Dr. Burnett's reflections upon a book entituled Parliamentum pacificum. The first part answered by the author. Northleigh, John, 1657-1705. 1688 Approx. 327 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 75 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A52455 Wing N1298 ESTC R28736 10750050 ocm 10750050 45645 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A52455) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 45645) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1407:19) Dr. Burnett's reflections upon a book entituled Parliamentum pacificum. The first part answered by the author. Northleigh, John, 1657-1705. Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715. Reflections on a late pamphlet entituled Parliamentum pacificum. Northleigh, John, 1657-1705. Parliamentum pacificum. 147 p. Printed and are to be sold by Matthew Turner, London : 1688. Attributed by NUC to Northleigh. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng James -- II, -- King of England, 1633-1701. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1660-1688. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Allowed to be Published , this 13 th , day of Iuly , 1688. Dr. Burnett's REFLECTIONS Upon a Book , Entituled , Parliamentum Pacificum : ( The First Part ) ANSWERED , By the Author . LONDON , Printed , and are to be Sold by Matthew Turner At the Lamb in Holborn , 1688. Dr. Burnet's REFLECTIONS Answered , &c. SECT . I. IT could not be expected but that Dr. B. would bestir himself to Reflect , and Revy upon a piece that so nearly touch't his Person : 'T is natural for men , when they are prest , to be uneasy ; and since the Dr. will not put himself upon his Tryal , and our English Law cannot reach him for standing mute ; 't is Argument alone that must press him to yield up his Cause , or submit it to the Decision of Sense and Reason , and the Judgment of Persons impartial and * unprovok'd : For my own part , I must avow to the World , That no Prejudices or Provocations conceiv'd against his Religion , or receiv'd from his Person , prevail'd with me to pass upon him those just Animadversions ; nothing but that Duty I owe to the Best of PRINCES libell'd and defam'd ; ( and as ill as he makes mine , that his Crimes may be the more illustrious ) I will not say by the worst of Pens : This innocent Impartiality he does utterly disown , and declares himself , under hand , an a vow'd Enemy to the Perswasion of his PRINCE , and His Person too ; this I hope , with men of sober and sedate Judgment , or men of common Sense and Reason , will have this weight , that I deal more fairly with the Dr , than he does with his own Soveraign ; that my Reasonings must be more the Result of the Merit of the Cause , and that , besides , his highest Misdemeanor against His Majesty , his greatest Insolency to the Soveraign Authority , ( and what perhaps we may prove , not only from the Municipal Laws of Scotland , but those of most Nations ) his High Treason : I have nothing against him ( and desire no more ) of Resentment , Prejudice , or Provocation . For his Revenge and Reflections on my Work , were it not for the Affront , Scandals , and Indignities , that none but he , and those that were ever fam'd for it , the Defenders of him , and ( as he will have it ) of his * Faith too , do continually cast upon the KING , I would have sav'd the Pains of a Revy , my former Reasons should have stood by their Weight , or have fallen with it too : And let the Reflecter ( to return him his affected Air , acquired from his most accomplisht Travels ) have retain'd his Opiniatre , applauded his own Works and Originals , and commended this his most elaborate Cavil , for a solid Answer and Confutation , which how far it is from it , from every Paragraph , every Particular shall appear . His contentious Spirit , and most implacable Zeal , sets up here indeed for the Doctrine of Resistance , had he not given us Evidence before in the Fate of a Lord that fell by it too ; as also in some of his * Papers penn'd for that purpose since : Such an Antipathy appears in him against Peace , that according to the Philosophical Definition of that unaccountable Passion , there is no Cause to be given for it ; such an Aversion , that he must needs quarrel at the very Word ; that his Enemies contended for War , when the Royal Psalmist labour'd for Peace ; was the Complaint too even of a King , after GOD's own heart ; and if this be His Majesty's Case thus to suffer , His Piety , ( on which the Dr. so prophanely drolls ) with that Primitive Pattern , may be as much admir'd , as well as all such Originals of Sedition , and Disturbance , detected and abhorr'd : It has been so far our Authors Task to verify the Application ; that he has taken the most pernicious Pains , been industrious , even to Sedition , to apply it : At Our Anointed he has shot his Arrows , even bitter Words , he has encompas't him with Words of Hatred , and would have us fight against Him too , without a Cause : If these are his best Expedients for Peace , our Nation has just as much occasion to thank Him , as ( he says ) some of their neighbouring Countries have his New Masters for their Management of that of Nimmeguen : I cannot see why we should not have as good a Notion of Peace here in England , as the Dr. has in a Country that has been so much the Seat of War ; and if Implicit Faith , if Absolute Slavery , be the only Peace he is so much afraid of , they are but ill coupl'd with an Apoplexy too , that being a Disease sudden and unforeseen , when the former Maladies , even from the Dr's Confession , have been invading us this Hundred Years ; and if we believe him , ever since the Reformation : No , to all impartial People , the Peace we aim'd at , will appear still the same ; however , he would disfigure and disguise it ; the Tranquility of the State , the Quiet of a Nation , compos'd by the gracious Favour of an indulgent Monarch ; and confirm'd by the reciprocal Happiness of a grateful and obedient People . SECT . II. IN the next place it will as plainly appear , how vainly he cavils at the Constitution of that Parliament which was Assembled for the Comming in of the KING ; I am sure he had once a better Opinion of it , when he and Mr. Baxter were better acquainted ; and he then had milder Thoughts of these moderate Presbyterians ; but now that Gentleman is become his Enemy , and perhaps only for telling the Truth , for offering to be an Evidence against the Dr. in High Treason . The Restoration of His Late Majesty , was by this Dr. in his moderate days , imputed to these moderate Presbyterians , whom he will not now allow to be * moderate at all , no not in his own Kirk of Scotland ; these sort of People for the most part compos'd that Convention , which we must not now call a Parliament , and of which he once had a much better Opinion ; I believe he could now wish too , from his kindness to that KING's Memory , that there had been no such Convention at all for the calling of him ; and such is the Contrariety of some Mens unsetled Sentiments and Thoughts , that are subjected to the prevalency of Passion & Prejudice , that there is a Proverbial saying , which for Civility sake I will not tell him in terminis , That the sound of the Bell does sometimes solely depend upon some Peoples Thoughts and Preconceptions : But the Dr. is very much deceiv'd , when he thinks his Author did not consider the defect , that according to the ancient constitution of Parliaments attended the Convention ( if he will call it so ) of that assembled State. He , I 'le assure him , sufficiently foresaw it , ponder'd upon it when he put Pen to Paper ; but could never foresee , or imagin , that even the Dr. could have been so improvidently peevish ; as in such a point , to have made it an objection ; why for GOD's sake , does it follow from a necessitated imperfection in nice Law ; that unavoidably attended that Session , that therefore now none of its sober debates , or wholesome constitutions can be recommended to posterity for imitation , and when His Late Majesty commanded that it should ; when even we are govern'd at present by some of the very Laws that it made : if only the passing an Act , assented to by the King , made it a Legal Session , and which did determine but by express proviso against it ; sure then the Parliament must be reputed Legal too in which it was Past ; so that necessity which might occasion a defect , did not make an Essential Nullity ( as he is pleas'd to name it more by Metaphysical Phraseology , than any term of Law , ) for then all its Acts must have been Null'd too , which by the next we saw were only Confirm'd . But besides ( if among my many Slips , * which the Dr. leaves to others to find out , I mistake not now too ; ) the Continuance of the Parliament , the Dissolving it self , the Calling Another without the King's Writ was assented to by special Act of Car 1. which could not be Repeal'd , till C. the Second was assembled amongst them , to Repeal it ; and there to give it His Fiat Royal , to make it more forceable ; or if it could , 't is somewhat improbable from the unhappy Junctures of those Affairs , that it could be expected before ; and therefore by the very first Act of the Session ; ( as if made to silence such Drs. ) it was declared , * That the Lords and Commons , then Sitting , were the Two Houses of Parliament ; and that notwithstanding the King 's Writ of Summons , as much as if His Majesty had been Present at its Commencement , and Call'd It ; and tho' by the next of the * same Reign , it was made Praemunire to defend what was done without the Royal Assent ; yet the Act for perpetuating the Parliament , was past by the * King Himself ; they continued till Military force pull'd them out of the House ; they met again after Secluded , dissolved themselves , and therefore 't was made Criminal too , by the foresaid Act , to say they were still in Being ; and if the bare Confirmation of former Acts , shall imply an essential Nullity to the foregoing Parliaments , the Dr. has ruin'd all his Reformation of King Edward , by the Confirmations of Queen Eliz. and therefore the very Act that Confirm'd what was enacted by this convention before , never questions it for a Parliament , and calls it one ; but only dissipates all doubts , from the difficulties that occasion'd the manner of its assembling . I have met with heretofore , some Lawyers that would not allow it to be such a formal Parliament ; but none ever yet went so far ( to continue his Metaphysicks ) as to question it for an Actual one ; I wish the Dr. would labour a little more in his own Province , and prove to the World the Series of Our Protestant Ordination , instead of the Succession of Parliaments ; not that I so much doubt it , or that we may be asham'd to be oblig'd for it to the Church of Rome ; but because some people of late have taken so much pains to Impeach it , and that I think from the faculty of the Dr. he would do better at the Naggs-head , than in Westminster-hall . But their is no need of any further defence to an Objection that is so needless , and ill offer'd , to baffle Dr. B. by imitation , would be in a manner but abusing of my self ; 't is plain , that the designs which some people had for power and Oppressing the Innocent ( even from his own confession ) more than the desires and distrust of some that were Guilty ; or the necessity that was for it , hasten'd this dissolution of that peaceful Assembly , and for his inconsiderate suggestion , that the setting it for an example , was a design of placing the Soveraignty in the people , and courting a Common-wealth ; hee 'll see now we make it solely depend upon a sanction of the Kings ; and would he visit the Author , he should see his error in a refutation of his , of that pernicious Principle , of perfect confusion , by which he is bound to defend the very foundation of his state ; and 't is strange we must be reproacht for * Courting a Common-wealth , at the same time we are so vainly menac'd for having exprest against one too much of * resentment . SECT . III. IT is no wonder , to see the Dr. make His Late * Majesty so Ill a Man , when he had long before made Him so Bad a Christian : were it not his Peculiar to Libel KINGS , his Church might be mistrusted for that Loyal Deportment she ever paid him ; but as she had ever better thoughts of him in his Life time ; so she cannot be brought to entertain such Bad ones after his Death : common Morality , even with a Proverbial Authority , commands us to speak well of the Dead , t is hard if a King too , and the Sacred Dust of Princes , cannot put in for the priviledges of common Clay ; and Mortality , to make him a man of Treachery and Design , is too grosly invidious for a Prince that was Fam'd for good Nature , even to a Fault ; it looks so much like one of the Meddals of the Dutch upon His Late MAJESTY , ( and they , you know alway have their Reverse ) that 't is among them I believe he learnt to value his Memory . I much fancy these his Mysterious Designs were never so clear to the Dr , till this transport and passion had enlightned his Eyes ; for Cholerick people are apt to see with Fire and Indignation , and so fancy all Things in Flames that are about them ; this makes him fly so much to Smithfield Arguments , and the Conversion of Dragoons , under the easy Reign of a Merciful Monarch , manifested in his inclinations to Mildness and Indulgence . The late Celebrated Loyalist of the Long Parliament , whose Meritorious Services he would magnify ; yet at the same time libels and defames them : They will live and last in our Annals , without his writing their History , nor be much blemisht by his defamations : those honourable Representatives , that had sate so long at the Helm , and steer'd so well , that we still owe to them about Twenty Years quiet and tranquility ; who , had they concur'd with what was their only defection , their KING's Inclination to Indulgence ( and for which obstinacy by his own Maxims he must condemn them too ) had continu'd the repose they enjoy'd , and perhaps prevented all the Distempers that have since disturb'd us ; these Gentlemen are so little oblig'd to this Dr. at Amsterdam , as they were formerly to that of Salamanca , and indeed the Obligation is just the same . Oates accus'd them long agoe , long before Dr. B. who it seems now begins to see with his Spectacles , Designs more clearly ; that they were all Pensioners , Creatures meerly Depending on the Crown , tho' it appear'd even from the very List that was printed , that it was only a malitious Libel , and a Ly , that not Ten of the Two Hundred had really receiv'd the least Allowance ; and even some of that was known to be for publick Services , which then , forsooth , must most politickly be call'd secret , only to countenance the scandalous Imposture of the Plot of the Papists ; this Design was then also clear to some , and I think now is so to all : My self knew , and still do many of those Members most falsly to suffer under that malitious Imputation , whom the Dr. has no reason to reproach for the Selling of their Country , and betraying their Trust , when they truly serv'd both that and the King ; but sure it is but a bad Return he makes them , when I am sure it was all the same Peers , if not the same Parliament , that Complemented Him for His Mighty Performances , which perhaps they might have omitted , had they known what Amends He would have made them , or thought him so good at Commending of Himself ; but this is a Kindness He kept in Reserve , and a Sublime acquir'd since his Travels and Accomplishments . I can't call this a Controversy with the Dr. when he gives up the Cause , when he seems to take pains to appear on my side : He shews us how the Late King was continually inclin'd to a Liberty of Conscience ; he declares the Act of Vniformity a severe Thing , the Terms of Conforming , Rigidity ; and those that required it , Angry Men : Was the Dr. alway of this mind ? Why then it seems he only Conform'd , fell in with the Church , for the sake of her Benefices , for officiating at the Rolls , just as he fell out with the State , because he lost it ; but this cannot credit much the Reputation and Integrity of such a Celebrated Writer , and the Church of Englands Chief Men are just as much oblig'd to him for his Characters , as the Loyal Members of the long Parliament ; he has sufficiently attainted their honesty , and so most modestly taxes the Indiscretion of all his Clergy , that so the State , both Civil and Ecclesiastical , may more handsomely make up that excellent Composition of Knave and Fool : 'T is strange that no party can escape the Fury of his enraged Pen ; this doughty Wight may make a good Champion for the Truth , but will a much better in the Rehearsal . The Character of that Hero , as high as it is , may be more naturally applyed to Dr. B , than it is by him to the Late Bishop of Oxford : If you consider him elevated to such an Hogen , or naturaliz'd ; for hectoring of KINGS , invading of Kingdoms , fighting of France , combating England , defying of Papists , Presbyterians , Dissenters , Church-men , and almost all Mankind : but if the Loyal Parliament ( as he calls it in derision ) were such arrant Knaves , ( for if he is in earnest , then their Compliance with their KING is the best Test of their Loyalty , and it would be well His Present Majesty had more proof of it ) and the Chief Men of the Church were such infatuated Fools as he makes them , to be wrought upon by the Roman Catholicks for introducing their Religion ; why here then , was a perfect Conspiracy for four and twenty Year , of the whole Kingdome , ( some poor supprest Dissenters excepted ) for bringing us back into Popery ; and what is more strange , could never bring it to pass . All our Power Civil and Ecclesiastical was concern'd ; all our Forces by Sea and Land ; King and Successor on their side , and in his own dreadful Description ; A Parliament of chosen Creatures , all depending upon Himself ; and this for near Twenty Years together , and yet not one step toward Popery , unless what appear'd in Andrew Marvels Growth of it ; but on the contrary in this very Interval of Time , the Two severe Tests set up to prevent it , and that by this Parliament of Creatures , and this Treacherous designing King of his , ( that he makes alwaies to the very last contriving , to betray the Protestant Religion ) from his own meer Motion , Marrying ( that he may see I can use the Word ) his two Neeces to two Renowned Princes of the Reformed Religion ; the greatest Security they could desire of his Sincerity , to preserve and protect it ; and if I might add one thing more , which I wish as well as the Dr. might be forgotten , prevail'd upon , from the tumultuous Proceedings of a Parliamentary Power , to part with a Brother that had done nothing , but to be more dear , a palliated Exile , that even the necessity of State could not so well excuse ; and if neither Councells , Force , Interest , Time , nor Religion it self could hitherto bring about all this Formidable Revolution , I must confess , notwithstanding the Discoveries of Dr. B , to sober Men , and honest , this Late King cannot be suspected so false , or any Catholicks so designing . The Reformations in Henry 8 th . Time , King Edward , Queen Mary , Queen Elizabeth , were certainly Four as great Changes and Revolutions , as any we now fear , and as I think , somewhat like the same ; and yet we find they were not working for it under-ground for above Four and Twenty Year together ; ( to confine it only to his Reflections on the Late King ) and if we must credit all such Historians Plot , we must add above an Hundred more , marching their Invisible Army , and Ammunition in the Air , on the Sea , under Earth ; PLOTS ! That Our Selves have blusht at , and even judicially baffl'd their Belief . But we still saw then , that assoon as there was any new Succession to the Throne , or any Prince of a different Sentiment , that design'd to make any Alterations in the Church or State , they were sooner compast with Ease and Expedition ; certainly these plotting Papists have been a long time very unlucky , or very innocent , when our happier Protestants had ever better Fortune , and could Reform here , more easily and openly , in some few Years , in the face , and in the sight of the Sun ; and this I think , is as clear too , as some Peoples Designs , which even at a season , when they need not fly the Light ; the Dr. says we must still suppose in the dark . His secret of the Dissenters having been encourag'd to stand out against Nonconformity , even by the Court that pursu'd them with such Rigidity for not Conforming , I am perswaded is another peculiar among the many Mysterious Intelligences of the Dr , and not much inferiour to his wonderful Discoveries of the Conference at Dover , his forreign Negotiations , and His Majesty's being so * nearly ally'd to the Society , when he might so well prove him from the same Evidence , A Priest in Orders , for the Authority of his Liege Letter lies only at that Authors door , who fram'd the other from Father Petre , to Pere le Chaise , both which will appear to those that have not abandon'd themselves to folly , as entire Fictions , he ought to discover him for once a Prophet too , that having been essential of old to the Kingly Office , and then he 'l have the better security for his Religion , and may take his Word for an Oracle , but the Dissenters will not thank him for thus making out their secret Correspondence with the Court and Iesuites , but rather believe that he searcht no other Records for it , than the Original Manuscripts of Dr. Oates his Evidence : If this Advice to their standing out , was only in order to introduce a Toleration , how came it to pass , that when they had one actually granted , that those who had Interest enough to procure it , could not by the same Power have continued it to them too ? Had the Late KING been so designing , so resolute to introduce this Religion so much contended against , He must from the Drs. Argument have stood to His Toleration , and which he might have done too , notwithstanding the Clamours of the Ensuing Parliament to suppress it ; and if an Army alone alarms the Dr. with this Absolute Power , and must absolutely make any Monarch Arbitrary , with which such fearful Authors have made such a formidable Noise ; then 't was about that time too there was a standing one afoot ; and 't is but an Argument against him , for the quieting of all Minds , and assuring of Men they may the better acquiesce , when amidst an Army ; and under an Indulgence ; the Protestant Religion was entirely preserv'd , nothing was alter'd in the establisht Church ; nothing in the Constitution of the State. His bitter Reflection , that Dissenters were pawn'd to the Rage of the Church , like the Iewels of the Crown for want of Money , was only an Allegory forc'd in for a better inveighing against his Prince in a severer Sarcasm , and a more invidious Expression by way of Figure ; 't is only a sublimer toucht of his Kindness to the Memory of His Majesty that is to be forgotten ; 't is but the Language of one that loves the Crown , like the Famous Author of the * Mercurius Politicus , who as politickly knew how to render it contemptible , by representing of it poor , and so plainly call'd His Late Majesty the King of Beggars : I confess the practising upon the necessities of the Prince , was once a pretty Prologue , and expedient to promote a Rebellion ; but I am sure the Church of England never lik'd it so well , and will think Her self but little oblig'd to this pretious Iewel , Her most gracious Son , for exposing Her for such a Pattern , that Her Loyalty was only a Pander for Oppression , and for giving no Money , till His Majesty had given Her up the Dissenters ; however , the Observation as malitious as it is , will do now no Mischief , since our present Soveraign is as safe from the Consequences of it , as above the Fears . SECT . IV. ANd now we are come to the true Province of Dr. B , that looks indeed like one of his Seventeen , defying of his Prince , and reproaching of Him , for faithless , perfidious Designs to falsify all His Protestations , and waiting but for an Oportunity to break through all his Promises : I confess Liberty of Conscience , and the Writ de Comburendo cannot consist , and are as contrary things , as the Dr. is sometimes even to himself ; but what occasion the King has given us to have the least suspicion , or shadow of such an injurious Thought , that after Liberty for a little while allow'd , we shall come to the worst of Poenal Laws , I cannot comprehend : Is it because his Word was ever Sacred , and was never violated , but in Dr. B's . Mouth ? Was it to be rely'd on , even with an implicit Faith , when he was but a Subject , and a Successor ? And must it be the less believ'd now , because his Character is much greater ? Does His Person partake more of Infirmity , and human Nature , when the Church stiles him next under GOD , and nearer to the Divine ? Is it because 't is His Interest so to do , when the Quiet and Tranquility of the State will depend upon his not doing it , the Love of His Subjects , and the Ease of Himself ? And Lastly , Is it probable he 'l doe all this , because possible to be done ? No , the Dr. knows all this is good Sedition , but bad Argument : he knows with what difficulty the King is compassing for all His Dissenting Subjects , an Establisht Toleration , as sure any Prince would , that was not himself of the National Church Establish't , unless He could delight to see himself , and his perswasion Criminals to the State , and made obnoxious for their Faith to his Satutes and the Law , sentenc'd in some Cases , even to Death , by some of those Sanctions , to which in a Legal Sense , himself is suppos'd to give their Life : he knows that only for cancelling these Severities , and some other absurd Inconsistencies in the present Constitution of our State , his Prince Condescends to solicit the Repeal of these Laws , and for it , to gratify and indulge all his Subjects . And yet even this the Dr. sees , he knows will not be compas't , but with much time , care , and caution ; and what these invidious Authors would observe , but by extraordinary Methods , and extrajudicial Proceedings , does he think it so easy then , when only the Laws and Tests are repeal'd with such difficulties to find a Parliament after a Session or Two , that will establish severer Acts of Vniformity to the Church of Rome , when that of England has but just lost Hers ? And another formal Repeal must be made before , of the Toleration Establisht : I need not take notice , that the Number of Catholicks of Quality , and Note , was never yet enough to make an House , and may be a long time before they be , that the National Religion will be ever that which is the most generally receiv'd ; the former Treatise has superseded for it my Pains in this ; but it is easy for the Dr , and a Man of Art , that Iuggles with the Government , with the turn of his Hand , or the shaking of his Box , to shuffle upon us , from a preceding Protestant , a very Loyal Catholick Parliament : No , 't is not the Proof that His Majesty has given , that his Promises to this establisht Church are not to be rely'd on ; 't is not the Apparancy of his visible Interest , that obliges him to Ruin and suppress the Protestant ; 't is not the possibility of doing it so easily , were it so injuriously Design'd to be done ; 't is none of this that thus disturbs him ; no , 't is his Zeal for his Religion , 't is his Love for a particular Society , 't is the Popes Power to dissolve these Promises , and some private Doctrines that will instruct him in Aequivocations : But will this Illuminato say , that all this Calumny is new too , his own peculiar Notion taken from Originals ? — His Majesties Zeal has long been known to the World , as well as His Courage , and that to none more , than his new Masters , the Dutch ; and who have too much Honour in them to deny it . His constant perseverance in a Faith , which he too believes the True One ; Maugre the many Temptations to a Change , and the Dangers that threatned his Continuance : This I confess , shews a well - setled Zeal , and somewhat like that which inspir'd some Primitive Professors of a Religion , which we all agree to have been the True Catholick Faith : A Zeal , not subject to Flattery , and as much above Fear ; 't is not Christian to make this Criminal , and if he will introduce this Doctrine among the Dutch , we must * in his own Words , believe there are Bramans there . That His Majesties Favours are only extended to a particular Society , is an invidious Assertion more dogmatically laid down , than absolutely true , of which himself might even cease to wonder , did he believe his Whimsey , that His Majesty was a Member of it , but the Dr. is at too great a distance to make good Observations , and must needs commit most horrid Mistakes , should his Intelligence chance to be bad . I hope he 'll have a care how he writes History upon hear-say ; this would lay him open to himself , and even Varilla's ; some People that see here without Telescopes , can observe that His Majesties Favours are not so confin'd , but extended even to some Persons , and Orders , that have not been adjudg'd such intimate Friends to that of Iesus ; or if some of the Drs. * Letters don't ly , or he believes them himself ; a sort of Enemies too ; some that have contended with them are no such Strangers at Court ; and tho' that Learned Person , Father P. a Man of a liberal Education , and no mean Extraction , whom this Dr. B's . Lines can never let pass without an Asterisk , or Mark of his Favour , has truly so much of His Majestys , as his Worth and Merit may deserve , does this monopolize the Favour of the Prince to that Party ; or should we not hear Catholicks themselves complain , if it were so Partial ? Yet these are the Drs. Premises , these his Conclusions , these his Discoveries , in which he so prides himself ; but should it prove so which is yet but Insinuation ; and indeed , as the Dr. intends it for Disturbance , Sedition ; did he never remember any Protestant Princes , that countenanced more especially , tho' not different Orders , yet a set of Divines of very different Opinions , even in their own Church ? sure he does , or else our Books of more modern Reformation are very much bely'd : In King Iames the First 's Reign he was sure to run himself up to Preferment , that could best baffle and run down Arminius ; or ( if he 's pleas'd with the new Relation ) his Countryman : The Old Arrians never seem'd to them such Arch-hereticks , and if he will have it more to the purpose , he may call this an Order too , or the Order of the Synod of Dort : But when the Tide turn'd again in K. Charles the First 's Dayes , not many Bishops were made , but what would stand stiff , and stoutly to His Principles ; and preach't down the other for a Doctrine , uncharitable , impious , blasphemous , damnable ; this is so sadly true , that some wise People think it occasion'd the War ; but were this Society so solely , so zealously in Favour , they might be envied for 't , but not abus'd ; their Learning , and more liberal Education , by the little that I have seen abroad in most Catholick Countries comes up ( to speak in the Drs. Dialect ) more to a sublime , than is commonly observ'd in some other Regulars ; their Foundations more sumptuous , their Revenues richer , their Libraries larger , and I believe the Dr. himself more oblig'd in the Progresses he made to their Courtesy and Communication : but what Reason Protestants have to upbraid their Prince here with Partiality , I cannot apprehend ; who proposes not only an Vniversal Indulgence to all , but practises equal Dispensations and Distributions of his Favours , even among themselves : Are not the Protestants much the majority in His Council , in Imployments , Civil , and Military ? Are not some particular Loyal Peers of that Perswasion , known to have no little Interest and Influence ? Does not their Chappel stand as quietly within his own Walls , as His own wherein he worships ? And that perhaps , in spite of some Provocations upon the place ; for as I heartily wish the continuance of it there , so I could wish too , a more prudential decency would attend it ; Persons of great Learning , and good Lungs , may exercise themselves , and to much Edification , without thundering against Rome , to the shaking of the Church of England , and where now rests this partial Imputation of Zeal , of Bigottry , and Opinion ? What must become of all this malitious Stuff ? Must not the World be ashamed of it , I could almost have said the Dr. ? But now for his invincible Arguments of the Popes Dispensing Power , and the monstrous Doctrine of Mental Reserves , and cunning Aequivocation ; does this affect His Majesty any farther , then he submits to be govern'd by it , and has the Dr. prov'd in any single Instance , that he ever made use of such Evasions for a Salvo to his Sacred Word ? So that supposing an unquestionable Verity in the Drs. Depositions , 't is but a bad inference from the Principles of any Persons to calumniate the Prince , and to assert him actually affected with such Sentiments , only from a possibility of being so : But has this good Christian then the Charity to believe , to think , that all Romanists imbibe these Doctrines , suck them from the very Milk of their Mother Church ? That the Pope can dissolve any solemn Promise , Contract , or Oath ; certainly the Catholick Countries must have but bad Commerce , since so dangerous security ; and yet I cannot see but we keep a good Correspondence with those Climates , true Returns made us in our Trade , and the Traffick for their Commodities , as secure upon the place ; Contracts in themselves unlawful , are in some Cases de Facto void , and in others resolv'd so by some equitable Construction in the Law ; Oaths necessitated , and in Illicitis , our Sanderson will satisfy us , we can Dispense with , without a Pope ; and I cannot apprehend , either from Reading , or Conversation with any Catholick , that the Papal Power pretends to Dispense , but upon some such Considerations : The Reservs , by which all Jesuits must so unreasonably suffer , have as oft by themselves been as solemnly renounc'd , not only in some elaborate Writings , but seal'd , even with their latest Breath ; and if any particular Persons have positively asserted it , 't is as