring , he demands those things ; then , he doth not unjustly , if he doth use his Kingly power . Againe , we must distinguish also betweene the thing , and the manner of the thing . If a King in exacting these things doth observe a just and lawfull manner , and without compulsion & violence doth require the help of his subjects , as their labours , tenths , and tributes , for the supporting of the State , and necessity of his Kingdome ; he cannot be said 〈◊〉 be a tyrant , or deale injuriously : But if he shall goe beyond the bounds of Necessity and ●egality ; and onely shall aime at his owne private ends , to the inconvenience and detriment of the publique good of his Kingdome , he doth abuse his Kingly power , and degenerates into tyrannie . Excellently and satisfactorily to this purpose is that of Lyra ( in Comment . 1 Sam. 8. ) Sciend● quod aliqua sunt de jure regis in necessitate positi , &c. We must ( saith he ) know , that there are some things , which by right are the Kings , being placed in necessity for the common good of the Kingdome , and so all those things which are here expressed , are by right the Kings ; because that , in such a case , all things that are the Kings or Princes , are to be exposed and expended for the common good : Even as we see in the naturall body , that the hand , or any other part of the body , even by instinct of nature , is exposed for the preservation of the life of the who 〈◊〉 But if the ●ight of a King be taken otherwise , out of necessity , then there are more things expressed there , than doe appertain to the right of a King : as all those things which doe make a people to be 〈◊〉 subject , and those which doe not respect the common good , but rather the will of that man that is set above others in 〈◊〉 some . And such things 〈◊〉 the Prophet Samuel fore-tell them , to with d● their minds from asking after a King , because it was not so expedient for them , and because the power of a King , by reason of its greatnesse doth easily degenerate into tyrannie . Gregorio calls the power given unto Kings , Jus Regium turannerum , the Kingly right of tyrants . He calls it ●gly , saith Arnisaeus , because it is common to all Kings : and he calls it the right , or power of tyrants , because it doth easily degenerate into tyranne , i● Kings doe not use it in opportune and convenient time and place , with due moderation . The elect King David , ( as 〈…〉 the fore-named place when he was 〈…〉 unto the Lord , he would not 〈◊〉 at 〈…〉 power and right of tyrants ; but he did 〈…〉 the threshing floore of Araunah the 〈…〉 for his money Yea , and Ahab , even 〈…〉 King , did usurpno such power unto himselfe , when as he sought to acquire the Vineyard of 〈◊〉 for the worth of it in money , or in exchange for a better Vineyard : But whiles he did , upon a pretended crime , take both life and Vineyard away from Na●th , because he refusing the conditions he had propounded to him , he did fulfill the Prophecie of Samuel , and justly suffered the reward of his impiety . So that , though Kings be constituted only by God , & are to give an account of their actions onely to God ; though they be above the people , and for no crime soever may be deposed or coerced by the people ; yet they must not deale with their Subjects as they list : they must neither make slaves of their persons , unjustly oppressing them with their power ; nor yet make havock of their estates , tyrannically usurping them at their pleasure . They must know , that as God hath set them over men ; so it is for the good of those men . They are not onely Lords and Arbiters , saith Lipsius , but they are Tutors and Administers of States . They are lewd and wicked Princes , as he speaks , who being constituted in an Empire , doe think of nothing but to be imperious : And they are proud and carelesse , ( saith he ) who doe think that they are not given for the good of their people , but their people onely for them . For , as in the superiour world , the stars have their splendour ; yet so , as they may be usefull for men : So , in this inferiour would , Princes likewise have their dignity ; yet so , as with it they have their duty . The Commonweal● is by God conferred upon them : but it is committed , as it were , into their bosome ; that it may be fostered and preserved , not ruined and devoured by them . Happy is that Prince , who in the highest pitch of fortune , desires not so much to be held great , as good , in the esteeme of his people ; and he is no lesse fortunate , that can so temper Power and Modestie , the two most differing things , in his behaviour and carriage , as that his people cannot tell whether they shall salute him as a Lord , or as a Father . There are Prerogatives and Royalties , which must by no meanes be denyed to the Prince : and there are Immunities and Priviledges , which must not be kept back from the Subject . The Prince must so use his Royall Prerogative , as that he doth not infringe the Subjects rights ; and the Subjects must so lay claime to their rights , as that they doe not derogate from the Regality of the Prince : That so , he ruling as a Royall Prince , and they obeying , as Loyall Subj● , may be both happy in the enjoyment of each other . Now the Prerogatives which by right belong unto the Prince , are Ripaticks , or watertoles , which are commonly called Customes , for the importing and transporting of commodities , by Sea , Ship-money , the profit of fines and amercements , vacant goods , the goods of condemned and proscribed persons , and other emoluments , which the Lawyers doe terme Royaltyes , which are due unto the Prince , not only for the splendor and glory of his Court , but for the better maintaining of the publique affaires . Princes may al● be use of the propes goods and labours of their Subjects , for the 〈◊〉 of the common , good 〈…〉 may exact tributes , and taxes of the 〈…〉 they may impose Lawes to them , whe● 〈…〉 will or no , and they may command 〈…〉 which doe not repugne the Law of God 〈…〉 of Nature , and the Law of the Land , O● 〈…〉 Christ to the Pharises asking him whether it were lawfull to pay tribute to Caesar or no , looking upon the money which had the impression , and inscription of Caesars image , gave this answer , Render therefore unto Caesar , the things that are Caesars ; and unto God , the things that are Gods . And Saint Paul to the Romans , Render therefore to all their dues : Tribute to whom tribute is due , custome to whom custome , feare to whom feare , honour to whom 〈◊〉 : and the same Apostle to Titus , Put them in minde , to be subject to Principalities and Powers , to obey Magistrates , to be ready to every good worke . For as Seneca hath it , the power of all things pertaine unto the King , the propriety unto the Subject . The King hath all things in his command , every man in their possession . The King hath all things within his dominions , his exchequer onely , those things which properly belong unto him : and all things are within his power , his owne things onely in his patrimony . Rightly Cicero : we must endeavour that we doe not ( which often times happened amongst our Ancestors ) give tribute by reason of the renuitie of the treasurie , and assiduity of wars : which that it may not come to passe , we must make provision long aforehand ; but if any necessity of this duty shall happen unto a Common wealth ( for I had rather Prophecie of another then our own , nor doe I speake so much of our 〈◊〉 as of every Common-wealth ) diligence 〈…〉 that all may come to know and understand if they will bee safe ) that they must obey necessity . For as Tacitus hath it , neither the quiet of Nations can be had without Armes ; nor Armes be had without Stipends ; nor can Stipends be had without Tributes . These , these , ( saith Cicero ) are the ornaments of Peace , and the muniments of Warre . In the beginning of things ( saith Justine ) the government of Countreyes and Nations was in the power of Kings : whom , no popular ambition , but approved moderation , amongst good men , did advance to this heighth of honour . The people was not tyed by any Laws : but the Arbitrament , and pleasure of their Princes , was instead of Laws unto them . Pomponius speakes to the same purpose , Whenas hee saith : And to speake truth in the beginning of our City , all things were governed by the Kings disposall . And Ulpian seconds him : That which pleaseth the King ( saith he ) had the force of a Law : As when by the Royall Law , which is given concerning his Empire , the people doth confer all their power and authority to him , and on him . Whatsoever therefore the Emperour hath ordained & subscribed by writing , or by any edict commanded , it is a Law without contradiction : these are those which we commonly call Constitutions . Justinian the Emperour to Demostenes thus writeth . If the Imperiall Majesty shall have throughly examined the cause , and given sentence to the parties present , let the Judges know , who are within our Empire , that this shall be a Law , not onely for that cause for which it was given , but for all causes of the like nature . For what is greater , what more inviolable than the Imperiall Majesty ? or who is So puft up with the conceit of pride , as that hee dare contemne the understanding of the King ? Whenas the founders of the old law doe plainely & clearely define , that those Constitutions which did proceede from Imperiall determination , doe obtaine the force and vigour of a Law . And a little after hee addeth these words : For , if , for the present , it be granted to the Emperour onely to make Laws , it is onely worthie an Emperour to interpret Laws . Whereupon he thus concludes ; Therefore , these ridiculous ambiguities exploded , the Emperour alone shall be most justly reputed to be both the maker and interpreter of Laws : This Law nothing derogating from the makers of the old Laws : because Imperiall Majesty gave the