The felicity of Queen Elizabeth: and her times, with other things; by the Right Honorable Francis Ld Bacon Viscount St Alban. In felicem memoriam Elizabethae. English Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. 1651 Approx. 127 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 98 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A76741 Wing B297 Thomason E1398_2 ESTC R17340 99860172 99860172 112282 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A76741) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 112282) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 181:E1398[2]) The felicity of Queen Elizabeth: and her times, with other things; by the Right Honorable Francis Ld Bacon Viscount St Alban. In felicem memoriam Elizabethae. English Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626. Burghley, William Cecil, Baron, 1520-1598. [12], 168 p. Printed by T. Newcomb, for George Latham at the Bishops Head in St. Pauls Church-yard, London : 1651. A translation of: In felicem memoriam Elizabethae. "The apology of Francis Bacon; in, certain imputations concerning the late Earl of Essex" has separate dated title page; pagination and register are continuous. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Octob: 8". Reproductions of the original in the British Library. The apology of Francis Bacon; in, certain imputations concerning the late Earl of Essex -- The Bacon his letter to the most illustrious and most excellent Prince Charles, Prince of Wales, Duke of Corn-wal, Earl of Chester, &c -- The Lord Treasurer Burleigh his advice to Queen Elizabeth in matters of religion and state -- To the Ld. Bacon, then falling from favour -- To my reverend friend Doctor A -- In obitum incomparailis Fransci de Verulamio, &c. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Elizabeth -- I, -- Queen of England, 1533-1603 -- Early works to 1800. Essex, Robert Devereux, -- Earl of, 1566-1601. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1558-1603 -- Early works to 1800. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE FELICITY OF QUEEN ELIZABETH : And Her Times , With other Things ; By the RIGHT HONORABLE FRANCIS L d BACON Viscount S t Alban , LONDON , Printed by T. Newcomb , for George Latham at the Bishops Head in St. Pauls Church-yard . 1651. TO the READER . Reader , HERE is presented to thy view certain Tracts , containing divers Arcana Imperii ; by two in their times eminent Councellors of Estate . The one is the Felicity of Queen ELIZABETH , and her Times , by that Noble and learned Gentleman , the Lord BACON , Viscount St. Alban ; one of the standing Honors of the Law in general , and of Grayes Inn in particular . The other is the Advices to Queen ELIZABETH , by that well weigh'd States-man the Lord BURLIEGH , then Lord Treasurer , a man beyond expression excellent , whom it much availed Queen Elizabeth to have for Minister , as appears by that Favour shewed to him , the Queen alwaies making him to sit in the presence ( by reason of the Gout in his Feet ) and telling him , My Lord , We make much of you , not for your bad Legs , but for your good Head. And as for the Lord Bacon , ( certain of whose Epistles are annexed to this book ) if it were expected , we must heap up abundant Testimonies ; We will select some few out of many , omitting the for-rain of Mersennus , and Mr. Pierre D'Amboise , and others , who have Translated and Commented upon him , and confine our selves to those worthy men that are of our own Nation ; and begin with the Testimony of Sir Hennry Wotton . The Lord Bacon hath done a great and everliving Benefit to the Children of Nature , and to Nature her self , in her uttermost Latitude and Extent , who never before had so Noble and True an Interpreter ; ( and as I am ready to stile his Lordship ) never so inward a Secretary of her Majesties Cabinet ; and he did determine to have his Lordships work of Novum Organon , read , peice by piece , at certain hours in his Domestick Colledge , ( Eaton ) as an Ancient Author . Mr. George Sands , in his Coment on Ovid , professes himself to be much assisted by our Author , whom he calls , The Crown of the latter Age , the Lord Viscount St. ALBAN . Mr. Howel , in his Vocal Forest , of him thus — The Flexanimous and Golden Tongued Orator , and Chancellor of the Kings Conscience . The Prefacer to Lessius Hygiasticon : The Lo. Bacon , the great Lo. Chancellor , of Learning , aswell as Law. Dr. Gilbert Watts : The L. Bacon , a learned man , happily , the learnedst that ever lived since the decay of the Grecian and Roman Empires , when learning was at an high pitch . Aud for a further testimony , we refer you to those Copious and Elegant Verses , made by M. Geo. Herbert , somtime Orator of the Vniversity of Cambridg , upon this Author , and lately Printed in a Book , called , Herberts Remains . THE FELICITY Of Queen ELIZABETH : Writ , By Sir Francis Bacon . QUEEN Elizabeth in regard both of Nature and Fortune , the Pattern of Princes , and wonder of her Sex , of whose vertues and glories thereof Monks that live in the shade of Cloysters , tart in stile , loose in judgment , and not forgetful of themselves , would be no sufficient avowchers ; this testimony belongs to men of note , such as have stood at the helm of State , and been acquainted with the depth and tydes of Civil affairs : In all Antiquity the rule of a woman hath been very rare , in that rule the Felicity rarer , and the continuance of that Felicity rarest of all ; yet this Lady raigned full four and fourty years , and overlived not her Felicity ; of which happiness I purpose to speak a little without running into praises , for praises are given by men , but happiness is the gift of God. I say the first stept of her Felicity , in that she was raised to the top of all from a private fortune , for customarily so run the opinions of men , to esteem that most happy , which happeneth most beyond hope and expectation . But this is not all I mean , my aim reacheth further , that Princes brought up in Regal houses , to hope of succession not uncertain , are often depraved with soft and licentious breeding , and become immoderate in their raign . From hence we finde the best and most excellent Kings were taught in Schooles of either fortune , such as with us was Henry the seventh , and Lewis the twelfth among the French , both of which about the same time ( as the memory yet remaineth ) obtained a Kingdom , not from privacy only , but onely from adversity , whereof the latter flourished in justice , and the former in wisdom . Like to theirs was the condition of this Prince , whose hopes and beginnings Fortune brauled , but was thence forward constant to her till her ending . For first , By birth she had her turn by succession , then she was disinherited , and at last laid aside , and forgotten ; in the raign of her brother her fortune was propitious and fair , which in her Sisters grew dark and dangerous : But yet she was not suddenly taken from prison to the Crown , least that fret of remembrance might perhaps make her swell , but being first restored to liberty , she afterwards obtained her claim without stir or competition , of whom God intending to make so rare a Prince , it seemeth he prepared her mind , and made her ascend by the steps of her discipline to the Crown of her own inheritance : neither ought the calamity of her mother blast the dignity of her birth , especially it being certain , that Henry the eight was rather led with love towards another , then indignation against her : The nature of which King , light in his loves , apt to suspition , and in them hasty to blood , cannot avoid the note of posterity . As for the accusations made against her person in themselves improbable , and leaning upon slight conjectures , they were not onely detested by the silent murmurers of those times , but by Queen Anne her self in that memorable and heroical speech which she used at the instant of her death ; whereas preparing her self to leave this world , and having gotten as she thought a loving and trusty messenger , she bids him deliver this message to the King , that well she saw his Majesty would not give over his old wont in heaping new honours upon her : First , from a Gentlewoman he had made her a Marquess , from thence his consort and a Queen , and now finding no higher pitch of honour upon the earth , he was pleased to advance her in her innocency to the Crown of Martyrdom ; which though that messenger durst not relate to the King burning in new desires , yet Fame ( preserver of truth ) hath kept it safe for after ages . Moreover , I put no small part of her Felicity in the measure and compass of her raign , not so much for being long , as beeause it took up that space of age , which is most fit to hold the raynes of publick government , for at five and twenty yeers ( when tuition beginneth to cease ) she began and raigned till threescore , and whereby she neither felt the wrongs of a pupil under anothers arbitration , nor yet the inconveniences of an old decrepit age , private men feel miseries enough in old age ; but usually it bringeth to Princes ( besides those common griefs ) ends void of glory , and diminution of estate , few attaining an old and unwealdy age without some loss of reputation and state . Take one example in Philip the second King of Spain , a most puissant Prince , and coming in swaying a Kingdom , who in his latter daies feeling the burthen and feebleness of age , helped weakness with wisedom , submitting himself to the course of mortal things ; thereupon he restored such places as had been won in , there he established a Peace , and attempted the same elsewhere ; that his affairs being all compounded he might leavethem intire and illetigious to his heirs . The contrary in all things hapned to Q. Elizabeth to whom fortune was so firm , that she never suffered in flourishing or declining yeers any declination . And to seal up her rare Felicity , she departed not this world till the Rebellions in Ireland were decided by stroke of an happy battail , that there might be no blemish nor imperfection in her glory . That is not also to be forgotten what kinde of People she governed ; had she raigned in Palmgrevis , or over the milk sops of Asia , it would have been no marvel that a female Prince should command effeminate Nations : But that in England , so Warlike and stout a People should stir and stop at the beck of a woman , cannot be without great admiration ; yet , for all this inclination of her people longing for war , & of their rest impatient , she was never hindred from loving and keeping of peace , which will of hers was seconded with success , I reckon among her chiefest praises , for it not onely became her sex , and eased her age , but was certainly a great comfort to her conscience ; indeed about the tenth of her raign some tumults were attempted in the North , but they were quickly quenched , and she enjoyed ever after deep peace and security : which inward peace of her times , I judge was most glorious for two respects ; the one that it shone the better by the flames and combustions of her neighbours ; the other that notwithstanding the easiness of Peace , Armes wanted not their honour ; whereby the prowess of the English Name was not onely kept up , but increased ; hence many supplies were sent into Scotland , France , and the Netherlands , divers expeditions by Sea into the Indies , some wherof gave the world a girdle , Fleets were rigged to infest the Coasts of Spain and Portugal . The Rebels in Ireland were often tamed and suppressed , so that she took a special care , that neither the courage of the people should rest , nor their fame suffer any diminution . To this glory the weight of desert was added ; for by her reasonable reliefs neighbouring Princes were preserved in the Kingdom ; and afflicted people ( exposed by their Lords , badly counselled to the cruelty of their Ministers , and devoted to the Shambles ) received petition in their miseries , whereof they feel the benefit at this day . In her councels she was no less kinde and helpful then in her supplies , whereby she perswaded the King of Spain to asswage his anger towards his subjects of the Netherlands , & reduce them to obedience upon tollerable terms , and often solicited the Kings of France to keep their faith , by not infringing the edicts granted to publick peace ; in the first whereof , she had regard to the state of Europe in general , lest the boundless ambition of Spain once broken out should fuse it self over the Christian world , and endanger the common liberty . In the second she had compassion of so many innocents that suffered fire and sword with their wives and children ; among whom the scum of the people armed and animated with publick power , were let loose like wild beasts to devour them , whose blood called for vengeance , and expiation upon that Kingdom which had made a league to commit inhumane murders and savage Laniations ; in both which she omitted not do the office of a kinde , wise , and considerate Prince . There is yet another cause which maketh the piece of her raign more admirable , namely , that it proceeded from her own wisedom and contriving against the disposition of the times ; for if we consider her kingdom either cut into factions at home by difference of religion , or abroad standing as the strength and bulwork of Christendom against the monstrous designs and overflowing power of Spain , we shall finde that there was no fuel wanting for a war , but she had provided for all , and gotten the reach both in Force and Councel ; as that memorable event well declared , which for the happiness thereof surpassed all the actions of our age ; for when that Navy called Invincible , whose sailes swelled with pride , and secure of victory , had entered the narrow Seas , to the fear and astonishment of Europe ; it neither took a cock-boat at Sea , nor burnt a Cottage at Land , nor once touched upon the Coasts ; but was miserably scattered and put to flight , and at last dashed upon against the Rocks , whist peace remained in her confines , and no commotion was seen in the Land. No less happy was she in escaping the plot of Traytors , then defeating the power of her enemies , for though divers conspiracies were hatched against her life , yet all were either discovered or failed , neither did they