injurious to paum it upon a whole Society ; 't is such a Reserve to their Enemies , such a Refuge , I confess , to those that will accuse them , that it is morally impossible to defend themselves from the Imputation , if when they sacrifice their Lives for it , invoke the Almighty , renounce these Reserves , even with a dying Imprecation , and they shall still be supposed to be dispensed withal for this ; their Accusers Malice in common Charity , must be more presum'd on , and suspected , than any such Principles in a Christian Faith ; so that in short , the Papers of Dr. B. deal no otherwise with the Promises of the KING , than their old Descants did upon the Dying Speeches of the Iesuites , when their Animadversions superseded all possible Defence of their Innocency , and were the most infallible expedients for the fastening of Guilt ; and where the Interest of State , and the Sacred Resolutions of the Prince dispose him to maintain his unviolable Word , or his solemn Oath ; it cannot but be the profanest Thought , to make his Religion betray his Morality ; and even a fervent Faith and * Piety , to be but a perfidious Pander to a more deliberate Perjury . SECT . V. IT is a hard Fate for a Prince to be argued out of His Integrity , and to be made an ill Man with artificial Inferences and Insinuations : It is an acknowledg'd hardship , even to a common Prisoner at the Bar ; and the Dr. in his Tryal would be loath so to suffer ; Constructive Treason , in the Case of a Subject , notwithstanding the 25 th . of our Edward , has been much Complain'd of ; and I think , Dr. B. has made it his Complaint , and shall his KING be call'd to an Account , as unaccountable as he is , for a Violation of His Faith , and that only by Construction ; 't is as great a Crime , as can blemish a Monarch , and ought to be as tenderly treated , as His Subjects Lives ; the Greatness of His Person aggravates the Guilt , and from the Meanness of his Condition , is more excusable , or less conspicuous in a common Man , Breach of Promise , or Faith ; in the Soveraign Authority is as much the highest Violation , as Treachery against it , by a Parity of Reason , the greatest Guilt ; I hope Dr. B. does not deal with His Majesty , as * Harrison did with his Father they Martyr'd , study to blacken him : But I cannot but observe , That his Charge seem somewhat to savour of Cook the Solicitor ; and Looks as if he was Retain'd Councel against the KING , to prove this betraying of His Trust , and does every thing but call Him Traytor ; I do not think the Drs. Intentions so bad , but must needs think that he seldome considers the Consquences that may be drawn from his own Discourses ; The Calumniators of that King would only have prov'd an actual Violation of his Trust ; and the Dr. deliberately studies here , from Reason and Religion , Politicks , and Example , to prove in his Soveraign , a necessity to betray it ; what is this , but the rendering Him odious and criminal , with the worst of Innuendo's , or to make him suffer by Anticipation ; and what to a Subject no Laws will allow , by bare Presumption condemn him : I cannot in common Charity to the Dr. imagin this mighty Malice is directly meant to His Majesty , tho' too much I am afraid among such a deal of it must stick , but that his Transport and Passion against this Society , provok't him to such inconsiderate Reflections upon his Soveraign ; and we have heard , I know , in our own History , of a Subject that in the heat of his Game , shot his Arrows at a Deer , but kill'd the King , I wish it were not applicable too to his bitter Words ; and with them we have done here at present , having refuted them so far , as by pretence of Reason they would perswade us of the necessity of His Majesty's violating of His Word and Faith ; but for fear lest that should fail in its Effects , or a Specimen of his Excellency in Speech and Declamation , he brings Presidents for it , and Examples , which we are now come to Consider . And the First , is the Famous Edict of Passaw in Germany , which the Dr. had much better omitted , than touch't upon ; it shews plainly the Disposition , and Inclination of no less than Four of the Emperors that were strickt Roman-Catholicks , and followed one another , for granting Indulgence , and Liberty to those that differ'd from them in Religion : In the First place , Ferdinand the First , from his own Confession did this , and this Edict by him was chiefly procur'd ; and that , notwithanding the President that was set him by the Preceding Emperor , Charles the Fifth , who ruin'd the League made by the Protestants at Smalcade , and took Prisoners the Elector of Saxony , and Landtgrave of Hassia , and was so zealously addicted to the Devotion of the See of Rome , that he renounced the Crown , settled himself among the Monks , and died in a * Monastery . This Ferdinand setting aside the Relation of his Blood , had so great an Obligation to this CHARLES , and His Religion , that he had no reason to recede from those Severities , that our Author would make us believe both did require ; and this does only more eminently shew , That a Catholick King , notwithstanding the Tyes of Blood and Religion , may think himself never the more oblig'd to persecute and oppress ; for it was by the Procurement of Charles , that this Ferdinand his Brother , was chosen King of the Romans , and his Zealous Recess , his Devout Retirement , that facilitated to the other , his soonner and more easy Ascent to the Empire ; so that both his Brothers Kindness , as well as Devotion , had very much oblig'd him : I know that Charles the Fifth is said by some , to have design'd his Son Phillip to succeed in his Empire ; but that does not extenuate his Kindness to his Brother Ferdinand ; and I mention it only for fear the Dr. should make another unnecessary Objection : after this , Ferdinand succeeded him , and as others say , even among the * German Writers , according to his own Intentions , giving the Low Countries to his Son Philip , and leaving the Empire to this his Brother , who upon his First Advancement to it , contended with the Pope , Paul the Fourth , for not confirming him , and that only for his * Indulgence to the Protestants , and taking upon him the Imperial Crown without his Permission : In the very next Year of his Reign , he Call'd a Convention at Ausburg , to have setled the Disputes in Religion , but the Protestants beginning to Clamour , that they would not submit it to be determin'd by the plurality of Voices , but by the Rule of Gods Word , he confirm'd to them again , that Pacification of Passaw , which he even in his Brothers time had so help'd to procure , and had sent them upon their Liberty to return , Two Hundred Protestant Preachers out of Bohemia , and during his Reign all things were quiet , the Protestant Princes subscribing again the Ausburg Confession at Newburg ; and he as peacably leaving them a Confirmation at his Death , and his Throne to his Son Maximilian the Second , after Six Years Reign . And the Clemency that He shew'd to those of the Reform'd Religion you see is such , that * Dr. B. would insinuate that himself was really a Professor of it , or at least much suspected , tho' none before has made what he is so wonderfully good at , the Discovery : Two Daughters that he had , he married to the then most Zealous Princes of the Romish Religion ; the most Christian , and most Catholick Kings , Phillip of Spain , and Charles of France : He did not only maintain the Edicts of Passaw , but permitted the Confession of Ausburg to all the Protestants of Austria , and that for the very same * Reasons that His Majesty has exprest in His Declarations , viz. That Consciences could not be forc't : And it was in his Reign , that the Reformation of Maygdeburg an whole Archbishoprick was as entirely compleated , and that the Doctor may see how the Protestants were oblig'd to him too , aswell as Matthias , he himself labouring to compose the Differences for the Low-Countries then both under Reformation , and a Revolt . After 12 Years Reign , which , our German Author calls the most happy days for the Protestants , Rudolphus his Son before King of Hungary , Romans , and Bohemia , succeeded him ; in the beginning of his Reign , all things had as good successe among the Protestants ; the Reformation went on , the Ausburg Confession confirm'd , a Convocation was call'd at Lubeck , in which it was resolv'd they should submit themselves with all Obedience to the Emperor ; and that their Religion should be permitted to them without any molestation or opposition ; Pope Gregory the Thirteenth sent to him a new Calendar , as they call'd it , which the Protestant Princes opposed , entred their Protestation against it , and were Countenanc'd in it by the Imperial Power : About the Year 1600 at Regenspurg , there was a Conference again about Religion , Divines deputed on both sides , but the Differences about the Rule of Faith dissolv'd the Assembly ; the Emperor no way interrupting the Dispute , the Proceedings were printed by the Protestants at Wittenburg , and by the Papists at Ingolstadt ; and I hope this will shew that Rudolphus himself had no other design , but that all things should be determin'd according to the strength of Reason and Authority . About this time the Landtgrave of Hassia renew'd again the Reformation , and went farther than the Germans are wont to carry it , by throwing down Pictures , & Images , which even among the Lutherans my self have seen allow'd of , and applauded , and in all of their Eminent Churches , I could almost have said ador'd : so far was this Rudolp . from Severities and Oppressions in matters of Religion , that if he had been inclin'd to it , from his Zeal to a Perswasion , common Policy , and Interest of State , would have oblig'd him to the contrary , he being then in War with his Brother Matthias , and indeed both sides striving which should most secure to them the Protestant Party , as by the Sequel will appear ; for upon his Brothers being in Arms , the States of Bohemia took a solemn Oath to assist the Emperor with their Lives and Fortunes ; upon this he granted to them a further Confirmation of the Confession of Ausburg , and though Matthias was prevail'd upon afterward by the Bishop of Passaw , and the Pope's Legate , Cardinal Melini to make an Edict to forbid it ; yet he soon found his Error , and took occasion afterward to revoke it ; for finding the Protestants more favour'd by his Brother , and the Troubles they had created him by their entering into an Union , occasion'd by his Prosecution , which wee 'l say with the Dr. was set on by the House of Grats ; why he presently thought it the wiser way to take a more moderate Course , and so permitted that the Pacification of Passaw should be indulg'd not only to the Nobility and Gentry , but the meanest Plebeians : The Emperor Rudolphus , when he saw some of the Protestant Party fall off to his Brother Matthias , and himself somewhat in a Condition not to value them , was animated so far , as for a time to forbid the publick Profession of their Religion , and the Meeting of the States at Prague , thinking himself not oblig'd to maintain the Priviledges that was granted then by Maximilian ; but when he saw what a Disturbance it created , he soon Confirm'd to them , their Antient Priviledges , and new Exercise of Religion , and that in a more extraordinary manner , viz. that none of the Popish Bishops should oppose the Protestants in Prague , that both Religions should live peacibly together , and that those that disobey'd , shou'd be prosecuted as Disturbers of the Peace : ( how near this comes to His Majesty's Proportions , even his Enemies must acknowledge ) upon this , Protestant Churches were built , both in Germany and Bohemia , and little of Disturbance created to the Church , all the dayes of Rudolphus . And now after these Alterations for Empire and Opinion , the Emperor himself dies after six and Thirty Years Reign ; a time , long enough to have rooted out all the new sown Seed of the Reform'd Religion , had Rudolphus ever resolv'd it , or could have been prevail'd upon for its Extirpation ; it being long before the Swede , that Famous Defender of the Faith , or rather Invader of the Country , had entered Germany : I cannot but observe how injuriously the Dr. deals here with those very Princes , whom he cannot but confess to have been fam'd for their Justice and Gentleness ; for the Fury and Violencys which Ferdinand of Gratz and his Family shew'd to the Reform'd , how comes it to affect these gentle Dispositions , and who we see confirm'd to them , so often their former Priviledges , and Pacifications , which if they had wholly violated and evacuated , it still shews , that Catholick Princes can be suppos'd inclin'd from the Principles of Nature , to Toleration and Indulgence ; and it must be somewhat extraordinary , and preternatural , that prevails with them to Tyrannise ( to make use of Maximilians Words ) over Consciences , and invade the very Prerogative of the Court of Heaven ; what ever other Kings or Emperors have done and acted against the Rules of Religion , or Iustice , must certainly be most injuriously imputed to those that have been guilty of no such doings , or not known whither they will ever do so , much less to such who do declare against it , and shew that most evidently they disapprove it ; the Dr. would fasten Persecution I fancy upon Catholick Princes , not only as a Principle of Merit , but a Species of Original Sin , and so make all Contract the Guilt of it by Imputation ; for otherwise Arguments drawn from particulars , can never conclude universally , much less from the single instance of the severities of France to infer an absolute necessity for its being so here in England , when even among the Primitive Persecutions , there were those Emperors , that favour'd the Christians ; and it can never be admitted to conclude from the rage of a Nero , a Dioclesian , that never a Titus , a Vespasian , did ever reign at Rome ; both CHARLES , and Ferdinand of Gratz may be condemned in History , for their severe Proceedings , when a Maximilian as much fam'd for his mildness , and gentle Disposition . But to follow our celebrated Author in his next Historical Instance , Matthias mounted the Imperial Throne , assoon almost as Rudolphus left it ; he had a Disposition to mildness , as the Dr. himself observes ; and in the First Year of his Reign , receiv'd the Protestants Petition about the Confirmation of their Religion at Regenspurg ; and when afterward by Matthias his means , Ferdinand the Second of that Name , that succeeded him , was made King of Bohemia , he was forc'd to confirm to them all their Priviledges , and to promise the continuance of them after the death of Matthias , and that which truly influenced this Emperor , or rather incens'd him to the Proceedings that follow'd , Was not the Iesuites , whom the Dr. cannot spare , even where they are unconcern'd ; or the Violences of the House of Gratz ; for Chronicles of theirs can tell us , that even a Cardinal , and one of the Emperor Matthias his Privy-Counsellors was on the very Coronation day , when this Ferdinand of Gratz was Crown'd King of Hungary , sent Prisoner to Tyrol , for endeavouring to stir up those Divisions that after followed : The first Begininngs of which , ( as a * German and a Lutheran observes , and which from such an impartial Author , for the sake of the reform'd Religion I am so sorry to relate ) were occasion'd by this Disorder : The Protestants held a Consultation at Prague , where among some of their Grievances was propos'd , That the Edicts of Rudolphus which we recited before , not being by the Catholicks stricktly kept , for their being bound to a better Observance , the Reform'd did agree to represent it at a Meeting of the Imperial Ministers to be redres'd ; but finding there * two Men of Note to withstand them , and to make much of Opposition , they were so incens'd , that they took occasion to throw both these Persons out at Window , as they stood next to the Secretary Fabritius himself , Firing at them as they fell ; upon this great Outrage , which could not but with more force be defended , they united immediately into a League of Lives and Fortunes against GOD's , the King's Enemies , as they call'd them , and their own ; went streight to the Listing of Souldiers , order'd 30 Directors or Administrators for the management of the Affairs of the Kingdom , and as if incens'd with Dr. B. against the whole Society , banisht all the Iesuites out of Bohemia , and publish'd a Manifesto to justify these Outragious Proceedings ; the Emperor Matthias as mild as he was ; as gentle even as our prejudiced Dr. can allow him , could not but resent these great Indignities , be alarm'd at the Disturbances that were made and provide against a total Revolt and Rebellion , that did more than threaten him by being already commenc'd , those of Silesia siding with them , sent under the Marquiss of Brandenburg a considerable Force to their Assistance ; Count Mansfield set up for their General ; and it was time then for the Emperor to seek out for his ; his mildness had try'd to make them before to lay down their Arms ; and so for their persisting in Hostility , had the more right to declare them Rebels ; they had besieged the Budeweis before the Emperor had order'd to proceed against them as such , and taken another Town by Storm , and even of his Intentions to attack them , gave them timely notice , when nothing could prevail with the Bohemians , and the Emperour bear nothing more ; the Count de Bucquoy march'd against them , and in Battle beat them , and in this , in thus manner , began that cursed Disturbance , as our Author calls it , that cost all Germany so dear : This Account I have faithfully translated from our Dutch Authors Chronology , their own Country-man , their own Protestant ; who laments the very Disturbance themselves created , and all the Miseries and Misfortunes that so justly follow'd ; Dr. Heylin , an Historian , as fam'd too for Reformation ; as our Reflecter we Revy on , as much a Member of the CHURCH of ENGLAND , and whatever are the Censures he must suffer , an Author as honest and sincere , and only more impartial , he gives us his sence of these Transactions , to this effect : Discoursing of that more Memorable Battle of Prague that follow'd afterward in Ferdinand the Seconds Time , to which he even himself was forc'd ; for he before had admonished them to lay down their Arms ; says , he cannot decide who had the juster Cause neither ought success of War to decide it , but of this he 's sure that ever since the erecting of that Kingdom by the Sclaves , or Croatians , it depended upon the disposal of the Emperor , and observes that on the day that the Battle was decided , the Gospel appointed for it , had in it that Memorable Text of rendering unto Coesar the Things that are Coesars ; but such is that inconsiderate Zeal , praepossession or downright Sedition of some that set themselves only to contest it with a Crown , that the specious names of Reformation and Religion must sanctify any sort of Rebellion and Revolt ; 't is too much one would think , that it should excuse it , much less , make it lose its Nature , and forget its Name : The good Emperor Matthias , soon after the first Defeat was given them , to which he was by their own Confession forc'd , departed this Life , and left Ferdinand a more furious Prince in Military Matters , and more zealous in Ecclesiasticals , to follow and pursue it . This producing of such a Popish Prince for a president of Perfidiousness , and Persecution , whom himself confesses so mild , and relenting as to become a Protector to the Distressed States , even to revolting Protestants against a revengeful Prince , will make men distrust the weight of such an Argument that carries Contradiction and Boldness in triumph before it . The Dr. does not deserve the Protection of the Dutch for defaming thus their best of Protectors ; but he deals with him as kindly here for the sake of his Religion , as the Dutch , his new Masters themselves did , when he assisted them in the defence of their Liberties , for they fell upon him and his Followers , in a solemn Procession at Antwerp , on Ascension day , kill'd some upon the place , forc'd their Defender to fly to the Church , and take sanctuary for his Life ; 't is hard I confess , to decide whither it was the result of Zeal in the Reformation ; I will not say of the spirit of Rebellion , but this is certain this Protector was very scurvily treated , and but ill us'd , insomuch , that he protested if they serv'd him so , he 'd leave them to themselves , and return into Germany ; which afterward for other Indignities Offer'd , he was forc'd to do . But this Author I cite , being one of the Society , will supersede all Credit with the Dr. ; for Prejudice with some people will spoil the best of Authority ; but then the most impartial * Thuanus , whose sincerity , even himself has applauded , I hope will be better believ'd , and truly he says but the same , that this Catholick Defender of the Protestant Cause , had but little thanks for that Assistance , which of his own accord he brought the States ; if Protestants will not be oblig'd to Roman-Catholick Princes for Redress , or Preservation , pray don't let the Fact be libell'd , and their Principles traduc'd against positive Proof , as if they were alway ready to root them out , and study'd to destroy them . Here are Presidents from History , and such too , as that to some of them , himself does give a sort of Approbation , that in former Reigns , in forreign Countries , where the Catholick Religion has been generally receiv'd , that by Princes of that Perswasion , the Protestants too , have been countenanced and protected ; and the Peace we here do now enjoy at this present , in this Kingdom , in the same Circumstances , and the thankful Acknowledgments that are so universal for its Enjoyment , is an Additional Evidence , That the Dr. may be mistaken in his Arguments from Fact , as well as malitious in his Inferences , when they truly will appear both spiteful and false ; so that his seditious Insinuations against His Majesty's Indulgence , and his ungrateful Dealing with the KING , that as he says , advis'd him once of his approaching Danger , help'd him to prevent it , and perhaps , protected him too , are no more an Argument against the Mildness and Clemency that may be expected under the Reign of our merciful Monarch , then his Masters Ancestors ill usage of Archduke Matthias , can be made use of to prove they never had such a generous Protector . But setting aside these Presidents of the German Princes that were so favourable to Protestants ; consider but the Cases and Circumstances of those Emperors that were condemn'd for such Severities to them ; those that are said so much to have violated their Faith ; and for that you 'l find even Charles the Fifth , and Ferdinand the Second , if impartially examin'd , not to deserve so much of Reproach ; in the Reign of the First , the Protestant Religion began to be receiv'd in Germany , and with that Monarch might be said to commence ; for tho Luther was born long before in Frederick the Third's Time , it was but a Year or two before Charles the Fifth , that he began to write against the POPE , which whether the result of Passion , or Conviction of Reason , we shall not now examin ; but only the Princes Vsage of him , and his Proselites . The most impartial Author among the * Papists tell us , that upon the propagating of his Doctrin , and the Troubles it created in the Empire ; that the Emperor labour'd to compose the Differences with all the Mildness imaginable , promis'd them a Council , and that 't was known to all , what Pains he took to procure it ; Sleidanus a German himself , one of the Primitive Proselytes , a Protestant , that liv'd all along that Reign ; and so had all the Qualifications in the World , that can recommend him to those of the reform'd Religion for a sincere Historian ( since some People will believe nothing but what is writ on their side ) : I cannot see that he represents even that Emperor for such an Oppressor of the Protestants ; tho' any impartial Person would consider that any Soveraign Authority will for its own Preservation oppose any Novel Opinion in the * Church , to prevent the Disturbances that will unavoidably follow from the Propagating of it in the State , and whatever were the good Effects of the Reformation , that some of these bad ones did ensue , cannot certainly with any modesty be deny'd : The Emperor was so mild upon Luther's first appearing against Indulgences that were made too venial in Germany , by being too commonly sold , ( which even sober Catholicks in those times could condemn , where they were abus'd ) he writ to the Pope , * that for avoiding of Controversies , and sophistical Disputes , these Matters might be Reform'd by a general Council ; which certainly was a much better way , all Protestants must allow then , that which Luther took by making but an unhappy Breach in the Church ; for Reformation with Authority and Warrant will ever be built on a better Foundation ; and then too much sooner defended , than any good that is done , tho' the greatest ; by any ill and indirect means ; why Fryar Tecell's selling of Pardons so indiscriminately , even to a scandal , should make him renounce his Religion , or Sylvesters a strict Thomist , too zealous defence of the Popes Authority , make Rome presently the Seat of Anti-Christ , as he * calls it , and warrant him to forsake the Church , if these escape with impunity , as himself did with Threatnings declare , I cannot comprehend ; yet tho' upon these Foundations , we still see the Emperor permitted it to go on peaceably , * tho' he labour'd too , that it might more regularly ; for doubtless the Pope's condemning of Luther's Works to be burnt , did not impower him to burn the Pope's Decretals , no more than if a Libel of Dr. B's . should receive such a Sentence , it would authorise him in the same manner to serve the KING's Proclamation . The Church-men , doubtless then , ( as it concern'd them , being then of the only Church establish'd ) were very zealous for the suppressing of Luther , and his Proselytes ; but we do not find the Empr. too so furious in their Prosecution ; he told them to their Applications that they made him , that he chiefly coveted the Quiet of the Empire , and that he had taken pains no Force should be used to any man ; National Councils he called them several , to which they would never submit , and did wisely to protest , since they were sure to be out Voted : he allowed Luther a publick Disputation at Leipsig , sent him an assurance of Security to come to Worms , and when some Zealous Church-men perswaded the Emperor to order him his Process , they were so far from prevailing , that he smartly told them , Though there was no Faith in the World , it should be found in his Breast : I suppose the Dr. would not use this too , as an infallible Argument for all Catholick KINGS being compell'd by their Religion , to violate their Faith : His Ausburg Confessions were at that Town graciously receiv'd by him , and order'd to be taken into Examination ; he himself condescended to the Interim ; in which were two Points gain'd , or granted , tho' obstinately refus'd , the Marriage of the Priests , and the Sacraments in both kinds ; * and such a Favour it was too to the Protestants , so highly resented by the Pope , that he threatned the Emperor for usurping his Authority , and offering to reform the Church ; and as the Ausburg Confession was confirm'd , so the Pacification of Passaw was in his Reign procured ; and if we reflect on Ferdinand the Seconds Reign , the Protestants were in Arms , when he came to the Crown , he commanded them to lay them down , they oppose his being Emperor , protested against his Election , chuse their King of Bohemia ; and thus they fann'd the Fire that set all the Country in a Flame , and to continue it too ; at the Dyet of Leipsig , league themselves to War with the Swedes , when at the same time the Emperor at another at Ratisbone , had made Proposals for Peace ; and the Violations that at any time follow'd , were occasion'd by mutual Jealousies on both sides ; the Protestant Party growing powerful , and Princes falling with them into Leagues , made the Emperors look more to the preservation of their Authority , than their Subjects Priviledges ; and they thinking themselves injur'd in them , would remonstrate their Grievances ; and the Emperors complain their Preachers were the occasion of Commotions , that they sided with their Enemies , * and those of Christendom , and as Teckely now , with the Turks ; and perhaps , each Party having its real Faults , as well as human Infirmities , fell from inward Fears of one another , to open Hostility , even to the lamentable Effusion of too much Christian Blood ; this is sincerely the substance I can Collect from Authors of all sorts of Complexions , which the Dr's . Endeavours to defame His Majesty's Person and Religion , has in this Point given me occasion to Consult . SECT . VI. AS these Instances were forreign to our Nation , and his Purpose too , for they make against him ; and since so unlucky , he had better let it alone ; so we will consider his more domestick Examples , and examin how far these Presidents of Perfidiousness and Falsehood which he would fix on the Popish Princes of Great Britain , make for his Purpose . The Promises of Queen Mary of England , whatever they were , were only made to the Suffolk Men , if any made ; for besides what are related * in History , no publick Act under Her hand appears ; and the Dr. knows His Present Majesty in the very First Act of His Reign , and in several repeated Proclamations since has solemnly sign'd it , and so signify'd it to the whole Kingdome , and the World ; though his sacred Word was sufficient without such an Overt Act to secure us : But besides , I know Dr. B. values himself so much upon his understanding of History , especially about Reformation , that the Times to which he would apply his Comparative Reflections , as they are very distant , so too of a quite different Face and Complexion to what they were in Her Dayes ; will the Dr. make no difference in the settling of the Protestant Religion , between the settlement of the Six Years of King Edward's Reign ; and about an * Hundred and Thirty that have followed since , sure he is satisfy'd of the vast Disparity ; he seems almost assur'd that his elaborate Writings will secure us against the repealing the Tests , ( or else they are pen'd to no Purpose ; ) and then can he expect that an Act for Re-establishing Popery , should pass ( as in her Reign ) in the First Parliament . The Reformation in the former Reign was really a force , and what all impartial Protestants , can apprehend , carryed on even sacrilegiously by the Court to serve some secular designs ; tho' the consequences of their ill means might be truly good ; and perhaps in my opinion will ever be so ; 't was easie then for her , without any breach upon Laws , Statutes , and Constitutions , to retrieve and establish a Religion that had been from all Ages receiv'd , and only for six years discontinu'd , yet still we saw , as appears from her * Proclamation , she so far adher'd to any promise she might have made that she declar'd , she would never compel any of her Subjects in Matters of Religion , till by their common consent they had oblig'd themselves , that they did so , is too well known , both Houses putting up a Petition in the Name of the Kingdom , to the Cardinal to be receiv'd again into the Church of Rome ; and this a Parliament that none have yet offer'd to prove , was procur'd by any indirect means ; so that it plainly appears , that Laws will alway depend upon the general opinion of the People ; and as they could not find then an House of Commons to restore the Church-Land ; so it will as hardly be got now , for restoring the Religion . The Reflection he makes on the Queen-Regent of Scotland for breach of Promise , comes after examination of her History , and the Transactions of her Reign ; in which she was then but a Princess subordinate , to the Criminating of those her very accusers ; and the substance of it , sincerely this : After the death of Cardinal Beaton ( who by the way was as barbarously murder'd ; ) the sufferings of some persons † for Religion , which himself from his function in the Church , had too Zealously set a foot , many of the Commonalty began to Conspire against the Government ; and at last Seven or Eight of the Nobility , took upon them to make an Act of Reformation : I confess had it been done in a more Parliamentary way , it might have been more Authentick : this Queen-Regent was so far from proceeding against them as Criminals , which doubtless she might have done , it being a manifest Usurpation , if not plain Rebellion ; that she gave a favourable ear to their proposals , tho' the Clergy that were then Establisht , you may be sure perswaded her to the contrary ; she offer'd all things to be redress'd in a Parliamentary way ; but Zeal being seldome attended with the greatest Prudence and Deliberation , they fell into open Ryots before she could find a way to please them ; disturb'd a Procession , to which her self was present ; demolisht Monasterys , pull'd down Images , and overturn'd Altars ; till at Perth they appear'd in open Rebellion , and up in Arms ; what promises the Queen there made , are as well known , as the manner how she was forc't to make them . They threatned her , if she would not accept of their Accord , or did ever violate and break it , they would joyn unanimously to depose her ; Knox the Great Incendiary setting them on , and made them confederate into a perfect League : and I believe this too was as absolute a Power as was ever seen in Scotland , or into the Low Countries , sent from Spain . After this pacification at Perth , the Lords of the Congregation , who were always the first in the field convene their forces again at Coupers-Moore ; Besiege the Town of Perth , force it to surrender , sack Abbys , subvert Monasterys , and sacrilegiously spoil all that was sacred ; and all this without any regard of any Duty to their Sovereign , or Reverence to their GOD. The strictest of our Casuists , even in a common person ever resolv'd all obligations void , that are occasion'd by terror and Constraint , and the Dr. need not have recourse