same priviledge even unto them . By me ( saith the eternall Wisdome of God ) doe Kings reigne , and Princes decree Justice . From whence Saint Augustine ( whose sentence is reckoned amongst the Canons ) doth thus argue : By what right do you defend the Church ? by Gods Law , or by mans ? we have the Law of God in the Scriptures ; and we have the law of man in the Constitutions of Kings . And not far after : Therefore by the law of man , by the Law of Kings . Why so ? Because God hath distributed the Laws of men to mankinde by Kings and Princes . So in another place be thus reasons : For , if it be lawfull for a King in a City , where he hath dominion , to command anything , which neither ever any before him , nor yet he himselfe commanded , and not contrary to the society of that Citie , he is obeyed ; yea , contrary to the society he is not obeyed ( for it is a generall pact and covenant amongst humane society to obey their Kings ) how much more then ought we to obey God the governour of every creature , and serve him , without any doubt , in those things which he hath commanded ? Aristotle teacheth that there are three parts of every Common-wealth : {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . One which consults for the good of the Republique : {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} another which is versed in government : {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a third which doth exercise it selfe in judicature . But that is the chiefest which consults of Warre and Peace , of society and leagues ; of Laws and death ; of banishment and publicating of goods ; of making and receiving accounts . Yet , in another place he seemes to recall these three into two parts , in these words : {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . For there are actions of a City : both of those who doe command , and of those who doe obey : but the scope and office of him that governes , consists in commanding and in judgeing . Of later wrjters Bodinus ( whose sentence yet is approved with the common consent of the learned ) defines this power of the supreame Magistrate ( which he calls by the name of Majesty ) to be an absolute and perpetuall authority over Citizens and Subjects , and not tyed to any Laws . It is manifest therefore , that all other heads of Majesty are included in this absolute power of making and taking away of Laws : Insomuch , that we may rightly call it , the chiefest power of a Common-weale , comprehended in this one thing , which is , to give Laws to all and every Subject , never to receive any from them , For , by his own right , to make warre with adversaries , and at pleasure to contract peace with them , although they may seeme to be somewhat discrepant from the appellation of Law ; yet they are done by law , that is , the command of Imperiall authority : So likewise , it is a Prerogative of Majesty to take notice of Appeales fro higher powers , to give and abrogate Commands to supreame Officers ; to dispose of Offices when they are vacant ; to give Immunities , and free Citizens fró , Laws ; to have the Power of life & death ; to set a price , name and figure upon moneyes ; and to impose an Oath upon Subjects : All which things both of commanding & forbidding , come within the supreame power ; that is , to give Laws to all & every Subject , and to receive from none but the immortall God . These are some of the Royall Prerogatives , which have been premised in generall and promiscuously : but the Politicians are more exact in describing these rights of Majesty and Royaltie , and they make them of two sorts : Greater and Lesser . The Greater prerogatives belonging unto Majesty are those which doe primarily and more principally appertaine to the chiefe authority of the King of Emperour . And they are , First , The power of making and abrogating Laws at pleasure , as the necessity of the Common wealth shall require . For this is , as Bodinus hath it , the prime and principall head of Majesty , and without this the Folitique Power cannot long stand . For it is , as the Juris-consults have determined , the propriety of Law to command . But an Emperour , or King without a command , what other thing is he , than as a dreame without sleepe ? But this must be understood of the Nomothetique or Legislative power , which doth institute Laws by its own authority , and not by the command of another . And therefore , it is more than manifest that the Decemuiri amongst the Romans , who were enforced to seek to the people for the confirmation of those Laws which they had made , as Livie relates , could not be said to make them by the right of Majestie . Secondly , a second Right of Majesty is extreame provocation ; that is , that Subjects cannot appeale from the Laws that are made by Imperiall Majesty . For it is a most certain signe of a limited power , if an appeale may be made from the Law giver to a Superiour . And hereupon Bodinus infers , that the Dictators did not shine with Royall Majesty , and that they were not the chiefe Magistrates , but Curatours onely , or Commisaries , as we call them . For the Father of Fabius did appeale from Papirius then Dictatour unto the people . Ad Tribunos appello ( so Livie repeates his words ) & ad populum provoco , qui plus quàm Dictatura potest , I appeale , saith he , to the Tribunes , I protest to the people , who have more power than the Dictatorship . Now an Appeale ( as Bedinus hath it ) is a Suspension of the jurisdiction of an inferiour Judge , by a lawfull invocation of a superior ; made in the same judicial place , and alwayes ascends with the order of Magistrates , untill it comes to the highest power , in which it must necessarily acquiesce and rest . As for example : In the Romane Empire the chiefe tribunall is the Imperiall Chamber : In France and with us in England , the High Court of Parliament : and in other inferiour Principalities , the Princes chiefe Court . A third right of Majesty , is the Creation of Dukes , Marquesses , Earles , Barrons , and other Noble men . For it is without doubt , that the King or Emperour is the Fountaine of all Nobility and Dignity . Fourthly , another Prerogative of Majesty is the founding of Academies . For this is referred to the eminence & preheminence of Kings & Emperours , & which , the Pope cannot ( as Baldus doth insinuate ) without unjust usurpation ascribe to himselfe . And this , not to speak of our own two famous Universities , the most ancient Academies , do evidence unto us : of which the University of Bononia , the mother of Students , which was first erected by Theodosius , afterwards repaired by Carolus Magnus , and endued by them with many immunities and priviledges , is a sufficient witnesse . What shall I say of the Vniversities of Prague , Paris and Padua , who acknowledge , not without respective gratitude , the Emperours of the same name to be their Founders and Benefactors ? And therefore the approbation of the Pope is not requisite for the founding of an Academy : because the Civilians tell us , that the jurisdiction , which is exercised beyond the territory of him that commands , is most worthily to be rejected . Lastly , other Politicians are wont to referre to the Regalities of Majesty , the Calling of Councills and Synods , Legitimation , Restitution of fame , the ordering of all judicialls , the indicting of war , and conclusion of Peace , and the like , of which you may reade in Althus : in Pol. C. 7. and Thom. Mich : de jurisdict : Concil. 11.32 . and 47. The lesser Rights belonging to Majesty , which the King , or Emperour may more easily dispence with then the Greater , are the Remitting or lessening of penalties and mulcts , customes , tributes , the rights of faires or publiplique Mercats , of which you may likewise reade L. un . C. de nund . Jus Saxon. l. 3. art . 66. and l. 2. art . 26. Mysing . 5. obser. 29. n. 1.2 . Nou. 89. C. 9. Vult . l. 1. Iurisp . c. 23. n. 13. But to returne , where we did digresse , the King , ( who hath the cheife and absolute command in Monarchy ) the parent , yea the author of the law , and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a living law , is far greater then the law : as one , who by authority given him from God , can , when he sees it fitting , whether his Subjects will or no , yea without their consent , either make or abrogate the law . Nor hinders it that he makes use of Counsellours and Ministers , for so he doth lessen his care and sollicitude , which in the government of a Kingdom aright is the greatest ; but not diminish the power of his Command , or Ecclipse his Majesty . The Emperours were wont to say , that we account it of our Princely clemencie ( Worthy Senatours ) if when hereafter any emergent necessity shall happen , either in the private or publique cause , which doth require a generall forme and not inserted in the ancient laws , that it be treated of by all ; as well the Peeres of our Court aforehand , as by your most Honourable assembly : and that , if it shall seeme good to all the Iudges , as well as your selves , it be then dictated as a law ; and so , when you be all met together , that it be read again : and when all shall have consented unto it , then at length that it be repeated in the sacred Consistorie of our Majesty : that so the common consent of all may be confirmed with the authority of our Highnesse , &c. Hence is that , of the Iurisconsults , that a Prince alone can make statutes , although it be his courtesie that he doth admit the Counsell of his Peeres . The Communication of Counsels doth not introduce a Consortship of the Kingdom . For the rights of Majesty ( as Bodinus hath it ) may be attributed to the chiefe Prince ; but not to Magistrates , or private men : but if they be ascribed to either , then they cease to be the prerogatives of Majesty . And , as a crown , if it be distracted into parts , or communicated , loseth