work any jealousies or distrust in her mind , for she kept not the more within , nor went the less abroad , nor increased the number of her guard , but secure and confident , and mindful more of her deliverance from danger , then of the danger it self , she changed nothing from the wonted course of her life . It is not also unworthy to be marked the quality of those times wherein she flourished , for some ages fall out to be so barbarous and silly , that it were no harder matter to rule a Nation of men , then to lead a flock of sheep , but she was eminent in learned and refined times , wherein it was not easie to excel without singular parts of Nature , habituation of Vertue , and extraordinary indowments of Wit and Temper . Besides , the raign of Women use to be obscured with marriage , whose worth and actions are commonly smothered up under the names and covert of their husbands : Those onely that live unmarried have no partner in their glory , such was she , and this praise she deserved the more , because she was supported by no props but her own ; no half brother , nor uncle , nor Prince of the blood was remaining to whom she might impart her cares , and receive assistance in her governing ; yea , those who she advanced to highest honours , she kept in such a ballance and restraint , that every one laboured most to please her will , whilst she remained mistris of her self . Barren indeed she was , left no child behind her , which also happened to many fortunate Princes , Alexander the great , Julius Caesar , and Trojaen the Emperor ; but this may be a diverse construction , and be disputed on either part , some call it diminishment of happiness , as if those men were blessed above the conditions of men , who prove aswel happy in their propagation as in themselves . Others make it the pitch of happiness , which , say they , is then onely compleat , when it is exempted from the wheel of fortune , and out of danger to be blemished by a degenerating issue . She wanted not also those outward adjuncts of happiness , she was tall of stature , of comely limbs and excellent feature in her countenance , Majesty sate under the vail of sweetness , her health was sound and prosperous , and so drawing to her last without sense of age or misfortune , she had that which Augustus so much desired , a gentle and happy departure . The which is likewise recorded of Antonius Pius that good Emperor , whose death was like a dream or some sweet imagination : In all her sickness was nothing ominous , nor lamentable , nor uncouth to her kind , no Symptom was seen strange or noisome , but all of such a frame , as rather shewed the frailty of the corruption of humane nature ; for some few daies before her death finding her body ( seldom moistened with wine , or a larger diet ) to shrink up with driness and cares which attend a crown , she suffered some convulsion in her nerves , still keeping ( though in a slow and weaker measure ) her speech , motion and understanding , which is not ordinary in that disease : But this estate not long abiding , seeming rather the first steps to death , then last act of life ; for when the powers of life are wasted , it is a wretched thing to remain in life ; but by the slumber of sense to haste insensibly to death , is a clement and easie close of life . Add this to the hap of her felicity , that she was not onely happy in her own , but also in the abilities of her servants ; for she had such gifted men about her as perhaps this Island had rarely brought forth before . But God when he favoureth Kings enlargeth the hearts of their ministers . Two felicities yet remain that may be called Post humus , which are indeed higher and happier then all these that adorned her life : One of her successor , the other of her memory ; such a successor she had , who albeit in regard of his masculine vertue and fair progeny , and access of a new Kingdom , might somwhat shadow or exceed her glory , yet he alwayes honoured her name , and gave a kinde of perpetuity to her deeds , for he made so small alteration in the orders he found established , or persons she had chosen , that so the son could succeed his father with greater silence , or less danger or disturbance of estate . And concerning the fame and happiness of her memory , that is yet so fresh in the mindes and mouths of men , as taking life from her ashes wherein all envy is raked up ; it seemeth to contend with the happiness of her life , for if any factious humor raised from dissent in Religion be yet buzzing abroad ( though it seems by this time conjured down by consent of truth ) as it is most foul and false ; so it cannot be long lived , and truly I have gathered these notes of Gods favour and her felicity for this special end ; that malicious men should be afraid to mingle their cursings ( amongst so many blessings of God. ) After all this , if any should say as one did of Caesar , We hear of things whereat we wonder , but look for things which we might commend ; I verily think that true admiration is certain excess of praise , and verily these felicities here described , cannot befal to any who are not visibly sustained with divine favours , and in some sort have not set their lives in aim of glory ; nevertheless , I will recount some few things concerning her manners , and of those onely which might seem to lend occasion unto base speeches of contumelious men . In her religion she was pious , constant , moderate , and could not away with innovations , her piety chiefly appeared in her works and actions , but it was also seen in the ordinary course , and conversation of her life ; she was seldom absent from prayers in her closet , or at sermons and solemn service abroad ; diligent in reading the Scriptures , well versed in the Fathers , and above all in St. Augustine ; upon divers occasions she composed sundry prayers : when she mentioned God ( though in common talk ) added for the most part of Creator , casting , as I have often observed , her face & eies into a reverend form of humility : and whereat some have published , that she put off the thought of mortality , nor could abide to hear of old age or death . It is most untrue , for many years before her end she was not nice , often , and with much grace to call her self old woman , and used to discourse of her Tomb , and what inscription would most please her , saying , She delighted not in long Titles , or shadows of glory , a line or two would be enough for her memory , which in few words should only express her name in her virginity , the time of her raign , the restoring of religion , & establishment of Peace : True it is , that being once importuned to declare her successor whilst she was yet in her full strength , not unfit to bear children , she would not endure her winding sheet to be spread before her eies , and yet not long before her death , sitting pensive , and , as it were , musing of mortality , as one came and told her , that divers places stood too long vacant in the State ; she rose up somwhat offended , and said , She knew well enough that her place would not stand an instant empty . Her moderation may perchance be doubted in matter of Religion , considering the severity of those Lawes she made against the Papists : But herein we will produce such onely things whereof we have certain knowledge , and made diligent search ; out of all question , the meaning of this Princess minde , was this , neither to offer violence to the consciences of men , nor to suffer her State to be disquieted under pretext of conscience ; out of which foundation she judged , first of all , that the toleration of two Religions in one hot heart-burning people , who from differenc in mind ) might break out into blows , might be of pernitious consequence to the State ; thereupon at her entrance upon the Crown , when all things were ful of suspition , she used the power of the Law , and committed som of the busiest , and most factious Prelates for the rest of their Coat : so far was she from vexing them with severe inquisitions , that she winked at their faults , and took them into her protection ; This was the first state of things : and although the interdiction of Pius the fift might have stirred up her anger , and made her resolve of a sharper course , yet she departed not from her nature , and changed little from her mildness ; for , like a most wise and heroical Lady , secure of her peoples love , and that the Popish Faction could not stir at home without far assistance , she passed little for the claps of the Popes thunder : But about the three and twentieth of her raign things received an alteration , which change of time , was not complotted by design , but recorded in publick Acts , and cut as it were , in brass for perpetuity ; Till that year , no great or heavy punishment was laid upon her Popish Subjects by the Lawes precedent ; but now the vast projects and ambitions of Spain for subduing of this Kingdom , began to be detected , whereof a principal part was , that a new fangled Faction should be raised in the bowels of this State ; which should not onely be ready to receive a forraign invader , but also , ( under pretence of the Roman Religion , and power of the Popes Bull , ) should absolve her Subjects from their Faith and Allegiance , and prepare their Spirits for dangerous innovasions . About that time Ireland was assaulted with open Armes , scandalous Libels were cast out against the fame , and government , and the Queen ; and all things seemed to swell up in presage of greater motions . I would rather think , that many of the Preists were made wicked instruments of other mens malice , then that all were privy to their Councel ; yet this is true , and verified by sundry confessions , That almost all the Priests that were sent over into this Kingdom , from the three and twentieth to the thirtieth of this Queens raign ( in which year that Popish and Spanish design was put in execution ) had private instructions to divulge abroad , that this Estate could stand thus no longer ; that within a while they should see a new face of things , and notable alterations ; That the good of England was cared for by the Pope , and popish Princes , if they would not be wanting to themselves ; yea , some of the Priests were manifestly found guilty of those Plots and Machinations , which tended to the subversion of the State. And that which moved most the carriage of their secret Councels , was disclosed by letters intercepted , importing , that all the watchfulness of the Queen and Councel over the Papists , would be utterly deluded ; for , albeit they laboured much , that no man of note or nobility should be head of the Faction ; yet , a course was taken to effect the work by men of meaner and inferiour rancks , whose mindes ( though they knew not one another ) should be linked together by secret confessions , without need of Assembly . Such arts were then used , and , of late in a case ( not unlike ) resumed ; which ( it seems ) are familiar with those men : Thus clangor approaching , like a storme , put a Law of necessity upon the Queen . It being now high time , that such part of her subjects as were estranged from her love , impoisoned without hope of cure , and yet grew rich withall in a private life , which freed them from publick charge , should be kept under and restrained with Lawes of a more heavy nature : The course of all this misery still increasing , was imputed to the Priests , who carried into forraign Countries , and fed by the crums of stranger Princes ( professed enemies to this State ) were brought up onely in such places where the name of the Queen their Soveraign was never heard of , but as an heretick and excommunicate person , torn with curses and excommunications ; If these men were not inticed with treacherous designes , they were surely known to be familiar with such as were ; who with the venom of their arts , had pernitiously depraved the minds of many Papists , and sowred their whole Lump with a new malignant livery , which was sweeter and less timerous before . Now therefore , no safer reremedy could be found , then to debar these unnatural men from all entrance into this Kingdom ; which was likewise decreed under penalty of their lives , in the seven and twentieth of her raign . Not long after when the tempest rose and fell upon this land ; the event well declared what love remained in these mens brests towards their dearest Country ; for , so were they blinded with hate and envy , that they rested neither night nor day , binding themselves with Vowes and Sacraments , to bring it into bondage of a forraign Enemy . Hereupon , albeit the clouds of Spain ( which caused this severity ) were blown over , and vanished ; yet , the remembrance of danger passed , struck deep in the mindes of men ; and , because it would have been accounted levity to have repealed those Lawes , and unfaithfulness to neglect them once established ; The Queen was so drawn with weight of affairs , that it was no more in her power to set them in that former estate wherein they were before , in the twenty third of her raign . Hereunto may be added , that although there was not wanting the industry of divers Ministers to increase her exchequer ; and justice of others to urge exemption of the Lawes , wherein they onely saw the publike safety to consist ; yet , constant to her natural clemency , she debated the keenness of their edge , that the Priests who suffered death were very few in regard of their exceeding number . These things I rehearse , not , as points of her defence , this cause needeth no justification ; whereas both the safety of this Kingdom required no less , and the whole course of this severity , fell far short of the bloody examples amongst the Papists ; which rather flowed from pride and malice , then any necessity : But I am not forgetful of my first affection , having by this time sufficiently shown that this Prince was moderate in cause of Religion , and if any sharpness happened therein , that it proceeded not from her nature , but from the iniquity of the times . Of her great care and constancy in true religion , this may be a certain Argument , that albeit popery had been established by much power and study in her sisters raign , and had taken deep root by time , and was still confirmed by the writ and assent of all in Authority ; yet , since