again to the society ; I know the lewdness of some * Politicians have extended the Obligations of Kings & Princes to a greater latitude from their publick Concerns , than in Conscience can be allow'd to Common Subjects : I am so far from that Sacrilegious thought , that I think the Sacred , and exalted Characters they bear , obliges them only more highly ; and that to a stricter Observance , tho' still where Subjects can't be said to sin , 't is hard to make our Princes Peccant ; why does not the Dr. prove that this Regent , or her Daughter the real Queen did break their promises too , when they assum'd their just Authority , after they had both been so injuriously brought to renounce it ; but in this very case the Reflector had better spar'd his Animadversion , since it was one of the Articles too at Edenburgh , that there should be no injury done to the Catholick Churches , which the Queen complain'd of , was as soon violated ; but since nothing will please some People , but arguments , such as the Schools call ad hominem ; nor even those neither , when the man's mind is alter'd ; does the Dr. think , that if King Charles the First , had been forced to the Nineteen Propositions , to the utter Subverting of the Church of England , it would by their Casuists have been adjudg'd an Indispensable Obligation , they could not think it so in the case of the Covenant , which the King ( to whose memory the Dr. has such a Kindness ) even in those Countries is said to have taken . But to see how these faithful Reformers dealt with their Queen , that must be upbraided for the violating of her Faith. After they had been the occasion of breaking some of those Accords ( for which none but their Sovereign , it seems must suffer ; ) they left this Queen so little power to break her promise to them in matters of their Religion , that she had none left to maintain her own ; for at a Conference at Preston she desired only the celebration of the Mass in the place where she resided , and even that was deny'd her . But to go further yet ; tho' Allegeance be a sort of Faith too , and a most profound promise , which either the Municipal Law requires us , or our Birth-right commands us to obey , that being also an old Oath observ'd in our Court-Leets , if we were not ty'd to our more modern ones , made since for some more Designing Ends ; ( setting aside those slight obligations to their Soveraign ) they consulted for such Oracles of the Law , those Reformers of the Gospel , Knox , and his followers , about the deposing of this Queen from her Regency ; insomuch , that * this Reverend Author , a Metropolitan in this Church establisht , honestly represents it as a Scandal to the very Reformation ; they burlesqu'd the very Bible , to place the Power in the People ; so that if their Religious Interpretations of the New Testament were not more agreeable to the Truth , than their political Constructions upon the * Old , Protestants would be asham'd of the very Doctrines they profess'd ; they depos'd this Queen Regent with a Iure Divino , and the Prince instead of that was deny'd to have any at all ; and to save the Dr. another Reflection , the Case was the same here , as if She had been an absolute Queen , themselves acknowledg'd it in the very Fact , for the other being out of their hands , they were forc'd to have recourse to another Principle of Democracy to proceed upon , By Vertue of that Authority of their Queen in France , with which She had never yet impowred them ; they deposed that Queen-Regent in Scotland , which Her self had authorised ; and this perhaps might be truly call'd the Courting of a Common-wealth Party ; but if that won't serve the Turn , it is as well known their Hereditary Queen was serv'd so too ; 't is too much to upbraid a Princess with a Breach of Promise to such Subjects who violated almost all that was Sacred , and only to sack the Town wherein their Soveraign resided , turn'd their very Temple into an Armory , and Magazine , made the Church truly Militant , and their Doctrin in the literal Sense , an Evangelium Armatum ; but yet to add after all this Dr. B's Aspersions , the better Authority of a Bishop of his Church ; he that writes the History of it , gives this Regent a more agreeable Character , and honestly represents Her as one that avoided alwayes giving any Occasion to those Troubles of the Kingdom , That her Dexterity was chiefly in Composing the Tumults , and pacifying the North , and that She was the greatest Lover of Iustice and Equity ; and condemns mightily the History of Knox , from whose Work our Author borrowed the Blemishes that he has cast upon Her , and who in abusing of his own Prince and Country , cannot have better Associates , than Burnet and Buchanan . This habitual Excellencies of our Adversary , consisting so eminently in the Defamation of Princes , and especially his own , I wonder how his Hereditary Queen of Scotland could escape him ; and that the Breach of Promise had not brought about all her Misfortunes too : by his way of writing , he had not been bound to consider , That when She was coming over from France , tho' so solicited by the Queen of England , She would not ty her self to any Promissory Obligations to confirm any of the former Ratifications , and so justify Her Rebellious Subjects , which She told to Throgmorton for a Message to his Mistress , and 't is to be wish'd for the Credit of our English Nation , and the Protestant Religion , that That Princess had kept Her Promises too with the Queen of SCOTS . SECT . VII . AS for the Politicks of France , as they make a Book by themselves , so this Author might have omitted them for any Argument they are against mine ; for in that I had observ'd the great difference that there is in the Constitution of that Government , and our own ; the vast Disparity between the Temper of the Two Princes , that at present govern : the Multitude , and mighty Majority of Catholicks in the One , and of Protestants in the Other ; these sort of Suggestions with sober Men , and unprejudic'd , may be so prevalent , as to satisfy them , that a Protestant Persecution is not so soon set afoot here , where we see even those that fly from it there so graciously receiv'd , and by the supream Authority more especially provided for ; let but Dr. B ' s. Concessions that secure the Grisons , the Switzers , and some Principalities in Germany take place , and from his own Arguments they are safe , since the Want of Power , and the Circumstances of Affairs will prevent any Danger . The Massacre of Paris the Dr. knows was by most of the Roman Catholicks condemn'd , & the truest & best Account we have of it , is from one of their own Authors , and of that Religion too ; it was , as from him will appear , the deplorable Effects of a long Civil War , and the passionate Revenge that was coveted by some great Persons ; with an eternal Animosity between the Two Houses ; that inspir'd them first with such Bloody Thoughts , which afterward was turn'd against the Protestants in general , and like a Flame , dilated it self into Destruction before it could be stopt : The Occasions of this vast Effusion of Blood , the Dr. will repent that ever he touch'd upon , and even against my will has forc'd me to repeat ; it will be none of the greatest Credit to their Reformation in France , to recapitulate the manner of its carrying on , and we had better be contented with its Establishment , than examin the manner how it came to be thus establish'd ; but since by his unjust Reflection , Princes and their Religion ; their Sacred Person , and Christianity it self is brought to suffer ; I must confess it has extorted from me that Truth , which from the Circumstances of our Affairs , and in kindness to some People , I could have sooner conceal'd : The Dr. must know then that I will not Iustify Kings , and Countries , just as he Libels ; them only with a Reflection ; but as the forgoing Defences I have made , are founded upon their Epitomy , and impartial Histories , and Matter of Fact ; so he 'll find perhaps France too , may much in the same manner be defended ? we shall not have recourse to their Antiquated Reformers , those of Waldo , or the Albigenses , though shedding of Blood was brought up in their time too , when with no little Barbarity countenanced by the Earl of Tholouse , they basely murder'd their Viscount in the City of Beziers , dash'd out the Teeth of their Bishop , and almost his Brains too , to whom his own Church could hardly be a Sanctuary ; for which Insolencies , to give it the softest Term , ( and as Protestant Authors * say , many more of the same sort ) Lewis the Ninth , was necessitated by force of Arms to suppress them ; of a long War , and the much Blood that it cost ; the Catholicks alone , cannot with any Justice be brought to bear the blame , since there were no promises then made by the Prince , nor any Society to teach him Reserves . The times we shall touch upon , were when Luthers Opinions first took place there , but not without as great a disturbance to the State ; for Innovations tho' introduc'd for improvement , and Reformation ; must unavoidably create Troubles and Confusions ; nay , tho' there be nothing really new , but only some alteration of Old Customs , by bare Omission ; and receding from former Opinions hitherto receiv'd ; these sorts of Mutations , being look'd upon as Novel , attract the consideration of those whom it may Concern ; forms imediately a Party or a Sect , which sets up in opposition to that which is Establisht ; and political bodies , like to those that are truly natural ; having this common principle , to endeavour for their own preservation , there must unavoidable be great conflicts between that Party that would retain its Power , and that which in spite of it would aspire to it : our Henry the Eighth in 's Reign , the first great Example amongst us , of such a scene of Change and Animosity , did himself best experience and describe it too ; and had some occasion to say , that some peoples standing so stiff to their old Mumpsimus , and others so Zealous for their new Sumpsimus , had occasion'd a great deal of confusion in his Kingdom ; and I think so too , tho' himself too was the most improper person in the world , to pass the Animadversion ; for certainly , if any Party can be answerable , for the Ill consequences , that attend an Alteration , tho' the pretence be never so good , it must in Justice be charg'd on that which gives the occasion to the Change ; there can be no Innovation either in a Church and State , without Invading somwhat of a right , either of Antiquity , and Prescription ; Possession and the Law : now I never met with a Legislator yet , but what did allow him to be always in the wrong , that invaded another mans Right ; and the Notion we have got in our Noddles of our Parliamentary power being able to do all this , and almost any thing ; I believe some people will at present be loath to allow , tho' very well pleas'd with the Latitude it took in our Original Reformation ; our Common Law did ever justify a Lay-man in the defence of his Inheritance , and his House ; and if I mistake not , our Magna Charta made That * Church to have her Priviledges and Patrimony too , and provides especially that they be kept unviolate ; when a strong man Armed keepeth his Palace , his Goods are in peace ; but when a stronger man shall come upon him , and overcome him , he taketh from him all wherein he trusted , and divideth the Spoil , and I wish I could not apply it here to the Revenues of our Church . And this , perhaps you 'll find was like to have been the Case in France too : Francis the First of that Kingdom , having a mind to be Famous , took the wisest way to make himself so ; by sending abroad for Men of Learning , whose Pens might transmit his Fame , with more advantage to Posterity ; expecting I suppose , no Authors , could then be met with , that would write the Memoirs of their Monarch only to vilify him to Future Ages : this encouragement , you may be sure , drew a great concourse from all Countrys , upon promise of being incorporated too , into a University at Paris ; Luther was then a Reforming in Germany , where already they had * fallen out amongst themselves , as well as with the Emperor : He takes this occasion to send Bucer , and some of the best of his followers thither , to propagate the Doctrine ; where for about ten Years they Flourish'd , under the countenance of the Kings * Sister , and Wife to the King of Navar , who , you may be sure , could have no kindness for the Pope , that had depriv'd her Husband ; but the troubles these Innovations created to the Kingdom , and the contumacious carriage , and attempts they shew'd against the Church , from the Countenance of that angry Queen , provok'd the King so far , that even her Power could not protect them from feeling his Resentment ; so that by several Edicts their Preachers were expel'd , & the name of Luther very nearly lost & exstinguish'd ; but Calvin comes on and had better success ; for he being so debonair , as to be able to write to them in French ; their own idioms , & the Vulgar tongue , and it could not but tickle the common sort , from hardly understanding it , to be made Iudges in Religion ; so that all his doctrines could not but go down , as indeed they did ; and spread so fast , that Hen. the Second was alarm'd at it , as any Prince would to find a Party become so formidable , as to oppose the Church that was then establish'd by Law : This made him endeavour to suppress them . Amidst these Troubles the King dies , and the Minority of his Son Francis soon rais'd them again to their former Vigor , and that the whole Kingdom did afterward sufficiently feel ; for in this Conjuncture , the Greatness of the House of Guise animating that of Bourbon to Rebel ; the Duke of Vendosme , and Prince of Conde disgusted and slighted , drew in the Two Chastilions , Admiral Coligny , and Mr. D' Andilot ; these discontented Courtiers Consulting together , found no expedient so agreeable to promote their Designs , as the drawing in of the Hugonots into the Conspiracy , and by making themselves the Head of them ; and though the Duke de Vendosme did for a long time dislike it ; it was so carryed on by Conde , Coligny , and his Brother , that in short , the Hugonots were drawn in to Vnite , and League themselves under the Princes of that House ; and this is that League or Vnion ; ( our Author shall call it which he pleases ) that by me was plainly meant , into which the Protestants enter'd ; and not that of the Papists which was long after ; and I wish Dr. B. only more foresight , when he would Libel * and Invade my Sincerity , they rais'd Men , Monies , and Ammunition , come to Blois , with Petitions in one hand , and Swords in the other , with an intent to seise the King and Queen , and put the Guises to the Sword ; this would have been a little Massacre too ; but the Court having intimation of it , was remov'd to the strong Castle of Amboise ; there they come too , to pursue the design ; but the D. of Guise , being made Lieutenant , ordered the matter so , that they were all routed , and Renaudy the chief of the Rebells kill'd : * this , tho' of their own seeking , set all the rest of the Neighbouring Provinces in a flame ; they seiz'd upon Catholick Churches by force , w ch if Calvin himself could call rashness , the Romanist's might well Rebellion , the same outrages they committed at Avignon ; so that at an Assembly at Fountainbleau , it was thought best to make some favourable Edict in their behalf ; but this , I hope will not excuse them from the blood that was spilt before , or the Insurrection that was made , since they prided themselves in it , and glory'd in the Consternation they had cast on the Kingdom ; and without considering their Obligation to the Edict , presently after , concluded to seise upon some of the most considerable Towns in France , and even Paris it self , to depose the Queen , remove the Guises , and get Navar , and Conde to be Governors to the KING : This Plot was carryed so far , that they mutined in most Towns against the Magistrates ; and the Prince almost had made himself Master of Lyons ; but his Project being discovered , he was made Prisoner at Orleance , his process form'd , himself condemn'd , and had as certainly been executed too , had not Francis the Second at the same time dy'd , and so altered the Constitutions of the State , and the Measures of the Court ; for the Queen Her self now began to be as much afraid of the growing Greatness of the Guises , comes to an Agreement with the King of Navarr , that She shou'd be Regent , and himself Lieutenant of the Realm , that all Prisoners for Religion shou'd be releas'd , all Prosecution forborn ; but these Favours to these Reformers made them more rebellious ; insomuch , that they set upon the CATHOLICKS at their Sacrifices , pull'd them out of their Pulpits ; insomuch , that at last the King of Navarr could not find in his heart any longer to defend them ; and so it was resolv'd in a general Assembly at Paris , that their Ministers should be expell'd ; and none but the Catholick Religion allow'd ; after this they prevail'd at last at * Poissy for a Dispute , tho' the Council of Trent was then a foot for deciding any Differences , which as fairly as it is represented , and perhaps impartially , by Father Paul ; and as fouly by some that were more zealous and concern'd ; yet certainly was a much better expedient for setling the Disputes in the Church ; then a private Assembly amongst themselves , where the Objection of pact , partiality , contrivance ; the Clamours against that Council must needs with Aggravation recoyl upon themselves ; but the Result of this Divinity - Disputation was what usually attends such Polemical Debates , like a tryal of Skill , both sides boasted they had the best ; but certain it is the King of Navarr , upon seeing the Differences among the Reform'd ; some favouring the Augustan , others the Helvetian Confession , was the more confirm'd in the Catholick Faith : but the other side by their Boastings growing so popular , insomuch , that it was thought dangerous almost to disturb them , another Edict was granted or forc'd for a Pacification , which juncture of Affairs made the cunning Queen fall to favouring of them too ; that even as the sense of a Protestant Author observes , a dignify'd Member in the Church of England , this Prosperiny of the Reformation was the Cause of all the Miseries and Misfortunes that befel the Kingdom of FRANCE , to the Ruine almost of the Realm ; their encreasing in strength , encreas'd so far the Power of the Prince of Conde , that his former Partner , the King of Navarr , made no Figure at all , which made him call in the Duke of Guise for his Assistance ; and the Duke coming up , by the way , a Fray was commenced , by some of his Servants at a Protestant Sermon ; the Duke coming to interpose , and part , was wounded by them himself , which so enrag'd some of his Souldiers and Followers , that about Sixty People were kill'd , the rest put to Flight ; their Ministers being much of Dr. Burnet's Make , gave this out as a Design , and in all their Representations made it a Massacre ; and for this occasional Fray , the most furious Out-rages must be justifyed , Monasteries pull'd down , Altars and Images defac'd , and the whole Land fill'd and polluted with blood ; and it may be also observ'd here , that this too is made by Meteran a design'd Slaughter ; and that the Duke came purposely to disperse and destroy them ; but this Author confessing in his Preface his Prejudice against this most Catholick cause ; it had been more consistent with our Authors sincerity in these Matters not to have medled with him . And now both Parties labour to keep or get the KING into their Power ; the Prince of Conde took Orleance , and the Catholicks the KING , and the Protestants in their New Conquest , Spoil all the Churches in the Town , but upon none more furious than that of St. Cross , as if the Badge of their Profession were the Scandal of Christianity ; then this Religious Violence must be justifyed with a Manifesto , criminating the Catholick Lords for detaining the King and Queen , when both of them declared they did them no Violence , but assisted them with their Service and Duty ; tho' the forementioned Author in the same place represents the Queen in the name of the young King , writing Letters to Conde , that they were under Restraint and Confinement , and that he should come in and relieve them , when it is known too , that She exhorted them to come in and return to their Obedience ; and so far complying they were , that the Duke of Guise offer'd himself to a voluntary Exile , if they would but return , as the Queen desired , to their Obedience ; and for that they had their Pardon offer'd and Favour too ; but for all this , the Reformers go on , seise most of the chief Towns , sack the Churches for Silver for their Mint ; and thus defac'd , made them fit for their Stables and Magazines ; insisting upon insolent Demands , they were declar'd Traytors if they did not desist by such a day : The Queen that had no such abhorrence of them before , now detested them , and began to think how She might break and dissolve them ; for this She prevails with the Constable , and Duke of Guise , to go and retire from the Court ; they so did , and Conde having promised the Queen to return to his Obedience if ever they did so , was now as much confounded at their unexpected Retreat , advis'd with his Casuists , the Calvanist Doctors what to do in the case , who honestly told him , That he having made himself Head of their Vnion and League , no Obligation could bind him to any Promise ; that Promises were not to kept that did hinder the Preaching of the Truth ; the Queen not bringing over the King to him as She promis'd ; he was bound to keep none of his Promises to Her , and so could not be said to violate his Faith : These I think are Promises too , not very well kept , or as ill expounded ; the Dr. might spare us for it some of his Animadversions on the Reserves of the Society , and the keeping no Faith with Hereticks , for they found out the best expedient of Aequivocation , that the Duke might seem to keep his Promise , they ordered him to meet the Queen , and surrender himself ; but withal , that the Admiral by Ambuscade should be ready , and surprise him , and so bring him back to the Camp. They resolv'd it too , that for the Reformation sake , no regard was to be had to their Country , and so invited in our English Aid of Queen Elizabeth , who had nearly made her self Master of Normandy . About this time the Duke of Guise was treacherously murder'd by Poltrot , one of the Reformers that had insinuated himself into his Service and Family ; and after another Edict granted in their Favour , they tumult again to come up to the Pacification of Ianuary , and so fall again to their seising of Towns , and overturning of Churches ; the zealous Queen of Navar encouraging them so far , that at Pamiers , on a Corpus Christi Day , upon a solemn Procession , they put themselves in Arms , fell upon the unarm'd Catholicks , made a great Slaughter among the Church-men ; these escaping with impunity , encourag'd the like Bloodshed in several other places ; this may be call'd a little , tho' not such a famous Massacre ; and this day of Corpus Christi almost as dreadful as St. Bartholomew ; which from the abhorrence I have of both , I can hardly think that Providence could permit such severe Retaliation : and to match the Dr's Observations on the deposing Power ; about that time , a Book came out , and was publish'd by them , maintaining it lawful to kill the King if he turn'd an Idolater , and was follow'd by the most Antimonarchical Pieces , such as I am sure the Society never penn'd , or ever saw : and some Catholick Writers assert from the Confession of Prisoners that were rack'd , that they once had a Design to kill the King and Queen , and place the Crown on the Head of Conde ; which from the partiality of the Authors , and the extortion of the Evidence ; and our Charity to the Hugonots , wee 'll hope to be False , and rather disbelieve : After all these Revolutions of Revolt and Pacification , they join at last with the Rochellers to maintain the War , when other Towns had submitted to Peace ; after all this Obstinacy , can their Kings be condemn'd for not keeping their Edicts , which themselves would never observe and obey : All forreign Forces were invited in , to the hazard of the whole Kingdom ; and even our Queen Elizabeth a second time prevail'd upon to succour them after they had betray'd her in the First ; yet such was her Zeal or Interest of State , that She could never deny assistance to any of her * Neighbours , when in Arms against their Prince ; but this to France prov'd very unlucky , for besides her Charges , and being beaten out of Normandy by those She had befriended ; they sent her back the Plague for the Service She did them in the Civil War , I will not say a just Reward , since it fell upon a People , for whose Prosperity I had rather pray ; but it must be remarkable , though we may not call it a Iudgment , for She had a League with the King of France at the same time , and which She had sworn too not long before ; when She lent Money , Men , and Arms , to his Subjects to fight against him , but it was not to be call'd a Breach of it , because it must be suppos'd that the Forces of the Reform'd were only rais'd to Fight for his Service , and the true Religion , though against his Person , Crown and Dignity ; this Distinction I think must have in it some favour too of the Mental Reserve , and be an Instance of another Promise that was not very well kept . In short , with this Assistance they held out a long War , which ended at last in the Death of the Prince of Conde , at the Battle of Iarnar , and let the World judge whither the Condemning the Admiral , and Confiscating his Estate for Rebellion was just ; after this , there continu'd a dissembled Reconciliation on both sides , such an one as the most open Hostility had been less dangerous , which afterward that dismal * Day of Death and Marriage did discover , some zealous on the Catholick side will tell us this Tragedy was Acted only to preserve them selves , that a Plot of the Hugonots was found out , for which purpose Edicts and Proclamations were publish'd , and Meddals stampt for the Deliverance ; which whether only to palliate so many Murders , or that those who had all along been so restless , had further Machinations , must be left as a secret to the Searcher of Hearts : Most certain it is , it was more Cruel and Universal than that by the Protestants at Pamiers ; the greatest Dangers could never justify so black a Deed , and Fate seem'd to Revenge the Effusion of so much Blood in that of the KINGS , who poured out his own , and his Soul together , in some Two Years after : From this abstracted Narrative will appear to all impartial People , what was the Original , what occasion'd the Continuance , and what promoted the end of all this bloody War ; it is hard that Catholicks should be condemned alone for it , and their Princes upbraided for those Transactions , which some * Protestants have look'd upon as the very Scandal of the Reformation : And from hence will appear too his Sincerity , as I observ'd before , how disingenuously the Dr. would fasten upon my meaning , his own Malice and Mistake , as if I had taken the Holy League of the Papists , for that which these Protestants enter'd into so long before : If he 'll Quarrel with me for the Word , we will not call it a League , but an † Vnion of the Protestants under the Prince of Conde , begun about Twenty Year before the * League of the Papist under the Duke of Guise : 'T is plain , that I referr'd to this , and the Dr. in his Chronology as is much out now , as Mr. Varillas . Prepossession and Prejudice , whether the result of Education , Interest , or Religion , are all the same Inconsistencies with the Faithfulness of an Historian , and which in these Relations I have wholly abstracted ; and taken these short Extracts from the comparing the different Complexions of Catholick and Protestant Writers ; for the Light of Truth is so much a Spark too , that it is best Strook from the most solid and disagreeing Bodies , and is the sooner discovered from such a Collision ; and such is my Charity too , that whatever were the Faults of the First Reformers in France , which themselves must own were too many , it can by no means justify the furious Proceedings against them at present , either with prudence or safety from the Maxims of the State , or any great Credit to the Doctrines of this Gallican Church ; for as it cannot be suppos'd but that any Government Establish'd will endeavour to * suppress all growing Opinions in their Original Productions , especially , should the Novelty , or but suppos'd Innovation threaten , not only the Religion of the State , but even the Subversion of the Constitution of the Government it self , as we see it did in this Kingdom , and in the Low-Countries , as hereafter will appear was actually compleated ; so a general Indulgence is as naturally requisite , where such different Sentiments have prevail'd , and for a series of Time been settl'd and confirm'd , especially , where the Professors of such a different Faith have comported themselves so long with all deference to the civil Magistrate , and even to the support of the Crown ; and it is far from Reason and Justice , a Vengeance peculiar and assum'd only by the Almighty Judge , to visit to the Third and Fourth Generation : Imputation of Guilt was never transferr'd but in Original Sin ; and those unfortunate Calamities , that by the Reformation were occasion'd , can no more warrant that King's Persecutions , than they could excuse our Charity to those that he persecutes . SECT . VIII . WE will examin now the last Instance of his famous List , which he concludes with a Remark , taken from the Revolt of the Low-Countries ; which , if the Terms of their own Historians may be allow'd us , we must still call so ; and what with our Adversaries own Authority , we shall ex Confesso conclude , that * those Severities were the more excusable , because these Reformations were look'd on ( as indeed they were ) a Revolt then made from establish'd Laws ; the Doctor 's Allegiance may be so far transferr'd , as in true Fidelity , to falsify for them Matter of Fact ; and in an History of his own assure us they were never Subjects to Spain ; but it is more than METERAN , or GROTIVS have done yet . * The kindness that I have for that Kind Country of the Dr's , I confess is no more than what I have ever had to most Republicks , and Common-Wealths , that is , to think the Constitution of their State to be the result of some Revolt and Defection from their Ancient Prince , and their Lawful Lord ; and that , though we could not trace in History their Beginnings , and date the Epoche of their usurped Government and Authority ; an Imperfection , from which perhaps , that compleat , and celebrated , and most antient Aristocracy of Venice , will hardly be defended , though it retains still the shadow of that more Imperial Sway , from which their Aborigines might be said to Revolt , or by expulsion from their Country fall into : but the Defence of this so criminal Expression , we shall refer to it's proper place : The Dr. at present is in his own Province , and affords us what is still his Kindness to Crown'd Heads , a better Subject to defend , and that is King Philip the Second , from the Calumnies of an injurious Character that would defame him ; for the Foundation of which Reproach , or the unreasonableness of it , there can be no more fair and candid Procedure , then to refer you , as in the former Essays to to the rest before , to some short Representation of Matter of Fact. It is known then , and beyond Dispute , that the Belgick Provinces in former times were first united under the Dominions of the Dukes of Burgundy , and from them by lineal or lawful Descent devolv'd to the Kings of Spain : after they came into their Power , they were all priviledg'd so far , that there was no great need to fear they should fall under Oppression ; and the miserable Condition , as the Dr. makes it , of absolute Slaves , so long as by their Obedience they only continu'd good Subjects : To tell us of their Priviledges under the Goths , Vandals , and Gauls , their barbarous and confus'd Constitution , even * before their Counts , so long before the Emperor Lewis the Second had regulated and civiliz'd them with such a Title ; and that this Philip the Second forfeited his Right , for not maintaining them ; is no more than if His Majesty were now to forgo His Three Kingdoms , for not observing the Rites and Rules of our old Druids , and the obsolete Customs of our antiquated Britains : The Notion is so extravagantly wild , that with sober men it will pass only for the fancy of some of their First Governours and Legislators , who had no other Name but that of Forresters . Yet this Notion was entertain'd so far , and mixt with several other pernicious Principles , truly Democratical ; that it serv'd to dress up that * Oration which was afterward made in their Famous Senate by themselves assembled for the renouncing their Allegiance , and deposing of the King of Spain ; which whether an Act of Iustice , or popular Outrage , from the subsequent Discourses will appear . Under the Dukes of Burgundy we do not find them tumultuous , tho' perhaps , * discontented , when under any great or more frequent Contributions : Charles the Fifth was too fortunate , and powerful to fear them ; and no forreign Forces were then the Grievance , though most of all by him maintain'd ; he knew his absolute Power , as well as Philip that follow'd after : In matters of Religion , and Reformation , though he was a little more moderate , it must be remembred the Reformers were then also more few , yet finding some Disturbance , he publish'd an Edict against Innovation there , about the time that Luther's was condemn'd in Germany , he finding according to his old Aphorism , and Opinion , * That those who had no Reverence for the Church , would think they ow'd as little Obedience to himself , their KING ; this put him indeed upon some Execution of the Laws , as Grotius observes , but with such ill success , that many times , when some of Note were brought to suffer , such Multitudes would meet , as with open Sedition to hinder and oppose it ; but the Progress of such seditious Insurrections by his presence , and residing with them was soon interrupted ; but when Philip the Second succeeded his Father , and the Fugitives from Forreign Parts began to fill those of Flanders , the Reform'd began to be very powerful there , and could never be thought good Neighbours ( if ever there were any Insurrections ) to the Church-Government that there was then Establish'd , and to which they had expres'd so great an Aversion : Philip the Second foresaw this , and fearful of what follow'd , was forc'd to leave those Forreign Souldiers ( as he told them ) for their Defence , but indeed for his own ; but for all this suppos'd strength , they finding he had left too the Government in the hands of a Woman , they soon discovered an apparent Weakness , and one of their Nobility , then the greatest Subject , and without any Detraction from his mighty Deeds , as greatly discontented too , whom out of Reverence to his Royal Dust , and respect to his Noble Line , we will leave without a Name , thinking himself as * injuriously disappointed of the Government of those Provinces , which upon the King 's returning into Spain , he had promis'd to himself , and indeed from his Merit and Desert might very well expect , was animated so far as to think upon an expedient for the heightening of his Power to make himself Head of the Protestant Party , which upon the absence of their King , began to multiply apace : for this purpose he Consults with the Counts of Egmont , and Horn , about redressing some Grievances that were necessary for them to be eas'd of , and that was first the three thousand Spanish Souldiers , though so far from being any thing dangerous to the People , that they themselves had the Command of them : They petition for their Removal , the King grants graciously their Request , but withal thought fit to detain them there , until the new Number of Bishops that he had instituted , were settled for fear of any further Insurrection ; but they influence the People so , that no Contribution could be got to pay them ; and the Dutchess of Parma now empowr'd by the King , transports them all away for Spain : This one would think should have been sufficient to pacifie them , but no sooner was this Grievance redrest , but Discontent like an Hydra from her Amputation , rises with another Head ; Granvel then the greatest Minister of State , was then as great a Grievance too , and from his single Person , they now apprehended more danger , than from the whole disbanded Army : A Person from whose Worthiness and Abilities to govern , even * Protestant Authors and his Enemies dare not detract ; his removal is obtained too ; but the want of him , the Governess soon found when it was too late ; for presently after his dismission , the Tumults began at Tourney , Valenciens , &c. rescuing of Prisoners ; threatning of Magistrates , and at last clamoring against their new Bishops ; tho' persons all eminent in Learning , and of as excellent Lives ; alarm'd with these many Tumults , that like tumbling Waves , toss'd , or tumultuated too upon one another ; the King of Spain ( as even an Historian of our Reformation too , if we may compare his sincerity with Dr. B , does honestly observe ) did then first send to his Sister , the Governess , to see his Father's Edicts severely executed , and to command a strict observance of the Canons of the Council of Trent . Encourag'd even under these severe Injunctions which were more formidably menac'd and commanded , than truly executed , the Lords declaring against it at the Council Table , and the Governess , with a great deal of difficulty got them past ; which when done , the opposite Party so incens'd the People , as to make it almost dangerous to put them in execution ; and the Executive power was soon oppos'd , when they had intelligence given them , that the Prince Elector had promis'd them assistance if ever it should come to be decided by the Sword ; and that they then , soon made it come too : For presently , they dispers'd no less than five thousand Seditious † Libels against the Government and the Governess ; and open Sedition , when once it appears bare fac'd , has no other Helmet of Salvation , but by putting on compleat Armor , and that you shall see they soon did ; for immediately , amidst these Tumultuous Proceedings , nine of the Lords , without any Law or Authority , no Officers in the concerns of the State , assemble themselves at Breda : Marnixius , one of the best Abilities among them , makes them subscribe a Covenant of his own Composing ; and so associate themselves with a solemn Oath , not to desert one another , send it about the several Provinces for Subscriptions , and some time after make an essay of their Fidelity to one another , by entering Brussels arm'd with Swords and Pistols , and Count de Brederode at the head of them , a Body of two hundred , which now might well be call'd Confederates ; Grotius himself , as concern'd as he is for his Country , cannot but call it a Conspiracy , tho' he would excuse them from the Guilt ; diminishes their number , and makes them come unarm'd to the Court , and no further design than the suppressing the Inquisition : the severity of which when laid aside , could never appease them ; for by his own confession , they made their fears greater , than indeed they were ; pretended the danger of Civil Dissentions , and partly created them themselves , make their Marriages , Feasts , and Assemblies , but so many Meetings of Conspiracy to carry on the Plot ; and when a Commotion was rais'd among the Common People , came out to animate it , by shewing themselves unable to suppress it . Other Authors that will speak more liberally , represent these design'd Conventions as the deepest Debauches , to draw in the most Dissolute Rabble , which was accomplisht too with a great deal of Tumult and Acclamation ; and so far were they seduced by them , that all the Declarations of the Governess could never resettle them in their Obedience ; and so far were the Reform'd inspir'd with these Proceedings , that at St. Omer's they † force all the Doors of Churches and Religious Houses , demolisht Altars , defac'd Shrines , pull down Images , and pursue with the same Zeal all that was sacred ; so also at Ipres , and several other places , expelling the Bishops , and as if all Learning were Superstition and Idolatry too , sacrific'd their books , and best of Libraries , in the same flame ; neither sparing things inanimate , nor the Unviolable Dust , and Sepulchres of the dead : The Mischief , Sacrilege , and Murders that were committed at Antwerp , were such , that they seem'd to make a Massacre almost of all that was Sacred ; assaulted the Procession and Image of the B. Virgin upon her very day of Assumption ; fall upon them in the Church , drive out the Catholicks , secure the doors , fall to that abominable work of rooting out Abominations ; pull down all the Crucifixions of our Saviour , all the Saints from their Pedestals , deface all the Pictures , and even painted glass : and that this Zeal against Idolatry , might be sublimated into the highest Atheism , and lewdest Impiety ; the Consecrated Host was taken out of the Pixes , and trampl'd upon with their feet ; the Wine in the sacred Chalices , most solemnly drunk off in debauch ; and their Holy Oyl in derision applied to the greasing of their Shooes ; certainly this was a sort of Zeal that would have past better in Iapan , and with such Christians as can shew more reverence to an Heathen Idol at Pegu ; but this Brutal rage was not confin'd to the Limits of the Town , it so spread through the Country , that in ten days time , no fewer than four hundred Consecrated places , were destroy'd or defac'd ; a Zeal so truly incens'd , that it seem'd to delight in flames , especially such as could consume any Sacred Pile ; it seem'd to defie any Heaven ; and dare all the Terrors of Hell , and Everlasting burnings . And was it criminal now , and the Violation of Faith , or breach of Promise in the Prince or Governor , to think of subduing such Subjects by force of Arms ; but no sooner had they intelligence of such a design ; but they manag'd it so as to be before hand with their King , and to let the World know they could carry their disobedience further , ( since Rebellion is look't upon as a term too injurious for the Confederates ; ) they contriv'd how to transfer their Allegiance to some Neighbouring Princes for Protection ; in order to that , they first erect a supream Consistory at Antwerp ; and some inferior Judicatories in other Places , and so chuse their own Magistrates , and at last alarm'd with the News of their King 's coming to give them a Visit , they were up in Arms before the Governess had got together any Horse or Foot for to suppress them besides the Train-Bands , they seized upon several Towns , turn their Canon against the King and his Commission ; and all this before the Duke of Alva was arriv'd , whose cruel Disposition could not be the cause of those Outrages and Rebellions , that were committed , and commenc'd before his coming : Mr. Sidney's Papers were never seconded , or out-done in this point , till these of the Doctor 's appeared ; so unjustly do some people impute the disturbances in which those States were involv'd to the Tyranny of that cruel Man , that all things were in a Flame before ever he came to his Government , 't is true , the King found that the mildness of the Dutchess of Parma could not prevail to reduce them to Obedience , and so thought it high time to send a more severe Minister ; for Diseases that are desperate , commonly require Remedies as dangerous too ; tho' I must say as Grotius observes , That had been the season for Philip himself to have come to suppress them ; for such necessitated Severities are sooner born with , and have better success when they come from the Prince himself , than from any common Subject , tho' the greatest Minister of State , especially when from one that has contracted a popular Odium : The Duke comes with a powerful Army of good old experienc'd Souldiers , to restore his Soveraign to that his Country , which as he had left , so that had almost entirely deserted him ; the Duke seizes two of the chief of the Faction , Egmont , and Horn ; they were Try'd , Condemn'd , and Executed publickly at Brussels , judicially proscribes the Prince of O — : seises upon his Eldest Son , sends him Prisoner into Spain , confiscates his Estate , and all this proceeding of Absolute Power , I conceive , among Civilians , will be still call'd Law ; a Iudicial Process against Disobedient Subjects , for (a) Conspiracy , (b) Sedition , (c) Sacrilege , and (d) High-Treason . These were the Laws by which he was to Govern ; these Laws of Nations were then too those of all the Land ; by which , most parts of it at this very time are govern'd ; and how many of those were violated by that multitude of Tumultuous People , and whether every one of them was not in the highest manner broken , I hope , from the foregoing Relations , will appear ; not one of these Crimes but was ever reputed by the Imperial Law , Capital , and no wonder then so many lost their heads ; so general was the Defection , that an incens'd King might well declare , the Provinces had forfeited their Liberty , and almost every Man his Life : Whatever were the Obligations of the Prince , they themselves had Violated all the former Pacifications , and indeed , without any regard to the mildness of the Dutchess of Parma : she had got the Souldiers remov'd , Cardinal Granvell to be sent away , and conniv'd at their Tumultuous Assemblies , and Religious Meetings : 'T is true , these Pacifications and Condescentions did somewhat appease them , but no longer till they had an opportunity , and encouragement to demand greater Freedoms , or Licentiousness ; and that offer'd it self when Lewis Count of Nassaw was return'd from Heydelberg , with assurance that the Elector Palatin would lend them assistance ; for then you see , as in the foresaid Relation , they fell to Libelling of the Government , the Lords associate themselves at Breda : Brederode comes in that bold manner to the Court ; the Governess ( as she could not well avoid in such a Seditious Juncture ) gave them good hopes that the Emperors Edicts should be moderated , and the Inquisition taken away , but it was fit the King should be first acquainted with it ; but for this , it seems they would not stay , but run out into all those Extravagant Mischiefs we have repeated before ; so when Egmont was somewhat before this sent into Spain , to sift the King's Inclinations , and to mollifie him : From Grotius himself , I cannot discover , that the Dutchess had therein granted them any publick Edict of Pacification , nor indeed from any other Author : It appears from all , that she conniv'd at their boldness till better times could come to suppress it ; all that the King told the Count from his Annals , does appear to be only this , * That there might be some hopes of the moderating the severity of such Edicts ; but it seem'd to depend too upon the submissive Comportment of the People , for whom he exprest a great deal of Affection ; but when he receiv'd an account of the several Tumults before recited , and especially the Seditious Carriage of the Senate of Bruges , who had imprison'd some of his Officers , only for Executing of his Iustice ; it was then that he thought them to deserve no mercy , and so sent to his Sister to let her know all what he had promis'd Count Egmont ; and that she should see the Edicts of the Emperor , and those of Trent put in Execution . The Dr. says , King Philip the 2 d. did ratifie to Count Egmont , the Dutchess of Parma's Edict of Pacification , if his Friend Meteran were not mistaken , and all other Authors ; the Count's Negotiation in Spain , was two years before the Pacification at Brussels was penn'd or heard of ; for he was sent away immediately after Granvel's Removal , in the year 1564 / 5 , and the Dutchess's Edict bears date 23 d. August 1566 ; neither is there any mention of his confirming made , nor could well be , for she sent out to all the Provinces her Pacificatory Letters by the 26 th . of the same Month ; but the Dr. depended upon the license of a Traveller , and thought no one would offer to go so far as to disprove him : And the business of Bayonne , that presently ensu'd , and all that famous Conference between the two Crowns of France and Spain , for extirpating the Protestants , has no other foundation , than the Story of the King of France's confessing it to the Prince of O — : as a Secret when he was a Hunting ; where if we consider what a weakness it must argue in the King , and the prejudice that might dispose the Prince to such a representation , it being his interest to make Spain as odious as he could , we may have some reason to suspend our belief ; Grotius and those that have it from * him , have themselves no other foundation for it , but the Princes own Authority and Confession ; it was otherwise receiv'd by the World ; ( Philip himself not appearing at it ) only for an enterview , for a kind Correspondence between the Mother of France and her Children , and perhaps nothing but the Duke of Alva's being present at the Conference , has given occasion to the countenancing the report of such cruel Intentions , where if a Subject of so great concern to the two Crowns had been to be debated ; it is somewhat probable , the Queen-Mother would have brought with her one of the greatest Ministers of State , and brought the Duke of Guise to have matcht that of Alva , for her Son Charles the Ninth was too young to be such a Counsellor , tho' if they really had ( what is yet left so uncertain ) consulted how to preserve themselves against a growing and formidable Party , that infested both their Kingdoms , and * mutually assisted one another , as Conde did the Mutineers in Flanders : It comes to no more than this , that those two Monarchies like meer natural Bodies , did Conspire for their own Preservation ; for Princes in Prudence are oblig'd to preserve a Religion that has been long establish'd in their Dominions ; tho' the same Policy did at first oblige them to oppose its Establishment : And I 'le engage Dr. B. to be of the same mind , when he says , If Persecution can be at any time excus'd , it is in the first beginning of Heresies , the Heats that were rais'd in the first Formation of the Breach , may take away from the Guilt of the Sacrifices that were made ; but always when Princes meet , especially with some jealous people , such an interview , though but a Complement , is improv'd to an Intreague of State , and their business can be thought no less than answerable to the great Characters that they bear : I wonder Dr. B. ( it being so much to his purpose , and he so good an Historian ) had not stumbled in upon this piece of Importance , to prove the Perfidiousness of King Philip , who procur'd this cruel Conference immediately after Egmont's civil Entertainment ; and besides , it being a business somewhat like the Discovery he has made of the Negotiation at Dover , he might have had an Opportunity to have vouch'd it for his own Original ; but after all his smart Animadversions on this King's Commission , and his bandy'd Observations through all his Papers upon those two poor Words , Absolute Power ; I hope the Dr. will allow us , that it is ill apply'd to the Power of Spain ; for where any Imperial Law obtains , the Princes were ever reputed as Absolute , and by the very Constitution of those Decrees , are absolutely made so ; for those tell us , That the * Prince is ever esteem'd both the Maker and Interpeter of all Laws ; that which is his sole Pleasure hath the Force and Sanction of a Law , and that it is equivalent to sacriledge it self to resist it ; and to this Absoluteness , perhaps , the House of Austria has the best of Pretensions , since in that is preserv'd the more immediate Right and Succession to those Imperial Constitutions , and all the poor Remains of the Roman Empire : But why this bloody Commission should be parallell'd with his Majesty's most merciful Declarations to Scotland , I cannot comprehend , unless the Dr. by tranferring his Allegiance , has translated his Senses too , and so learnedly confounds a Liberty of Conscience with the Spanish Inquisition ; but Malice , as it will alway make the worst of Applications , so it seldom considers that Inconsistency that commonly attends them ; but since the Dr. has vouchsafed us to quote one Author for his Justification , among the many Reflexions that he makes , and that is Meteran , It must be known too , that from him alone can never be expected a most impartial Relation of those Transactions , and that from his own Confession in the very Preface ; for he professes himself to be too True to his Country , and too much an Enemy to the Tyranny of Spain ; that he only writes and rehearses to us most of the Acts of the Reformers and Defenders of his Country : and that , because he had the greatest Opportunity to Consult and Converse with them , but still would not be thought to conceal any thing that made for his Adversaries , ( though I think the Injury to the Truth will be still the same , whether the Author abuses it out of design , or for want of understanding ; such a Writer was a proper instrument in the hand of such a Reflecter ; and the Hatred of the one to the Tyranny of Spain , may come in Competition with the others Malice to this Absolute Power of Scotland : The Dr. would not have pardon'd us , should we have paum'd upon him the same piece of Partiality , and taken out our Accounts only from Famianus Strada , for whom I am sure he must have no great Kindness , being a Member of the Society ; but yet in the Relation that * Meteran gives us of Count Egmont's Reception ; he does not tell us of any Edict , or Pacification confirm'd , but only as * Grotius tells us , that the King gave him some hopes of Indulgence , which doubtless was to depend upon their good Behaviour ; and for the business of Bayone , represents it ( you see ) only as the vain suspicion of the Reformers , which for want of Foundation did as soon vanish : 'T is no wonder then he refers us to Meteran , to judge of the Proceedings of the Duke of Alva , which though severe in themselves , were but Acts of Iustice still , though that when strein'd , is the highest Injury ; the distance of time will not permit us to examin the critical Minutes of the State , but after so much Insurrection , the severest Executions , if we respect the political part of Government , may pass for necessitated Acts , though perhaps sometimes too , they may have as ill success ; but 't is no wonder to see men that are seditious themselves , to animadvert on the Justice of a Nation , after a Rebellion suppres'd : Meteran calls such an Administration among them , the Council of Blood ; and the Dr's Authority among us has made it the * Bloody Campagne . But because in common equity we are bound to carry the Case a little further , let us see whither , after all their Tumults and Insurrections that provok'd an injur'd , and incens'd KING , to send them such an odious and severe Minister of State ; they did not proceed to far greater Enormities , against that Subjection they ow'd to their lawful Soveraign ; then himself could be said to transgress in any irregularities of his Government : whatever were the Concessions of the Dutchess of Parma , ( for I do find she was indeed so far necessitated , as to be brought to Article with them ; ) they were only Terms , or good Words extorted from Her by the terror of their Tumults ; for Brederode came so well interested or attended , that she could not but give him good Language , and a civil Reception ; tho' he had made Her but an ill Complement , and as bold an Address ; also at an other time , when she had assembled her great Council , they gave out a Report , that if the Governess did not consent to their Demands , She should immediately see all the Churches in Brussels fir'd , the Priests murder'd , and Her self imprison'd ; So that Her indulging them for the present , was thought the best expedient : These Disorders were such , for which you may consult even METERAN himself at Antwerp ; Delph , and the Hague , that the Dutchess even then fear'd the general Defection that follow'd , ( and as he calls it ) Rebellion of all the Country , from a Factious and Seditious Crew , that the Governess her self was afraid of her Life , was going to leave Brussels , but being prevail'd upon by some of the Lords , who promis'd to stand by her ; She stay'd , tho' She was told that Night , that there was a Plot to have killed two of Her Trusty Nobles , and make Her a Prisoner ; so that when She writ to the Lords about an Edict of Pacification , She declares it the Result of Violence , † and inevitable necessity ; but no one will infer from thence , besides the Dr , that this Edict for Pacification was to continue , and be a perpetual Indemnity to all ages for any disorders they should hereafter commit ; for she was so provok'd with these Indignities repeated , that She had resolv'd to suppress them by Force of Arms , before that Alva was arriv'd , had several , and good Successes against them at Lisle , Tourney , and Valenciens , insomuch , that this progress of Her affairs , and the News of Alva's March , or Arrival , confounded them all , and put the Confederates into as much Consternation . In short , Alva's * Severities were as severely return'd by three or four several Invasions , by the Forces of the Confederates , the Depredations of their Neighbours , and the United Assistance of some of the Princes of Germany ; whatever were their pretended hardships before , it was no more than what their own Disobedience and Sedition had deserv'd ; and supposing they had suffer'd injuriously , that is , by some excess of Iustice ; it could no more warrant their incursions into their own Country of Flanders ; Than the Rebellions of Monmouth and Argile could be justify'd by their being obnoxious to the King of Great Brittain before ; but interest , and opportunity , are too strong Temptations , to come in competition with Loyalty and Allegiance ; Ludowick invades Friesland , Luma seises upon the Brill , the Prince with his Germans and other Auxiliaries , designing upon Brabant , was by the Duke of Alva diverted , and forc'd to retire ; but Flushing following the Fate of the Brill , these Sea-port Towns drew after them the Defection of some of the most considerable Towns in Holland : this success animated the P. of O. to enter his Country once again ; and tho' his Army was less , his Success was more ; he possess'd himself of some of the principal Towns of Brabant ; and because the Dr. delights so much in the dismal Representations of Popish Cruelties , so enrag'd were these Reformers , that under the Conquest of Luma , none suffer'd worse than the poor Priests , they did not only make them die , but in tortures too , & as if their lives could not appease their deadly Fury , nor their languishing Deaths defeat their Malice , it was extended even to their Carkasses too ; and their mangled Limbs hung up as bloody Trophies of their most triumphant Cruelty ; and that it may be beyond contradiction , that the Severities of Alva , were not the sole Cause of their defection , after his removal , the heat of their fury still continued , as well as before his coming , the flames of it were broken forth ; the many misfortunes , and Defeats of their German Forces did not cool it ; they Reform'd so fast , till they fell out amongst themselves , tyr'd at last , with their own Confusions , they fell into the Pacification of Gaunt ; that is , they associated to make Peace among themselves , without any regard , or consideration of their King , which they seem'd to salve afterward with an Explanation , and so by the name of perpetual Edict , was confirm'd by Don Iohn ; but all this did not quiet them , or that Governors easiness & Popular Affectation ; they frame an Oath to renounce all Obedience to him too , from thence proceed to the union of Vtrecht , tho' the very Contradiction to that of Gaunt , and then second it with the deposition of their King , declaring he had forfeited his estate & interest in the several Provinces ; & so out-did the Drs Commission of their Liberties and Lives : This is a Relation that does not lie for a Cause or Religion , for God , or Man , but shews how far the enraged Catholicks were concern'd in the Rebellion , upon which , the reforming Protestants proceeded to a Revolt , & entire defection . I shall not insist on our AUTHORS malitious Application of the Duke of Alva's Commission ; to the Terms of Absolute Power express'd in our KING's Declaration ; 't is such a profess'd Talent of Dr. B's , to make the most odious Comparison of the King's Proceedings , that People will not be surpriz'd to see him make the Dukes Reign cruel and bloody , only to represent his own Prince a more absolute Tyrant . The limitation of the Spanish Monarchy is as much the Mark of our Authors popular affectation , as the Reflection on our absolute Power , and indeed he cannot but in common Gratitude be for Courting a Common-Wealth ; but this express Proviso in their Constitution , that if the Prince broke such Limits , they might resist him , was rather a principle of Democracy that was then zealously contended for the limiting all Monarchies , as well as that of Spain , publish'd in those † pernicious Pieces , in those very Times , for that very purpose , in France , in Scotland , in Flanders , by those very people that made all those Commotions , though it proceeds upon the most unjustest Principle , of making the same Persons judge and Party ; against the Rules of common Equity , common Law , and that of all Nations , as in a particular Treatise I 've shewn : but I hope it does appear from this impartial Relation , that the perfidiousness he would have fixt upon the Promises of the King of Spain , had it been prov'd , would in a great measure have been excus'd by the Provocations of his most disobedient , and rebellious Subjects : I cannot help it , if History , the most impartial Authors , and even their own represent it so , without respect to any Religion whatsoever : Thuanus tells us , That it was partly upon that very Account that Arch-duke Matthias deserted them , as well as for the Indignities he had receiv'd from those he had without any return of Gratitude so eminently serv'd ; for when he came to examine their Cause , upon which they had put so good a Colour as to procure some compassionate Assistance , he soon saw how much their injur'd Soveraign was abus'd , and that he could not * honestly defend their Defection , and Revolt from their Lawful Lord ; | Grotius himself lets us know that they proceeded to the deposition of their Prince upon these old Principles of the Supream Authority , being alwaies radically in the People , that the King was accountable to them , that as he was above any single Subject , and individual , so he was inferiour to them all in the State Collective , and that they could judge and punish him too ; this was all agreeable to that Democracy they then design'd to raise , and the Doctrines of those * pernicious Pens that were at that time employ'd ( as the Dr. is now , for the Libelling of all Monarchy , and advancing the glorious Cause of a Republick and a Common-wealth . The modern † Preface to that excellent Author , glories in the Dedication of the Book upon that bold Attempt of their Ancestors , that could venture upon an Insurrection against the Power of Spain that had been formidable even to Kings and Princes , and even his most Admir'd and Authentick * Meteran is forc d to confess them to have been extraordinary seditious in their Tumults and Insurrections , and gives us a full Relation of all those Reasons and Aphorisms , purely Democratical , by which they pretended to justify the deposing of their King , which are contain'd at length in that * Instrument of defection , Dated from the Hague , the Metropolis of the Constituted State. I hope the Dr. does not now think this is in order to the Courting of the Common-wealth-Party ; but if it be taken ill , I do not make my Court better ; they must be angry with their own Authors , or their Ancestors ; fall out with the Truth , or fall foul upon themselves ; he is too much a man of integrity to desire , though it be for a National Concern , that History should be corrupted ; and the vast Reputation , as he tells us , his own has got , I hope was never acquir'd by any Falsehood or Forgery : I could have heartily wish'd he had never brought us these unhappy Presidents to prove the Perfidiousness of Catholick Princes , and the lewd Principles of their Religion , since it must so unluckily lay open the Scandalous Progress of the Reformation abroad , which our Protestant Authors , and Dignify'd Church-men have been themselves blush'd at , and asham'd ; and he may seem to deserve as severe an Execration for forcing me to revive so much of the Faults of the Reformers , the Protestant Church , and his Mothers Shame , as that undutiful Son that discovered too much of his Fathers Nakedness ; 't is to be lamented , to see what dissolute , debauch'd , and Atheistical Opinions the Licentiousness of Reforming produc'd in those Low-Countries we last treated of , that of George of Delph , and Nicholas of Leyden ; Grotius bewails , as produc'd by this Liberty of the First Reformers ; and this Family of Love that set up there first , were of Opinion , that it was lawful to deny upon Oath , any thing , before a Person that was not of the same Family and Society ; this is such a Mental Reserve , as the Dr. among the Iesuites can't easily discover : 'T is to be deplor'd , as well as admir'd , and animadverted on ; the Miseries , the Confusions , and the Rebellions that the Reformation brought with it in all places abroad , where ever it was carried on ; and as great an Enemy as they make the Pope and Society , to all Monarchs and Soveraigns ; the most Antimonarchical Works you see , that ever were publish'd , did in that very juncture of time appear ; neither could it in common policy be avoided ; for the Changes in Church-Government , and Religious Worship , being for the most part made in opposition to the Supream Authority of the State ; the villifying of that was unavoidable , and the deposing POWER the most politick Position that could be maintain'd . Those Innovations that could not be made with their KING's Consent , were best carried on by that pretty Expedient of tranferring Allegiance ; and when this Philip the second would not allow his Subjects all the Liberties they ask'd ; they had no other Recourse , but to tell him , he had forfeited his Right . SECT . IX . THe Dr. tells us he could carry this view of History much farther , but I think it is carried already a little too far for his Credit ; for the Faith of Roman Catholicks I am afraid in those times will abide a better Test , than the Protestants Loyalty , which is easier to be deplor'd and lamented than disprov'd and deny'd : This Author found himself press'd in the former Treatise with matter of Fact , where the Protestants in Germany , find at present both Faith and Protection under Catholick Princes ; but that his malice must impute to their want of Power to do Mischief , and the Circumstances of Affairs ; this Circumstances of Affairs , I do not see but may serve our turns here too , and hinder their power of doing Mischief , since we have the Kings Word there shall be none done , and the PROTESTANT Party so strong a Circumstance to prevent it . His Propositions , and Expedients of Pension , and Indemnity for the Papists are pretty projects ; and worthy of such an Vndertaker ; but they would thank him more , would he undertake too , that when such Laws shall continue in force , they may not hereafter be put in execution with a Non Obstante even to a Statute of Impunity , and they be told beside with an Insulting Sarcasm , you are rightly serv'd ; their Pensions will do them or their posterity but little good ; when once they get them again within the praemunire of the Tests ; and if the Legislators chance to have no more Charity for them , than such Reflecters , they may be hang'd by those that are so afraid of burning , ruin'd with interpretation , and most constructively destroy'd , by those that will be too willing to void any Law that shall be made for their preservation , ( and the Dr. himself does Menace as much in