the name of a Crown ; so the rights of Majesty vanish if they be communicated with the subject . That which is more evident , by the common decrees of the Lawyers : Those rights can neither be passed away , nor divided , nor any wayes abalienated from the chiefe Prince , nor can they be prescribed by any diuturnity of time . For which cause Baldus doth call them Sacra Sacrorum ; and Cynus the Individualls of Majesty : But if the chief Prince shal once Communicate these unto the subject , instead of a Servant , he is like to have a consort of his Empire : and in the meane while , he loseth the Regality of Majesty , in that he cannot be said to be the chief Prince : because he is chiefe who neither hath a Superiour nor yet Co-partner of his Empire . But because Princes when they are publikely inaugurated , doe religiously promise that they wil maintain the rights of their Ancestors , & the former Constitutions of the Empire , and other things of that nature ; therefore may some thinke they are tyed by their oath to observe them , nor can they with a safe conscience any way relinquish them . To this it is answered , that Princes do no wayes prejudice themselves by swearing , but that they may as freely administer to the good of the Common-wealth , as if they had not sworn at al : for they sweare nothing , but that , to which if they had not sworne they are obliged . For , that which is just and equal , that by their office they are bound to observe and do ; but , to doe that which is evil and unjust , they cannot be bound by any Covenant or promise whatsoever , though they have confirmed it with an oath . Now what is more unjust , than that a Prince should be bound to maintain and keepe those Laws , which it is necessary that they must be either Antiquated , or the Common-wealth come to ruine ? Although all change whatsoever ( as it is in the Proverb ) is very dangerous , yet that of Laws , is most pernicious : And yet it is as certaine on the other side , that the change of manners doth efflagitate a change of Laws , and that there is no Law so honest and inviolable , or so deare , even by the shew of antiquity it selfe , but that , necessity so requiring , it may & ought to receive a change . Salus Populi , suprema lex esto : The peoples safety is the chiefest Law . To conclude , If that Kings and Princes , breaking all bonds of Laws ( which yet God forbid they should ) doe falsifie their promises , and disrespect their vowes , making no account of what they have engaged themselves to by their Protestations ; yet the people must not rise up in rebellion against them , or shake off the yoake of obedience from them , seeing they are to have no other than God himselfe to be their Judge and their avenger . CHAP. II. THE SVBJECTS LOYALTY , OR , The duty of Subjects to their Kings . HAving in the former Chapter set forth unto you the Royalty of Kings over their Subjects : where I have declared their Originall from God , and their end , next to God , their Subjects good ; and that though they should come short of that end for which they were constituted and ordeined , yet they ought not to be cut short by the people under them , but are to be reserved to the judgement of God , next to whom they are second here upon earth , and under whom they have no Superiour , being above all Laws of men , and themselves a Law unto their Subjects : I now come to describe unto you the Loyaltie of Subjects towards their Kings , and the peoples duty . For , a King and Subjects being relatives ; and the formall cause of a Kingdome consisting in that order which is betweene the King and his Subjects ; by which he rules , and they submit ; he governe , and they be governed ; he commands ; and they obey ; It is very requisite in these miserably distracted times , where most men would shake off the yoke of obedience from their shoulders , and live as they list without all order : That , having spoken of Kings and their power over their Subjects , I should now say somwhat of Subjects , and their duty to their Kings . And here , that we may the better setforth their duty , it will not be amisse to expresse their nature : for , so knowing what they be , we shall the sooner come to know what they must doe . Now if wee consult Bodinus about them , he will tell us , that Subjects are those , who are bound to maintain , and fight for the dignity & safety of their Prince as for themselves : and to have the same friends and enemies with their Prince . Or , as others doe describe them : Subjects are a part of the Common-wealth , which are obliged to the supreme power , even to all that they have : and for this cause it is , that they doe enjoy all the priviledges of the Weale publike . This is the nature of a Subject . But then , if any should aske me who are Subjects as well as what are Subjects ; I must again have recourse to the Politicians ; who do give us to understand , that by the name of Subjects , we are to take notice of the multitude of men , which are governed ; or rather , who submit themselves to be governed . And in this name , we must comprehend all , and every one , of what state and condition soever they be , that are in that City , Provance , & Countrey , where a Magistrate is the head : For , so many as do belong to a Common-wealth , doe appertaine to the one part of it : viz. They are referred to be either Magistrates , or Subjects : whence it follows , that the name of Subject is more general than that of Citizen , specifically and properly so called ; although in writers we finde them to bee promiscuously used . For , he that is a partaker with others of publike honour and dignity is properly a Citizen : but hee that partakes onely of burthens and taxes , & not as wel of honours and dignity in the Common-wealth , where he resides & lives , is not a Citizen , but a Subject . They are termes contrariant , not reciprocall . Every Citizen , is a Subject : but every Subject , is not a Citizen . There is also another disagreeing respect , for a Citizen is so called , in respect of his native Countrey or Common-wealth , where he is borne , or to which he is ascribed : But he is a Subject in respect of that Magistrate which he obeyes , wheresoever he is . Now men are said to be Subjects two manner of wayes ; either by their nativity and birth ; or by their dwelling and habitation . That a mans nativity and birth doe make him to be a Subject , is plainly evidenced ex L. assumptio 6. § 1. ad Municip . Filius Civitatem , ex quâ pater ejus originem duxit , non domicilium sequitur . A sonne follows the City from which his Father doth derive his originall , not his house . And if a man be born of parents of divers Cities , he follows the condition of his father , not of his mother . L. Municip . 1. § 2. F.eod. The house , or dwelling , in which any doth fixe and settle the seat of his fortunes , doth make him a Subject . But what space of time is required to contract a house or dwelling , the Interpreters of Law doe varie : Because , in this thing the Laws and manners of every particular Common-wealth is to be respected . Agreeable to this , is that distinction of the Jurisperites , who discriminate Subjects by a naturall , and a voluntarie obligation . He is a Subject , say they , by a naturall obligation , who is borne under the jurisdiction , and in the Dominions of that Magistrate , to whom he is subject : And he is a Subject by a voluntary obligation , who willingly and spontaneously offers himselfe to any Magistrate , and acknowledgeth him for his supreame head , although he be not born within his territories and dominions . To which two sorts of subjects , we may , not without good reason , adde another species , viz. such a one , as being vanquished in warre , is made subject to him that did subdue him . For , when a Prince or Magistrate overcomes any in a lawfull War , they are then made subject to his jurisdiction and power . But be they subjects these , or any other wayes , they are bound , whosoever they be that are subjects , to yeeld obedience to him who is their Prince and Governour . If any should doubt of the truth of this assertion , ( because the contrary doctrine is now broached and published by our Novel Divines ) let him but consult the Apostle to the Romanes , ( unlesse perchance for the same tenet he be held a Malignant ) and he will satisfie him : Let every soule ( saith he ) submit himself unto the higher powers . They are his expresse words , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . In which universall precept he includes all , of all orders , and states , all sexes and conditions . As if hee should have said : All , whatsoever they be , that do live in a Common-wealth , must submit themselves to the supreme Magistrate , that is the head of that Common-wealth . So that , in the Apostles precept , we have not onely implyed the qualities of their persons that are subjects ; but we have also expressed the nature of their duties : viz. Subjection and obedience . We shall not need to goe farre then to search after the duty of Subjects to their Prince : the Apostle he hath done it to our hands : it is Obedience . And so the Augustane Confession in the 16. Article doth acknowledge it . The first Commandement of the second Table , which ( as the Apostle speaks ) is the first Commandement with promise , doth set forth this duty by the name of Honour . For So we read it in the Decalogue , Honour thy father and thy mother , that thy dayes may be long in the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee . Exod. 20.12 . Where , by father , according to the unanimous consent of all Divines , we are to understand , not onely our naturall father , that did beget us ; but our spirituall Father also , that doth teach us ; and our Civill father likewise , the King , who is Pater patriae , the Father of our Country , that doth protect us . And then , by honour which we are