that it neither agreed with the word of God , nor the primitive pureness , nor her own conscience , she pluck'd it up , with little help , and abolished it with great courage and resolution ; which was not done upon a rash impetuous fancy , but with maturity and advice ; whereof ( among many other things ) we may take a conjecture by an answer so made upon a by-occasion . In the beginning of her raign , when Prisoners ( as the manner is ) were released , for a boon of her new inauguration ; A certain Courtier , who by custome had taken up a boldness of speech , and jestingly waited for her as she went to Chappel , when , either of himself , or set on by wiser men , he put an humble petition , crying out aloud withall , That yet there remained four or five honest Prisoners , who were unjustly detained ; beseeching he Majesty to set them at Liberty ; and they were the four Evangelists , and Saint Paul the Apostle , who had been long shut up in a strange language , as in a Prison , and kept from conversing among the people ; to whom she wisely answered , That full inquiry should be made of themselves , whether they would be released , yea , or no : whereby she put off a sudden question , with a suspended answer ; and stil reserved the interest of things in her own freedom and decision . In which business , she proceeded not by peeces , or with trepidation , but in a grave and setled order : First , calling the Synods to conference , and the States to Parliament ; and then within compass of one year , so reformed Ecclesiastical affairs , that till her dying day she departed not a whit from the constitution then determined ; yea , ever after her custome was to warn almost every Parliament when it sate , that nothing should be changed in the right , and discipline of the Church ; and thus far concerning Religion . Now to leave these sadder things ; if any man should think it a lightness that she suffered her self to be courted and wooed , and refused not to be seen upon the scene of Love , even beyond the condition of her Age ; this , if it be gently construed , wanted not also a share in admiration ; for it soundeth unlike those old Stories of a Maiden Queen living in Elizian Islands , from whose Court none was debarred that used fair accostment , and no lasciviousness in love ; But if it be severely scanned , then greater is the wonder ; for , albeit that we often see , that a State is loosened by the looseness of the Prince ; yet , these delights she used with such a curb , that they little dimmed her fame , less her Majesty , and softned the vigour and dispensation of her State nothing at all . But to shut up my discourse ; the Prince was certainly good and vertuous , and so she desired to seem , she hated vices , and took the way to fame , by that of honour : Whilst I am upon her vertues , I cannot forget one passage , when letters were written to her Ambassadors in France , to deliver some private message to the Queen-Mother then of Valois ; wherein her Secretary , as it were , to curry favour , had inserted this clause , that the Ambassador should say , They two were two such Queens , so versed in Soveraign Arts , and seen in politick affairs , as no Kings nor men in the world went beyond them ; She misliked the assotiation , and commanded it to be blotted out , saying , The Arts she had learned were of a better stamp , and the principles of a far higher nature , whereby she ruled her people . She was not puffed up with the length of her raign , although she was long a Queen ; for , if any had told her fitly in discourse , That the world would have taken notice of her admirable parts , though she had lived in some mean estate ; she would have been well pleased with such insinuations ; so much she desired that her vertue should stand alone unbeholding to her fortune for praise . But if I should enter into her moral or regal commendations , or recite the Roll of her vertue , and rank them in their proper place and light , befitting so rare a Prince , which should slide into the story of her life , it would require greater leasure and a larger vein . I have onely summoned up these two parcels briefly , and sincerely , as I could ; for , it must be confessed , That no Commender can be found sufficient for this Prince , but onely time , which , from the first beginning , never produced in all her sex any one like to her for Civil Government and Administration of Affairs . FINIS . THE APOLOGY OF S r FRANCIS BACON ; In , Certain IMPUTATIONS concerning the late Earl of ESSEX . Written to the Right Honorable his very good Lord , the Earl of Devonshire , Lord Lieutenant of IRELAND . London , Printed 1651. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE HIS very good Lord , the Earl of Devonshire , Lord Lieutenant of IRELAND . IT may please your good Lordship : I cannot be ignorant , and ought to be sensible of the wrong which I sustain in common speech , as if I had been false , or unthankful to that noble , but unfortunate Earl the Earl of Essex : and for satisfying the vulgar sort , I do not so much regard it ; though I love a good name , but yet as an handmaid and attendant of honesty and vertue . For I am of his opinion that said pleasantly , That it was a shame to him that was a suter to the mistriss , to make love to the waiting woman ; and therfore to woo or court cōmon fame otherwise then it followeth on honest courses , I for my part , find not my self fit nor disposed . But on the other side , there is no worldly thing that concerneth my self , which I hold more dear , then the good opinion of certain persons ; amongst which there is none I would more willingly give satisfaction unto , then to your Lordship . First , because you loved my L. of Essex , and therefore will not be partial towards me ; which is part of that I desire , next , because it hath ever pleased you to shew your self to me an honorable friend ; and so no baseness in me to seek to satisfie you : and lastly , because I know your Lordship is excellently grounded in the true rules and habits of duties & moralities ; which must be they which shall decide this matter : wherein ( my L. ) my defence needeth to be but simple and brief : namely , that whatsoever I did concering that action and proceeding , was done in my duty and service to the Queen and the State ; in which I would not shew my self false hearted , nor faint hearted for any mans sake living . For every honest man that hath his heart wel planted , wil forsake his King rather then forsake God , & forsake his friend rather then forsake his King ; and yet will forsake any earthly commodity , yea , and his own life in some cases , rather then forsake his friend . I hope the world hath not forgotten these degrees , else the heathen , saying ; Amicus usque ad aras , shall judge them . And if any man shall say , I did officiously intrude my self into that business , because I had no ordinary place ; the like may be said of all the business in effect that passed the hands of the learned Councel , either of State or Revenues these many years , wherein I was continually used . For , as your Lordship may remember , the Queen knew her strength so well as she looked her word should be a warrant ; and after the manner of the choisest Princes before her , did not alwayes tye her trust to place , but did somtime divide private favor from office . And I for my part , though I was not so unseen in the world , but I knew the condition was subject to envy and peril ; yet because I knew again she was constant in her favours , and made an end where she began , and especially , because she upheld me with extraordinary access , and other demonstrations of confidence and grace , I resolved to indure it , in expectation of better . But my scope and desire is , that your Lordship would be pleased to have the honorable patience , to know the truth , in some particularity , of all that passed in this cause , wherein I had any part , that you may perceive how honest a heart I ever bear to my Soveraign and to my Country , and to that Noble man , who had so well deserved of me , and so well accepted of my deservings ; whose fortune I cannot remember without much grief . But for any action of mine towards him , there is nothing that passed me in my life time , that cometh to my remembrance with more clearness , and less check of conscience : for it will appear to your Lordship , that I was not onely not opposite to my Lord of Essex , but that I did occupy the utmost of my wits , and adventure my fortune with the Queen to have reintegrated his , and so continued faithfully and industriously till his last fatal impatience ( for so I wil call it ) after which day there was not time to work for him , though the same , my affection , when it could not work on the subject proper , went to the next , with no ill effect towards som others , who I think do rather not know it , then not acknowledge it . And this I will assure your Lordsh . I wil leave nothing untold , that is truth for any enemy that I hav to add ; & on the other side , I must reserve much which makes for me , in many respects of duty , which I esteem above my credit : and what I have here set down to your Lordsh . I protest , as I hope to have any part in God's favour , is true . It is well known , how I did many years since dedicate my travels and studies to the use and ( as I may tearm it ) service of my Lord of Essex , which I protest before God , I did not , making election of him as the likeliest mean of mine own advancement , but out of the humor of a man , that ever , from the time I had any use of reason ( whether it were reading upon good books , or upon the example of a good father , or by nature ) I loved my Country more then was answerable to my fortune , and I held at that time , my L. to be the fitter instrument to do good to the State : and therefore I applied my self to him , in a manner which I think hapneth rarely among men : for I did not onely labour carefully and industriously in that he set me about , whether it were matter of advice or otherwise , but neglecting the Queens service , mine own fortune , and in a sort my vocation , I did nothing but advise and ruminate with my self to the best of my understanding , propositions and memorials , of any thing that might concern his Lordships honor , fortune , or service . And when not long after I entred into this course , my brother Mr. Anthony Bacon came from beyond the Seas , being a Gentleman whose ability the world taketh knowledge of for matters of State , specially forraign ; I did likewise knit his service to be at my L ds disposing . And on the otherside , I must and will ever acknowledge my Lords love , trust , and favour towards me , last of all his liberality , having infeofed me of land which I sold for eighteen hundred pounds to Master Reynold Nicholas , and I think was more worth , and that at such a time , and with so kinde and noble circumstances , as the manner was as much as the matter : which though it be but an idle digression , yet because I am not willing to be short in commemoration of his benefits , I will presume to trouble your Lordship with the relating to you the manner of it . After the Queen had denied me the Solicitors place , for the which his Lordship had been a long and earnest sutor on my behalf , it pleased him to come to me from Richmond to Twicknam Park , and brake with me , and said : Mr. Bacon , the Queen hath denied me the place for you , and hath placed another ; I know you are the least part of your own matter , but , you fare ill because you have chosen me for your mean and dependance : you have spent your time and thoughts in my matters ; I die ( these were his very words ) if I do not somewhat towards your fortune , you shall not deny to accept a peece of Land , which I will bestow upon you . My answer I remember was , that for my fortune it was no great matter : but that his Lordships offer made me call to minde what was wont to be said when I was in France of the Duke of Guise , that he was the greatest usurer in France because he had turned all his Estate into obligations ; meaning that he had left himself nothing , but onely had bound numbers of persons to him . Now my Lo. ( said I ) I would not hav you immitate his course , nor turn your state thus by great gifts into obligations , for you wil find many bad debtors . He bad me take no care for that , & pressed it : whereupon I said my Lor. I see I must be your homager , and hold land of your gift : but do you know the manner of doing homage in law ? Alwaies it is with a saving of his faith to the King and his other Lords , and therefore my L. ( said I ) I can be no more yours then I was , and it may be with the ancient savings : and if I grow to be a rich man , you will give me leave to give it back to some of your unrewarded followers . But to return , sure I am ( though I can arrogate nothing to my self , but that I was a faithful remembrance to his Lordship ) that while I had most credit with him , his fortune went on best . And yet in two main points we alwaies directly and contradictorily differed , which I will mention to your Lordship , because it giveth light to all that followed . The one was , I ever set this down , and that the onely course to be held with the Queen , was by obsequiousness & observance ; and I remember I would usually engage confidently , that if he would take that course constantly , and with choise of good particulars to express it , the Queen would be brought in time to Assuerus question , to ask , What should be done to the man , that the King would honour : meaning , that her goodness was without limit , where there was a true concurrence , which I knew in her nature to be true . My Lord on the otherside had a setled opinion , that the Queen could be brought to nothing , but by a kinde of necessity and authority ; and I will remember , when by violent courses at any time he had got his will he would ask me . Now Sir : whose principles be true ? And I would again say to him : My Lord , these courses be like to hot waters , they will help at a pang : but if you use them , you shall spoil the stomack , and you shall be fain still to make them stronger and stronger , and yet in the end they will less their operation : with much other variety , wherewith I used to touch that string . Another point was , that I