the very next page ) an Act of Oblivion , will be made truly so , by being it self forgot ; so that the sum of this hardiness of proposals , comes to this handsome , and easie definition ; they are always to continue the condemn'd Prisoners to the State , to live upon the Basket , and the favour of a Reprieve . The Contest for Religion , I confess , is too great ; but I can see none that contend so much to prevail , but such who are so contentious as to depress all different perswasions , for fear of Vsurpation ; if the Test is the sole security against the Catholick Religion ; The Doctrine of the Church will much suffer in having only such a secular support from the State , when even that can hardly defend it self for establishing such an unreasonable Law , enacted meerly by the contrivance of such that then sate at the Helm , whose Conduct was condemn'd by All , whose Proceedings by themselves represented as seditious , and that Zeal that animated such unjust undertakings , found to have no other foundation , but upon Falshood and Perjuries ; so that if the Question were impartially put , it would come to this , whither these Tests ought sooner be repeal'd , than the rest of the Penal Laws ; they being more eminently fram'd from meer malice and mistake ; this prevailing Religion , which he would now bring to this very period of time , has been too long a prevailing to have so short an Epoche for its commencement and date , and for almost this hundred and fifty year was never prevalent , and whatever is the Prospect and Face of the State , while the Church still continues in that station she would be ( as she has the best of Securities from so Gracious a King ) and a Toleration Establisht as well as the Church , this Protestant Religion will not be so soon prevail'd upon , but must needs be maintain'd in the mighty numbers of the free Professors of it . The disservice he would insinuate we have done in putting the Iustices in mind of their Oaths , one would think I had superseded the thoughts of , in the same Treatise , where I had appeal'd to himself to make an Essay in the point of the Dispensing Power , where his malice might be manifested in the prosecution , and his revenge frustrated by the Royal Authority's suspending of all the penalty ; and this a Resolution of those twelve men in Scarlet , the deepness of whose Crimes he would so maliciously represent by the badge of their Office ; if he will perswade the Iustices of the Peace to prosecute Dissenters , notwithstanding His Majesties Gracious Indulgence , I am afraid he 'll do them no acceptable piece of Service , and give them more perplexity , than the trouble of repealing can create , which doubtless , must take off all Scruple about their execution ; the Members of the Coll. he 's pleas'd to Caress with their adhering to their Oaths , were perhaps , more true to their Zeal , and an Obstinate Disobedience ; a Protestant Prince might have never met with that refractoriness , and a Catholick Founder , I fancy , did never more directly design his Statutes against the Prerogative of a Catholick King ; but to shew that a stubborn obstinacy was a great ingredient in this Conscience Plea ; Nothing is more plain , than from this late Revolution in the Death of the President ; where if there had been but a submissive applicacation made to an offended Majesty , and an humble Petition to be restor'd to favour , if I may be forgiven the boldness of Imagination , as well as the Dr. would be pardon'd the hardiness of Propositions ; I fancy many might have met with as much of the King's mercy , as now they suffer under the effects of his Iustice , and might have hinder'd a Society from returning to its Primitive Institution ; where some that possess it now , may upon another score , be too ready to observe , that in the beginning it was not so . The Dr. tells us we are to be govern'd by Law , and not by the Excesses of Government ; but if he can tell me from any Reign since the Conquest of the Normans , that there were not greater Excesses of Government complain'd of , and greater us'd , ( as in a particular Treatise I have prov'd : ) I 'll grant him the Dispensing Power to be the greatest Grievance ; Discontents , and Jealousies , under any Revolution of State , do only shift sides , and are never wanting in a Government where the People can but make a Party ; had those Presidents of Excesses , which I cited from our former Reigns , but made for the Doctors purpose , that had been Law , which is now Excess , and a Dispensation for the great Out-rages that were committed upon the Church in Edw. 6 th's Reign , before any Parliament had authoriz'd it , it seems was truly Law ; which as it was a power to save Men from being hang'd for Sacrilege ; so many will tell us too it was a sort of destroying the Government . The R. Cath. I am confident , will be glad to hear , that the Severities , by which they have so unreasonably suffer'd , and that so long , have been only the result of the Protestants fears , and not so much their deserved Punishments for any perpetrated Crimes : When the Elector Palatine had mov'd the King of France , that he would tolerate all the Hugonots , to Preach in Paris , he return'd him the like motion , that all the Catholicks might be allow'd to say Publick Mass in his Capital City ; if we must exclude them from all employment , because of the dangerous Consequence under a Catholick King ; must not they think themselves as much beset with dangers , when they shall have none but their Enemies in Office under a Protestant Successor ? and if they then should move to be the only persons employ'd ; would it not be as strange a Request as what is made now , that none but Protestants must be so ? neither will this Establishment , and Constitution of the State , make any great disparity in the Parallel , unless it be to the disadvantage of those that would make the difference ; for if Protestants will plead their Penal Laws , their Tests , their prescription of an hundred and fifty years possession and enjoyment ; in bar to their Pretensions , it will put Papists upon the retrospect ; how they came to be thus excluded , and discover that they had for above five hundred years before , all the Laws of Church and State on their side , and none others heard of , or admitted into Office and Employment ; and therefore , when the Doctor tells us , that in Holland the Government is wholly in the hands of Protestants ; Papists will be apt to return , they know how it comes to be so ; that both Holland and Zealand , sided with those of Flanders at first in the Pacification of Gaunt , to leave the governing part both of Church and State in the hands of the Catholicks , but that when they came to Reform farther , and grew more powerful , nothing less would serve the turn than the Vnion of Utrecht , by which they were to be left to govern themselves as they pleas'd , and when their famous City of Amsterdam that now priviledges all Subjects as well as all Religions , to its immortal honor made the stoutest resistance for the sake of their old Laws and Religion * ( and its neighbour Harlem never resisted their King so stoutly , as this fought for him ) for it was Besieg'd by Sea and Land , and at last yielded only upon these honourable Terms : That their former faith should continue establisht , their Magistrates confirm'd , yet were forc't to admit against their Capitulation , a Garrison , against their Articles of War , new Articles of Faith , and for their old Magistrates of the Peace to be govern'd by the standing Officers of the Army ; so it is not fit it should be known how the Government came to be wholly there in the hands of Protestants , for fear it should reflect too much upon Promises too , that were not well kept , and that the same should become the seat and refuge for all sort of Sectaries , that was once such a Celebrated City for being at Vnity with it self . I need not take much pains to show why my Presidents from the reign of Edward 3 d. might be recommended to the practise of this ; since he gives no reason why they should not , unless his Authority be such in History , as some Dogmatists are said to have had in the Schools ; a Dixit , and indisputable ; if I mistake not our British Annals , cannot boast of a more Glorious and Auspicious Reign ; both for our Foreign Expeditions , and victorious returns , two Neighbouring Kings a sort of Prisoners to our own ; two Kingdoms but little better than our Tributarys ; the Misfortunes of Scotland , the Fate of France will furnish us with too much matter to make those times for ever fam'd , and his present Majesties most Heroick mind , and military disposition may tell us too , that they can be imitated ; I cant discover why the latter end of this King's Life may not be recommended as much for imitation ; the recovering of the Kingdom of Castile , for its lawful Lord , and another expedition into France , were both such Actions of the renowned Prince his Son , by which the Nation cannot suffer much in the Consummation of his reign : but if any thing may make the latter end not to be imitated ; it may by some people be thought to be the Disturbances in the Discipline of the Church , which was like to have made as great a Commotion in the affairs of the state , for it was in this latter end , that Wicklift divulg'd his new doctrines , drew in a great many Proselites among the Common People ; and made a Party among some of the greatest Nobility too ; which terminated in this unhappy issue , to shew us too soon the dangers and disturbances that always must attend any Innovation in Religion : for the suppressing of this , Gregory the XI . wrote the Arch-Bishop , and Bishop of London ; who cite Wickliff to appear at Pauls , whither he comes well attended with the Duke of Lancaster , and Piercy Lord Marshal ; where they were no sooner come , but the Spiritual Lords fell out with the Temporal , the Temporal with the Spiritual ; all about Wickliff's sitting down before his Ordinary , which the Reforming Lords in contempt to the Bishops contended for , and the Proselited Duke was so Zealous as to tell the Prelate he would pull down the Pride of him , and all the Bishops in England , pull him out of the Church by the Hair of the Head ; I think fit to recite this , for fear the Dr. should find fault with me , as well as Varillas , for not telling him the occasion the Bishops found to leave the Court , and I think 't was time for them to be gone . If the Doctor remembers , this seems somewhat of those Sparks that afterward sate both Bohemia , and Hungary in a Flame ; to one of which places , if ( I mistake not ) this very person here cited , did in his Banishment repair , and to its missfortunes perhaps contribute , and as I think upon occasions like this , might be said to be begun that long War of Germany ; and I do most professedly avow , that upon serious Reflection upon those miseries that attended the Reformation , which the Doctor has given me too much , and too sad occasion to consider and consult ; I look upon this Juncture of the latter end of this Reign , very near that unfortunate Crisis of falling into all the Desolation and Calamities that afterward befel those miserable Countries , Bohemia , Hungary , Germany , France , and Flanders , but tho' fate for a while suspended our misfortunes , or the Military King that Reign'd then , supprest those more early divisions ; yet alas , the Diversities of Religion did too soon lay us waste , and not long since made us as sad a Spectacle to our Neighbours , as they had been to us in the same Civil Wars : A Body would have thought Dr. B. might have sooner found fault with the beginnings of this King's Reign , than his latter end ; for I must confess it began in the deposition of his Father , or at best , but a necessitated resignation ; he being a Prince as ambitious of a Crown , as well as one that truly deserv'd to wear it ; but this is a President that cannot but please him , the transferring Allegiance is such a singular piece of Politicks , in the Opinion of this Statesman , and helps so mightily to the constituting of some States , that he may be very desirous it should be much imitated . But to come to another Instance of his Excesses , in which he does so exceedingly delight himself , and that is , those of Richard the 2 d's Reign . I confess , 't is another President of Allegiance transferr'd , but that with good Subjects does not presently prove Excesses ; neither warrant their Disloyalty if they were prov'd ; if the Proceedings of his Reign must not be mention'd because of its Tragical Conclusion , we shall be at a great loss for any Argument that may be drawn from the more Lamented Misfortunes of King Charles the First ; I suppose the Doctor will say too , it was Excesses produc'd that Tragedy , ( and some People will say the Excesses of Conformity ; ) but yet , I hope there might be good Laws made in his Reign , and what was there call'd Excesses , has been since found , but so much Invasion of the Prerogative ; and perhaps , an Impartial Account of this King Richard's Reign will make that appear so too ; I had obviated this Objection before upon the very place , in observing that the tumultuous proceeding of the Rebellious Barons , ( for I hope , by his leave , we may be so bold at home ) and the ambition of the designing Duke of Glocester , could no more criminate that King's Reign , than excuse them from being Rebels . But since he will not be contented , let us examine what some Authors as honest as himself say of these Excesses , when the Parliament , or rather the Party of the Duke of Lancaster was assembled at his deposition , Excesses indeed were alledg'd , and so will ever be by those that prevail ; but even among those there , some that thought them far from being so ; the Loyal and Learned Bishop of Carlisle , made such a bold Speech in his defence , that his very deposers were silenc'd , and nothing but each mans private prospect of some publick favour , hinder'd their Conviction ; the new King himself was very cool in the prosecution of the grave old Prelate , and could hardly be said to be warm in his acquir'd Government ; but for all this , they thought fit to confine the Loyal Bishop for the Liberty that he took , his Crime being only a bold Indiscretion , for shewing them so soon the badness of their Cause : This King as exceeding criminal , as the Doctor would make him , had so strong a Party , tho' depos'd , that they thought fit to deprive him of his Life too , and to send him to his Eternal Crown , for fear he should take up again his Temporal ; these are no good Arguments of his Excesses , or ill administration : Hollinshead that has somewhat of Renown for an Historian , tho' he does not in his work exalt his own Reputation with our Authors ; he tells us , this poor Prince was most unthankfully us'd by his Subjects , in no King's days were the Commons in greater Wealth , or the Nobility more cherisht , and as these Tragical Conclusions were not imputed to Excesses by most of his Subjects at home , so it was as ill resented by Princes abroad ; the King of France was so provokt with these Injurious Proceedings , that he acquainted his Lords with his Resolution of Revenge , and they shewed themselves as ready to take it too , but were too soon prevented by their taking away his Life , and then it was as much too lateto serve him after his death . I am afraid the Doctor will be found to be exceedingly out here in his Excesses ; but as Excess must serve his turn in one Reign , so it seems defect must do it in another . Henry the 6 th's feeble Reign must support his Arguments against what he calls Excesses of Government in Richard the 2 d. I am glad to see he has no stronger ones , and 't is but a tacit giving up the Cause , to have recourse to such Subterfuges : H. the 6 th . I hope , as weak as he was , was to govern according to Law , and for that , the more concern'd so to govern ; so that the force of the Prerogative in such a feeble Reign , is but an Argument a fortiori . The Excesses in H. the 8. time indeed were such , ( since he 's resolv'd to call them so ) and came somewhat near that absolute Power , with which he so much affrightens and alarms us in his Libels ; but I hope he will allow and think the Protestant Religion very much oblig'd to his Excesses , since they made the fairest Step to the Reformation , and were as well followed in the Reign that came after ; some Writers will say , that those Parliaments that confirm'd his Excesses , were so far from free ones , that they were hardly allow'd the Liberty of Debate , much less to stand up for the antient Establishment of the Church : It was Criminal then to deny the Court , even in an House of Commons , and tho' King CHARLES the First coming to the House , only for Members accus'd of High-Treason , was made such a Crime , as the Breach of Priviledge : It was look'd upon here as a Point of Prerogative , to come & command their Votes , or else certainly , such an Assembly suppos'd of the Wisest , as well as the greatest Men in the Nation , could never have been prevail'd on , for passing such Absurdities and Contradictions into Law , for the making lawful Heirs illegitimate , and then to legitimate again , the self same unlawful Heirs , to make one Daughter spurious , and then another ; and at last , to make them both to be legal Issue with the single Charm of , Be it Enacted . It is said of that Assembly , that it can do every thing but make a Man a Woman ; but here I think they went pretty near that too , and made Women what they pleas'd : In the First Ann's Case , Incontinency was made the Cause to divorce Her ; In the Second , the Defect of natural Inclination , and only upon sending down some Lords to the Lower House ; what Marriage he pleas'd was declar'd unlawful : It was not the Roman Consistory that was Lords of the Articles then , or else they had hardly parted so soon with the Supremacy , though * that invidious Reflection on that Honourable Constitution in Scotland , must come a little unkindly from Protestants , since if we believe the Bishop , to those Lords they are much oblig'd for the helping on the Reformation ; in short , since the Dr. lays such a mighty Weight upon his getting all warranted , or confirm'd by Parliament , it is but a weak Support for the Confirmation of his Cause , for it will give some People the more occasion to observe , that such was once our KING's Authority over Parliaments , that they could obtain from the Civil Sanctions of the State , to sacrifice the Sacred Authority of the Church , Wives and Children , Women , and Men , to his Lust and Anger : His Parliamentary Warrant will do him but little Service in such Excesses , since His present Majesty's Proposals , I think are much more reasonable , which he desires only so to be Warranted ; and if these Excesses are so ordinary in great Revolutions , some Persons may think this unexpected Indulgence , and Toleration , as great a Turn . The Dr. very wisely passes by without any Consideration , all the Proceedings of Edw. the Sixths Reign , in which some may think that some Excesses were Committed too , and that even in the very two Points that His Majesty has solemnly declar'd to Defend us in , Property , and Religion : In the very First Year of that Reign , which the Dr. cannot be unacquainted with , it being so of the Reformation too : Did the Protector only by his Proclamation order all Enclosures to be laid open , which for some time had been enjoy'd by the Lords and Gentry , and was partly possess'd by them , by Vertue of those Abby-Lands they had from the Crown : The Duke knew this would gratify the Common People , and being desirous to be popular , he issues out this Commission of Absolute Power ; ( for all the Lords and Gentry look'd upon it as an Invasion of Property , especially when they were in such a Tumultuous manner thrown down ) : were Abby Lands to be thus invaded now by a Proclamation , we might well complain of Excess . In the same Year were Injunctions sent forth , only the Order of the Council Board , over all the Kingdom , for altering all the Old Ceremonies , and way of Worship in the Church of Rome ; several for opposing these Commissions and Injunctions , as something like Excesses , were punish'd , or sent to Prison : The Bishop of London was clap'd up in the Fleet , only for scrupling an Obedience , and that , though he made most solemn submission , which is more , some People will say , than what has been done by some Successor since , upon a milder Test of Obedience , and a Process , less severe : Gardiner was Committed to the Tower , only for wishing these Proceedings might be delay'd till the King was more capable of the Government ; Durham , Rochester , and Chichester for the same Disobedience were so serv'd ; all of them dispossess'd of their Bishopricks , and what was worse , the Bishopricks , & Sees themselves dispossess'd , & reform'd from their Revenues : These Excesses could not but create great Disorders in the State , when they saw that what was call'd the King's Proceedings , was allow'd to be Law for the regulating of the Church ; the several Rebellions of the West and North , that follow'd meerly upon these Excesses of Reformation , had too Tragical Conclusions to relate , and so the Dr. took care lest they should be mentioned ; the suppression of which , did not end without a Western and a Northern Campaign , and a great deal of Blood and Severity : Sir Will. Kingston's pleasant Cruelty in the West , his Landlords , & the Millers Tragedy , do declare : & Northumberland in the North , is so well known , that I 'le engage , the Doctor confesses it a thing which help'd to facilitate Q. Mary to the Throne . In short , it appears plain from the History , that the Protector saw that Reformotion could not be carryed on without Arms , that therefore he made the War in Scotland , a Pretence to take them up , and for this , he brought in Germans , and Walloons , though the coming over of our own Irish now is made a Terror and Astonishment ; the Elections of the Bishops was then given to the KING , for the Ends of Reformation , of which 't is now too late to repent . In the next President we are reflected on again , because Q. Elizabeth's Power in Ecclesiastical Matters was founded on an Act of Parliament , which the Dr. says was in a great measure repeal'd in King Charles the First 's time , and that Repeal again in Charles the Second's ratify'd ; this Authors Argument of a Parliamentary power was little to his advantage in his Reign of Hen. 8. not at all for his purpose in the First of Edward the Sixth ; for there those great Alterations in Church and State were made before the Parliament was call'd , meerly by Injunctions , Orders of the Protector , or the Council Table , and that absolute power authorised by the specious Name of the King's Proceedings : This was the Original of that Arbitrary Law ; and Queen Mary might well write after such a Copy ; but the Dr. does most designedly misapply to our Presidents in Queen Elizabeth's time this Parliamentary power , as well as he designedly , and wisely omits it in K. Edw. Reign , because he knew he could not apply it ; for if he 'll but examin one of the Cases I put him in the Queens Reign , about Her dispensing with the Latin Service to be read in Collegiate Chappels , and the Vniversities , contrary to an express proviso of an Act of Parliament , for the sake of Reformation ; and the applauded Opinion of Moor , that the Queens power of Non Obstante was good , even against the Non Obstante of an Act of Parliament , to that Her Power ; he 'll find that some of Her Affairs and Proceedings were so far from being founded on Acts of Parliaments , that She acted without them , and upon Resolutions that were given to illude and invalidate their power : so that in short , the Dr. would apply the Case of the Court of Commission , founded by the First of Her Reign , to justify the Legality of all that She did , even to those things that She confesses , She dispens'd withal contrary to Law : were we to play like Children at Cross-purposes , the greatest non-sence , and most insipid Answers would serve , & pass , for the more Ingenious Diversion ; I told the Dr. what She dispens'd with , contrary to the very Parliaments Act. It is Answered of something She did that was rounded upon an Act of Parliament ; but now , because we 'll keep to the purpose , we 'll examin this Her power in Ecclesiasticals , founded on the First of Her Reign , and see how far it makes for our Authors Apology : he says this was in a great measure Repeal'd in the Year 1641. the Dr's Excellencies lying more in Chronology , than the Statute-book . It is a known Act of 17 th . Charles the First , that does in some measure , as he says , ( and I am glad he keeps to any ) repeal it ; I will not insist on the occasion of such a Repeal , and the juncture of Affairs that forc'd it , though I must confess the Reasons of Laws , can never be recollected , but by Reflection on the State of those Times , in which they were made ; and that makes a sound Historian somewhat of the necessary part of a good Lawyer ; and from History 't is most deplorably known , that this Repeal was procur'd in the Year that this Rebellion commenc'd by a Parliament , the defence of which has been made Proemunire and High-Treason ; by that which enforced the Triennial Parl. into a perpetual one , and which was afterward with so much abhorrence , and such an ignominious Character repeal'd : But all that appears of this Repeal , of the 1 st . of Elizabeth , from the Opinion of the Lawyers , and the examining the Act , is the power of the Commissioners fining and imprisoning , which was look'd upon as oppressive ; and therefore my Lord Cook in his Argument upon that case ( who for a time was no great Prerogative Lawyer , or would not be so ) says , that this Act was only a restoring to the King , His antient Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , which the Commissioners extended so far , as injuriously to fine Offenders upon it beyond their Power ; this usurped Power some people are of opinion , is only by that Act repeal'd , though I do not doubt but that Parliament would have willingly comprehended in it , all the Inherent , Antient , Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , that ever appertain'd to the King and Crown , and even by special Act here , under Catholick Princes has been declar'd so ; so that indeed , as the Dr. says , it is but in a measure repeal'd ; and by express Words in the Repeal , of Abuses of the Power only prevented ; so that it could not take away , or deprive the Royal Authority from that unquestionable Prerogative of Commissionating any number of Persons in Ecclesiastical Matters that do not exercise such an extensive Iurisdiction : and therefore to reflect upon the present Court that is of another nature , and a new Creation , as put down and repeal'd with that of Queen Elizabeths , is no more an Argument , than that Queen Elizabeths Commission was reviv'd , when but so lately King Charles the Second delegated His Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , and Disposal of Preserments to some Persons , that are most now living , though perhaps , some of them the readiest to Dislike their present Proceedings : It is plain , that the King's Power in Ecclesiastical Matters was never meant should be infring'd from that Repeal by this Ratification of it in the Late King's Time , whatever the First Factious Legislators in it might intend ; for as you see this Late King did in a sort make use of it , so in this very Ratification , as the Dr. calls it , is Provided , that as it shall not extend to the Iurisdiction of Archbishops , Bishops , so neither to Vicar-Generals , or Persons exercising Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by the King's Commission : If the Dr. will cavil , only because the Word Court of Commission is not expres'd , his Cause will hardly be the better for such a peevish Exception , since the Constitution of a Vicar-general would be as little Kindness to the Church , as it was in the Excesses of its first Establishment under Henry the Eighth , which we see His Majesty , as excessive as the Dr. would make Him , has not hitherto reviv'd ; but should a Parliament restore the very Court of Queen Elizabeth , it would be reckon'd among such men , as illegal , and only the King's Excesses in the Government . I here shall help him to another Set of Excesses , since such Prince's Proceedings must be call'd so , when they do not quadrate with our Authors Subject and Design , which at another time must pass for good Law , when they make but the least for His purpose ; some People perhaps are of opinion , That the Two Tests were past after a sort of Excess in the Government ; the World now knows one of them was made , when the Parliament was exceedingly impos'd upon with Falsehoods and Perjuries ; and as exceedingly transported with a Zeal that look'd too , so much like Fury ; so that if a man consider their origination , and the Circumstances of Affairs , when these Laws were made , instead of keeping them upon the File after the rest are repeal'd , there will appear more Reason , even from the Doctor 's Excesses , for repealing them the First . The Conquest of the Kingdom gave a great Latitude to the 1 st . William in point of Government , which his Arms having acquir'd , he found himself the less limited by the Laws , though he profess'd to Rule by it ; and few of his Successors since , that by their own Acts have oblig'd themselves , but afford us Instances in greater Excesses of Government than any we can now complain of . He is said to have invaded the Jurisdictions of the Prelates , and seiz'd their Treasures , not sparing his own dear Brother Odo . William the Second tax'd his Subjects at pleasure , by the Power of his Prerogative , was as severe upon the Clergy ; and Westminster-Hall , since the Seat of Iustice , was look'd upon by the People , as built on purpose to countenance his unjust Taxations . The Ne exeat Regnum was repin'd at as a Grievance , and in that Reign might be said to Commence . The making Mutilation , and Corporal Punishment , Pecuniary in Hen. the First 's Reign ; the Confiscations , and Bishop of Salisbury's Case , in King Stephen's , were made matter of Excesses , in such * Authors too . Henry the Second resum'd by his own Act , Lands , that had been sold , or given from the Crown , by his Predecessors ; and against this Excess I think His present Majesty has given us good assurance in His last Declaration , since the Dr. labours so much upon the absolute Power of the Former . Of Richard the First it is Reported , That he feign'd his Signet lost , and so put out a Proclamation , That those who would enjoy the Grants by the former old one , must come and have it confirm'd by the New ; he pawn'd some of his Lands for the Ierusalem Journey , and upon his Return would have resum'd them without Pay. The Exactions of King Iohn , and his exercising such a severe Authority over the Church , Fining severely for suppos'd Crimes , I suppose our Author thinks should be least mentioned , because it produc'd the Barons Wars ; but no one will say they were the better Subjects , whatever were the King's Excesses . Henry the Third , some say , was so like his Father , that he succeeded him ( if they must be call'd so ) in his Excesses too , in resuming alien'd Lands , in Fines , in making advantage of the Vacancies of the Church . The Proceedings of Edward the First against his Clergy , putting them out of his Protection , seising upon their Goods ; and Edward the Second's Confiscations after the Defeat of the Earl of Lancaster , this Author will call Excesses too ; though I cannot see why they may not all have the more moderate Names of the King's Proceedings , as well as when all things were so warranted in the Reign of Edw. 6 th . As we had begun with these Observations on our King 's antiently Exercising of an Vnlimited Power , ( which in other Treatises I have shewn , and which our Author ( if he will ) shall call Absolute ) from the Reign of Edward 3 d. So here the Dr. may observe these Presidents deduc'd down to that Time too ; and so cannot but see that such Excesses are inseparable from the Government , and perhaps a Prerogative that Soveraignty cannot well , or will not be without ; and if Subjects must be allow'd to Censure and Reflect on their Princes Proceedings , it is morally impossible that they can provide against all their Clamours and Complaints : the Necessities of State will many times force them to some Excesses : and Diversities of Opions and Parties , and now the too much to be lamented Divisions in Religion , will ever make those Proceedings seem just to one side , that are look'd upon as injurious by the other . Our Author will oblige the Roman Catholicks very much , if he will justify for Law , all the Proceedings of Queen Eliz. ; and I 'le engage he shall have the Thanks of the Society , as heartily as he had that of the House ; for in the First Year , before any Act of Parliament had past for Alterations , Images were defac'd , and Altars demolish'd ; by Her Proclamations She put down all publick Preachers , but such as were Licens'd by Her Authority ; the business of the Reformation , and Altering of Religion ( if we believe Baker ) was Carryed in Parliament but by Six Voices , and will give Catholicks occasion to say , That notwithstanding the present Clamours about Regulating Elections , great Artifices were us'd then too , to bring it about , and but by Six Votes , at last the Weighty Cause of Religion was over-ballanc'd : 'T is certain , that Excesses were then Complain'd of too , and it was murmurred about , even in the Lower House it self , that the Parliament was pack'd , that the Duke of Norfolk , Earl of Arundel , and Sir William Cecil , for their own Ends had sollicited Votes , and made a Party : These Irregularities may serve to silence some Peoples unreasonable and indiscreet Clamors at present , since they can be so soon retorted , and which I urge only , to shew the Consequence of such ill-manag'd Objections , and not to justify and defend them . SECT . X. ANd now that I may be grateful in my Acknowledgments , as I shall ever be for any Favours : I must confess this Author has assisted me with one President more , and the Dr. would do well to be so fair in some of his Writings , as to own his Authorities : It is the Case in the Late King's Time , where he repeals an Act about the