commanded to yeeld to this Father , we are to conceive all those duties which are comprehended in it . Now the Politicians doe tell us , that this name of Honour , doth consist of sixe severall members , which doe imply as many severall duties , which every Subject is bound to performe to the Prince his head , viz. Agnition , Reverence , Love , Obedience , Gratitude , and Equity . The first member , wherein this honour doth consist , and the first duty , which every Subject is to performe unto his Prince , is Agnition : that is , an acknowledgement of Gods Ordinance in the office of the Prince . For God will have his owne Ordinance to be acknowledged in the Civill Magistrate ; and that we doe conceive of him , as constituted by God : seeing that as the Apostle speaks , there is no power but of God ; and the powers that be , are ordained of God . After which manner , did the woman of Tekoah conceive of King David , when as she being sent by Joab to intercede for Absolom , that he might returne from his banishment into the Kings favour : For as an Angel of God , ( saith she ) so is my Lord the King , to discern good and bad . And a little after , My Lord is wise according to the wisdome of an Angel of God . And so did Mephibosbeth esteem of him , when as he did compellate him with the same title : But my Lord the King , is as an Angel of God . Which agnition and acknowledgement of Gods ordinance in him , is a notable meanes to stir up our obedience to him . The second member wherein this honour doth consist , is Reverence : when as , Subjects look upon their Prince not onely as a man , but as a man of God ; and reverence , not so much his person , as his office . For the King is Gods legat , and his Vicar , presenting his person . And therefore Saint Peter , when he exhorts to the feare of God , he doth annex the honour of the King : as if there can be no true feare of God , without due reverence to the King , who presents Gods person . For which cause , Solomon the wisest of men , & richest of Kings , doth joyne the feare of God and the King together : the King , for presenting Gods perion is called God , not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , as Plato styles him , as a God amongst men ; but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , an earthly God , being Gods Minister . Yea , as the Prophet David , and before him Moses , God himselfe . Yea , to goe farther , God himselfe doth so call him , Ego dixi , I have said it , Ye are Gods . Which yet we must not understand , as if they were so {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , indeed ; but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in name : not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , by nature ; but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , by office . And so much the very heathen did acknowledge . For it is reported of Philip of Macedonia , that he was wont to say , that a King ought to remember , that he being a man , doth discharge the office of God : and the office which he doth execute , is from thence named {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a power like unto Gods . Whence it is , that S. Augustine saith , the King bearing the image of God , ought therefore to be reverenced , if not for himselfe , at least , yet for his office sake . The third member ; wherein this honour doth consist , is Love . And it is another duty of Subjects to love their Princes : Not onely for their office , which they , in the name and place of God , do undergoe ; but for the manifold benefits and commodities which they receive from them , by their happy government : Thus was King David accepted in the eyes of all the people , whither soever he was sent . Kings , as you heard , are Patres patriae , Fathers of their Country ; and therefore Subjects ought to respect them with a filiall love , even as children do love their fathers . A fourth member , wherein this honour doth consist , is Obedience : Subjects must willingly , and readily yeeld obedience , to all the just and honest commandes of their Princes , which do no wayes repugne the lawes of God . They must not onely acknowledge , Reverentiam Subjectionis , a reverence of Subjection ; but they must also give them obedientians jussionis , an obedience to their just commands . For , as Saint Chrysost 〈◊〉 observeth : a people that obeyeth not their Prince ; is like to them that have no Prince at all : yea , and in a worse estate : for you cannot call that a Kingdome , where the King is neglected , and his Laws not observed . He seemeth to mee to have lost his Kingdome , saith the Philosopher , who hath lost his due obedience from his Subjects . And therefore Subjects must obey their Prince , not onely for feare of wrath , that is , to escape punishment , if they neglect their duty ; but also for conscience sake , as the Apostle teacheth , because God commands them . The fift member , wherein this Honour doth consist , is Gratitude . Subjects are bound , by way of thankfulnesse , to honour their Princes , if it were for no other reason , but because they do dayly enjoy the benefits of peace , prosperity , and protection by them . Which gratitude must expresse it self by two other virtues , as necessary as it self ; and without which , it cannot subsist : and they are these : Verity and Justice : Verity , in acknowledging what great blessings , favours , and emoluments they receive by them ; and Justice , in endeavouring to make satisfaction , and compensation for them . And for this cause it is , that they pay them Tenths , Subsidies , Customes , and Tributes : without which , not the King onely , but the Kingdome also , would be debilitated and go to ruine . In these Tributes and Contributions , ( saith Ulpian ) there is none but may know that the strength of a Kingdome doth consist . They are the very nerves of a Common-wealth . They are , saith Cicero , the ornaments of peace , and the supporters of war . It is impossible , said the Emperour , that otherwise a Republique could be conserved , if it were not for the religious observation , and due collation of tributes . The necessity of which , Menenius Agrippa , in Livie , would teach the Romans , with this not more wittie than apposite Apologie : For , as if food and nourishment be denyed to the belly , the whole body must of necessity languish and waste away by a Consumption : So , if you with-hold Subsidies and Tributes from the chiefe Magistrate , the Common-wealth must of necessity come to ruine . And therefore wel said Tacitus , you soone teach the dissolution of an Empire , if you diminish the revenue , by which it should be sustained : nay , if , as Lipsius hath it , you doe not sometimes augment them . Lastly , the sixt member wherein the honour of Subjects towards their Prince consists , is Equity . Which is a vertue , whereby every Subject is bound with candour , either to cover the imperfections and errors of his Prince , and to interpret them in the best sense ; or , by a prudent dissimulation to passe them by , and take no notice of them : or , if the reason of his place doth so require it , by moderate counsels and admonitions to endeavour to reforme them . For , that which is spoken unto children by the son of Sirach , every true subject ought to apply it to himselfe : Glory not in the dishonour of thy father : for thy fathers dishonour is no glory unto thee : for the glory of a man is from the honour of his father . And we cannot but be knowing of Chams curse , for laying open , or not covering his fathers nakednesse . It is the office and duty therefore of every Subject , according to their respective places , not to discover , but rather to cover and conceale the naeves , infirmities , and imperfections of their Princes ; and , as opportunity shal serve , in an humble way , seek by wholsome admonitions , and moderate counsels , to reclaime them . This was Luthers doctrine , that great instrument of Reformation , which at this day is so much pretended . The office of Subjects , saith he , doth require , that they doe declare unto Princes what they know not . For , as Princes may sinne by not knowing those things which they doe to , be sins ; so , Subjects may sin more in not shewing to Princes those things which they doe to be sins . The one sinnes by ignorance , the other by negligence . And to this end he alledgeth that passage of Abimelock King of Gerar : who having taken to himselfe Abrahams wife , because Abraham had told him she was his sister ; and being warned by God in a dreame to restore her to him ; did lay all the fault upon Abraham , because he had no sooner imparted the villanie and wickednesse of his Courtiers unto him . And thus you see wherein the duty of Subjects consists : either in one word of Obedience , as Saint Paul expresseth it : or in one word of Honour , which comprehends Acknowledgment , Reverence , Love , Obedience , Gratitude and Equity , as the fift Commandement doth desire it . So then , to bring all to a head : All , and every Subject , are bound to submit themselves unto their Princes , in those things which they command , not being contrary to the laws of God , and the laws of nature . It is true , that in the Apostles times , there were some , who absurdly interpreting the Holy Scriptures , as too many now , fanatically given , by an unknown spirit ; and extending their Christian liberty further then the simplicity of the Gospel would permit them , did maintaine , that it was a most unworthy thing , that they , who were freed by the Sonne of God , and governed by the Spirit of God , should be under the power of man . Of this leaven , was Judas of Galile , of whom we 〈◊〉 in the Acts of the Apostles . He , as Joseph 〈◊〉 late 's , taught , that by the Law of God , none ought fit to be called Lord , but God himselfe ; and that there was no obedience due to the Politique Magistrate , no tribute to