alwaies vehemently disswaded him from seeking greatness by a military dependance , or by a popular dependance , as that which would breed in the Queen jealousie , in himself presumption , and in the State perturbation : and I did usually compare them to Icarus two wings which were joyned on with wax , and would make him venture to soar too high , and then fail him at the height . And I would further say unto him : My Lord , stand upon two feet , and fly not upon two wings . The two feet , are the two kinds of Justice , Commutative and Distributive : use your greatness for advancing of merit and vertue , and relieving wrongs and burdens , you shall need no other art or fineness : but he would tell me , that opinion came not from my minde , but from my robe . But it is very true , that I that never meant to inthral my self to my Lord of Essex , nor any other man , more then stood with the publick good , did ( though I could little prevail ) divert him by all means possible from courses of the wars and popularity : for I saw plainly the Queen must either live or die ; if she lived , then the times would be as in the declination of an old Prince , if she died , the times would be as in the beginning of a new : and that if his Lordship did rise too fast in these courses , the times might be dangerous for him , and he for them : Nay , I remember I was thus plain with him upon his voyage to the Ilands , when I saw every spring put forth such actions of charge and provocation , that I said to him , my Lord , when I came first unto you , I took you for a Physition that desired to cure the diseases of the State ; but now I doubt you will be like those Physitians , which can be content to keep their Patients low , because they would alwayes be in request : which plainness he nevertheless took very well , as he had an excellent ●ar , and was patientissimus veri , and assured me the case of the Realm required it : and I think this speech of mine , and the like renewed afterwards , pricked him to write that Apology which is in many mens hands . But this difference in two points so main and material , bred in process of time a discontinuance of privateness ( as it is the manner of men feldom to communicate where they think their courses not approved ) between his Lordship and my self ; so as I was not called nor advised with , for some yeer and a half before his Lordships going into Ireland as in former time : yet nevertheless touching his going into Ireland , it pleased him expresly and in a set manner to desire mine opinion and counsel . At which time I did not onely disswade , but protest against his , going telling him with as much vehemency and asseveration as I could , that absence in that kinde would exulcerate the Queens minde , whereby it would not be possible for him to carry himself so , as to give her sufficient contentment : nor for her to carry her self so , as to give him sufficient countenance , which would be ill for her , ill for him , and ill for the State. And because I would omit no argument , I remember I stood also upon the difficulty of the action : setting before him out of Histories , that the Irish was such an enemy as the ancient Gaules or Britons , or Germanes were , and that we saw how the Romans , who had such discipline to govern their soldiers , and such donatives to encourage them , and the whole world in a manner to levy them ; yet when they came to deal with enemies which placed their felicity onely in liberty , and the sharpness of their sword , and had the natural and elemental advantages of woods , and boggs , and hardness of bodies , they ever found they had their hands full of them : and therefore concluded that going over with such expectation as he did , and through the churlishness of the enterprise not like to answer it , would mightily diminish his reputation ; and many other reasons I used , so as I am sure I never in any thing in my life time dealt with him in like earnestness by speech , by writing , and by all the means I could devise . For I did as plainly see his overthrow chained as it were by destiny to that journey , as it is possible for a man to ground a judgement upon future contingents . But my Lord , howsoever his ear was open , yet his heart and resolution was shut against that advise , whereby his ruine might have been prevented . After my Lords going , I saw then how true a Prophet I was , in regard of the evident alteration which naturally succeeded in the Queens mind ; and thereupon I was still in watch to find the best occasion that in the weakness of my power I could either take or minister , to pull him out of the fire if it had been possible : and not long after , me thought I saw some overture thereof , which I apprehended readily ; a particularity I think be-known to very few , and the which I do the rather relate unto your Lordship , because I hear it should be talked , that while my Lord was in Ireland , I revealed some matters against him , or I cannot tell what ; which if it were not a meer slander as the rest is , but had any , though never so little colour , was surely upon this occasion . The Queen one day at Nonesuch , a little ( as I remember ) before Cuffes coming over , I attending on her , shewed a passionate distast of my Lords proceeding in Ireland , as if they were unfortunate , without judgement , contemptuous , and not without some private end of his own , and all that might be , and was pleased , as she spake of it to many that she trusted least , so to fall into the like speech with me ; whereupon I who was still awake , and true to my grounds which I thought surest for my Lords good , said to this effect : Madam , I know not the particulars of Estate , and I know this , that princes actions must have no abrupt periods or conclusions , but otherwise I would think , that if you had my Lord of Essex here with a white staff in his hand , as my Lord of Leicester had , and continued him still about you for society to your self , and for an honor and ornament to your attendance and Court in the eies of your people , and in the eies of forraign Ambassadors , then were he in his right element : for , to discontent him as you do , and yet to put arms and power into his hands , may be a kinde of temptation to make him prove combersome and unruly . And therefore if you would imponere bonum clausulam , & send for him and satisfie him with honor here neer you , if your affairs which ( as I have said ) I am not acquainted with , will permit it , I think were the best way . Which course your Lordship knoweth , if it had been taken then all had been well , and no contempt in my Lords coming over , nor continuance of these jealousies , which that employment of Ireland bred , and my Lord here in his former greatness . Well , the next news that I heard , was , that my Lord was came over , and that he was committed to his Chamber for leaving Ireland without the Queens licence : this was at Nonesuch , where ( as my duty was ) I come to his Lorship , and talked with him privately about a quarter of an hour , and he asked mine opinion of the course was taken with him ; I told him : My Lord , Nubecula est , cito transibit : it is but a mist : but shal I tel your Lordship , it is as mists are , if it go upwards , it may haps cause a showre , if downwards it wil clear up . And therefore good my Lo. carry it so , as you take away by all means all ombrages and distasts from the Queen , & especially if I were worthy to advise you , ( as I have been by your self thought , and now your question imports the continuance of that opinion ) observe 3. points : First , make not this cessation or peace which is concluded with Tyrone , as a service wherein you glory , but as a shuffling up of a prosecution which was not very fortunate . Next , represent not to the Queen any necessity of estate , whereby as by a coercion or wrench , she should think her self inforced to send you back into Ireland ; but leave it to her . Thirdly , seek accesse importune , oportune , seriously , sportingly every way . I remember my Lord was willing to hear me , but spake very few words , and shaked his head sometimes , as if he thought I was in the wrong ; but sure I am , he did just contrary in every one of these three points . After this , during the while since my Lord was committed to my Lord Keepers , I came divers times to the Queen , as I had used to do , about causes of her revenue and law business , as is well known : by reason of which accesses , according to the ordinary charities of Court , it was given out , that I was one of them that incensed the Queen against my Lord of Essex . These speeches I cannot tell , nor I will not think that they grew any way from her Majesties own speeches , whose memory I will ever honour : if they did , she is with God , and miserum est ab illis laedi , de quibus non possis queri . But I must give this testimony to my Lord Cecil , that one time in his house at the Savoy he dealt with me directly , and said to me ; Cousin , I hear it , but I beleeve it not , that you should do some ill office to my Lord of Essex : for my part I am meerly passive and not active in this action , and I follow the Q. and that heavily , and I lead her not ; my Lord of Essex is one that in nature I could consent with as well as with any one living ; the Queen indeed is my Soveraign , and I am her creature , I may not lose her , and the same cours I would wish you to take : whereupon I satisfied him how far I was from any such minde . And as sometimes it cometh to pass , that mens inclinations are opened more in a toy , then in a serious matter : A little before that time , being about the middle of Michaelmas terme , her Majesty had a purpose to dine at my lodge at Twicknam Park , at which time I had ( though I profess not to be a Poet ) prepared a Sonnet directly tending & alluding to draw on her Majesties reconcilement to my Lord , which I remember also I shewed to a great person , and one of my Lords neerest friends , who commended it : this , though it be ( as I said ) but a toy , yet it shewed plainly in what spirit I proceeded , & that I was ready not only to do my L. good offices , but to publish and declare my self for him ; and never was so ambitious of any thing in my life time , as I was to have carried some token or favour from her Majesty to my Lord , using all the art I had , both to procure her Majesty to send , and my self to be the messenger : for as to the former I feared not to alledge to her , that this proceeding toward my Lord , was a thing towards the people very implausible , and therefore wished her Majesty however she did , yet to discharge her self of it ; and to lay it upon others , and therefore that she should intermix her proceeding with some immediate graces from her self , that the world might take knowledge of her Princely nature and goodness , lest it should alienate the hearts of her people from her , which I did stand upon , knowing wel that if she once relented to send or visit , those demonstrations would prove matter of substance for my Lords good . And to draw that employment upon my self , I advised her Majesty , that whensoever God should move her to turn the light of her favours towards my Lord , to make signification to him thereof : that her Majesty if she did it not in person , would at the least use some such mean as might not intitle themselves to any part of the thanks , as persons that were thought mighty with her , to work her , or to bring her about ; but to use some such as could not be thought but a meer conduct of her own goodness : but I could never prevail with her , though I am perswaded she saw plainly whereat I levelled : but she plainly had me in jealousie , that I was not hers intirely , but still had inward and deep respects towards my Lord , more then stood at that time with her will and pleasure . About the same time I remember an answer of mine in a matter which had some affinity with my Lords cause , which though it grew from me , went after about in others names . For her Majesty being mightily incensed with that book which was dedicated to my Lord of Essex being a story of the first year of King Henry the fourth , thinking it a seditious prelude to put into the peoples head boldness and faction , said , She had an opinion , that there was treason in it , and asked me if I could not finde any places in it , that might be drawn within case of treason : whereto I answered ; for treason surely I found none , but for fellony very many . And when her Majesty hastily asked me wherein ; I told her , the Author had commited , very apparent theft , for he had taken most of the sentences of Cornelius Tacitus , and translated them into English , and put them into his text . And another time when the Qu. would not be perswaded , that it was his writing whose name was to it , but that it had some more mischievous Author , and said with great indignation , that she would have him racked to produce his Author ; I replyed , Nay , Madam , he is a Doctor , never rack his person , but rack his stile ; let him have pen , ink , and paper , and help of books , and be enjoyned to continue the Story where it breaketh off , and I will undertake by collecting the stiles , to judge whether he were the Author or no. But for the main matter , sure I am , when the Qu. at any time asked mine opinion of my Lords case , I ever in one tenor , said unto her : that they were faults which the Law might terme Contempts , because they were the transgression of her particular directions and instructions : but then what defence might be made of them , in regard of the great interest the person had in her Majesties favour , in regard of the greatness of his place , and the ampleness of his Commission ; in regard of the nature of the business being action of war , which in common cases cannot be tyed to strictness of instructions , in regard of the distance of the place , having also a sea between , that demands and commands , must be subject to winde and weather ; in regard of a councel of State in Ireland which he had at his back to avow his actions upon , and lastly in regard of a good intention that he would alledge for himself , which I told her in some religions was held to be a sufficient dispensation for Gods commandements , much more for Princes . In all these regards , I besought her Majesty to