size of Carts , and Waggons : To Answer this , our Author Appeals to the Lawyers , and the Gentlemen of the Long Robe , though he will not stand by the Judgment of the * Twelve Men in Scarlet , that to their knowledge , some Laws are understood to be Abrogated without a special Repeal , when some visible Inconvenience enforces it : when this comes to be impartially considered , it will be a granting of all that he contends against , and the Tests and Poenal Laws will expire of their own Accord ; by this Authors inconsiderate Resolution : It is one of the very Arguments of a late Catholick Lawyer upon the Dispensing Power , and so as the Dr. wisely appeals to them ; they as civilly answer him , that he is in the right : The Dr. did not foresee the Dangerous Consequence amongst Lawyers of his visible Inconvenience ; for the Law has such an Aversion to this Inconvenience , that it maintains as a Maxim , that a Mischief is better suffered than an Inconvenience ; now putting the Case thus , That a Legislative Power may possibly pass into Law , what may prove a visible Inconvenience to the whole Kingdom , or a great Part of it ; that a great part of the Kingdom , and the King himself do judge the Test and Poenal Laws very inconvenient , that they have been really found so to the Subject , that the KING has in this Case too declared Himself satisfy'd of this Inconvenience , and the People address'd against it , as intolerable , then from his own President and Concession it must be concluded , that either these Laws must expire of themselves , that there must be some Soveraign Power , such as the KING 's to dispense with them , and that it is very fit for a Parliament to repeal them ; for certainly it must conclude a Fortiori , that the Inconvenience that is found in forcing of a Conscience , is of a greater Consideration than an inconvenience in a Cart Wheel ; neither does that abrogating of his without a special Repeal , make any difference ; for their expiring by disusance , is indeed the self same thing as the Royal Disspensation , for in Laws once made , the Soveraign Authority is solely entrusted with their Execution , and where the KING does not command the Iudges to execute , or expresly forbid it , no man of sense but will say that this is a perfect Dispensation . Our Author is very unlucky in touching upon some Instances that do him some Disservice , and in this more especially , since I cannot but observe , that when these Poenal Laws about Carriages , and Encouragement of Navigation were so erroneously made ; and People solicitous about the repealing them , one of the designs of the greatest Ministers of State that they then had in Holland , was for embroyling us at home , upon the same Account , that they might appear the more formidable abroad , as well as we weaken'd by those Severities that occasion'd our Divisions , which visible Inconvenience was then too in the same manner , upon the same Maxims dispenss'd with , and prevented , only 't is somewhat strange , that this darling Liberty of theirs , by which they were so gloriously founded , and for so long time have so finely Flourish'd , should seem so dangerous in our Country , and from the goodness of the Soyl , could only prosper in theirs ; but where Trade seems a sort of Religion , 't is time to be jealous of such Neighbours that would also learn this Ecclesiastical Policy to make of their Godliness , a Gain too . Our Author says it is our saying , that the KING 's Dispensing Power has put an end to the Dispute , whereas if he 'll but Read Books before he Answers them , he 'll find that we vouch'd his own Authority for so saying ; and if he Consults his Six Papers , he 'll find himself to say so , and that this Dispensing of the King 's , is an actual Repeal , so that the Iustices Oaths are unconcern'd indeed , as he states the Case , and their Sins of Omission entirely remitted them by this Divines Authority ; but I must confess , notwithstanding his forc'd Application of it , which was only offer'd to fasten the greater Odium upon the King 's Absolute Power ; I must really think those more understanding Gentlemen in Commission would have a less Obligation from their Oaths , should they conspire to get a Parliamentary Repeal notwithstanding the Dr's Representing it as a Royal One. That the Dispensing Power has no Refeence nor Analogy to the Power of Pardoning , is but a single Dr's Opinion ; for the saving of Men , and the destroying of Government , are in this point ( whatever he fancy 's ) truly the same ; for destroying of the Government does not consist in any particular Persons thinking such a thing will destroy it : want of executing this dispensing Power ( some will say ) has help'd to destroy it once already , and it continues a good Government still , after three Years practising it ; but pray , would not the continual saving of men for Felony and Murder , embolden them so far with their Impunity , as to destroy the Government , and make it more monstrous than any Part of Africa : private Crimes are alway punish'd for the publick Good , and for that Reason , Felony is made so Capital , which otherwise for the Loss of a little Goods , could never forfeit a Life : And Lastly , for his mighty MENACES , with his † Dispensing Power , for the future , the Dissenters , I suppose , and the Iesuits , that he so sacrifices to his Fury , will thank him for his Warning , consider what they are to expect from Men of his Mildness , and Moderation , and how he abuses those * Heroick Spirits , which but just before were above all Cruelty and Revenge . My Kindness to his States Generals ( as I have confess'd to him before ) is no more than what I have in general ; for all such States , whose Constitution is what is commonly call'd a Republick , or a Common-wealth ; and if I have any more particular Aversion to that of Holland ( since he will needs put it upon me ) I must own it to be only for this Reason , That there is so little Reparation made , His Majesty for those Indignities that Himself , with the greatest Insolence has offer'd ; a Connivance at such Affronts against Majesty was alwayes accounted among Princes and Allyes , as injurious a Violation , as an open Defyance and Justification ; and I hope his Masters will not excuse themselves , because they are of no Royal Extraction : It is the sense of Civilians , ( and by their Imperial Law , and its Construction , all Treatises and Alliances are regulated and maintain'd ) that a Body Politick in general does espouse those Offences and Provocations , which in any particular Person , it does not † prohibit and suppress ; and that * Injuries that are offer'd by private Subjects , do then affect the Prince and People . And with all submission to these learned Authors , and of undoubted Authorities : Dr. B's Case can be carry'd farther , and so with less Reason to be justify'd ; some of these Lawyers ( as we have shewn ) are of Opinion , as well as our Common ones , That no Allegiance is transferable ; and none will allow that it can be transfer'd any more , than for a time , and that tho' there be an Allegiance due for such a Temporal Protection , that will not divest of him that Duty he still owes to his Native Country , and his Liege Lord , which Case we shall prosecute farther , when we come to his second Parcel of Reflections , made in his own Justification ; but this will greatly aggravate the Injury that His Majesty suffers in the permitting one that has an unalienable Relation to his Native Subjection , to disturb the publick Government , and defame the very Person of his Soveraign , only because he has acquir'd the new Denomination of an Enfranchised Citizen , and a Subject naturaliz'd ; and if the Natives of any Nation are obnoxious to the publick for Reflexions upon their peaceful Allyes , how accountable are those that suffer an Alien so grosly to reflect upon the Proceedings of his Prince , and the Transactions of that Country , in which He was born . The Veneration I ever had of that Awful Constitution of Divine Government , that is visible in a state of Monarchy , does indeed make me have less Esteem for a Republick ; and though I am not posses'd with such a Patriarchical Piece of Speculation , as to prove the Pedigree of every King to be by Discent , in a Right Line , to Rule by a Right , Divine ; for that would be indeed to un-King a great many Princes , and set up what they would perswade the most Christian did design , an universal Monarch ; yet still without such absurdity we may maintain it for Sense , that a single Soveraignty seems to be of Divine Institution , and Democracy the Result of some Revolt and Defection from it ; that this has been my sense , the World has long since seen in some Animadversions upon Mr. Sidney's Papers , and so this Author is most injurious to me , as well as inconsistent with himself , when he would insinuate my Courting of a Common-wealth . As I 've given some little Reason of this my kindness to Republicks , and his Case has given me much to have the less for that of Holland ; so I must let them know too , that the Respect and Regard any good Subject ought to have to all that are in Alliance with his Soveraign , has hinder'd me from saying many things that would have more severely reflected , and which after all this Provocation of this Authors Pen , might have past for a just Retribution . I am not so ignorant my self , as not to know that Lincenses and Imprimaturs are not so frequently in use among the Dutch , and that the Licentiousness of the Press , is as popular and plausible there , as that most applauded Policy of Liberty of Conscience ; the most Christian KING is as sensible of this , as His MAIESTY of Great Britain : The Writings of some of His protected Subjects , affect His Honour as much ; as our Authors have endeavoured to blast His Majesty's Reputation ; and 't is well known to those that travel , if they 'll find any Libels upon any Crown'd Heads , they must look for it in Holland ; and our Author ( I think ) has help'd the curious Enquirer there , to a great deal of this lewd Speculation . The Considerations of the State of the united Netherlands , That was printed there before the last War ; no man will say but that was an Act of the State , and that had no more publick an Imprimatur , than Dr. B's Papers , so that such Writings as are permitted to be publish'd there , without any animadversion on the Printer , or the more Celebrated Author , is as much an Allowance of the State , as any Licence from one of our Secretaries , or the Lord President himself , especially , when Reparation for such Injuries has been demanded in a publick memorial , and manifesto , and instead of punishing such Offences , the Offenders are encourag'd to farther and severer Reflections , and that perhaps , with a promise of Impunity . Since this Author will make his Quarrel a National one , ( which I should think a wise People would not suffer to gratify but a single mans Malice ; ) It is but just that we shew too , what Party were the first Aggressors , and how easy 't is for our English to make their Iustification : I must profess , that while our Author is permitted there so scandalously to reflect upon His Majesty's Proceeding , Common Justice will oblige us to return the same Animadversions , while no Memorial of theirs can with any Modesty represent it as Injurious : In the mean time , I shall confine my self to these more particular Vindications of the KING and Kingdom , where the Calumnies of his most malitious Papers have sufficiently affected both ; and let him know that I as little fear the Resentments of his States , as he seems to do the juster Indignation of the King of England . To put us in mind of the Circumstances of our State , before the beginning of the Dutch War , and to parallel it with the present time , is another unlucky Topick of our Authors ; and a wise man would think , might have been better let alone ; It will make us recollect that indefatigable Industry of one of their * Greatest Ministers against the slackning of these Laws , that our Divisions amongst our selves might the sooner sacrifice us a Prey to our Neighbours , and the more secure some of them from His Majesty's asserting of His just Rights . I hope our Author has no Commission for the denouncing War , nor any design upon the Chain at Chattam , that he talks of Invading a State , and threatens us with their Resentment and Preparations ; If Time must shew that , 't is time too to look to our selves , but I dare not detract so much from the Wisdom of their Lordships , his new Masters , as not to think they will not call him to an Account now , for abusing themselves , though with greater Decency they might suffer it against his Soveraign ; this is intermedling with Peace and War ; nay , even a denouncing it before the States Generals , I am confident have taken it into Consideration , we do not hear yet , they have agreed to any extraordinary Contributions for it ; there has been no Pole yet , nor the hundredth Penny , nor any Imposition upon Travellers , but as formidable as our Author would make them , whose Interest it is to magnify his Protectors ; this Historian must remember too that the Valour of his repudiated English , has heretofore as victoriously engag'd them , and that when assisted with two Crowns in Conjunction , and in that juncture too , when we had more merciless Enemies at home , when the Almighty made himself indeed a consuming Fire ; and the Destroyer walk'd before it in darkness , and a devouring Plague : Two entire Victories were return'd us from the Sea , to triumph over the Misfortunes that the land lay under , and in the third Attack as unequal as we were in strength , was by the weakness of both sides , left undecided ; an Action , in which 't was Glory enough , only to have been the Aggressors : The Courage of the Dr's deserted Nation was then confess'd by some of their great Ministers that would have so fomented our Divisions , and found too much the Effect of the slackning of these Laws ; one would think that the Iealousy of such Neighbours should weigh with Men of Sense , that it is a sincere Design to establish and continue with us both Liberty and Religion , since it appears so much a visible Interest , & almost an unavoidable Necessity : If a † visible Inconvenience will warrant a Repeal , why will not an Interest as visible , secure us after it ; & 't is strange , that a Protestant People can make no difference between an invisible Establishment of the Catholick Religion , and a visible Necessity that the Papist have to preserve themselves from a * threatned Ruin. It is such a peculiar Confidence , that it becomes none but our Author , or is no where but in him to be found , to tax us so unreasonably for Reflecting on a State , to which we have nothing of Relation , and that only in Matters of Tradition and Truth ; at the same time that he vilifies a Crown'd Head , to which he owes an Obedience , and that with Forgery and Falslehood : The Defence of KING and Country ( I think ) is every Subjects Concern by Nature ; if it were not commanded also by municipal Law ; and that leads me to justify our selves , both in the Tripple Alliance , and the Business of the Smyrna Fleet , both which he upbraids us with as naturally , as if he had been a Native of Holland , and no need of being naturaliz'd , though I cannot but think that those that revile their Allyes for old Breaches , betray too much their willingness to make new : That Allyance that was between Them , Vs , and the King of Sweden , had in it this Conditional Clause , That the Confederates were to assist one another , if for the sake of their entering into such a League , they were at any time by any other Party invaded ; the King of France declares a War soon after against the Dutch , it did not appear from his Declaration , that their entering into this Allyance was the Reason he declar'd it , and that it was therefore his revengeful War , which are Words express'd in the Articles ; for then he had the same Revenge to take against the rest of the Allyes , against whom he denounc'd no war at all , and it is a Rule in such Leagues as well as a Maxim among the † Civil Lawyers , that an Obligation that is conditionally specify'd , must not extend as if it had no condition , and were unlimited ; and for this Reason did the Dutch * insist so much upon that Point , that the War which threatned them from France , was only upon the Account of that Allyance , which as it did not appear , either from any Discovery that could be made , or the Declaration that was publish'd , so it could not oblige England , unless she would have been so forward to have engag'd in the War upon presumption , and that the Swedes were of the same opinion , appear'd from their neutrality and indifference : This is that famous Violation , for which we must be so much reflected on ; this is what the Dutch were pleas'd to call a Breach , and which if it were in the least to be look'd upon as such , they were only oblig'd for it to their fam'd Friend that fled to them too for Protection , who was naturaliz'd also , after the deepest Conspiracy detected against our KING , and who was celebrated for the only Author of that uncharitable Aphorism , Delenda est Carthago . SECT . XI . IN the next place , for his Heroical Attempt ( as he calls it ) on the Smyrna Fleet ; it seems his Memoirs must not omit any thing that will afford ( as he thinks ) matter to deface the Memory of a Prince , to whom the Church of England had the greatest Obligation ; the Life of the late Lord Rochester was not so severely Examin'd , as this King's Actions are by this most faithful Historian : 'T is a compendious way to Libel with a Reflection , and Abuses may be easily fasten'd , when the Authors Credit must pass muster for an Accusation . One would have thought the Dutch might have been contented with their own Advocates , and that the Considerer of their State , had in these matters made as much of Apology for them , as the Case could bear ; but it is with an ill Grace indeed , and somewhat unnatural , to see a sort of human Vipers , work their Wits and their Way thorough the Bowels of their own Mother Country ; Englands Appeal , and Marvel's Popery , were the first and only Reflections that Libell'd these Actions , till our Author came in with another Supplement , but those being all such discontented Creatures , Creatures depending on the Little Lord , that then lost the greatest Place in the Law , the Credit of such Authors , is as much to be believ'd , as the Conspiracy of the Court ? But this Attempt upon the Fleet ; when it comes to be examin'd , has so much Colour for the Justice of that Encounter , * that there was first broke several Articles of Peace , before that ever we could be said to begin the War ; those very Ships refus'd us in our own Channel , the Right of the Flagg , by which it was lawful for ours to seize , or destroy them ; and the Captains that then Commanded , had it for Express Commission to stand upon that Antient Regality ; and besides , it is known that the Dutch had defended Van Ghent in the like obstinate denyal before ; so that now it could not be excus'd as a private Persons inconsiderate Default , since whole Fleets were resolv'd to maintain it , and their Masters had given them incouragement so to do ; this was ( I think ) an Heroical Breach too upon one of the Articles of Breda ; and all Leagues and Vnions ( if I am not out in my Reason and Law ) are such Acts , as are Aggregate in themselves , though the constituent Clauses that compose them , have a great deal of individual Variety and Texture , to the twisting them together , of which , if but one Twigg is taken out , it presently loosens the whole Band : We had been upon a long Accommodation , and all fruitless , Embassyes and Applications could not prevail ; so that even declaring of a War , had it been actually design'd , was never requir'd by the Laws of it in such a Case as previous ; and I 'le engage I 'le get their own Country-man , * Grotius himself to tell us so , that the denouncing of it , is many times conditional ; and then a Violation of Articles on one side , is a sufficient Indiction , without any necessity of declaring it on both : we had demanded the Right of the Flagg , and it was deny'd us : This was by the Antients , call'd a * Clarigation , and superseded ever rhat pure and absolute Denuntiation , which himself confesses needless too , when satisfaction is demanded from those that are resolv'd to offend ; and Servius his Exposition on the Leges Foeciales appears to be the same . But since he desires † Instances too , the Romans in the Third Punick War , without denouncing it , surpriz'd the Carthaginians for some of their Violations , so Cyrus did the Armenians ; David for Indignities , the Ammonites , and for more modern Examples , the Great War of Sweden was carryed into Germany , before it was heard of on the Continent , that an Army was Landed on the Isle of Rugen , because contrary to Articles , the Emperour had oppos'd him in his War with the KING of Poland . The reviving of old Differences was far from my Design , but since the Dr. will not have such Actions to be forgotten , it is a Duty I owe to the pious Memory of our deceased Prince , to the Reputation and Honour of the Present , to that Native Country that he so injuriously reproaches , to defend them from those Calumnies , that such a Deserter has cast upon them . The Revolt and Defection of some States , for which he so furiously pursues me , I am afraid from the foregoing Relations of the Fact that he has forc'd me to , will appear in spight of History to disguise it , when even their own Authors do not pretend to excuse them from it ; but this Dr. thought he must do somewhat extraordinary for his new Masters to merit such a generous Protection ; and yet in this very Passage that he so pursues , we only put it in the case & words of a Common-wealth in * general , without specifying the particular Country , to which we would apply it ; which for decency's sake , and deference to that Allyance , and Authority , we did designedly forbear ; but since our Author is so unquiet , I am afraid it was from the Result of the Application being so easy , which himself ( perhaps ) made the sooner , when he saw that somewhere it must needs touch ; but as Subjects are oblig'd to a real Friendship to all that are ally'd to their Lord and Soveraign ; so the necessity of such Obligation is somewhat superseded , where such Authors are suffer'd to defame and defy him . What other Authors have observ'd , as we are neither oblig'd in Justice to Answer or defend ; so does it argue a defect of Matter , fit for a Reflection in our own Treatise , when he forces in Anothers , to fill up the measure of his Animadversion ; But this ( I hope ) will appear too , from the History of the States ; That if there were Roman Catholicks concern'd in the First Formation of their Government ; it was only so far , as that they fought with them once for what was call'd their Antient Priviledges , which as soon as they were confirm'd to them , they were satisfy'd , and return'd peaceably to their former Obedience . In the Pacification at Gaunt , tho' there was was omitted that Reservation of the deference that was due to the KING's Authority ; yet it was afterward by Explication annex'd , and for that Don Iohn of Austria , then the Governour , confirm'd it , under the Names and Title of the Perpetual Edict , and that with the King's Consent and Approbration ; who after so many Troubles and Revolutions , was glad to see his subjects tender their Obedience , and by that their own Act , thought it sufficiently secur'd : But it seems there were those that design'd further ; some of the Eminent among the Calvinist's , refus'd to subscribe that Article of Obedience to the KING's Authority , which was afterward annex'd , and so spoyl'd all the good Effects of this hopeful Pacification , created such Jealousies and Disturbance , that the Governour was forc'd to fly for his preservation to the strong Castle of Namur ; they chuse their Ruar , model the Government anew , frame an Oath to renounce all Obedience to Don Iohn the Governour ; and so zealous were the Reformers , that the Iesuites of Antwerp for refusing it , were plunder'd , whose Loyalty then , was the only Crime of this Society , to which our Author has such a constant Recourse for his Reflexion . Soon after , they associated themselves into what they are now so fam'd for , the Vnited Provinces ; by that Vnion of Vtrecht , which was made in order to the throwing off all Obedience to the King of Spain , which soon followed in Three Years after in that Famous Instrument Dated at the Hague , the Substance of which we recited before ; so that in short , the Catholicks foreseeing the designed Revolt , took occasion to withdraw ( as he words it ) that is , to return to their former Obebedience ; and those ill Inclinations , which ( he says ) they shew'd , and which put them out of the Government , was indeed the Jealousie , that they had of their Reserves of Loyalty , and the Fear that they had , that they might spoil this New Formation of the State ; the Obstinate Resistance of Amsterdam , and the foul Usage it met with after it had Compounded ; shew us how they were put out of the Government , and how inclinable some Catholicks were to maintain the poor Remains of the Kings Authority : This is what our Author calls a Betraying the Country to the Spanish Tyranny ; such Aversion there is in a Common-wealth , against the Name of Monarchy , that our Reflecter must keep it up for to merit , and make amends for his Naturalization . The Dr. is indeed unlucky in his Old Delenda , upon which , if he 'le rely , as an invidious Instance of the Malice of our English against his New Masters , the Dutch ; it is nothing less than a Libel upon the Late Lord , whom not long since they look'd upon as their greatest Friend , who lovingly came to ly down his Life in that Carthage , which his Rhetorick once did design to demolish : That Noble Lord who was a great Instrument for Promoting in the House , to help our Author to the Thanks of it ; the greatest kindness , to whose Memory in such Matters , would indeed have been to have forgot him : And such an Amnesty there was amongst them then , of all That Heroes ill Inclination ; that their study was only , how to Endear him with the greatest Demonstrations of Kindness and Courtesy ; so that our inconsiderate Author falls still upon the most unfortunate Touches , such as abuse the very Cause he would so willingly defend ; and gives us another Occasion to Consider of another Subject to the KING of Great Britain , fled for High-Treason , Protected from his Iustice , by the kindness of the Common-wealth . The Inconsistency of Transubstantiation is most unseasonably insisted on ; at the same time that our Author is taking such Pains to be so inconsiftent with himself ; for as in this † Page he would perswade us how easy the Roman Catholicks are under their Government , so in the very next , he lets us know , ( intimating their Hardship ) that 't is they that can best tell us , that all Religions are not alike Tolerated : 'T is strange , that a Man should be so unlucky at Reflexion , and yet write so much : Mr. Varilla's Copy ( it seems ) can transcend the Original : We know , ( though the Dr. would disguise it ) that considering their Services , or for fear of their Loyalty , the Catholicks there are but hardly dealt with ; the Pacification of Gaunt was got to be broken by those that form'd afterward this Union of Vtrecht , and tho' by both , a Liberty of Worship , and by the former , all civil Offices were reserv'd to them ; yet by that taking of Amsterdam , we saw that Promises were too , either kept or broken ; and by the late Banishing of Priests , that this Religion is not to be equally tolerated , though it was above all Articled for and Compounded . It is a pretty Piece of Prescription to say their KING's Predecessors acknowledg'd them a State almost an Age ago : It is not much above an Age , that they made themselves so , yet such an Acknowledgment ( I hope ) will no more warrant the Revolt , than the Late King 's taking the Covenant at Skeen , could be said to Confirm and Authorize the Rebellion of the Common-wealth of England : This forc'd Acknowledgment was made but about Forty Year agon , An. 1648. by the Munster Peace ; and this unfortunate Vindicator falls upon another unlucky Touch ; this Munster Peace ( I am afraid ) will want not only a little Excuse , but as much as that of Nimmeghen ; Spain was drawn in to that Acknowledgment , when some People by their separate Treaty , betray'd France ; by their Plenipotentiary Niederhorst & his Superiors of Vtretch , themselves Condemn'd , and of this Peace , the Spanish Embassador , Le Brun , avow'd , That in a little time they violated no less than 17 Articles . All that know their History too , must know , That the Priviledges that were pretended , were never any Compact with the House of Burgundy , and so could not oblige Spain ; they were united into that House by Marriages and Descent , and so descended to that of Austria : How the Provinces came first to be United in Philip the Good , who under one Government first began them , our Authors admir'd Meteran does fully describe ; but though his peaceable Disposition , and the finishing his Quarrel with France , gave him no occasion to make use of the Excesses of his Power , yet his Son , Charles the Hardy , that succeded him , the same Author lets us know , was indeed as his Name imported , a little more bold , and laid very great Impositions upon them : we do not hear then , of any Seditions that it occasion'd , or any Priviledges that they pleaded to resist . When Mary his Daughter was Marryed to Maximilian , by which Match they first fell into the Hands of the Austrian Family ; to which , doubtless , descended too all the Power and Prerogative that ever was Lodg'd in the House of Burgundy ; yet their Allegiance ( you will see ) did not follow the Translation , which ought doubtless , as justly to have devolv'd ; for it was then old Privileges & Immunities were first pretended ; & discontent arose , which more probably that devolution did promote , more than any usurpations of the Prince did warrant or necessitate ; for it is natural for Subjects to acquiesce more under the Administrations of such Monarchs , to whose Government they have by some Discents , lineally been accustom'd , than with those Princes Sway , to which , by Collateral Discents , and Intervening Marriages , they look upon themselves somewhat unfortunately reduc'd and subjected ; and ( perhaps ) this piece of Policy occasion'd that Salique Law in France , for which they may better plead this Political Expedient , than give us any just Reason for its Original Institution ; for ( doubtless ) the Title to a Crown may be as justly tranferr'd by Marriage , and its Issue , as the Lawful Discents of common Inheritance , & with that too , be translated all the Power & Prerogative that ever was enjoy'd by any of the Predecessors ; and 't is a Maxim , almost of a divine Authority , That all things are not Lawful that are Expedient ; but ( doubtless ) this Alienation of the Crown , whatever Priviledges were pretended , gave occasion to their first Discontents , and Seditions in those Provinces in the Reign of † Maximilian , which Meteran compares to those that follow'd in Philip the Second's Time : But this Prince ( notwithstanding his many Criminations ) had no other Fault , than the bringing down the German Troops , which he was forc'd to , to preserve himself from the French ; and when those old States Generals of Burgundy had Rebell'd , and imprison'd him upon Pretence of those Priviledges : their Proceedings were so highly resented by Princes abroad , that the Pope threatned the Country to Excommunicate them , and the Emperor , with all the Princes of Germany , came down to his Assistance : This appears from this very Meteran ; This Prince , the describer of their own Country ( you see ) represents as one , whose Death was regretted by all , because of his most Commendable Government and Administration ; and yet , even then there were not wanting those , that upon this Pretence of Priviledges , had imprison'd this PRINCE , as well as those , that upon the same Account our Author would defend for taking Arms against his Successor , and Grandson , this Philip the Second ; so that this dangerous Doctrin of Resistance ( our Dr's peculiar ) for breaking such Limits ( you see ) will serve the turn , to the worst of Subjects , at any time , to Rebell against those that themselves confess to have been the Best of Princes . Charles the 5 th . kept them quiet enough ; his Fortune , his Fame , and his Forces , were sufficient security to so great a Monarch ; who if he was not lov'd , knew how to make himself fear'd : Forreign Troops might have given them then a better Pretence to Clamor and Insurrection , than ever it could in the forgoing Reign of Maximilian , or in that of Philip's that follow'd ; and yet as powerful as he was , he governed them with as much Clemency too , and then left them to his Son and Successor , not disputing of their Priviledges , but united too in Obedience , as well as they were afterward in Rebellion and Revolt . But supposing such Priviledges broken and violated , had warranted such a defection , how comes it to pass , that so few of these Provinces were Qualify'd by these Stipulations to throw off their Allegiance ? And if this dernier Resort by that Principle of Democracy , must be resolv'd into the general Concurrence of the Subjects , how comes a particular part of them to be empowr'd to alter the Monarchy ? How comes an Instrument at the Hague , to be more Legal than the Pacification at Gaunt ; or seven Provinces to exceed seventeen ? This will credit much the Catholick Party , who for the most part return'd to the Obedience of their lawful Lord ; and these Reformers that persisted in the Revolt , even to an entire defection , will have but little Pretensions to the Priviledges of the Constitution of their Government , after they have entirely * chang'd it : This pleasant ( I will not say frivolous ) Plea of our Authors Priviledges is somewhat like what the Dutch made for themselves to King Iames the First , for the Liberty of Fishing , they pleaded a Treaty for it , between Philip of Burgundy , and our Henry the Seventh ; between Charles the Fifth , and our Henry the Eighth , when