Caesar . After them , sprung up the Donatists , Anabaptists , and their Disciples , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , all birds of an ill brood , who did likewise reject the command of the Civil Magistrate . Lastly , the Pontisicians , though not in the same manner , did oppose the power of Princes , cavilling with the Civill Authority , and maintaining that their Clergie can by no means be punished by a Civill Judge : or compelled to appeare before the Tribunall of a Secular Magistrate ; but that all their goods , as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill , 〈◊〉 free , and so ought to be from the tributes and taxes of secular Princes . All whose erroneous tenents , and opinions , the Spirit of God having confuted in his holy Word , doth exactly and precisely determine the contrary ; expresly setting forth , and commanding the office of subjects to their Princes . S. Paul , as you heard , gives this exhortation : Let every souls submit himselfe unto the higher powers : Rom. 13.1 . He excepts no order , nor sex , nor condition , nor any thing that hath the nature of man . And a little after , Render wherefore unto all their dues : tribute , to whom tribute is doe ; custome , to whom custome ; fear , to whom feare ; honour to whom honour . And , in his Epistle to Titus , he layes a charge upon him , then Bishop of 〈◊〉 , that he should give it in charge to the Cretians , to be subject to principalities and powers , to obey Magistrates , and to be ready to every good work . Tit. 3.1 . So in his first Epistle to Timothie : I exhort , saith he , that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks be made for all men : for Kings and for all that are in authority , that we may live a quiet and a peaceable life , in all godlinesse and honesty : The same thing , before Saint Paul , yea , before our Saviour himselfe , as he was in the flesh , did the Prophet Jeremiah exhort the Jews unto , that were exiles from their own Countrey in Assyria : and that not without especiall command from God , that they should pray to God for the safety of the King , and the Kingdom of Babylon , where they were Captives ; and withall , he doth sharply reprove the rashnesse of those false prophets , who by vaine promises , and hopes of immature libertie did incite them to rebellion . Thus saith the Lord of Hosts , the God of Israel unto all that are carried away Captives , whom I have caused to be carried away from Jerusalem to Babylon : Seeke the peace of the City , where I have caused you to be carried away Captives ; and pray unto the Lord for it : for in the peace thereof yee shall have peace . Nor , is Saint Peter backward to informe the strangers scattered throughout Pontus , Galatia , Cappadocia , and Bithynia , with the same doctrine . Submit your selves , saith he , to every Ordinance of man , for the Lords sake : whether it be to the King , as supreme ; or unto Governours , that are sent by him : And presently after , Feare God : Honour the King . From which wholsome doctrine of Saint Paul , the Prophet Jeremiah , and Saint Peter , you may see , not onely the pernicious tenets and positions of those , and all other Schismatically affected Reformadoes , alias Renegadoes , confuted ; but the truth of obedience , due to the Civill Magistrate confirmed : and , that in obedience , honour , reverence , tributes , and other duties , formerly mentioned , to be by Subjects performed to their Princes , comprehended and enjoyned . But , to what kind of Princes do the Apostles &c Prophets in Scriptures enjoyne these duties to be performed ? That wil be a question wel worth the time to be resolved , especially at this time , when every one almost doth take the liberty to himself ; peremptorily to affirm that Subjects ought not to give obedience to their King , if he doth not , as they they would have him , & wil not be perswaded & ruled by them . For say they , it would not bee grievous or irksom to us to yeeld obedience and that respective observance , w● you have alleadged fro the Holy Scriptures , unto good & gracious Princes ; but it goes against our consciences to performe these duties to one King , seeing hee swerves from the Holy Scriptures , which are the word of God ; and wil not be ruled by his great Counsel , but is seduced by Malignant Councellors , to wicked and ungodly acts of tyrannie . To this , I answer ; That if our Gracious King ( which God forbid ) should degenerate so far from himself , as to comit such outrages as they would suggest ( which blessed be God as hitherto he hath not , nor is there likelyhood that he ever wil , although , if he were not so good and so gracious as he is , he might soone by their rebellious carriage be invited to it ) yet they are bound in duty to performe obedience to him ; and not of as too many abuse 〈…〉 , &c misled , do , hand over headrise up in rebellion against him . For , if we consult the same Apostle , and other places of the holy Scriptures , we shall finde , that the forementioned duties , are not only to be performed to good and gracious Princes ; but even to wicked and Tyranicall , even , to those that are most cruel ; as were Tiberius , Caligula , Claudius , Nero : For under all these the Apostles lived , & their Epistles coetanie to them , directed for obedience to them . Nor is it without good reason , that such obedience should be given to them : for , they are of God , as well as good Kings : there is no power ( saith the Apostle ) but of God : that is , all power is from God onely . For that negative Apostolicall Axiome is equipollent on all sides to an universall affirmative . So Daniel telleth Nebuchadnezzer , that the most high ruleth in the Kingdome of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will , and setteth up over at the basest of men . So Christ himselfe pronounceth of Pilate , that wicked president of the Jews , that he had no power over him , were it not given him from above . And therefore , seeing their power is alike from God , we must give the like obedience to them , as to God . It was the saying of him , who sometimes was Nazianzens Worthie , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Subjects must submit themselves to good and gracious Princes , as to God : and they must submit to evil and ungodly Princes , for God : that is , because God hath so commanded it . Let us heare the Fathers a little farther in this point , and we shall finde that they doe all unanimously give their votes unto it . Tertullian , if we addresse our selves to him , resolves us in these words : For as much therefore as concernes the honour of Kings and Emperours , we have a sufficient prescript that we should be subject , according to the Apostles precept , in all obsequiousnesse to Magistrates , Princes , and higher powers . But yet within the bounds and limits of Religion , so far , as we are separated from Idolatrie . For therefore is that example of the three brethren excelling , who otherwise obsequious to King Nabuchodonosor , did most constantly refuse to give honour to his Image ; proving that it was Idolatry , whatsoever was exalted above the measure of humane honour , after the manner of Divine Majesty . And so Daniel relying upon Darius forother things , so long continued in his office , as he was free from the danger of his Religion : But rather then he would run that hazard , he did no more feare the Kings Lyons , then the others were afraid of the Kings Fornace . Optatus Milevitanus , speaking of Davids observance to King Saul , hath these words : David had the opportunity of victory in his hands : he might have killed his adversaries , unwitting of him and secure , without much adoe , and he might have changed , without much bloud-shed , or the conflict of many , his tedious warfare into a sudden slaughter : both his servants and opportunity did invite him to it . Opportunity did spur him on to Victory . Now he began to draw his sword : and now his armed hand was ready to seize upon his adversaries throat : But the remembrance of divine institutions did altogether withstand these intentions : He contradicts not onely his servants , but opportunity , egging him on to victory . As if he should have said thus unto them : O victorie , causelesly dost thou provoke me on : O victorie , thou dost in vaine invite me to triumph : I would willingly overcome mine enemie , but I must first observe the commands of God . I will not ( saith he ) lay my hands on the Lords Anointed . He did represse both his hand and his sword ; and whiles he did revere the oyle , he saved his adversary ; and performing observance to him , though his adversary , he did vindicate him from slaughter . Saint Augustine speaking of the same person , speaks in this manner : David well knowing that there was a Divine constitution in the office of Kings , doth therefore still honour King Saul , being in the same condition , lest he should seeme to injure God , who decreed honour to this Order . For a King hath the image of God , even as a Bishop the image of Christ . So long therefore as he is in that condition , he is to be honoured ; if not for himself , yet for his order . Whereupon the Apostle saith , Be subject to the higher powers , for there is no power but of God , and the powers that be are ordained of God . Hence it is that we doe honour an Infidel in authority , although he be unworthy of it ; who performing Gods office in that order , doth gratifie the Devil : yet the power he hath , doth require that we give honour to him , &c. And in another place : but in that the Apostle saith , Let every soule submit himselfe to the higher powers : for there is no power but of God : he doth rightly admonish , that no man be puffed up with pride , for that he is called by the Lord into liberty , and made a Christian ; and that he doth not think there is no order to be kept in the course of this life ; and that he