be advised again and again , how she brought the cause into any publick question : nay , I went further , for I told her , my Lord was an eloquent and wel spoken man , and besides his eloquence of nature or art , he had an eloquence of accident which passed them both , which was the pity and benevolence of his hearers ; and therefore that when he should come to his answer for himself , I doubted his words would have so unequal passage above theirs that should charge him , as would not be for her Majesties honor ; and therefore wished the conclusion might be , that they might wrap it up privately between themselves , and that she would restore my Lord to his former attendance , with some addition of honour to take away discontent . But this I wil never deny , that I did shew no approbation generally of his being sent back again into Ireland , both because it would have carried a repugnancy with my former discourse , and because I was in mine own heart fully perswaded , that it was not good neither for the Queen , nor for the State , nor for himself : and yet I did not disswade it neither , but left it ever as locus lubricus . For this particularity I do well remember that after your Lordship was named for the place in Ireland , and not long before your going , it pleased her Majesty at White Hall to speak to me of that nomination : at which time I said to her : Surely , Madam , if you mean not to imploy my Lord of Essex thither again , your Majesty cannot make a better choise , and was going on to show some reason , and her Majesty interrupted me with great passion : Essex ! ( said she ) whensoever I send Essex back again into Ireland , I will marry you , claim it of me : whereunto I said ; Well , Madam , I will release that contract if his going be for the good of your State. Immediately after the Queen had thought of a course ( which was also executed to have somewhat published in the Star-chamber , for the satisfaction of the world touching my Lord of Essex his restraint , and my Lord of Essex not to be called to it , but occasion to be taken by reason of some Libels then dispersed ; which when her Majesty propounded unto me , I was utterly against it ; and told her plainly ; that the people would say , that my Lord was wounded upon his back , and that justice had her balance taken from her , which ever consisted of an accusation and defence , with many other quick and significant tearms to that purpose : insomuch that I remember I sad , that my Lord in foro famae was too hard for her ; and therefore wished her as I had done before , to wrap it up privately . And certainly I offended her at that time , which was rare with me : for I call to mind that both the Christmas , Lent , and Easter Terme following , though I came divers times to her upon Law business yet me thought her face and maner was not so clear and open to me , as it was at the first . And she did directly charge me , that I was absent that day at the Star-chamber , which was very true ; but I alleged som in disposition of body to excuse it : and during all the time aforesaid , there was altum silentium from her to me touching my Lord of Essex causes . But towards the end of Easter terme , her Majesty brake with me , and told me that she had found my words tru , for that the proceeding in the Star-chamber had done no good , but rather kindled factious bruits ( as she termed them ) then quenched them , and therefore that she was determined now for the satisfaction of the world , to proceed against my-Lord in the Star-chamber by an information ore tenus , and to have my Lo. brought to his answer : howbeit she said , she would assure me that whatsoever she did , should be towards my L. ad castigationem , & non ad destructionem , as indeed she had often repeated the same phrase before : whereunto I said ( to the end utterly to divert her : ) Madam , if you will have me speak to you in this argument , I must speak to you as Frier Bacons head spake , that said first , Time is , and then , Time was , and Time would never be ; for certainly ( said I ) it is now far to late , the matter is cold and hath taken too much wind ; where at she seemed again offended , and rose from me , and that resolution for a while continued ; and after , in the beginning of Midsomer tearm , I attending her , and finding her setled in that resolution ( which I heard of also otherwise ) she falling upon the like speech , it is true , that seeing no other remedy , I said to her slightly , Why , Madam , if you wil needs hav a proceeding , you were best have it in some such sort as Ovid spake of his mistress , Est aliquid luce patente minus , to make a counsel table matter of it , and there an end ; which speech again she seemed to take in ill part , but yet I think it did good at that time , and helped to divert that course of proceeding by information in the Star-chamber . Nevertheless afterwards it pleas'd her to make a more solemn matter of the proceeding , and some few daies after when order was given that the matter should be heard at York hous , before an assembly of Councellers , Peers , and Judges , & some audience of men of quality to be admitted : and then did some principal Councellers send for us of the learned Councel , and notifie her Majesties pleasure unto us , save that it was said to me openly by one of them , that her Majesty was not yet resolved whether she would have me forborn in the business or no. And hereupon might arise that other sinister and untrue speech that I hear is raised of me , how I was a suter to be used against my Lo. of Essex at that time : for it is very true , that I that knew well what had passed between the Queen and me , and what occasion I had given her both of distast and distrust , in crossing her disposition , by standing steadfastly for my L. of Essex , and suspecting it also to be a stratagem arising from some particular emulation , I writ to her two or three words of complement , signifying to her Majesty , that if she would be pleased to spare me in my Lord of Essex cause , out of the consideration she took of my obligation towards him , I should reckon it for own of her greatest favors : but otherwise desiring her Majesty to think that I knew the degrees of duties , & that no particular obligation whatsoever to any subject could supplant or weaken that entireness of duty that I did ow & bear to her and her service ; & this was the goodly sute I made , being a respect no man that had his wits could hav omitted : but nevertheless I had a further reach in it , for I judged that daies work would be a full period of any bitternes or harshness between the Queen and my Lord , and therefore if I declared my self fully according to her minde at that time , which could not do my Lord any manner of prejudice , I should keep my credit with her ever after , whereby to do my Lord service . Hereupon the next news that I heard , was , that we were all sent for again , and that her Majesties pleasure was , we all should have parts in the business ; and the Lords falling into distribution of our parts , it was allotted to me , that I should set forth some undutiful carriages of my Lord , in giving occasion and countenance to a seditious Pamphlet , as it was termed , which was dedicated unto him , which was the book before mentioned of K. Henry the fourth . Whereupon I replyed to that allotment , and said to their Lordships , that it was an old matter , and had no manner of coherence with the rest of the charge , being matters of Ireland , and therfore that I having been wronged by bruits before , this would expose me to them more ; and it would be said , I gave in evidence mine own tales . It was answered again with good shew , that because it was considered how I stood tyed to my Lord of Essex , therefore that part was thought fittest for me , which did him least hurt : for that whereas all the rest was matter of charge and accusation , this onely was but matter of caveat and admonition . Wherewith though I was in mine one minde little satisfied , because I knew well a man were better to be charged with some faults , then admonished of some others : yet the conclusion binding upon the Queens pleasure directly , volens nolens , I could not avoid that part that was laid upon me ; which part if in the delivery I did handle not tenderly ( though no man before me did in so clear tearms free my Lord from all disloyalty as I did ) that your Lordship knoweth , must be ascribed to the superiour duty I did ow to the Queens fame and honour in a publick proceeding , and partly to the intention I had to uphold my self in credit and strength with the Queen , the better to be able to do my Lord good offices afterwards : for assoon as this day was past , I lost no time , but the very next day following ( as I remember ) I attended her Majesty , fully resolved to try and put in ure my utmost endeavor ( so far as I in my weaknes could give furtherance ) to bring my Lord again speedily into Court and favour , and knowing ( as I supposed at least ) how the Queen was to be used , I thought that to make her conceive that the matter went well then , was the way to make her leave off there ; and I remember well , I said to her , you have now Madam obtained victory over two things which the greatest Princes in the world cannot at their wills subdue : the one is over Fame , the other is over a great minde : for surely the world is now ( I hope ) reasonably well satisfied ; & for my Lord , he did shew that humiliation towards your Majesty , as I am perswaded he was never in his life time more fit for your favor then he is now : therefore if your Majesty will not marre it by lingring , but give over at the best , and now you have made so good a full point , receive him again with tenderness , I shall then think that all that is past , is for the best . Whereat I remember she took exceeding great contentment , and did often iterate and put me in minde , that she had ever said , that her proceedings should be ad reparationem , and not adruinam , as who saith , that now was the time I should well perceive , that that saying of hers should prove true . And further she willed me to set down in writing all that passed that day . I obeyed her commandment , and within some few daies brought her again the narration , which I did read unto her at 2 several afternoons : and when I came to that part that set forth my Lords own answer , ( which was my principal care ) I do well bear in mind , that she was extrordinarily moved with it , in kindness and relenting towards my Lord , and told me afterwards ( speaking how well I had expressed my Lords part ) that she perceived old love would not easily be forgotten : wherto I answered suddenly , that I hoped she meant that by her self . But in conclusion I did advise her , that now she had taken a representation of the matter to her self , that she would let it go no further : for , Madam , ( said I ) the fire blazeth well already , what should you tumble it : and besides it may please you keep a convenienc with your self in this case : for since your express direction was , there should be no register nor clarke to take this sentence , nor no record or memorial made up of the proceeding , why should you now do that popularly , which you would not admit to be done judicially ? Whereupon she did agree , that that writing should be suppressed , and I think there were not ▪ persons that ever saw it . But from this time forth during the whole latter end of that summer while the Court was at Nonsuch and Otlands , I made it my task and scope to take and give occasions for my Lords reintegration in his fortune : which my intention I did also signifie to my Lord , assoon as ever he was at his liberty ; whereby I might without peril of the Queens indignation write to him , and having received from his Lordship a courteous and loving acceptation of my good will and indeavours , I did apply it in all my accesses to the Queen , which were very many at that time , and purposely sought and wrought upon other variable pretences , but onely and chiefly for that purpose . And on the otherside , I did not forbear to give my Lord from time to time faithful advertisement what I found , and what I wished . And I drew for him by his appointment some letters to her Majesty , which though I knew well his Lordships gift and stile was far better then mine own , yet because he required it , alledging that by his long restraint he was grown almost a stranger to the Queens present conceipts , I was ready to perform it : and sure I am , that for the space of six weeks , or two months it prospered so well , as I expected continually his restoring to his attendance . And I was never better welcom to the Queen , nor more made of , then when I spake fullest and boldest for him : in which kinde the particulars were exceeding many , whereof for an example I will remember to your Lordship one or two ; as at one time I call to minde , her Majesty was speaking of a fellow that undertook to cure , or at least to ease my brother of his gout , and asked me how it went forwards ; and I told her Majesty , that at the first he received good by it , but after in the course of his cure he found himself at a stay or rather worse : the Queen said again , I will tell you Bacon the error of it , the manner of these Physitians , and especially these Empericks is to continue one kinde of medicine , which at the first is proper , being to draw out the ill humor , but after they have not the discretion to change their medicine , but apply still drawing medicines , when they should rather intend to cure and corroborate the part . Good Lord , Madam , ( said I ) how wisely and aptly can you speak and discern of Physick ministred to the body , and consider not that there is the like occasion of Physick ministred to the minde : as now in the case of my Lord of Essex , your Princely word ever was , that you intended ever to reform his minde , and not ruine his fortune : I know well you cannot but think that you have drawn the humor sufficiently , and therefore it were more then time , and it were but for doubt of mortifying or exulcerating , that you did apply and minister strength and comfort unto him : for these same gradations of yours are fitter to corrupt then correct any mind of greatness ▪ And another time I remember she told me for news , that