by the Instrument at the Hague , they had renounc'd all relation both to Burgundy and Spain . But since our Author has not confin'd himself to give Reasons , we will shew in short , how this came to pass : I am afraid this unfortunate Author will find that this his Zeal in the Defence of the Protestant Cause in general , will do it the greatest Disservice , as well as his particular Doctrin of Resistance did once disgust the particular Church of England : The Reason why the Treaty of Colen took no better Effect , was only from the force of the Faction that oppos'd it , and that meerly for sake of Reforming further : after all the Confirmation of their Priviledges was so freely offer'd , * Grotius himself tells us it was not only the Aemulation and Ambition of some great Men among them , that hinder'd an Accommodation ; but the perverse Zeal of the Reform'd for their New Religion , which never sufferr'd them to keep Faith , never to be contented with their Condition ; this was the Reason , and our Author confesses it , that when the Walloon Provinces capitulated , and all things seem'd to face toward a dutiful Return ; that some saw that such a Peace would prove in their Opinion worse than the War ; and tho' they were asham'd openly to refuse such a Glorious Mediation as that of the Emperor himself , yet they secretly order the Matter so , that such Terms should be insisted on , which they knew their King could never grant ; and that celebrated Author says it was then more than probable , that any reasonable Conditions might have been obtain'd , if some people had not set up their private and pack'd Caballs , for an interrupting of the publick Peace . Our Author is as unhappy in this point too , as well as in all those unlucky touches he has made ; this insisting so much upon antient Priviledges , and Immunities , as it lost the King of Spain so great a part of his Country , so from the same Faction that occasion'd this Revolt : andupon the same Principles , it cost themselves as dear ; Barnevelt that might be said to build this Republick , pretended to a great knowledge of these Priviledges from his Study at Lovain ; and the Law , or the Boldness of his Speeches and Undertakings , and upon that pretence , form'd the First Party for the renouncing their Allegiance ; and though by the Union of Utrecht , and another * League that was made between Holland & Zealand , there was to be joint Consent & Communication of Councils , these privately sware among themselves , that they will never acknowledge the King of Spain , and then by a negative Suffrage of one Province , involve the Rest in the Revolt , and absolve one another of their Oaths & Fealty , & all this a * good while before the Deputyes of Holland could perswade Zealand to consent to it ; so disorder'd are alwayes the Affairs of Church and State , upon any Innovation and Defection from their antient Establishment , that it is impossible to make them stand to their own Articles and Agreements . This Faction of Barnevelt's , as it did profess for their first Formation , the Vindicating Old Liberties , alledg'd obsolete Customes , or pretended unaccountable Priviledges ; so did this Celebrated Legislator , and Leader , set afoot the same Pretences , even to the Subversion of the same Government they had Establish'd ; His Party rul'd in the Provinces of Holland , and so Holland must rule the rest of the Provinces , & enforc'd Zealand to admit of the Truce against an Express Article of Vtrecht : When the Royal Authority ( by our Authors Principle of Priviledge and Resisting Power ) was wrested from the King , and plac'd in the States Generals , by the same Party , and Pretences , it was pull'd out of these same hands , & plac'd in the People : This same popular Pretext of the same Person , ruin'd the Authority of Prince Maurice , entirely , and was but a bad Retribution to the Son of him that had been so much their Defender : This Faction , & these Principles after Olden-Barnvelt's Decease , were followed and continued by the De witts , ( alwayes the Greatest Enemies to our English Interest , as well as their own ) and so eager by their Pensionaryes pursu'd , that they had almost introduc'd an utter Anarchy , & entire Desolation in this fam'd Republick , and never ceas'd , till by the perpetual Edict , they did so basely abolish that Office of the House of Orange , which as it was Establish'd by the Vnion , so their First Prince predicted they could never stand without . The Prince's Highness , whose Office and Authority amongst them , we wish may be ever continu'd and augmented ; for his own Honour and the States ; and the necessity that it shews for some Resemblance of Monarchy , even in a Republick , and a Common-wealth , and that too , from the remarkable Prediction of one of his famous Predecessors ; and their First Founder as well as in the Constitution of some † other Common-wealths ; but this Prince and that State is but little oblig'd to such a Defender , who forces in such Arguments for their Defence , as their intestine Enemyes had almost made use of for their utter subversion : they that sacrificed these popular Pretences to their popular Outrages , in the sad Obsequies of those * tumultuous Men , even to a Resentment , that might be call'd cruel and inhumane , can never have any great Obligation of kindness to such an Apologist , that for want of Foresight and Consideration , would only befriend them upon the Principles of their most dangerous Enemyes . In the next place , supposing that Resistance had been as lawful from the Constitution of their State , as it was ever from the Doctrine of this Casuist and Divine ; does it therefore justifie a Revolt to be so too ; is there no difference between an endeavour to preserve their Priviledges in the Goverment , and an actual Subversion of the whole frame of it : Alva's great Severities were almost forgotten under the Reign of three milder Governours , that had almost compos'd all this distraction , when their particular defection was design'd : The General insurrections ( as from the History has appear'd ) were before the arrival of this severe Minister ; and if Rebellion will forfeit Priviledges , ( as our Laws and those of all Nations do declare ) I am sure 't is no Tyranny to seise them . * How some of the States of Europe did esteem this a Iustifiable Action , our selves can best testifie to our shame ; but that all did , is only the want of it , or excess of Confidence in our shameless Author : Arch Duke Matthias left them ( as appears ) when he saw it was coming to that , the mild Emperor Maximilian , tho' he mediated for a Peace , yet could never justify the War ; & those Princes of Germany that sent them aid from abroad , were only such as were in the same circumstance of disobedience at home : the Rebellions in Scotland , and the deposition of the Q. were no more Iustified by the States of Europe , than was her murder we committed here ; & yet we saw , & from our Acts of Subsidy too , that the Scots were assisted to Fight against their Soveraign . 'T is still the constant misfortune of our Author , and now it must fall at last upon his own Church , to be Libelld in a friendly argument ; and sure such Actions of that Queen had better be forgotten , which we 'll believe her forc'd to , from the necessity of State , and the condition of the Church , tho' to the loss of her reputation ; and no little blemish to this Establisht Religion , sure she believ'd the King of Spain had some Right to his revolted Subjects , when she so † wisely refus'd that Dominion they so | frankly offer'd : And the King of France was somewhat of the same mind , when he so generously rejected that rash and * rebellious Overture ; and this French King , when some of his Calvinists , and Male-contents were running into Flanders to their Assistance , pursu'd them , and thought it such a justtfiable Action , that he cut them all to pieces . But to keep only to the Queens Case , 't is another of his unlucky Touches to talk of her assisting them ; it looks as if our Author had a mind to rub up the Memory of their ungrateful Returns ; the Tricks that the * Faction we have mention'd before , put upon their Deliverer , Leicester , the Collusions of their Councils , with the good Intentions of Her Majesty , the secret Treatys with France , and treacherous Aid , and the refusing to repay Her , and to come homer to the Case ; it was protested by one of the fam'd Deputies of that time , and that upon his Knees , to some of his Companions , that those Submissions made to the Q. of England , was only to draw Her into a War with Spain , which when She was asham'd of , and would have mediated a Peace , * a Peace , which by the very Articles She was to conduct them to , and not to a Republick ; and by which She was made an Arbitress of That , as well as of the War : They sent Her a solemn Embassy to disswade Her from it ; which when it was not likely to prevail , She urging that Arbitration , to which they had agreed ; they took upon them to expound solemn Articles for Words of * Course ; and that they had made Her an Umpire only out of Complement & Respect . Posterity is taught only to remember the Spanish Invasion , with an Abhorrence , as if it were a Popish Plot ; and our Author does no service to the Protestant Religion , to let them know , that Spain was first Invaded by the most Protestant Queen : * Five Thousand Foot , and a Thousand Horse ; and that three Year before that Formidable Armado came to face our Coast , were carryed over there , to keep that sinking State from a certain falling into their former Constitution ; and returning by force to the Obedience of their Lawful Lord. That most impartial Author ( whom we can't but call so , since their own Country-man ) gives but little Countenance to this Queens good Opinion of this Iustifyable Action ; for when She was again * offer'd the Dominion of these Dutch by some of their Magistrates , and the people of Frisia ; he observes , that it † was much suspected , That if they had tender'd her the Goverment , as got into their hands by the Mutiny of the Common People , and the Sedition of the Souldiers , She might sooner have accepted of it ; which , when offer'd , as from the publick Consent , She cunningly refus'd : She knew that Mutiny had made them what they were , and that the same was the surest way to make them Hers ; whereas , an Act of State from those that had made themselves so , was of no more Authority than the Revolt , by which they were made ; and that at any time would give to her self as Just a Title : So true it is , that a Defection from Princes , unhinges all Right of Soveraignty , and Property it self , warrants Sedition from the Constitution of the State , and lyes a Land open , like those of our Lawyers , to be Primi Occupantis . But because this Author does give us a Touch of his more modern Politicks , as well as of his excellency in antient History ; ( which if we 'll believe some of his late Works , none ever can equal ) we 'll for once venture to examin that too ; he lets us know , That as to the Rebellion , the Prince that is only concern'd in that , has found them of late to be his best Allyes , and chief Supports : I do not know what they are under this present Peace , but they have not been long so , when Flanders was invaded with a War ; and succour , and supports are better seen upon necessity , than when they are needless , this chief support of the Crown of Spain , and that improvident Abandoning of Luxemburg , the strongest Fortress in all Flanders , have sure no Chain of Thought , though they come so close together , and as little as it is to be excus'd ( I am afraid ) will want much of Excuse ; a little of this chief support , with the Courage of the then Governour Chimay , and the Strength of the Place , ( if my judgment , or Eyes han't deceiv'd me ) might have kept it out of the hands of the French , who find it now so convenient for their Affairs thereabouts ▪ and their Conquest in Lorrain , that by the fine artificial Fortifications they are now making , though Nature gives it more than enough , they 've already made it look , as if they would never let it go : Andfortheir being his best of Allyes ( if my little Politicks do not fail me , or that of wiser Heads ) 't is not long since they were like to lose the best Part of their Country , for want of an Allyance with him : Had they been but so wise ( or if you will ) we 'll call it so fortunate , as to close with Spain , before the French fell into Flanders ; or when he threatned them with a War , as their chief support in their Rise was once from the French and English , against the Power of Spain , so that Spain , and England , would have been their best Defence against their Fall , by the Power of France : A defensive Allyance , with those , to whom they are now such good Allyes , was then desired by Spain it self , by all those that coveted a Peace in Christendom ; by some of their own Ministers of State , by all of them , when they saw it was too late ; this was look'd upon as the falsest Step they ever made , since their Revolt , and Formation , that was the foulest ; and this was thought then by a most ingenious Politician , to proceed only from their old Hatred against that Government , from which they revolted , which , as it had begun them , so it had almost made an end of them too ; and therefore , in the Second War , they were wiser , and suffered their Interest to prevail against that antient Resentment they had to Spain ; then indeed , they first became these good Allyes to that Crown , and found the benefit of it too ; for it forc'd for them a Peace , which ( perhaps ) without the Mediation of the Marquis de Fresno , had never been got so easily from England , and France : The Peace of Nimmeguen , as well as the Loss of Luxemburg , for which , in a friendly Rebuke , our Author will reproach them , should never have been repeated by us , or reviv'd to upbraid them ; but since , he 'll so unreasonably fasten the Original Guilt upon his own Country , it must merit a little modest Reflection : Since our Author will call this Peace of Nimmeguen , one of the single Instances in their History , that needs a little Excuse : Some People think that the Munster Peace will go near to overmatch it , and want as much : whatever was our English Conduct , it was not the Conduct of the French that drove them there to act separately for themselves , when by a League of Guaranty they were oblig'd to conclude no Treaty , but in Conjunction with France , whom they excluded after several summs extorted ; and singly by their Plenipotentiaries conclude first a truce , and then a firm peace with Spain , and that against the consent and remonstrance of several of their own Provinces ; to which Zealand never at last consented ; and one of the Plenipotentiaries himself would never sign , and was ( as we observ'd ) justify'd in it by his Superiors of Vtrecht that sent him . In the Reign of Lewis the XIII . several Leagues were made by these the best Allies , with the Crown of France , against that of Spain , whereby he was to invade Flanders with a mighty Force ; Peace never to be made , but by mutual consent , and the War never to cease till the Spaniards were driven out of all the Netherlands , which like their Lions skin , they had divided among themselves beforehand ; but nevertheless , the Treaty of Craneberg , was like to have eluded the French , had not the haughty Spaniard stood upon such Arrogant demands ; this was as bad almost , as that of Munster which follow'd ; & like that of * Nimmeguen , needs to be a little excus'd ; and our Author cannot with any good grace paum these ill steps too upon our English Conduct . I come now to the last touch of his Historical Reflection ( for other People may be allowed to understand a little History as well as Dr. B. ) and that is ; for the Credit of our Nation to clear a little further this Heroical Attempt upon the Smyrna Fleet , with which he does again attack us ; I 've taken pains to consult not only Authors in this matter , but some that were eminently concern'd in the Action ; it appears even from their own * Historian , that Sir. G. Downing our Embassador had his Audience of Leave , after he had declared he could have no answer to his demand of the Flag , after he had protested it was his positive order to insist upon it , and and all this and he return'd , was three Weeks † before this * Hostility was acted ; & before this attempt made , Meerman their Envoy was arriv'd here to make up this breach which they fear'd , knowing in what Violations of Articles they had offended , and by their own Confession , a War was in some sense declar'd to him at his coming , or at least , that he could not long expect peace ; which I 've shewed before , upon refusing to satisfie for Articles violated , from the Laws of Nations , needs no such Solemn Declaration . It is but consulting his Majesty's Declaration , that for further satisfaction , was immediately publisht ; tho' for the Fact there needed no justification ; where it will appear , that immediately too after their former Peace , they fell to violating those very Articles that had confirm'd and establisht it . By the Treaty of Breda Commissioners were to be sent to London , for the regulation of our Trade in the East-Indies , which was never done , tho' by our Embassador purposely sent , it was so condescendingly sollicited ; and so our Subjects suffer'd there without redress : The West-Indies was a business only of greater abuse , denying the King the return of his Subjects , at their leisure from Surinam , tho' expressly provided for by the same Treaty , and made Banister a Prisoner only for desiring to remove according to the Articles of it : Some would apply this to the present juncture , and the denial , and punishing of some Souldiers for offering to return , after his Majesty's Proclamation for it , and some Stipulations and Conventions of their own for the permitting it ; which because it Symbolises so much with our Author's case of transferring Allegiance , and themselves have made use of that as an Argument for their Detention , we shall transfer it too to another place , when we come to consider his particular defence . The Right of the Flag , it is not our present business to justifie , tho' we have matter enough by us to make out the Argument ; it is sufficient that it was one of the Articles in the Treaty ; the violation of which , the King insisted on in this Declaration , that it had been broken by their Commander , justify'd at the Hague , and ridicul'd by them in forreign Courts ; and I may add too , maintain'd by this Smyrna Fleet , so that here was three Solemn Articles , very seriously broken , and no satisfaction offer'd after several Demands , whereas one of them violated , and reparation deny'd , had been sufficient to have justify'd by the Law of Arms , by the Authority of their own Lawyer , any Hostile Attempt , without a Publick Denunciation ; so that here besides , a private Intelligence was given to Meerman , and over and above , the Fleet could be attackt for not striking ; and all these Provocations , and absolute Rupture , praecedaneous to this Heroical attempt that our Author does reproach us with ; but that neither he , nor any Dutchman may doubt of our Authority , I 'll engage I 'll get the States themselves to acknowledge every Tittle of it to be true , from their own Memorials , the mouths of their own Embassadors , from their own Mediators ; and this I press not to reproach them , but to vindicate the Honour of our Nation in this single instance against a Deserter , and that from matter of Fact , without any eloquence or affectation . When in the last Dutch War , the Treaty of Cologne was on foot , ( which was another too , that his late Majesty complain'd of ) where separate Alliances were set forward again as in former with the Fr. they sent us by a Trumpeter , some Overtures for * Peace , in which Missive , 't is mention'd , they had willingly agreed to all what the K. had before askt about his Subjects in Surinam ; and the business of the Flag , they were willing to submit to judgment of the World , and that whereas the King had complain'd , that their Answer was insufficient , they had Commission'd an Ambassador to add any thing that was needful ; this was enough of confession in the beginning of the War , that they had broke those two Articles of Peace ; tho' by the way this extraordinary Embassador , if I mistake not , had Credentials of an extraordinary Nature , which were ; that he was come , to do nothing . To this Missive , tho' it was not so full , yet sufficient to evidence fully the violation of the Treaty at Breda , did the late * King send in return a smart Answer ; to which they † reply'd in such a submissive manner , as I hope will justifie that they were in the Fault , before this attempt upon the Fleet ; that they were ready fully to renew the Treaty of * Breda ; and to give a clearer Exposition of the Article of the Flag ; they solemnly promise to repair all wrongs and injuries offer'd since that Treaty to the beginning of the War ; this was what our Ambassador could never obtain , before it was began by this our Authors Heroical Attempt . But to prosecute this a little farther , for the information of our Reflecter , and satisfaction of the World , in the Proceedings of the Peace at * Cologn , they came up so far , to confess the justness of the King of England's Cause , that they strongly endeavour'd to give us satisfaction , and promote an Union , above all the rest ; that it should be referr'd to our own project of the seventeenth of November , upon which the King stood , I am sure like a King , to a Common-Wealth , on as high terms , and spoke to them in as big words , insisting upon all that before had been urg'd without the least Abatement ; and besides their offers in answer to this , as is before related , the Spanish Ambassador , on behalf of the States Generals , had made these * Overtures : That this point of the Flag ( which was one of the points that occasion'd this Heroical Attempt ) should be order'd and adjusted to the full content of his Majesty : And that also , 800000 Pattacons , or 20 Tuns of Gold , that is , 200000 l. Sterling English , should be given him ; this reparation I suppose , had it been sooner made , might have hinder'd this Heroical Attempt ; they refer themselves now wholly to the English Nation , to the Judgment of the Parliament ; making them the full Arbitrators in their own Cause ; that cause which our Author , and Subject , has now so scandalously in his Reflections given up , ( and what he was ever good at ) betray'd . Once more to justifie it a little further , these tempting offers of the Spanish Embassadors Summs , ( and sure there must be much Honour in the Cause , where the Court refuses so much Money ) and threatnings that he us'd of a Rupture with Spain , were refus'd , and slighted , because the business of Surinam , the regulation of Trade in the East Indies were not included ; the Violation of which Articles , were both insisted on for Reparation , before this Heroical Attempt was offer'd at . And so the King proceeds to prosecute the War , which occasion'd presently the Marquis de * Fresno , Embassador of Spain , to present another Missive , wherein was Consented to , That the striking the Flagg to the least English Man of War , which was once in wantonness , by some Authors , call'd the KING's † Pleasure-Boat ; was just , that the Ceremony should be regulated , even according to the Project , which His Majesty's Plenipotentiaries themselves had sent from the French Army , in such a time , as their Common wealth was brought into the greatest Encumbrance . That Commissioners should be sent to treat of Regulating the Trade * in the East Indies , according to the same Project , and their Propositions at Cologn . That as to Surinam they are ready to suffer any of his Subjects to transport themselves , and return when they please . That by these | Articles it was agreed and confess'd , that their whole Fleets of Ships of War , or Merchants , were oblig'd to strike to any single Man of War of ours , which was the Case of this Fleet that is contested , and which was deny'd us before in the Case of Van Ghent , to a single Ship. That their Commissioners for the East Indie Trade , were to meet at London , which before could never be obtain'd ; though it was by an unnecessary Condescention , and sending of our Embassadors desired . That for the Affairs of Surinam , they confess'd in their Third Proposition , that it was founded upon Krynsen's Fifth Article ; That our Inhabitants should have Liberty to sell their Estates , to return , That the Governor should take Care their Transportation was provided for at a moderate Price ; and that by another Article , Krynsen was to give them Passports , and permit their Slaves to follow them . All this was now consented to , all that was desired before this Heroical Attempt , which Articles , this their Obstinacy in defending the business of Van Ghent , and Banister ; and not sending their Commissioners to London , do from Confession appear to have been violated : Upon these , and more advantageous Expressive Terms , was Concluded the Famous Peace of Seventy Four ; where in the Breach of Articles is so plainly confess'd by themselves , before our Attempt on the Fleet , and the denouncing of War from the Laws of Nations ; and their own native Lawyer is shewn unnecessary after such Violation : I do nothing to reproach the Dutch , but to defend our English from the Pen of a Deserter ; and 't is somewhat considerable , that in all their Missives to His Majesty , themselves never insisted on this Heroical Attempt ; tho' I confess it was reflected on in a Pamphlet , and an unlicens'd one of theirs , call'd Considerations ; and by such Treacherous Authors of ours , that were then disgusted at the Court ; severely Libell'd , and expos'd . And yet even those invidious Pens , that reproach'd us with their Guaranty of Aix , our Triple League , our Confederacy with the French , and suffering ( as they would suggest ) our Agent to the Switzers Marsilly to be sacrificed to their Fury ; Even those Deserters that seem'd to have sold themselves like ours to the Dutch , did not offer to defend ( tho' so willing to excuse ) their Fleets refusal of the Flag , which expos'd them to an Attack , and occasion'd the Heroical Attempt , and are forc'd to confess , and condemn the Pensioner de Wit , for influencing his Masters , to demurr so long upon that satisfaction we had so much reason to demand . SECT . XII . ANd now we must change this expatiated Scene of History , wherein our Celebrated Author thought himself the only Actor and Comoedian ; for his Historical Reflexions upon our impartial Observations , are indeed no more than the making of History , a Romance ; and his Readers to laugh like the Spectators in a Play , with a Touch and a Witticism : Mr. Varillas with all his Florimond , will never afford the World so much of Diversion ; for if Matters of Fact , must stand and fall with every passionate Touch and Representation ; 't is better going to a Play , than consulting such an Author , who with a dash of his Pen can give you a dismal Character ; and of a merciful Monarch , with the turn of his Words , make a Tyrant and Oppressor : That makes the Catholick Religion to traduce all Princes , though their Princes Actions appear ( perhaps ) the greatest Credit to the Catholick Religion : This is no more consistent with the gravity of an Historian , than it is with his honesty , and ( perhaps ) Mr. Varil . and Mr. Dry. both , may modestly yield him the Bays : 'T is an easy Defamation that depends upon a Paragraph , or is confin'd ( perhaps ) to a malitious period : To prevent that disingenuous Proceeding , we have return'd almost an History instead of a Reflection , and that drawn from the most impartial Authors ; or an Extract from such Writers of the two opposite Perswasions , that an indifferent Person might suppose to be partial . This Strein of Pert Boldness , that ( he says ) runs through the whole Paper , must be pardon'd us , since it publishes so much of the Reflecters Impudence , and that against Persons of a Royal Character ; not a Paper of His Majesty 's from those of the Late King 's , to the last Declaration of Assurance ; but what by him , with a Perter Boldness has been libell'd , and even that ( doubtless ) does at presently under his severe Examination ; and can any Common Confidence upbraid us for being too bold with such an Author ? But for its appearing more eminently on Mr. * Fagel's Letter , with submission to his gravity ; persons of a greater Character than himself , or the Pensioner , are not of that opinion ; it is more modestly handled than any Paragraph that has past his Pen , and the Author was sollicitous , that it should be so , as surreptitious as it was here , for the sake of the sacred Title that it carry'd . For an impropriety of Term , this Reflecter makes us Accost a Princess with the name of * Reverend , as if we had been talking to one of his Coat ; but if he consults , as he seldom does , what he reflects on , he 'll find it in the Originals , for which he would be so fam'd : Reverd , a more awful expression of dread , and deference to Royal Authority , than I hope his Cassock can pretend to , a Name that we shall truly Revere , for the peculiar goodness of that excellent person , as well as the greatness of the Character that makes it so illustrious : And may she ever have as much the hearts of a people , as is consistent with the Allegiance to a Sovereign ; the respect to a Successor , and the double duty of Daughter and Subject to receive . For our defence against Mr. Fagel , as our Author threatned us with a method that was taken to clear off Imputations , so we shall take as sure measures to justifie our self , not only to our English , but the World ; we may send them a Latin Missive , since our English is so ill writ , and with the like translation into some other Languages , and their own too , to which we may not be altogether a stranger : As I hope I have clear'd our Authors Heroical Attempt , by that precedaneous * Clarigatum of our Embassadors ; so since I have to do with such an Enemy as Dr. B. I shall also in a sort of Civil Clarigation , and the Romans return of Talionis , justifie my self , and desire of Mr. F. to accept the clearing of my innocency for a satisfaction : 'T is sufficient to say at present , that I am a Subject to the King of Great-Brittain , never transfer'd my Allegiance , never naturaliz'd , or had need of it ; that by that , if it was not my bounden Duty , to reflect , or Animadvert on any dangerous practises , industriously spread to the disturbance of the State ; yet at least , I may be allow'd the Liberty to do it ; that we have three several Acts of Parliament , or one , twice reviv'd , that make any Paper or Print , without a private , or publick Imprimatur , a Libel ; the dispersers of it punishable by Law , ( tho' their Presses too may have a Liberty there ) for Printing , and dispersing a defence of this very Paper , were some persons examin'd , ( and as they justly might be ) prosecuted : Mr. Fagel , is better acquainted with their own Constitutions , than our Tests , or any other Laws ; yet his * Civil Institutions will tell him 't is somewhat absur'd for a Man to be an Offender for speaking his thoughts of a thing , which as publisht here , was * Criminal ; and therefore he might have spar'd his application , that the Author should be punisht , as he * deserves : And why ? Because our Law says , he does not deserve it ; but only those * that publisht the Paper : Whatever application had been made Mr. Fagel for finding out opinions ; what ever Authority that Statesman had to Communicate Princes Thoughts ; he had surely no orders for the Printing and Publishing it in our State , only to make the more disturbance , to disperse it through the City , only that there might be complaining in our streets ; was it not free then for every one to tell of it his Sense and Opinion , or will those that allow all things Liberty in Holland , confine an English man's Thought ? Or , did he think it as requisite , that every Reader of the Letter ( surreptitiously printed ) was to consult the Secretary's Office , whither Mr. Fagel had feign'd it ? This Honorable Gentleman from his high Station that he has in the State , and his celebrated Abilities in managing the Affairs of it , could not imagine , that it was the Duty of every Subject to the King of Great Britain , to examine at his Peril ; whither a Paper printed and Publisht without any License , were exactly the same with a Letter that was sent from the Pensioner of Holland , our Animadversions were on a piece , that by its Publication , was an offence to the Publick ; and by being Surreptitious , a Transgression of the * Laws ; and so cannot by any prudent Statesman be improv'd into a Negotiation of State ; and our Ministers no more accountable to Mr. Fagel , for our Animadversions , than Mr. Fagel to our Ministers , for his Publication : Whatever was the knowledge , and thoughts of other People , this unauthoriz'd Publication empowred me to tell mine as far as I knew , and that with Authority ; so that Mr. Fagel must be angry with those , and punish them as they do deserve , that thus publisht his Paper ; and not with those , who without a Liberty of Conscience , might be freely allow'd to tell their thought , and I 'll engage to prove Mr. Fagel himself was of that Opinion when he made his * Missive to our Envoy , or else his Hand and his Heart do not go together , for he tells us there , That he finds himself very little concern'd in what is said in this Book , that he foresaw well enough from the beginning , that he should be attackt upon the account of His Letter , in which it was indifferent to him , what any Man thought of it : But it seems , these words have somewhat in them of the Reserve , for the Close of the Letter explains it thus ; that the Author deserves to be punisht for an Attrocious Calumny , was Mr. Fagel indifferent what any man thought of it , and is the man to be punisht now for telling his thoughts ? Or does he mean , a Man might have told his thoughts with Impunity ? if he had not been authoriz'd ; but deserves to be punisht now , because he tells them with authority ? or would he have the Missive of the Pensioner of Holland be of more Force against the Parliamentum Pacificum , and their