is not to be subject to the higher powers , to whom for a time the government of temporall things is concredited . And a little farther , If any man therefore think , that because he is a Christian , he is not to pay custome , tribute , or due honour to those higher powers , to whom those things of right doe appertaine , he is in a great errour : But this rule is to be observed which the Lord himself prescribed , that we give unto Caesar , the things that are Caesars , and unto God , the things that are Gods . S. Jerome , whose sentence is inscribed among the Canons , saith thus : If it be good , which the Emperour , or Magistrate , commands , obey the will of him that commands : but if it be evill , answer him out of the Acts of the Apostles , It is better to obey God then men . S. Chrysostome , upon the words of the Apostle , Let every soule submit himselfe to the higher powers , thus descants : {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Although thou beest an Apostle , although an Euangelist , although a Prophet , or whatsoever else thou beest , thou must submit . S. Ambrose thus expresseth himselfe : I could grieve , I could weep , I could mourne : my teares are weapons against the armies and soldiers of the Goths , for such are the weapons of a Priest . Otherwise , I neither ought , nor will resist . Bernard to Lodowick King of France , writes in this manner : But whatsoever it shall please your Majesties mind to doe , we that are the sonnes of the Church , cannot , in the least , dissemble the injuries , contempts and scorn even to the trampling under foot of our mother , &c. And a little after , But we will stand out , and fight even to the death , if necessity shall require , for our mother : but with such weapons as are lawful for us to use : Not with swords , but with words ; not with shields , but with prayers and tears to God . And in another place , If the whole world should conspire against me , to make me attempt any thing against Royall Authority , yet I would feare God , and would not dare to doe any thing rashly against the King , that is ordained by him . For I well know where I have read , Whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of God , &c. Amongst later Writers , Cardinall Cajetan thus Comments upon Saint Paul : After that the Apostle had instructed the Romans about the use of the body , affaires of the world , and the gifts of God ; he doth now prosecute his instruction about the use of liberty in respect of Princes . For he gives them a caution , lest by reason of the liberty which they had obtained by Christ , they should think themselves to be exempted from the power of Secular Princes . And to this end he doth instruct them , that they should be subject to Secular Powers . And whereas he ought to have said , Every man , he doth more significantly say , every soule ; that so we might understand , not only our estates , not onely our bodies , but even our souls ought to be subject to temporal Kings , in those things which they may lawfully command . And in saying All , or every , he excepteth none . See , how the Fathers doe , with one consent Vote that we must give obedience to Kings , although they be wicked , in all things that are not unlawfull ; That honour , tribute , obedience , and the like , must be given to lawfull Princes ; and that there is no other remedy against their violence and injustice , but prayers and teares to Almighty God . What , doe we think that they were destitute of strength , that they could not oppose one power with another , or repell one injury with another ? Were they so stupid and ignorant that they did not understand what power was in the Pope or People , to reduce their Kings into good government ? They wanted neither power to resist , nor forces to rebell , if we dare give credit to Tertullian , ( who yet is of sufficient authority and antiquity to be beleeved , even without our assent ) thus writing in his Apologie against the Gentiles . But far be it that either the children of God should be exempted from the furie of man ; or that they should grieve to suffer in that thing wherein they are tryed . For if we would take upon us to be open and professed enemies , doe you think that wee could want money or men ? Are we not more in in number then the Moores , and Marcomanns , & the Parthians themselves , or the Gentiles , how great soever they be , let them be but of one place , and of their neighbours adjoyning unto them , yea , then of the whole world besides . We are but of yesterday , and yet we have filled all places among you : your Cities , Islands , Cittadels , Burroughs , Assemblies ; your very Camps , your Tribes of the common people , Decuries of the Judges , Palaces , Senats , Judicatories ; onely we leave your Temples to your selves : for what war have we not been fit , and ready to manage , even with fewer forces , who thus willingly suffer our selves to be put to death ; if that we were not disciplined by our Religion , that it is more lawfull for us to be killed then to kill ? Thus far Tertullian , with whom S. Augustine is not discrepant : you may find his sentence to be registred among the Canons in these words : Julian was an Infidel and unbeleeving Emperour ; was he not likewise an Apostate , an enemie , an Idolater ? yet the Christian soldiers served under this unbeleeving Emperour . When they came to the cause of Christ , they did acknowledge none but him that is in heaven ; when he would have them to worship Idols , and to sacrifice , then they did prefer God before him : but when he said unto them , Lead forth the Armie , & go against such a Nation , they did presently obey him . They did distinguish the Lord eternall from a Temporall Lord ; and yet they were subject unto their Temporall Lord , for their eternall Lords sake . When Jovianus after the death of the fore-named Julian was elected by his armie to be their Emperour , and he refusing , began to speake in these words unto them : I cannot , seeing I am a Christian , command such men , nor take the Government upon me , of Julians Armie , which he hath imbued with such venemous precepts , and pernicious discipline . Which , and words of the like nature , when the Souldiers had heard , they began to shout with one acclamation , and say : O Emperour , let not your minde be troubled with such doubtings , nor yet wave the command of us , as if we were prophane and wicked , for you shall finde both Christians of us , and men disciplin'd in piety to doe you service . From which recited places , it may appeare that it was no such difficult matter for the Christians in the Primitve times to have coërced their Emperours , by whom they were miserably afflicted , and most cruelly used , if it had beene lawfull for Subjects to rise up against their Princes . But if those forementioned fathers , endued with no lesse science then conscience , and furnished with as much knowledge as zeale , had thought it lawfull , either for the Pope , or the People , or any other men to regulate their Princes , as they thought fit ; without all question , they would never have suffered themselves and the whole Church of God , to bee so cruelly oppressed by those wicked Emperours . But as they did most freely reprehend their vices , so they would at least have admonished them of their office , if they had beene wanting to it . But when they knew that Kings ( as have beene formerly , not onely touched , but oftentimes urged ) have onely God to be their judge and their avenger ; hence it is , that they did only flee to him , and piously and happily implore his aid . These things ( saith Nazianzen ) did Julian meditate and deliberate , ( as those that were witnesses and co-partners of his secrets have imparted and divulged to the world ) yet hee was restrained by the Ordinance of God , and the teares of Christians , which were then many , and shed by many , seeing they had no other remedie against their persecutors . The like may be said of divers other wicked Princes , who have either beene taken away by the singular providence of God , or at length reduced to a better minde : for God who is the Father and Judge of all alike , doth oftentimes most justly send ungodly Princes unto a people for the punishment of their sins : although , they minding nothing lesse , than the justice or purpose of Gods wil doe most unjustly . Shall there be any evill in the City ( saith God by the Prophet Amos ) which the Lord hath not done ? But no sooner doe Subjects repent them of their sins , and depart from their evil courses , but God ( In whose hands the heart of Kings is , and which way soever it pleaseth him , as the rivers of waters , he doth incline it ) according to his great goodnesse and singular mercie , wherewith he is affected towards afflicted Penitents , makes those wicked princes either cease to be , or to bee tyrants . Vengeance is mine ( saith the Lord ) I wil repay it . This is the onely fort and sure defence against all injuries of wicked Kings : they are the weapons that are to be taken up against ungodly Princes : and , this , lastly is the most expedite way to pessundate all Tyranny . But then you will say , If the King should make aprey of his Subjects , and impose greater taxes on them , and exact more grievous Tributes and Customs on them , oppressing all and every one of them with his Tyrannicall power , shall we not in this Case resist and oppose him ? For answer of this , I must tell you , if we will be as we professe our selves to bee , Christs Disciples and obey his word , which we desire , at least pretend , above all things to be sincerely preached unto us , wee must not resist him . Now what saith Christ . But I say unto you that yee resist not evill , &c. Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , being King of Kings , and Lord of Lords , as he is stiled in holy Scripture , yea and the sonne of Kings according to the flesh , being of the seede of David , yet lest he should give offence , though he were free , payed Tribute to Caesar ; For so wee finde him discoursing with Peter : The Kings of the Earth , of whom doe they take Custome or Tribute , of their owne Children or of Strangers ? Peter saith unto him of Strangers . Jesus saith unto him , then are the Children free ; Notwithstanding lest we should offend them , goe thou to the Sea and cast an booke and take up the fish that first cometh up , and when thou hast opened his mouth thou shalt finde a peece of money , that take , and give for thee & mee . Hereupon Bernard to Henry then Arch-bishop of the Senones thus elegantly writeth : Let every Soule bee subject to the higher Powers : If every Soule , then yours ; who doth except you from the universality ? If any endeavor to deceive you , hearken not to their Councols , who seeming to be Christians , hold it yet a disparagement to them to follow the Deedes or observe the Words of Christ their Master . And a little after : These things , saith he , doe they ; but Christ he did both bid otherwise , and did otherwise : Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars , and unto God the things that are Gods . What he spake with his tongue , hee performed with his hand ; as he taught so hee wrought : The maker of Caesar did not deny to pay tribute to Caesar , for he gave an example to you , that you should also doe the like . And a little farther he saith to this purpose . Doe you contemne the saecular power ? None was more saecular then Pilat before whom our Lord stood to be adjudged . Thou couldst have no power ( saith hee ) over me , if it were not g●ven thee from above ; even then did he speake by himself , and in himselfe shew , what afterwards he did by his Apostles in his Church . That there is no power but of God , and that hee that resisteth the Power , resisteth the Ordinance of God . Before Bernard St. Ambrose wrote to the same purpose . If the Emperor demands tribute , we doe not deny it : the lands of our Church do pay him tribute : If he requires our fields , he hath power to lay claim unto them ; none of us doe interpose or withstand him . The Collation of the people may redound to the poore ; let them not conceive displeasure about our fields , let them have them if they like them ; I doe neither give them the Emperor nor deny them . And againe , I was commanded by the Court officers and tribunes , to make a speedy surrender of the Church , they alleaging that the Emperor doth but use his right in demanding it , for as much as all things are in his power . I made this answer , that if hee did require of me what was mine owne to give , viz. my ground , or my goods , or any thing of the like nature , this my right I would not deny him ; although even those things of mine are the poores also . Very excellently St. Ang. But whereas the Apostle saith , Wherefore yee must needes bee subject ; it is as much as if hee should have said , there is a necessity for this life that we be subject , not resisting ; if they will take any thing away from us , in that they have power given them over our temporall things . Now then , if it were not lawfull for subjects , without sin , to resist their kings when they did exact unjust tributes of them , and by violence take away their estates from them ; much lesse may we deny to Princes just tributes , & other things of the like nature , which are requisite and necessary for the safety of the Common-wealth , and cannot bee denied without its certaine ruine , and the great hazard of the whole Christian Policie . In the law of Moses we reade , that the Man that would doe presumptuously , and would not hearken to the Priest ( that stood to Minister before the Lord , or unto the Judge , even that man was to be put to death . And since by the Lawes of men they have proceeded no lesse severely against Rebels . But most strict is that Law of God promulged by the mouth of the Apostle : Therefore whosoever resisteth the Power , &c. resisteth the Ordinance of God , and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation : that is , as all Divines expound it , temporall here ; and , without repentance eternall hereafter . And as for those that doe calumniate and derogate from the Power , &c. of Princes here , by their seditious words , and scandalous writings , although perhaps they may escape the hands of men ; yet they shall never avoid the judgements of God , from whose all-seeing eye of Providence nothing can bee hid , against whose omnipotent Power nothing can resist , and by whose most just judgements no wickednesse can goe unpunished . No lesse wittily then pithily St. Ang. For whereas the doctrine of the Apostle doth make mention of these earthly powers , he doth insinuate into our apprehensions even the parts of the heavenly judgement . For whenas hee doth enjoyne us to obey the Lawes of the world , hee doth necessarily admonish us to take heed of the world to come . If thou wilt not , saith he , feare the Powers , doe that which is good , which is as much to say . If thou wilt not fear the judgement to come , then eschew evill and doe good whilest thou art here . Therfore we ought to take heed , & performe the first forme of this Constitution , which wants the lawes of this life , that we may exclude & keep from us that fore-judgement of eternall death in the other life ; because those whom this temporall punishment doth not take hold of here ; there that eternall punishment wil follow with insufferable torment hereafter . Amongst other examples of the judgements of God upon rebellious , gainsaying and disobedient Persons , we have that dreadfull and horrible example of Corah , Dathan and Abiram , in the holy Scriptures , which the Spirit of God sets downe as a warning to us , that we fall not into the like contradiction , lest wee fall into the like condemnation . Of whom Optatus Milevitanus writing against the Donatists , who did refuse to obey their Magistrates ( as too many of the Smectymnuan rout , & Antipodian state doe now amongst us ) thus delivers himselfe . Schisma summum , &c. That Schisme is a great evill , you your selves cannot deny ; and yet without the least feare you doe imitate your most desperate Ring-leaders , Corah , Dathan and Abiram , nor will you set before your eyes , or once take it into your hearts that this evill is both prohibited by the word of God , and revenged with a most grievous judgement . And a little after : The Congregation of Ministers , and the Sacrilegious multitude that was soon to bee confounded did stand with their inter dicted and forbidden Sacrifices ; time for repentance was denied and withheld from them , because their fault was such , as it deserved no pardon . A command of hunger was laid upon the earth , which presently opened her greedy jawes upon them that caused division amongst the people , and with an insatiable mouth did swallow up the contemners of Gods word . In a moments space the earth clave asunder to deuoure those fore-named separatists ; it did swallow them up , & then was closed againe upon them . And lest they should seeme to receive a courtesie by their soddain death ; as they were not worthy to live , so they were not vouchsafed to die . Upon a suddaine they were cast into the prison of Hell , and so buried before they were dead . St. Aug. having occasion to speake of the same Separates , cap. 29. of the wonders of the holy Scripture speaks to the same purpose , & cap. 30. of the same book , he doth thus enlarge his Meditations : Again the next day the whol multitude gathered themselves together against Moses and Aaron as guilty of blood and would have slain them , in revenge of those that were killed ; But here both Moses and Aaron come before the Tabernacle of the Congregation , and again the wrath of the Lord went forth and raged amongst the rebellious people : And againe Aaron at the command of Moses , filling his Censer with fire from off the Altar , ran into the midst of the Congregation , and standing between the living and the dead , the plague was stayed . A just judgement inflicted on both , that they who did inwardly burne with the fire of Anger against their lawfull Princes , should now outwardly perish with the burning flame of most deserved vengeance ; & he that in his heart had forgiven the offence of his brethren , by his footsteps others being defended , the fire from Heaven durst not consume ; But they that died of the plague that day were 1400. whom the wrath of the Lord consumed . Wherefore to draw to a conclusion , as the Apostle admonisheth and comandeth , We must needs be subject not only for wrath but also for Conscience ; Because as S. Peter saith , this is the will of God that with well doing wee may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men , as free & not using our Liberty for a cloake of maliciousnesse but as the servants of God . For although , as S. Aug. hath it , we are called to that kingdom where there shall be no such powers , yet while wee live here in our journey thither , untill such time as wee shall come to that Age , where there shall be an annihilation & ceasing of all Principalitie and Power , let us cheerefully and willingly undergoe our condition , according to the order of humane things , not dealing feignedly and hypocritically : and so doing , we shall not so much obey man , under whose command we are , as God , who doth command us to be obedient to them . Therefore to use S. Peters words , He that will love life , and see good daies , let him refraine his tongue from evill , and his lips that they speake no guile : let him eschew evill , and doe good ; let him seeke Peace and ensue it ; Let him beare in mind that commandement of God , Thou shalt not revile the Gods , nor curse the Ruler of thy people . And not forget the councell of the Preacher , Curse not the King , no not in thy thought , for a bird