my Lord had written unto her some very dutiful letters , and that she had been moved by them , and when she took it to be the abundance of the heart , she found it to be but a preparative to a suit for the renuing of his farme of sweet wines : whereunto I replyed ; O Madam , how doth your Majesty consture these things , as if these two could not stand well together , which indeed nature hath planted in all creatures . For there are but two sympathies , the one towards Perfection , the other towards Preservation . That to Perfection , as the Iron con●ēdeth to the Loadstone : that to Preservation , as the Vine will creep towards a stake or prop that stands by it , not for any love to the stake , but to uphold it self . And therefore , Madam , you must distinguish my Lords desire to do you service , is as to his perfection , that which he thinks himself to be born for : whereas his desire to obtain this thing of you , is but for a sustentation . And not to trouble your Lordship with many other particulars like unto these , it was at the self same time that I did draw with my Lords privity , and by his appointment , two letters , the one written as from my brother , the other as an answer returned from my Lord , both to be by me in secret manner shewed to the Queen , which it pleased my Lord very strangely to mention at the bar : the scope of which were but to represent and picture forth unto her Majesty my Lords minde to be such , as I knew her Majesty would fainest have had it , which letters whosoever shall see , ( for they cannot now be retracted or altered , being by reason of my brothers , or his Lordships servants delivery , long since come into diverse hands ) let him judge , especially if he knew the Queen , and do remember those times , whether they were not the labors of one that sought to bring the Queen about for my Lord of Essex his good . The troth is , that the issue of all his dealing grew to this , that the Queen by some slackness of my Lords , as I imagine , liked him worse and worse , and grew more incensed towards him . Then , she remembring belike the continual , and incessant , and confident speeches and courses that I had held on my Lords side , became utterly alienated from me , and for the space of ( at least ) three moneths , which was between Michaelmas and New-years tide following , would not so much as look on me , but turned away from me with express and purpose-like discountenance wheresoever shee saw me : and at such time as I desired to speak with her about Law business , ever sent me forth very slight refusals , insomuch as it is most true , that immediately after Newyears tide I desired to speak with her ; and being admitted to her , I dealt with her plainly , and said : Madam , I see you withdraw your favor from me and now I have lost many friends for your sake , I shall lose you too : you have put me like one of those that the Frenchmen call Enfans perdus , that serve on foot before horsmen , so have you put me into matters of envy without place , or without strength : and I know at Chess a pawn before the King , is ever much plaid upon : a great many love me not , because they think I have been against my Lord of Essex ; and you love me not , because you know I have been for him : yet will I never repent me , that I have dealt in simplicity of heart towards you both , without respect of cautions to my self : and therefore vivus vidensque pereo . If I do break my neck , I shall do it in a manner as Master Dorrington did it , which walked on the battlements of the Church many daies , and took a view & survey where he should fall : and so , Madam , ( said I ) I am not so simple , but that I take a prospect of mine overthrow , onely I thought I would tel you so much , that you may know that it was faith , and not folly that brought me into it , & so I will pray for you . Upon which speeches of mine uttered with some passion , it is true her Majesty was exceedingly moved ; and accumulated a number of kind & gratious words upon me , and willed me to rest upon this , Gratia mea sufficit , and a number of other sensible & tender words and demonstrations , such as more could not be ; but as touching my Lord of Essex , ne verbum quidem . Whereupon I departed , resting then determined to meddle no more in the matter ; as that , that I saw would overthrow me , and not be able to do him any good . And thus I made mine own peace with mine own confidence at that time ; and this was the last time I saw her Majesty , before the eight of February , which was the day of my Lord of Essex his misfortune , after which time for that I perform at the bar in my publick service , your Lordship knoweth by the rules of duty , that I was to do it honestly and without prevarication : but for any putting my self into it , I protest before God , I never moved neither the Queen , nor any person living concerning my being used in the service , either of evidence or examination : but it was meerly laid upon me with the rest of my fellows . And for the time which passed , I mean between the arraignment and my Lords suffering , I well remember but I was once with the Qu. at what time though I durst not deal directly for my Lord as things then stood ; yet generally I did both commend her Majesties mercie , terming it to her as an excellent balm that did continually distil from her Soveraign hands , and made an excellent odour in the senses of her people : and not onely so , but I took hardiness to extenuate , not the fact , for that I durst not ; but the danger , telling her that if some base or cruel minded persons had entered into such an action , it might have caused much blood and combustion : but it appeared well they were such as knew not how to play the Malefactors , and some other words which I now omit . And as for the rest of the carriage of my self in that service , I have many honorable witnesses that can tel , that the next day after my Lords arraignment , by my diligence and information touching the quality and nature of the offendors , six of nine were stayed , which otherwise had been attainted , I bringing their Lordships letter for their stay , after the Jury was sworn to pass upon them ; so neer it went : and how careful I was , and made it my part , that whosoever was in trouble about that matter , assoon as ever his case was sufficiently known and defined of , might not continue in restraint , but be set at liberty : and many other parts , which I am well assured of stood with the duty of an honest man. But indeed I will not deny for the case of Sir Thomas Smith of London , the Q. demanding my opinion of it , I told her , I thought it was as hard as many of the rest : but what was the reason ? because at that time I had seen only his accusation , and had never been present at any examination of his : and the matter so standing , I had been very untrue to my service , if I had not delivered that opinion . But afterwards upon a re-examination of som that charged him , who weakned their own testimony ; & especially hearing himself viva voce , I went instantly to the Q. out of the soundness of my conscience , & not regarding what opinion I had formerly delivered , told her Majesty , I was satisfied and resolved in my conscience , that for the reputation of the action , the plot was to countenance the action further by him in respect of his place , then they had indeed any interest or intelligence with him . It is very true also , about that time her Majesty taking a liking of my pen , upon that which I had done before concerning the proceeding at York house , and likewise upon some other declarations , which in former times by her appointment I put in writing , commanded me to pen that book , which was published for the better satisfaction of the world : which I did , but so , as never Secretary had more perticular , and express directions and instructions in every point how to guide my hand in it : and not onely so , but after that I had made a first draught thereof and propounded it to certain principal Councellors , by her Majesties appointment , it was perused , weighed , censured , altered , and and made almost anew , writing according to their Lordships better consideration , wherein their Lordships and my self both were as religious and curious of truth , as desirous of satisfaction : and my self indeed gave onely words and form of stile in pursuing their direction . And after it had passed their allowance , it was again exactly perused by the Queen her self , and some alterations made again by her appointment : nay , and after it was set to print , the Queen , who as your Lordship knoweth , as she was excellent in great matters , so she was exquisite in small : and noted that I could not forget my ancient respect to my Lord of Essex interming him ever my Lo. of Essex , my Lord of Essex almost in every page of the Book , which she thought not fit , but would have it made , Essex , or the late Earl of Essex : whereupon of force it was printed de novo , & the first copies suppressed by her peremptory commandment . And this my good Lord , to my furthest remembrance , is all that passed wherein I had part , which I have set down as neer as I could in the very words and speeches that were used , not because they are worthy the repetition , I mean those of mine own ; but to the end your Lordship may lively and plainly discern between the face of truth , and a smooth tale . And the rather also because in things that passed a good while since , the very words and phrases did sometimes bring to my remembrance the matters , wherein I report me to your honorable judgement , whether you do not see the traces of an honest man : and had I been as well beleeved either by the Queen or by my Lord , as I was well heard by them both , both . my Lord had been fortunate , and so had my self in his fortune . To conclude therefore , I humbly pray your Lordship to pardon me for troubling you with this long Narration , and that you will vouchsafe to hold me in your good opinion , till you know I have deserved , or finde that I shall deserve the contrary ; and even so I continue At your Lordships Honorable commandments very humbly . THE Ld. BACON HIS LETTER TO THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS , AND most Excellent Prince CHARLS , Prince of Wales , Duke of Corn-Wal , Earl of Chester , &c. It may please your Highness , IN part of my acknowledgement to your highness , I have endevoured to do honor to the memory of the last King of England that was Ancestor to the King your Father and your self , and was that King to whom both unions may in a sort refer , that of the Roses being in him consummate , and that of the Kingdoms by him begun : besides his times deserve it , for he was a wise man , and an Excellent King ; and yet the times very rough and full of mutations and rare accidents : and it is with times , as it is with wayes , some are more up hill and down hill , and some are more flat and plain , and the one is better for the liver , and the other for the writer : I have not flattered him , but took him to life as well as I could , sitting so far of , and having no better light ; it is true your Highness hath a living patern , incomparable of the King your Father , but is not amiss for you also to see it one of these Ancient Pieces : God preserve your Highness . Your Highness most humble and devoted Servant , Francis S t Alban . FINIS . THE Lord Treasurer BUR LEIGH HIS Advice to Queen ELIZABETH in matters of Religion and State. Most Gratious Soveraign , CARE ( one of the true bred Children of my unfained affection ) awaked with the late wicked and barbarous attempts , would needs exercise my pen to your sacred Majesty , not onely encouraging me , that it would take the whole fault of boldness upon it self ; but , also , that even the world should not doubt to appear in your Highness presence in their kindly rudeness . For that if your Majesty with your voice did but read them , your very reading would grace them with eloquence . Therefore laying aside all self guilty conceits of ignorance ( knowing that the Sign is not angry with the well meaning Astronomer , though he hap to miss his course ; I will with the same sincerity display my humble conceits ) wherewith my life shall be amongst the foremost to defend the blessings which God ( in you ) hath bestowed upon us . So far then as can be perceived by my humane judgment , Dread Soveraign , you may judge , that the happiness of your present Estate , can no ways be encumbred with one of these two means , ( viz ) Either by your 1 Factious Subjects , or 2 Forraign Enemies . Your strong and Factious Subjects are the Papists , strong I account them , both in number and nature ; for by number they are able to raise a great Army , and by their natural and mutual confidence , and intelligence , they may soon bring to pass an uniting with Forraign Enemies ; Factious I call them , because they are discontented , Of whom in all reason of State your Majesty must determine ; if you will suffer them to be strong to make them the better content , or if you will discontent them , by making them weaker ; for what the mixture of strength and discontent are in genders , there needs no Syllogism to prove . To suffer them to be strong with hope , that with reason they will be contented , carrieth with it in my opinion , but a fairer enamling of a terrible danger . For first , mens natures are not only to strive against a present smart , but to revenge by-past injury , though they be never so well contented hereafter , which cannot be so sufficient a pledg to your Majesty , but that when opportunity shal flatter them , they will remem . +ber , not the after slacking , but the former binding , and so much the more when they shall imagine this relenting rather to proceed from fear , the which is the poyson of all Government , when the Subject thinks the Prince doth any thing more out of fear then favour . And therefore the Romans would rather abide the uttermost extremities , then by their Subjects to be brought to any conditions . Again , for to make them contented absolutely , I do not see how your Majesty either in Conscience will do or in policy may do it , since you cannot throughly discontent your faithful Subjects , and to fasten an unreconciled love , with the losing of certain love , is to build a house with the