of the ayre shall carry the voice , and that which hath wings shall tell the matter . But let him embrace the councell of king Solomon , not only the wisest of Kings , but of all other men . My son ( saith he ) feare thou the Lord and the King , and meddle not with them that are given to change ; for it is our Saviours saying , who is truth it selfe and ought to be beleeved before all our pretended Reformadoes , whosoever shall take up the Sword , especially against Gods annoynted , contrary to the word of God , shall perish with the Sword . And thus having gathered certaine flowers out of the garden of Divinity , Philosophy , History and Policy , to make a Crowne for Royalty , and a nosegay for Loyalty , there wants nothing now but that same thread of Charity ( which the Apostle casseth {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the bond of perfection ) to constringe and binde them together ; and indeed to use S. Chrysost. similitude , as flowers be they never so choyce and rare , yea the prime darlings in natures Garden , and be they never so exactly composed and set in order , yet if they be not as perfectly combined & tyed together , hey fall away from one another and come to nothing . In lik● manner although a man should compose an Anthologie of never so excellent precepts , sentences and examples out of the garden of divine and humane writings , and propound them as so many sweet flowers to the use and benefit of the common good , yet if there bee not the hand of Charity to receive them , and the eye of Candor for to reade them , and the heart of Sincerity to apprehend them , and tye them together with the constriction , or rather the construction of Love ; like flowers that are not tyed together , they fall to the ground and become uselesse . And S. Chrysost. reason that hee gives there will hold here likewise , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . for without love they will soone dissolve , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . It is love alone that knits them fast , and keeps them together , making them usefull for the Church of God , which otherwise would doe no good . And therfore having selected and culled out variety of choice Sentences , precepts and sayings , both out of ancient and moderne writers as well humane as divine , and they as well Protestants as Romanists , and such as have been approved and honored by the judgement of the learned even of the adversaries , to set forth to the world the royalty of Kings and the loyalty of subjects ; I humbly tender them to the consideration of both , his Majesty our royall King & the Parliament his loyal subjects ; that so if there be any thing in them , which shewing the Power of the one , and the Duty of the other , may tend to the repayring of that great breach , by a happy pacification , between the King and his people , which being at first begun with faction , fomented with feares and jealousies , and continued thus long with malignancy of affection , is likely to bring both King and Parliament ( without the especiall providence of God preventing ) to utter ruine ; I shall attain the happy end that I first did ayme at : and for that which remaines in me to effect it , I shall turne my pen into a Petition , and these occasioned collections , into religious ejaculations ; that God would be pleased to vouchsafe such a happy concurrence of opinions , and unanimity of affections between the King and his Parliament ; that ( all feares and jealousies being laid aside on both sides ) the King would be graciously pleased to condiscend , as far as with his honor he may , unto his Parliament ; and the Parliament would humbly addresse themselves to comply , as far as it may stand with the good of the commonwealth , with the King ; that so Royalty and Loyalty , like Mercy and Truth meeting together , and the King and his Parliament , like Righteousnes and peace , embracing each other , the King may stil enjoy his Regalities and Prerogatives without farther alteration , and the Parliament may still retain their ancient priviledges and immunities without any more interruption : that so the King , the Head , may be happy in the Parliament , his Members , and the Parliament , the Members , reciprocally happy in the King their Head ; and the whole kingdom , by this c●ment of Charity , happy in both . Which that it may speedily come to passe , is the hearty wish and darling desire , of him who for the accomplishment of it is , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . His Gods most humble Orator , His Kings most Loyall Subject , His Countries most affectionate Patriot , RO. GROSSK . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A85738e-240 Greg. lib. 21. Moral . c. 11. Aug. l. 19. de Civ. Dei c. 15. Cic. de leg. 3. Cic. ibid. Arist. l. 1. Pol. c. 3. Chrysost. ad . Pop. Antioch . hom ● . Tacit. l. 1. hut . Soph. Arist 3. Pol. c. 5. Sen. lib. 1. de clem . c. 19. Casus Sph. Civi . p. 1 81. Plat. dial . 3. Arist. 3. Pol. 1. Cic. 1. de leg 3. Salust . de conjur . Caral . Herod . l. 2. Zech. l. 1. Pol. c. 1. Diodor. l. 1. Polyd. Virg. 2. de invent . rer. M. Arrian . in Hist. Alex. Messal . Corvin . in lib. ad Aug. Herodot. 1.3 . Bellar. de laic . L. Liber homo . D●ad Leg. Aquil. Gen 9 5.6 . Exod. 20.13 . Bellar. de Ro. Pont. l. 1. c. 2. Cic. l. 3. leg. Salust . Bellar. de Ro. Pont. l. 1. c. 2. Just . l. 1. L Ne●o 54. D. de Regul . jur . Rom. 13.1 . ver. 2. Epiph. cont. Archon Haer. 40. Lip. 2. l. Pol. c. 6. Rom. 13. Lip. Pol. 2. c. 1. Sen. de Clem. 1. Liv. li . 6. spud Lips . Arist. l. 3. Pol. c. 1. 1 Sam. 8.10 . & se● . Luther in Post . super Eu●ng . Dom. 23. post Trin. Cor. c. 1. Strigel , in 1. Sam. 8. p 27. 1 Sam. 8.7 . L. Legis Virtus D. de legibus . Ille a quo §. Tempestivum . D. ad Sc. Trebel . L. 4. D. de . recept. . qui arbit . Arist. Pol. 3. c. 5 Tacit. 1.3 . hist. Arist. l. 3. Pol. c. 12. Cic. Orat. 4. Deiot. Salust . de bel . Jugurth . L. Prince p● D. de legibus . Dio 1.53 . Const. Harm. 1.1 . Epit. tit. 1. Eccles. 8.4 . Wisdom . 6.1.2 . Irenaeus 1.5 . advers Haeres . Tettul . in Apol. Hieron. ep. 46. ad Rustic . Psal. 51. Ambros. Apol. prim . David . c. 4. Aug. Ep. 48. Aug. de fa● . Greg. L. 5. Hist. c. 17. & Aimoin . 1.3 . c. 20. Otto F●sing in . ep. ad Ercd. Oenob . praef. 1. Chron. 6. Bellar. d● . laic . c. 6. L. sed licet D. de offic. praef. Bellar. de Rom. Pon . 1.2 . c. 17. & 1. 〈…〉 3. 〈◊〉 de Regim. civ. num . 4. Bodin de . Rep. 1.1.13 . Philip . in Epit. Phil. moral . p. 197. Brent . Hom. 27. in 1. l. Sam. Osiander in notis d. h. l. Deut. 17.15 , 16 , 17. Joseph . 1.6 . Antiq. Jud. c. 5. Lyra in Com. 1 Sam. 8. Greg. l. 4. in 1. Reg. c. 2. Arnisaeus l. 2. de jur . majest. c. 1. n. 4. Greg. l. 4. in 1 Reg. c. 2. 1 King : 21.2 . 1 Sam. 8.10 . Lips . Pol. in Praef. Lips . ibid. Feud . l. 4. Tit. 56. Regalia . Mar. 12.21 . Sen. 1.7 . de be nes . c. 4 , 5. Cit. off . 1 , 2. Tacit. 1.4 . hist. Tacit. 1.4 . hist. Cic. pro leg. Man . Just . l. 1. hist. Pompon. l. 2. D. de orig. Jur. Ulpian l. 1. D. de Constit . Princip. L. Si imperialis 12. C. de legib. & constit . Princip. Pro. 8.15 . Aug. Tract. 6. in Euang. Johan . & habetur dist. 8. Can. Quo Jure . Aug. l. 3. conf●s●e 8. & refertur Dist. 8. Can. Quae Contra . Arist. l. 4. Polit. c. 14. Arist. l. 7. Pol. c. 4. Joan. Bodin . l. 1. de Rep. c. 8. Joan. Bo 〈◊〉 . l. 1. deRep . 〈◊〉 Bodin . l. 1. c. 10. L. 7. F. de legib. Bodin . l. 1. de Rep. c. 8. Bodin l. 1. c. 10. & Arnisae . Pol. c. 11. Keck . in Syst . Polit. l. 1. c. 17. p. 303. L. 3. F. de nat. resti . Vult . de feud . l. 1. c. 5. n. 7. Baldus c. 1. Quae Sit. Reg. n. 3. & 16. Mut. in Vit. Car. M. & Car. 4. Althus . in Pol. C. 7. and Tho. Mich. de . jurisdict. . Con. 11.32 . and 47. Vult . de . feud . 1.1 . C. 5. n. 7. L un . c. de nund . Jus Saxon. l. 3. art . 66. and 1.2 . art . 26. L. Humanum . C. de legib. & Constit . Princip. Bodin . l. 1. de . Rep. c. 10. Ob. Resol. Notes for div A85738e-4990 Bodin de repub. pag. 170. Colleg. Polit. Dithmar . disp. 8. Thes. 2. L. Assumptio . 6. §. 1. ad Muncip . L. Municip . 1 Sect. 2. F.eod. Augustan : confess . art . 16. Ephes. 6.2 . Exod. 20.12 . Deut. 5.16 . Ro. 13.1 . 2 Sam. 14.17 . ver. 20. 2 Sam. 19.27 . 1 Pet. 2.17 . Pro. 24.22 . Plato in Point . Ro. 3.4 . 〈◊〉 82.1 . Exod. 22.28 . Philip Maced. in Plin. Paneg. Aug. in Lib. Quest . V. & N. Test. Q●est . 35. 1 Sam. 18.5 . Chrysost. Arist. Polit. Rom. 13.5 . Colleg. Polit. Dithmar . disp. Ulpian . in● 1. in criminibus §. 20. f. de quaest. Cic. pro Manl Nov. 149. C. Liv● . 2. p. 78. Tacit. 14. Annal. Lip. Pol. 4. c. 11 Ecclus. 3.10 , 11 Gen. 9.25 . Luth. Com. in Gen. c. 23. p. 270. Gen. 20. Act. 5. Rom. 13.1 . Titus 3.1 . 1 Tim 2 , 1 , 2. Jer. 29.4.7 . 1 Pet. 2.13 , 14. ver. 17. Rom. 13. Dan. 4.17.25 : John 19.11 . Greg. Nazian. Tertul. de Idololat . Optat. Milev. 1.2 . cont. Parmen Aug : in quaest. ex vet. Test . quaest. 35. Aug. exposit . quar . propos. Ep. ad R●m . propos. 78. Hier. in Ep. ad Tit. & habetur 11. quaest. 3. Can. Si Dominus . Chrysost. in Rom. 13. hom Amb. 1.5 . orat . in Auxent . Bern. ep. 22 1. Cajet. in ep. ad Rom. 13. Tert. in Apologet advers. gent. c. 37. Aug. in Psal. 1 2 4. & habetur 11. quaest. Can. Imperatores . Ruffin . Hist. Eccl. 2. l. 1. & Theodor . l. 4. hist. c. 1. Nazian. in orat . in Julian . Amos 3.6 . Prov. 21.1 . Object . Resol. Mar. 5.39 . Mar. 17.25.26.27 . Bernard ad Hen. Archiep. Senon . Ep. 42. Amb. 10.5 . Conc. de Basilicis non tradend . haer●t . p. 104. Ambros. l. 2. Ep. 13. ad Marcel August . Exposit . Quar. propos. Ex Epist. ad Rom Proposit. 74. Deut. 17.12 . August . de Jmper . see . Ro. 13.3 . ● ptat . Mi levit. cont. Parmen. August . de mirac . sact Script . c. 29. & 30. Num. 16.50 . ●0 . 13.5 . Pet. 2. ●5 . 16 . August . Exposi● . Q●ar Pro ●of . Epist. ●d Rom. Proposit. ●2 . Pet. 3.10 Exod. 22. ●8 . ●ccles . 10. ●0 . Pro. 24.21 . Mat. 26. ●2 . Conclusion . Colos. 3.14 . Chrysost. hom in Coloss. 3. Chrysost. ut supra .