sale of lands ; so much the more in that your Majesty is imbarqued in the Protestant cause , as in many respects by your Majesty it cannot be with any safety abandoned , they having been so long time the onely instruments both of your Councel and Power ; and to make them half content , and half discontent , methinks carries with it as deceitful a shadow of reason as can be , since there is no pain so small , but if we can cast it off , we will ; and no man loves one the better for giving him the Bastinado though with never so little a Cudgel . But the course of the most Wise , most Politick , and best grounded Estate , hath ever been to make an assuredness of friendship , or to take away all power of enmity . Yet , here must I distingiush between discontent and dispair , for it sufficeth to waken the discontented ; but there is no way but to kill desperates ( which in such a number as they are ) were as hard and difficult , as impious and ungodly . And therefore , though they must be discontented , yet , I would not have them desperate ; for among many desperate men , it is like some one will bring forth some desperate attemps . Therefore , considering that the urging of the oath , must needs in some degree beget despair , since therein he must either think ( as without the special grace of God he cannot think otherwise ) or else become a Traitor , which before some hurt done seemeth hard : I humbly submit this to your Excellent consideration , whether with as much sincerity of your Majesties Person and State , and more satisfaction for them , it were not better to leav the oath to this sense , That whosoever would not bear Arms against all forraign Princes , and namely , the Pope , that should any way invade your Majesties Dominions , he should be a Traytor ; for hereof this commodity will ensue ; that those Papists ( as I think most Papists would that should take this oath ) would be devided from the great mutual confidence which now is betwixt the Pope and them , by reason of their afflictions for him : And such Priests as would refuse that oath then no tongue could say for shame , that they suffer for Religion , if they did suffer . But here it may be objected , they would dissemble and equivocate with this oath ; and that the oath would dispence with them in that case . Even so may they with the present oath both dissemble and equivocate , and also have the Popes dispensation for the present oath , as well as for the other . But this is certain , that whomsoever the conscience , or fear of breaking an oath doth binde , him would that oath binde . And that they make conscience of an oath , the troubles , losses , and disgraces , that they suffer for refusing the same , do sufficiently testifie : and you know that the perjury of either oath is equal . So then the farthest point to be sought for their contentment is but to avoid their dispair . How to weaken their contentment is the next consideration . Weakned they may be , by two means . First , By lessening their number . Secondly , By taking away from their force , their number will easily be lessened , by the means of careful and diligent Preachers in each Parish to that end appointed ; And especially , by good School-masters , and bringers up of their youth ; the former by converting them after their fall ; and the latter , by preventing them from falling into their errors . For Preachers ( because their own ) groweth a great question ; I am provoked to lay at your Highness feet my opinion touching the preciser sort . First , Protesting to God Almighty , and your sacred Majesty , that I am not given over , no , nor so much as addicted to their preciseness ; therfore till I think , that you think otherwise , I am bold to think , that the Bishops in these dangerous times , take a very ill and unadvised course in driving them from their cures ; and this I think , for two causes . First , because it doth discredit the reputation and estimation of your power ; when the Princes shal perceive , and know ; that even in your Protestant Subjects ( in whom consisteth all your force , strength , and power ) there is so great , and heart burning a division , and how much reputation swayeth in these , and all other worldly actions ; there is none so simple , as to be ignorant : and the Papists themselves ( though there be most manifest , and apparent discord between the Franciscans and Dominicans , the Jesuites , and other Orders or Religious persons , especially the Benedictims : ) Yet will they shake off none of them , because in the maine point of Popery they all agree , and hold together : And so far they may freely brag and vaunt of their unity . The other reason is , because in truth , ( in their opinions ) though they are oversqueamish , and nice , and more scrupulous then they need ; yet with their careful catechizing , and diligent Preaching , they bring forth that fruit which your most Excellent Majesty is to desire , and wish , namely , the lessning and diminishing the Papistical numbers . And therefore in this time your Majesty hath especial cause to use and imploy them , if it were but as Frederick the second ( that excellent Emperor ) did use and employ the Sarazens souldiers against the Pope , because he was well assured , and certainly knew , that they onely would not spare his sanctity . And for those objections what they would do , if once they got a full and entire Authority in the Church , methinks they are inter remota & in certa mala , and therefore , vicinia & certa , to be first considered . As for School-masters ( they may be a principal means of diminishing their number ) the lamentable and pittiful abuses of them are easie to be seen , since the greatest number of Papists is of very young men ; but your Majesty may prevent that bud , and may use therein not onely a Pious and Godly means , in making the Parents of every Shire to send their children to be vertuously brought up at a certain place , for that end appointed ; but you shall also ( if it please your Majesty ) put in practice a notable stratagem , used by Certories in Spaine , by choosing such fit and convenient places for the same , as may surely be at your devotion ; and by this means you shall under colour of education , have them as hostages of the Parents fidelities , that have any power in England : and by this way their number will quickly be lessned ; for I account death doth no wayes lessen them , since we find by experince , that death worketh no such effect ; but that like Hydra's heads , upon cutting off one , seven growes up ; persecution being accounted as the badg of the Church ; and therfore they should never have the honour to take any pretence of Martyrdom in England , where the fulness of blood , and greatness of heart is such , that they will even for shameful things go bravely to death ; much more when they think themselves to climb Heaven , and that vice of obstinacy seems to the common people a divine constancy . But for my part I wish no lessning of their number , but by preaching , and of the youngers education under good School-masters ; there taking away of their forces , is as wel by Peace's Authority , as of War provision . Their Peace's Authority standeth , either in Offices , or Tenantries . For their Offices , their credit w●ll seem available , if order be taken , that from the highest Councellor to the lowest Constable , none to have any charge or office , but such as will really pray and communicate in their congregation according to the doctrine received generally into this Realm . For their Tenantries , this conceit I have thought upon , ( which I submit to your farther piercing judgment ) That your Majesty in every Shire should give strict order , to some that are indeed trusty and religious Gentlemen ; That whereas your Majesty is given to understand that divers Popish Landlords , do hardly use all such of your people and subjects , ( as being their tenants ) do embrace and live after the authorised and true Religion ; that therefore you do constitute and appoint to deal both with intreaty and authority , ( paying as others do ) that they be not thrust out of their living , nor otherwise unreasonably molested . This would greatly bind the Commons hearts unto you ( on whom indeed consisteth the power and strength of your Realm ) and it will make them much the less , or nothing at all depend upon their Landlords . And although there may hereby grow some wrong , which the Tenants upon that confidence may offer to their Landlords ; yet , those wrongs are very easily , even , with one wink of your Majesty redressed ; and are nothing comparable , to the danger , of having many thousands depending upon the adverse party . Their Wars provision , I account men and munition , of whom in some , I could wish no man , either great or smal , should so much as be trained up in any Musters ; except his ●arishioners would answer for him , that he orderly and duly receiveth the Communion ; and for munition , that not one should keep in his house , or have at command , so much as a Halbert , without he were conformable to the Church , and of the condition aforesaid . And if such order were taken , that considering they were not put to the labour and charge of mustering and training ; therefore their contribution should be more and more narrowly looked into : This would breed a chilness unto their fervour of superstition ; especially in popular resolutions , who if they love Egypt , is chiefly for the flesh pots , so that me-thinks this temper should well agree with your wisdom , and the mercifulness of your nature . For to compel them you would not ; kill them you would not ; so in reason to trust them you should not ; trust being in no case to be used , but where the trust is of one minde , with the trusting reason , which ever commandeth every wise man to fly and avoyd that shamefac'dness with the Greeks ; which is , not to seem to doubt them , which give just occasion of doubt . This ruined Hercules the son of Great Alexander ; for , although he had most manifest reasons , and evident arguments to induce him to suspect his ill servant Poliperchon , yet , out of the confidence he had of him , and the experience he had of his former Loyalty , he would make provision accordingly , because , he would not seem so much as to misdoubt or suspect him ; and so by that means he was murthered by him . But the knot of this discourse is ; That if your Majesty finde it reasonable of the one side , by relenting the rigour of the oath , and of the other by disabling the unsound Subjects , you shall neither execute any , but very Traytors , in all mens opinions and constructions ; nor yet put faith and confidence in those , even for their own sakes which must be faithful . The second point of the general part of my discourse , is , the consideration of your forraign enemies , which may prove either able or willing to hurt you ; and those are Scotland , for his pretence and neighbourhood , and Spain , for his religion and power ; as for France , I see not why it should not rather be made a friend , not an enemy ; for though he agree not with your Majesty , in matters of Conscience and Religion ; yet , in hoc termino , he doth agree , that he feareth the greatness of Spain , and therefore , that may soder the link which Religion hath broken , and make him hope by your Majesties friendship , to secure himself of so potent an Adversary . And though he were evilly affected towards your Majesty , yet , I do not think it greatly to be feared , the pres●●● condition of his estate , himself being a Prince who hath given an assurance to the world , that he loves his ease much better then victories , and a Prince , that is neither beloved nor feared of his people : And the people themselves being of a very light , and unconstant disposition ; and besides , they are altogether unexperienced , and undisciplined how to do their duties , either in war or peace ; they are ready to begin and undertake any enterprize before they enter into consideration thereof , and yet weary of it before it be well begun , they are generally poor and weak , and subject to sickness at Sea , divided and subdivided into sundry heads , and several f●●tions , not onely between Hugonites and Papists , but also between the Memorancis , Guises , and Migonominies ; the people being opressed by all due hate ; so that for a well setled and established Government , and common-wealth , as your Majesties is , I see no grounds why to misdoubt or fear them , but onely fo farforth as the Guisars hap to serve for Boutefeus in Scotland ; and while it shall please your Majesty , but with reasonable favour to support the King of Navar , I do not think the French King will ever suffer you to be from thence anoyed . Therefore , for France , your Majesty may assure your self of one of these two ; either to make with him a good aliance , in respect of the common enemy of both Kingdoms , or at the least so to muzle him , as that he shall have little power to bite you . As for Scotland , if your Majesty assist and help those Noble men there , which are by him suspected , your Majesty may be sure of this , that those will keep at home . And also whilst he is a Protestant , no forraign Prince will take part with him against your Majesty : and of himself he is not able to do much harm , the better part of his nobles being for your Majesty ; and if in time he should grow to be a Papist , your Majesty shall always have a strong party at his own doors , in his own Kingdom , to restrain his malice ; who since they depend upon your Majesty , they are in all Policy never to be abandoned ; for by this resolution the Romans anciently , and the Spaniards presently , have most of all prevailed : and on the contrary , the Macedonians in times past , & the French men in our age , have lost all their forraign friends , because of their aptness to neglect them who depended upō them ; but if your Majesty could by any means possible devise to bring in again the Hamiltons , he should then be beaten with his own weapons , and should have more cause to look to his own succession then to be too busie abroad . But Spain , yea , Spain it is , in which ( as I conceive ) all causes do concur , to give a just alarm to your Excellent Highness judgement . First ; because in Religion , he is so much the Popes , and the Pope in Policy so much his , as that the minde of Pope Gregory , and the power of King Philip , will , nor can compass , or bring us in all probability to be expected , himself being a Prince , whose closet hath brought forth geater victories , then all his Fathers journies , absolutely by ruling his subjects ; a people all one hearted in Religion , constantly ambitious , politick , and valiant ; the King rich and liberal , and ( which of all I like worst ) greatly beloved amongst all the discontented party of your highness subjects ; a more lively proof whereof one could never see , then in the poore Don Anthonio , who when he was here , was as much at Mass , as any man living , yet there did not so much as one Papist in England give him any good countenance ; so factious an affection is born the Spaniards . Now , as of him is the chief cause of doubt , so of him the chief care must be had of providence . But this offers a great question , whether it bebetter to procure his Amity , or stop the course of his Enmity ; as of a great Lion , whether it be more wisdom , to trust to the taming of him , or tying of him . I confess , this requires a longer and larger discourse , and a better discourser then my self ; and therefore I will stay my self from roaving over so large a field , but onely with the usual presumption of love , yeeld this to your gratious consideration . First , If you have any intention of League , you see upon what assurance , or at least what likelihood you may have , that he will observe the same . Secondly , that in a Parlying season it it be not as a Countenance unto him the sooner to overthrow the low Countries , which hitherto hath been as a counter-scarff to your Majesties Kingdom . But if you doe not league , then your Majesty is to think upon means for strengthening your self and weakning of him , and therein your own strength is to be tendered both at home and abroad . For your home strength in all reverence I leave it as the thing which contains in effect the universal consideration of Government . For your strength abroad , it it must be in joyning in good Confederacy , or at least intelligence with those that would willingly embrace the same . Truly , not so much as the Turk and Morocco , but at some time they may serve your Majesty to great purpose , but from Florence , Ferrara , and especially Venice , I think your Majesty might reap great assurance and service , for undoubtedly they fear his frauds , and abhor his greatness . And for the Dutch and Nothern Princes being in Effect of your Majesties Religion , I cannot think but their alliance may be firm , and their power not to be contemned , even the Countenance of united powers doth much in matters of State. For the weakning of him , I would ( I must confess from my heart ) wish that your Majesty did not spare throughly and manifestly both upon the Indies , and the Low-Countries , which would give themselves unto you ; and rather take him while he hath one hand free and at liberty , then both of them sharply weaponed . But if this seem foolish hardiness to your Majesties wisdom , yet I dare not presume to Councel ( but beseech ) your Majesty , that what , I say , your Majesty ( without warre ) can give to the Low-Countries , you would vouchfafe to do it , since as King of Spain without the low Countries , he may trouble our skirts of Ireland , but can never come to grasp with you ; but if he once reduce the Low-Countries to an absolute subjection , I know not what limit any man of judgment can set unto his greatness : divers wayes are to be tryed , among the rest one , ( not the worst ) in my opinion , might be to seek either the winning of the Prince of Parma from the King of Spain , or at the least to have the matter so handled , so as the jealousie thereof may arise betwixt them , as Pope Clement did by the notable Marquess of Pescara , for he practized , with him for offering the Kingdom of Naples , not so much with whom to joyn him , as to make his master suspect him , for when I confider that Parma is a Roman by blood , a Prince born , placed in the place he hath by Don John , and maintained in it by the male-contents ; whereunto the King hath rather yeelded of necessity then any other way . Lastly , When I remember the Cittadel of Pierensa , kept by the Spaniards , and the apparent title of his Son Remutio to the Crown of Portugal , things hardly to be digested by an Italian stomack , I cannot see how such a mind in such a fortune can sell it self to a Forraign servitude . The manner of dealing with him , should be by some man of spirit , with the Venetian Ambassadors at Paris , and afterwards with his own father in Italy , both which are in their hearts mortal Enemies of the greatness of Spain . But these sheets of Paper bare witness against me , of having offered too tedious a discourse to your Majesty , divers of which points , yet , as of mittigating the oath , the School hostages , the heartning of tennants , and the dealing with the Prince of Parma , would require a more ample handling ; but it is first , reason to know whether your Majesty like of the stuff before it be otherwise trimmed . For my self , as I will then only love my opinions , when your Majesty liketh them ; so will I daily pray , That all opinions may be guided with as much Faith , as I have Zeal to your Majesties Service , and that they may be followed with infinite success . Finis . TO THE Ld. BACON THEN FALING FROM FAVOUR . DAZEL'D thus with height of place , Whilst our hopes our wits beguile ; No man markes the narrow space 'Twixt a Prison and a smile : Then since Fortune's favors fade , You that in her Arms do sleep , Learn to swim and not to wade , For , the hearts of Kings are deep . But if greatness be so blinde , As to trust in Towers of Air ; Let it be with goodness lin'd , That at least the fall be fair : Then though darkned you shall say , When friends fail and Princes frown , Vertue is the roughest way , But proves at night a bed of down . To my Reverend Friend ; Doctor A. SIR , AMongst consolations , it is not the least to represent to a mans self ; like examples of Calamity in others . For examples give a quicker impression then Arguments , and besides , they certifie us that which the Scripture also tenders for satisfaction ; That no new thing is hapned unto us : This they do the better , by how much the examples are liker in circumstances to our own case , and more especially , if they fall upon persons that are greater and worthier then our selves : For as it savoureth of vanity to match our selves highly in our own conceit ; so on the other side , it is a good sound conclusion , That if our betters have sustained the like events , we have the less cause to be grieved . In this kind of consolation I have not been wanting to my self , though as a Christian I have tasted ( through Gods great goodness ) of higher remedies . Having therefore through the variety of my reading , set before me many examples , both of ancient and latter times ; my thoughts I confess have chiefly staid upon three particulars , as the most eminent & the most resembling All three persons that had held chief places of Authority in their Countries , all three ruined , not by war , or by any other disaster , but by justice and sentence , as Delinquents and Criminals : All three famous Writers , insomuch as the remembrance of their calamity is now as to posterity , but as a little picture of Night-work , remaining amongst the faire and excellent Tables of their Acts and Works : And all three ( if that were any thing to the matter ) fit examples to quench any mans ambition of rising again ; for that they were every one of them restored with great glory , but to their further ruine and destruction , ending in a violent death . The men were Demosthenes , Cicero , and Seneca , persons that I durst not claim affinity with , except the similitude of our fortunes had contracted it . When I had cast mine eyes upon these examples , I was carried on further to observe , how they did beare their fortunes , and principally how they did imploy their times , being banished and disabled for publick businesse , to the end that I might learn by them , and that they might be as well my Counsellors as my Comforters . Whereupon I h●pned to note , how diversly their Fortunes wrought upon them , especially in that point at which I did most aim , which was the employing of their times and pens . In Cicero I saw , that during his banishment ( which was almost two years ) he was so softned and dejected , that he wrote nothing but a few Womanish Epistles . And yet in mine own opinion , he had least reason of the three , to be discouraged : For that although it was judged , and judged by the highest kind of judgement , in form of a Statute , or Law , that hee should be banished , and his whole Estate confiscated and seised , and his houses puld down ; and that it should be highly penal for any man to propound his Repeale : Yet his Case even then had no great blot of ignominy , but it was thought but a tempest of popularity which overthrew him . Demost henes contrariwise , though his case was foule , being condemned for bribery , and not simple bribery , but bribery in the nature of Treason and Disloyalty ; yet nevertheles took so little knowledge of his Fortune , as during his banishment , hee did much busie himselfe , and entermedle with matters of State , and took upon him to counsel the State ( as if he had been stil at the helm ) by letters , as appears by some Epistles of his , which are extant . Seneca indeed , who was condemned for many Corruptions and crimes , and banished into a solitary Island , kept a mean ; & though his pen did not freeze , yet he abstained from intruding into matters of business ; but spent his time in writing Books of excellent argument and use for all Ages , though hee might have made better choyce ( sometimes ) of his Dedications . These Examples confirmed mee much in a resolution ( whereunto I was otherwise inclined ) to spend my time wholly in writing , & to put forth that poor talent , or half talent or what it is that God hath given me . But revolving with my self my Writings as wel those which I have publisht , as those I have in hand , me thought they all went into the City and none into the Temple ; where , because I found so great consolation , I desire to make some poor oblation : Therefore I have chosen an Argument mixt of Reliligious and Civill Considerations ; and likewise mixt between Contemplative and Active . This work , because I was ever an enemy to flattering Dedications , I have dedicated to you , in respect of our ancient and privat acquaintance . And because amongst the men of our times , I held you in especiall Reverence . Your loving Friend , Fra. St. Alban . IN Obitum Incomparabilis FRANSCI DE VERULAMIO , &c. DUM moriens tantam nostris Verulamius Heros Tristitiam Musis , luminaque uda facit : Credimus heu nullū fieri post fata beatum , Credimus & Samium desipuisse senem . Scilicet hic miseris , felix nequit esse Camaenis Nec se quam Musas plus amat iste suas . At luctantē animā Clotho imperiosa cöegit Ad coelum , invitos traxit in astra pedes . Ergone Phoebeias jacuisse putabimus artes ? Atque herbas Clarii nil valuisse Dei ? Phoebus idē potuit , nec virtus abfuit herbis Hunc artem atque illas vim retinere putes : At Phoebū ( ut metuit ne Rex foret iste Camaenis ) Rivali medicam crede negasse manum . Hinc dolor est ; quod cum Phoebo Verulamius Heros Major erat reliquis , hac foret arte minor . Vos tamē , ô tantū manes atque umbra , Camaenae Et poenae inferni pallida turba Jovis , Si spiratis adhuc , & non lucistis ocellos , Sed neque post illum vos superesse putem : Si vos ergo aliquis de morte reduxerit Orpheus , Istaque non aciem fallit imago meam : Discite nunc gemitus , & lamentabile carmen , Exoculis vestris Lacryma multa fluat . En quam multa fluit ? Veras agnosco Camaenas Et lacrymas , Helicon vix satis unus erit ; Deucalionaeis & qui non mersus inundis Pernassus ( mirum est ) hisce latebit aquis . Scilicet hic periit , per quē vos vivitis , & qui Multâ Pierias nutriit artes Deas . Vidit ut hic artes nulla radice retentas , Languere ut summo semina sparsa solo ; Crescere Pegaseas docuit , velut Hasta Quirini Crevit , & exiguo tempore Laurus erat . Ergo Heliconiadas docuit cū crescere divas , Diminuent hujus secula nulla decus . Nec ferre ulterius generosi pectoris aestus Contemptū potuit , Diva Minerva , tuum , Restituit calamus solitū divinus honorem , Dispulit & nubes alter Apollo tuas . Dispulit & tenebras sed quas obsusca vetustas , Temporis & prisci lippasenecta tulit ; Atque alias methodos sacrum instauravit acumen , Gnossiaque eripuit , sed sua fili dedit . Scilicet antiquo sapientum vulgus in aevo Tam claros oculos non habuisse liquet ; Hi velut Eoo surgens de littore Phoebus , Hic velut in mediâ fulget Apollo die : Hi veluti Typhis tentarunt aequora primum , At vix deseruit littora prima ratis , Pleiadas hic Hyadasque atque omnia sydera noscens , Syrtes , atque tuos , improba Sylla , canes ; Scit quod vitandum est , quo dirigat aequore navem , Certius & cursum nautica monstrat acus ; Infantes illi Musas , hic gignit adultas ; Mortales illi , gignit at iste Deas . Palman ideo reliquis Magna instauratio libris Abstulet , & cedunt squalida turba sophi , Et vestita novo Pallas modo prodit amictu Anguis depositis ut nitet exuviis . Sic Phoenix cineres spectat modo nata paternos , Aesonis & rediit prima juventa senis . Instaurata suos & sic Verulamia muros Jactat , & antiquum sperat ab inde decus Sed quāta effulgēt plus quā mortalis ocelli Lumina , dum regni mystica sacra canat ? Dum sic naturae leges , arcanaque Regum , Tanquam à secretis esset utrisque can●t : Dū canat Henricū , qui Rex , idemque sacerdos Connubio stabili junxitutramque Rosam . Arqui haec sunt nostris longe majora Camaenis , Non haec infaelix Granta sed Aula sciat : Sed cum Granta labris admoverit ube●a tantis Jus habet in laudes ( maxime Alumne ) tuas Jus habet , ut moestos Lacrymis extingueret ignes , Posset ut è medio diripuisse rogo . At nostrae tibi nulla ferant encomia Musae , Ipse canis , laudes & canis inde tuas . Nos tamen & laudes , quâ possumus arte , canemus , Si tamen ars desit , laus erit iste dolor . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A76741-e180 Page 412. of Wotton's Letters .