Foreigner ; than a Memorial of His Majesty of Great Britain against his own Subject , and the Author of so many Libels and Reflections : The celebrated Prudence of this great Minister , will not suffer me to suspect a person of such a Character ( as the defensive * Reflection on this Letter gives him ) of so much inconsistency even in sense , reason , and the Rules of Government , but I must submit it to the consideration of others , since it seems , at first sight , not so agreeable with himself , with their Civil , or our English Law ; and he will not find from their * Dutch , that any thing that is in Print with a Lawful Authority , can be call'd a Libel , a Defamation , or in their Language , a Lastering ; much less , the Author to be punisht as a Lastereer ; neither is the Imperial Law so little concern'd for the honour of its Legislators ; neither can it be imagin'd so absurd , as to make those ‖ Criminals to the State , that act with its Authority , and are only zealously concern'd in its * defence and Justification . In short , Mr. Fagel's Letter , and Mr. Fagel's Authority , are both alike unknown to me ; and so is that Authority by which the Paper was Publisht here ( I hope ) to himself ; but it may be observ'd here , and that without Telescopes , that these two Planets ( suppose of Mars and Saturn ) that have , with such an ill aspect lookt upon ; a Treatise that seems only a Plea for Peace , were very near in Conjunction ; the Reflexions , and the Missives were clearly the Result of their Authors good Correspondence ; they look like Vouching for one another's Children at the Font , for the Minerva of the Brain we know is the mother of Productions too ; but the best of it is , the malice of both must miscarry , and this Author would then only be † punishable as he deserv'd , had he been found * divulging and dispersing such a dangerous Paper , to make a Division amongst His Majesty's Subjects : Neither can this Terrible Reproach of being an Attrocious Calumniator ; that is , by the Lex * Remnia of the Romans , to be burnt in the Forehead for a Rogue , frighten me from my Duty ; or affect me in † Law , I cannot find that Civilians call any Calumnies or Injuries * Atrocious ; but from the Circumstances of the person or place , where your own Magistrate is affronted in himself or his office , and I having not yet translated my Allegiance , ( and as I hope , never shall ) cannot be said to offend Mr. Fagel so Atrociously , unless I should become their Subject too , assault him in their Senate-House or affront him as a Pensioner . And yet after all this unaccountable resentment of this mighty Minister , his Remonstrance against this Book ; looks in truth as if he had never read it ; and 't is very probable the person that is so concern'd in it , might make it his business to give him a false account ; for so far was the Author from accusing the Pensioner of Holland † for forging their Highnesses Names , that in more places than one , he reflects upon it , as if himself had been abus'd ; and his own was forg'd ; he calls it a * paper that must pass for the Pensioners , and says that the † Presses of London did more probably produce , what perhaps was expedient to paum upon the Hague ; and if Holland had the honour to bring it to light , this Pensioner of the States might be more likely the Dr. of Amsterdam . And these Remarks were made , to the best of our knowledge , and which I can assert upon the Faith of a Christian , so far was it from the Artifices of one ( as our Author says ) * that knew they had order'd the Letter , that he had some reason to believe , besides the confidence of this Author , that he himself had forg'd it ; so that this Missive of Mijn Heer the Pensioner , would have come better from our Monsieur the Doctor , tho' it would , indeed , have been but with an ill Grace for him to have desir'd our being punisht , who so little deserved it , that perhaps hath much merited , as well as expos'd himself to the highest punishment that any * Laws can inflict . The Reflecter's malice is in nothing more remarkable , than in endeavouring to pervert in the end of his Discourse , that tender regard this Author had to the goodness and excellency of that Noble Princess , into Arguments of ingratitude , and disrespect ; but it is the Nature of Venom to assimulate , and such Vipers can attract a Virulency even from the most innocent Air ; if we may be allow'd the liberty of Scriptural expression , and the Profession of our Author does not engross that Sacred Phraseology , as he desires to be free from the * strife of Tongues , so I wish we were too , from that of deceitfal one ; and where the Poyson of Asps is under his Lips , nothing I fancy less infective , could taint such sincere Expressions of Honour and Esteem ( as are apparent in that very part of the Paper ) for that excellent Princess ; nothing but the greatest bitterness could turn them into Gall : And that makes him quarrel at that very term of the * sweetness of her temper , as if it were a touch that stir'd up his envy to the Author of it ; but when this Reflecter among his Voluminous Tracts , truly Polemical ; can show so much of sincerity and Zeal in the defence of the Succession and the Crown , as perhaps the Person can produce that he so much , and so invidiously reflects on ; I l'e forfeit my Reputation of a Loyal Man , and what will be a greater Paradox , put in him for a good Subject . It is like the rest of his unfortunate Reflections , and unlucky Touches , when he would introduce us , as betraying the Lineal discent of the Crown ; which with the hazard of our little fortune , and a forwardness ( as some would have had it ) even to a fault , we argued for , and defended ; but it is of late , the Peculiar affectation of some people to press in this point , the mighty performances of their Pulpits , even to the Lay-man's civil Excommunication , as if Learning and Loyalty were only to be confin'd to the Cassock , and no where to be found , but with those that officiated in the Church . I am confident , Dr. B's Passive Obedience did not much contribute to the Succession , tho' he would represent me now as invading it : I don't know what his Resistance might do to my Lord R — l's Ruine : I am afraid , that dark misterious expression , with which our Author labours so much , may easily , and without Spectacles be brought to light . The words which he so injuriously Reflects on , tho' he does not wrong me in the Repetition , are truly these , discoursing of her Highnesses Relation to the State ; it follows , * to which she still seems so nearly related , the Doctor will be still unlucky in his Animadversions , or else he had more wisely let it alone ; he finds me in the same part of the Papers Apologizing for the late Prayers of the Church , for her Majesties happy Deliverance ; and reflecting on the indiscreet Zeal of some , who ( to my knowledge ) for that reason refrained the Church ; and on others , that in the lewdest Sonnets , had profan'd the Service , hoping that such Prayers could never displease so generous a Princess , since they were only offer'd for perpetuating that Royal Line , of which there were but few in remainder ; and I hope I might add , in which she still seems the next Successor ? So far was I from detracting from her Right , that I made her there even an Apparent Heir , tho' there was then more prospect of Issue that might intercept her Title , than when my late Lord Shaftsbury deny'd it to his Majesty ; I know Apparent is put for an Absolute Heir , where no other can Intervene , but 't is but at best a Catachroesis , and abuse , as commonly as it is us'd ; and her Royal Highness to me should be still Apparent ; did I not see another Heir appear , that by the Laws of our Land can intercept her Title : Was this Author assur'd of what Issue we might expect from her Sacred Majesty ? Or , had he a design of supplanting a Prince of Wales , whom Providence has since provided us ? but it seems he had made his Reflections upon this seems still before he came to see his error ; and then like such Reflecters , was loath to retract it ; or else , what is as probable , made his Remarks here like the rest , by picking out Sentences without considering Coherence , or Relation : But may Heaven dispose of Crowns and Scepters , as it shall seem best to the King of Heaven ; bless the Fruit of the Royal Womb , and preserve her Highness ( if it be her fate ) for a throne , for a Blessing to three Kingdoms : But it must move a little pardonable passion , to see an approv'd Loyalty and Zeal to Succession so much abus'd , and so unjustly , by one whom from his own * works we have plainly proved to have Libell'd the whole Line . But I must pardon the disingenuity of a person in perverting my words , that presumes with a greater confidence to tell me my * Thoughts , that they are the Artifices of one that knew that she order'd the Letter ; when I can solemnly profess , 't is more than I yet know : For the late King 's being so deserted , when the dependance was on the Successor , it seems only forc't in for somewhat of a Reply ; I am sure it was in a most scandalous manner that his Succession was struck at , his Friends banish't the Court , and I can't imagine how he came then to be so well accompany'd , himself sent into two several Exiles , with but few Attendants , besides his faithful Consort ; who from a Partner in affliction may well share in a Crown . His Reflection on my making her Highness so nearly ally'd to the Prince , instead of Marry'd , is so ridiculous , that it is too much of an Answer to repeat it : I have often seen the Service , and said my Prayers with the Dutch , as well as the Doctor ; and if the Princes way of Worship in Holland be the same with the National here , then most of our Dissenters are of the Church of England . In the last place , after this Author has been so much in the wrong , he very Magisterially tells us of Informing the Publick aright ; but that His Majesty's last Gracious Declaration has better done , and superseded even the Delusions of the deepest and darkest Contrivance , the Doctor 's Malice and Deceit ; I could almost have said of Iealousie and Fear it self : His Majesty's condescending expedient , that Roman Catholicks shall still remain incapable to be Members of the House of Commons , silences even suspicion and thought , and what I ever imagin'd would some time appear , to some Peoples shame and Confusion : I dont know what my * understanding might have done , but my faith in the King , has not mislead me ; His Majesty hath taken off all doubt instead of all Tests , and I hope , is now as happy in the Love of all his Subjects , as they in his protection must be most secure : The Church Establisht , is too great a pattern of Obedience , to resist so much goodness ; and will be so far from being discountenanc'd by its Prince , that I hope to see her surpris'd at her own distrust and apprehensions : whatever has been the forward Zeal of some , and the foolish fears of others , His Majesty's Gracious interposition ( and who alone could be the Mediator ) like David's Harp , has calm'd , I hope , even mens minds too ; united the divided Tribes of our Israel and Iudah , will truly do well unto Sion , and build the Walls of our Jerusalem , and may Peace be within them , and Plenty within his Palaces : It must now be our own inexcusable fault ; if we fear where no fear is , if the Parliament be now no Healing one , the wounds of the Nation will be ever open , they must bleed afresh upon those that refuse to close them , and with as much resentment , as those of the Dead on their Destroyers . The only Plausible Argument , that after so many popular ones has been offer'd , could never amount to more than this , that it is but prudence to provide against , and oppose a possibility of danger and destruction ; and then it must be an unaccountable madness to resist this Peace , when our Ruine is made impossible : This trusting can never ruine us , when distrust may , or rather , it puts us above the Chance , and only to such a Trust that is the same with an Insurance . 'T is such an Equivalent , that we must not be laught out , no more than some would be out of the Tests ; and it is but an exchange of one Act of Parliament , the most unjust , for another that is altogether as much safe . The Birth-right of the Peers of England is no such an inconsiderable Subject , as not to be worth the Consideration of the House . It was never so much strook at as in these Acts , and perhaps , for that reason , above twenty Bishops once oppos'd the passing them ▪ Had the Reformation introduc'd this Exclusion of the Peers from their highest Properly ; it would have been an hardship they could have better born , but this was a violation of Right , too great to be invaded , even when the Patrimony of the Church , in spight of Magna Charta , was not lookt upon inviolable , when Sacrilege obtain'd , their Honours were safe , and that , tho' there was a more certain prospect of a Popish Successor , of the rage of a Woman , instead of an Heroick Prince , whom they had reason to suspect , as they say they soon found , most † cruel and Zealous . Let it not be said to the true Reproach of Iustice , and the Laws , the Honour of the Nation , and the Great Council of it , that it can act against the common Rules of Equity ; Excluded Members , were an Opprobrium and shame even to a most odious Usurpation ; neither did that offer to exclude Lords too , till it had made the whole House Precarious and useless ; the same Parity of Reason will impower us as well , to dissolve the whole , as to Exclude a part : Meer Religion never yet forfeited an Estate , and with such Persons , their priviledge of Peerage is more valuable : But their Property , I confess , might as well have been seiz'd , with the same Iustice that these Rights were invaded ; believe your King in Honour , in Equity bound to restore them , believe it but common Iustice for them to desire it : Credulity is neither a Folly nor a Crime , when well grounded , and then you can never believe your King so false and designing , or your fellow Subjects to have any other Plot , but to regain their just Rights , their Inheritance , and the only Badge of their Honour , that can make them look like Lords , or maintain their Peerage ; 't is plain , while this their incapacity lasts , they are no longer Peers . It is but a more Civil sort of an Attainder , the Construction of Law will not allow it , no more than the Latin Aphorism : Nec sumus ergo Pares , they may truly say , neither can they judicially pass a Verdict upon their fellow Subjects , and equals , that are to be try'd by their Peers ; when this Parity of Priviledge is deny'd them , their very denomination is ridiculous and absurd ; And another of those Inconsistencies among the many , I have observed the present Constitution of our State is expos'd to , so vainly ridiculous are our fears , that it makes us value our selves , and Celebrated Laws , in their Injustice , in the most shameful Absurdities and Contradictions . What could a Gracious Monarch do more to oblige a Iealous People ? If Discontent is alway shifting Partys , what possible expedient is there besides this , of pleasing all : How have we been Har'd by that reproach , even Holland , and Scandal to the very Dutch , that * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Pulpit Politician , that hath put himself upon Divinity with as ill Grace , as he has upon the States , for Protection ; but all Reverence and Regard to that Sacred Function , is superseded , where such a Mungrel Divine , this Theologo-Politicus , with such foul Language , shall fall upon * His Majesty , his * Ministry , and some of his own † Clergy : How hath he to obviate this Happy Vnion , alarm'd the Nation with Irregularities in Elections , and undue Proceedings ? How does he in these very Papers pursue the People with the Jealousies of * a new set of Charters , and Bold Returns ? But that His Majesty might baffle Malice it self , and make us asham'd of fear , his Declaration has assur'd us , and that as far as his Commands can , that the Members chose , shall be as fairly return'd , according to the true Merit of the Choice ; but bold Returns is at best but a bad excuse with those that do not care to acquiess with its Determinations , and does serve the turns of such Doctors in Divinity , as Hypochondriacal , or Scorbutick do , some other Doctors in another faculty , when they have a defect of some Specifick fortune in their Diagnosticks , it resolves it self into some General Distemper of the Body Politick ; and from , perhaps , one disorder'd Member , would make a dissolution of the whole House . But 't is time to have done with this reproachful piece of Ecclesiastical Policy , that has been so lavish in his Opprobrious Language , and Reproaches , upon all sorts of People , all Orders of Men , Soveraigns , and Subjects , things Sacred , and Civil , Kingdoms , and Common-Wealths ; and even as the Viper in the Fable , stings his very Country-men that warm him : The Generous Protection of the States is but ill ▪ deserv'd , and as basely returned by one that can upbraid them with the * Abandoning Luxemburg , and their Peace of Nimmeguen , which perhaps , in Civility , we might have past by ; and 't is but an odd sort of kindness , the discovering of great faults , only for the making a little Excuse . This Pompous Author with his wonted Vanity , Prides , and values himself upon the Dispute with his Adversary Mr. Varilla's ( and as he says ) his being order'd to insist no more on it , by the Fren. K. and I think 't is high time now , for the Honour of the States of Holland , to silence him too : 'T is time for him to silence himself , since His Majesty has superseded the Mischief , that his utmost Malice and Calumny can do ; as angry as he was at his being told the worst thing he could do , it may be told him now he may do his worst . The King of Great-Brittain , as in the Constitutions of His Royal Predecessor Constantine the Great , will establish himself in all his Subjects Hearts too , will take for his Great Example , that Primitive Hero : The first Centurys , to which we * all recur for Purity , for true Catholick , and Apostolick Faith , shall be his Pattern : That Prince is said by Mr. Selden , first to have made our Crown Imperial ; and perhaps , His Majesty is the first too , that from the general Love of all his Subjects , affected so much this Vniversal Empire . May all his People enjoy that universal ease that he aims at ; may Peace of mind within , which chears even the outward Form , Unite us in one Common Interest , in a chearful and vigorous Resolution to maintain it against all force , and opposition from abroad ; Let us take Counsel together , and tho' we cannot walk in one House of God , we may still meet like Friends , when no Nation is secure from an Hannibal , that may be at the Gates ; 't is too miserable a madness , that a Man's Enemies should be those of his own Houshold . May the Liberty to all Churches , make us flourish like Holland , and the Protection of the Establisht one , as Happy as we would be here . And thus have I run through the First part of his Reflections , not by picking out pieces , but answering the whole ; which being made up of so much Malice and Mistake , I could not possibly confine to that compass I could have wisht ; and at the same time , to give it a thorough Confutation : For as in the beginning I promis'd to consider every Paragraph ; so before I end , I hope the whole will have its due Consideration : I do not deal with the Doctor , as he does with those he Reflects on ; produce no other Authority , besides the Sayings of the Satyrist , and his Ascendant on his Reader : 'T is easie in such Reflection , to Libel the Fact both with falsehood , and Calumny , 't is a Sententious sort of defamation ; and the Dr. indeed is so dextrous at it , as to do it most Concisely . — But a Dogmatical Assertion will never do with such as have Sense , and sufficient opportunity to consult Originals ; and that is one reason why our Author would engross that * excellency , and so secure himself from any Contradiction ; I have therefore given at large the History of those things he so concisely touches on , and so submit it even to the Judgment of those that are resolv'd , perhaps , to be our Enemies , and his Admirers . FINIS . ERRATA , Dele Second Marg. Note , page 133. Advertisement . THere is at present also in the Press , an Answer to Dr. Burnet's second Paper of Reflections upon the Parliamentum Pacificum ; being a pretended Vindication of Himself . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A52455-e120 * Vid. His Letter to my Ld. M. * Vid. Reflect . Sect. 7. Vid. His Reflect . on Oxford Relation pag. 1. Vid. Reflect . Sect. 1. * Vid. Six Papers , pag. 4. It will look on , &c. Vid. Reflect . pag. 1. Sect. 3. Pag. 6. Vid. Sect. 1. * Vid. His Reflect . on the K's . Indulgence in Scotland , Par. 5. * Reflect . Sect. 9. Vid. Keebles Statute . 16 , 17. Car. 1. * Vid. 12. Car 2 d. Cap 1. * 13. Car 2. cap. 1. * Car. 1. Vid. Ibid. cap. 7. Vid. 13. Car. 2 cap. 7. * Page 1. * Page 5. * Page 2. Pag. 1. Par. 2 Par. 2. Vid. his Enquiry . Vid. pag. 8. * Vid Reflect . Pag. 4. * March. Needh . Merc. Vid. Pag. 2. Vid. Par. 3. * Vid. Par. 8. Pag. 8. * Vid. his Travels . Par. 3. pag. 2. Vid. Popery Represented , &c. Vid. Bish. of Con● . * Vid. Par. 3. ] Vid. Sidney's Paper . * Vid. Tryal of the Regicides ▪ * St. Iust. Cloyster in Spain . Vid. Schultz . Chro. Lubeck . * Schultzen's Chron. printed in High-Dutch . Lubeck a Protestant . 1558. * Ibid. 1559. * Par. 4. * Idque ob hanc Rationem ; quod iniquum est & impium Conscientijs imperare . Gutberlet . Chron. 1579 1582 1608 1612. Vid. Reflect . pag. 3. Nihil aliud est quam Coeli arcem invadere , Gutberlet . ut supra . 1631 1618. * Schultz . Chron. * SmirsanzKy ▪ & St. Labata . Vid also Sleidan . Vid. his Geography of that Country . Fam. Strad . de Bello Belg. Pag , 56. Nullam ab ordinibus gratiam consecutus est . Ibid. p. 210. * Neque magnam gratiam ob delatam ultro copiam ab ordinibus consecutus est Tom. 3. Pag. 514. B. Genev. Vid. par . 3. Vid. Vindicat. of himself against the Parliam . Pacific . pag. 7 , 1517 * Thuan. Tom. 1. p. 762. Neminem latere quantos labores in concilio procurando suscepit . * Dr. B. him excuses this , Vid. Preface to Lanctan . against the first Reformation . Sleidan . lib. 1. * Dr. B. owns the Emperour granted a Toleration , and press'd the Council of Trent to Reform Abuses . Reform . part 2. p. 21. And notwithstanding this , the Protestants Combin'd at Franckfort . * A Discourse like his Table Talk , printed with Authority in High-Dutch . * He stopt the Process at Spire ; the Bishop of Toledo press'd a condescention from the Papists ; and the Emperour perswaded the Protestants not to demand too much . Vid. Dr. B's Reformation . 1521. Schultz . Chro. * Bucer in his Zeal , would not submit to this , tho' some of the Electors lik'd it , and modest Melancthon moderated for an Accommodation : A Conference was appointed , Lutherans , and Zuinglians fall out among themselves , which Dr. B. calls a popish Contrivance . Part. 2. L 2. * Vid. Sleidan . Com. Lib. 7. & 17. Dr. B. owns the Emperors declar'd they made no War upon any Religious Accounts , but only for the maintaining of the Rights of the Empire . 1 st . Part. L. 1. Vid. Reflect . Pag. 3. * They all borrow it from Fox , who himself recites no Declaration that She Publish'd to that purpose ; but only Oral Tradition , and That with some People has no Authority . * From A. D. 1558. to the present . * Publisht 18. Aug. 1553. Spotswood l. 2. † The Burning only of Mills ; an old Priest ; vid. Dr. B's 2. Vol. Vid. also Foulis History . Vid. Reflect . Parag. 4. * Matchiavel and Hobbs . * Spotwoods Hist. * The Cases of Acha. & Macha . Iehu , & Ierom. Cited then by Willock . & Knox , for deposing of the Queen . Ibid. Lib. 3. Lib. 3. Vid. Spotswood . Lib. 3. Reflections pag. 3. Vid. Parl. Pacific . Vid. Reflect . Parag. 4. A ▪ D. 1250. * Dr. H. A. D. 1517. * So that his relying on that Charter for the present Church , does it the greatest disservice . Vid. Apolog. * The P. Palatine from Luther to Zuing. from Suing . to Luther , &c. * Margueret de valoys . 1559. * Vid. Reflect . parag . 4. Vid. Heylin's History of Presbyt . l. 2. * Mark , that this business of Amboise is by Meteren , whom our Author admires so much , as to quote none other , made only a matter of Petitioning of unarm'd People , where it is plain , that though the Petitioners went into the Castle without Arms , their armed men attended them to the Gates , & were afterward by the Duke of Guise defeated , and some Protestant writers can magnifie the Clemency of the King to the Prisoners , and the discreet temper of the Guises . * 10 Aug. 1561 Vid Lib. 1. Pag. 28 , 29. Turbat , trucidat , fugiatque Magis de Valor . 1566. 1567. * Dutch , french s●ors . * 1572. * Dr. H. † Begun in Francis 2 d. Reign , 1559. * The other in Hen. 3 d. about 1579. * Vid. Dr. B's . Preface to Lactant. p. 47. * Vid. Praeface to Lactant , ut supra . * Their Author that gives us the Account of their Country in French , confesses how Charles the Fifth resign'd them to his Son , in these Terms ; Ie vous supple de luy obeir , de retenir la vieille Religion Orthodoxe . * About a 1000 Years agon , about An. 860. * Vid. Grot. Annal. Lib. 3. * As in the Time of Char. the Hardy . * Caesari persuasum ; proculcatà Sacerdotum reverentià ne ipsi quidem mansurum Obsequium , Grot. id . L. 1. * Vid. Heylin's History of Presbyter , pag. 86. L. 3. Edit . 2 d. London , 72. Vid. Fam. Strad . Lib. 1. Dec. 2 d. Grot. Annal. Lib ▪ 1. Decessu Philippi , de summa praefecturà certatum est , sed omissus uterque ; perpetuis simultatibus Rempub. distraherent . * Vid. Heyl. Histor. Presb. Lib 3. Sir W. T 's Observations . Hug. Grot. l. 1. Dr. H. Hist. ibid. † Libellos proponere tentamenta vulgi . Grotius An. l. 1. Ibid. Lib. 1. Sir W.T. makes them 200 strong . Malorum metum hoc magis attollentes , Obtendant turbas Civiles partim & ipsi faciunt . Ibid. Grot. † Qui timuerunt hactenus territare incipiunt , says Grotius himself . Ne Saevitiae quidem in sacerdotes & simulacra divum temperabatur ; eadem in Libros & sepulchra rabie . L. 1. Vid. his Trial. (a) Conjurationis reus est cum alicujus dolo malo jurejurando quis adactus quo quid adversus rem publicam facit . D. 48.44 . (b) Seditiosi sunt ▪ C. 9.30 . & 48. qui plebem audent colligere , cujus dolo malo consilium initum est . (c) Qui in Ecclesia tumultum facit , & ministeria perturbat capitali supplicio afficiendus , C. 1.12.4 . (d) Perduellionis reus est qui adversus principem est Armalus vel cujus dolo malo contra eum consilium initum est , D. 48.4.11 . D. 48.4.1 . * Spem quoque nonnullum fecerat , &c. is all what Grotius says , Lib. 1. and Meteran-says no more . L. 2. 1565. Grot. Lib. 1. * Sir W. T. Vid. Meteran Lib. 2. cum nihil certi de hac re potuerit rescisci multis vana suspicio visa fuit . An. 1564. * Praeface to Lactantius . pag. 47. * For this purpose , Vid. C. 1.14.12 . D. 1.4.1 . C. 1.23.5 . Vid. Praefationem ad Historiam . * Lib. 2. * Lib. 1. * Vid. Reflex . on Varill , 3 d. Tome . † Violentiae & inevitabilis necessitatis nunc graffantis ratione habità , Meteran , Lib. 2. * Dr. B. his admir'd Meteran is forc'd to confess a bold Conspiracy and Attempt against Alva , for which there was but one suffer'd . Nemine eam obCausam praeter hunc solum poenas passo . Meter . Lib. 3. An. 1568. Vid. Heylin's History of Presby . Lib. 3. Vid. Strad . Grotius , Meteran . † Populi ordines jus sibi reretinuisse fraenandorum principum de jure . Mag. Quest. 6. p. 73. Edit . Frankfort . Intelligimus magistratus , quasi Regum Ephoros , &c. Vid. Iuni. Brut. vind . contra Tyrannos . Vid. Also Calvinus Inst. Rex qui pactum violat , &c. hujus faederis seu pacti , Regni officiarii vindices & custodes sunt . vind . cont . Tyran . Quaest. 4. p. 69. * Cum defectionem ab Austriacà Familia honestè non ferre poterat ; Thuan. Genev. Edit . Tom. 3.540 . B. | Vid. Grotius Lib. 3. Ut Superiores singulis , ita infra universos , id . * Vid. Brutus . Vindiciae contra Tyrannos de jure Magistratus . Eusebius Philadelphus . Buchana , de jure regni . † To Grot. Annal. * Vid. Lib. 2. Lib. 10. * 26. Iulij , A. D. 1681. Subsign . Ioan. Asseliers . Vid. Reflect . Parag. 4. Vid. Reflect . Parag. 5. Rest. Parag. 6. Vid. Six Papers . Ibid. Parag. 6. 1566. * Note , this was but about an 100 years agon . Vid. Baker . Vid. Reflect . p. 3. Vid. Reflect . par . 6. pag. 5. Vid. Parliam . Pacif. Vid. Daniel and Trussel . Vid. Baker . Chron. 3 d. vol. Vid. Dr. B's . Praeface to the History of the Reformation , where he calls him the Postilion of the Reformation , driving thorough thick & thin . Vid. 25 , 28 , 35. Hen. 8. Vid Stow , Annals . p. 581. * Vid. Letter to a Dissenter . Spotswood's History of the Church . Vid. Heyl. Reformation Ed. the 6 th . Vid. Acts and Monuments . On Varilla's 3. & 4. Tom. pag ▪ 120. 17 Car. 1. Vid. Keeble . Vid. 12 ▪ 13. Car. 2. Vid. Colleges Tryal . 4. Inst. 17 Car. 1. Vid. Stat. Carlisle , &c. 13 Car. 2. * Vid. Bacon's seditious Book of the Government os England . Vid. Reflect . Parag. 6. Bakers Chron. p. 330. Id. p. 331. Vid. Reflect . Parag. 6. * This Sarcasm was Marvel's before it was Burnet's . Vid. Langh . Consideration . pag. 6. Vid. Six Papers . † Vid. Reflect . Parag. 6. * Id. Parag. 5. † Qui non prohibent tenentur . * Vid. Albert . Gent. Si Universita negligit illud factum emendare illaqueat ipsa se. Grot. de jure belli . Zouch . our own Professor at Oxford . De jure fecial . Part. 2. Page 1. Vid ▪ Pag. 7. * D. W. † Refl . par . 6 , * Vid. Reflect . p. 6. ibid. † Qui se subjecit in quibussdam videtui se servasse in reliquis liberum , Alber. Gen. de Iure . Belli , lib. 1. * Vid. their Considerat . Refl . parag . 7. * 19. Artic. of Breda , and others of the same Treaty . * Grotius de Jure Belli , lib. 3. cap 3. * Vid. Pliny . Lib. 22.2 . † ibid. Id. Parag. 7. * Vid. Parl. Pacific . p. 66. Id. Parag. 7. 25 Ian. 1581. Ibid. ibid. † p. 6. p. 8. Subditis suis exactio num onera graviora imposuit , &c. Imperii propagationem meditans . id . lib. 1. † Le mesine Maximil . receut un notable affront de Flamans , qu'ils le garderent Prisonnier dans un Chateau , cet attentat n'a pas eté sans punition , sa mort fût regrette lé de tous , a Cause de son Loüable Governement . Description de Holland , p. 308. * It is a question among Civilians , An idem populus censendus sit mutato Imperio , Zouch de Iure foecial . p. 2. Sect 1. & Aristotle absolutely denyes it ▪ * Lib. 2. Grot. id . * Vid. Deduct . Ordin . Holland . Part. 1. c. 4. Sect. 1. * Holland . decrees it Apr. 19.1581 . The States generals not till 1582. Leo Aitzs . Revolut . p. 166. Leo Aitzm . revolut . p. 310. † Venice , Genoa . * Vid. The Tragedy of the De Wits in the Netherland Historian , and Holland Mercur. * Vid. Reflect . ibid. Sect. 8. † Sed prudens Foemina detrectavit invidiam interversae dominationis , Grotius Annal. lib. 5. | Ut principatûs conditiones non tam ferrent , quam acciperent Grot. An. 1.5 . * In manus tradunt foederatorum nomine Belgium , Strad . Dec. 2. lib. 7. In Gallia tua est Belgium , Strad . lib. 5. ibid. Reflect . parag . 7. * Barnvelt's . * A. D. 1598. Gravissimam hanc injuriam , &c. Reidan . Annal. Belg. An. D. 1517. * Verba tantum honori data , Grot. Lib. 5. * Id. Lib. 5.1585 . * 1586 Novitrajecti Magistratus , &c. † Nec tamen quorundam suspiciones ▪ quasi publico consensu delatum honorem & recusatum ; plebis ac militum seditionibus debere mallet . Id. Lib. 5. Ib. Sect. 7. 1644. Vid. Leo ab Aitzma's Revolutions . 1635. * It seems secret , and separate Alliances , with some people , was ever an expedient in Reserve to betray France to Spain , or Spain to France . * The Netherland . † Feb. 4. Ditto * 22. Vid. His Majesties Declarat . Dat. 17. Mart. 1672. A. D. 1667. My Lord Ossory's Capitulation , 1678. 19 Art. Ereda . Van Ghent . Hug. Grot. de jure Bell. &c. * Hague 15.25 October 1673. Vid. King's Speech to the Parliament , 6. Novemb. Ditto , as also his Answer to the Missive 17. Novemb. — 73. * Vid. King's Declaration 17. Mart. 72. † Dutch Answ. dar . Hag. 9.19 . — 73. * 1667. 19 th . Art. * Vid. Answer to the Missive as above . * Vid. Their own Netherland , Hist. pag. 355.256 . * Missive of Marq. de Fresno , Hague , 24. Ian. 1674. † Vid. Considerat . growth of Popery , Englands Appeal . Tho' they have done it to a Barge , and both that and Ballingers are Ships of War , if Arm'd , and Equipp'd . * To which we will not now compare the Business of Bantam . | Propositions for Peace , ditto . Fifth Art. of Krynsen , 6. March , 1667. 19. Artic. Vid. our Articles , Dated Westminster . 9 / 19 Feb. 1671 / 4. Growth of Popery , Englands Appeal . Vid. His Reflections on Mr. Var. History of Heresy . Vid. Parag. 8. * Ibid. * Vid. 1b . * Vid. Car. 1. Car. 2. Jacob. 2. Car. 1. Car. 2. Jac. 2. * Qui dolo malo crimen intendit reus esto . * Seditionis reus est cujus opera dolove malo consilium initum est ut homines ad seditionem Commoventur . * Seditionis reus est cujus opera dolove malo consilium initum est ut homines ad seditionem Commoventur . * Vid. his Missive . D. 48.44 . * Car. 1. Car. 2 Jacob. 2. * Vid. Missive against the Parliament . Pacificum to Mr. D. Albevill . * Vid. Reflect . on Mr. F. Letter . * Vid. Inleydinge tot de Hollantsche Rechtgeleertheyt beschre ven by Hug. de Groot . ‖ Jus , sive Obligatio criminis est , ex quo quis ob delictum in Rempublicam , supplicio est obnoxius . Zouchaei Element . Jurisprud . pars 4 : de Jure Criminis . Edit . Amsterdam . * Convitium ex cusatur quod aliquis vindicandae Republicae gratiâ objecit . Julii Pacii Anal. Inst. L. 4. Tit. 4. † Paena tene tur qui Libellum inventum Divulgavit . * L. un C. d. Tit. * D. 48.16.1 . † Injuria dicitur quod non Iure fit Inst. L. 4. Tit. 4. de Injur . * Atrox injuria est vel ex loco vel ex persona , veluti in foro vel in Senatorem , Ibid L. 4. Tit. 4. & convitium excusatur , &c. ut supra . † Vid. his Missive and Letter . * Parliam . Pac. pag. 65. † Ibid. pag. 74. * Reflect . p. 7. * Vid. our Stat. 25. of Edw. & 1 , 3.4.10 . King I. 6. of Scotland . Vid. Leg. juliam . I. 4.18.3 . Ibid. Sect. 8. * Reflect . 2 part . pag. 8. * Parliam . Pacificum pag. 64. * Vid. Parliam . Pacificum , pag. 64 , 74. * Vid. Parliam ▪ Pacif. p. 44. * Vid. Reflect . Parag● 8. Vid. Reflect . Ibid. Ibid. Vid. Sect. 9. Vid. The K's last Declarat . about the Elections . * Vid , Ibid. Dr. B. Reflect . Sect. 9. Vid. The Anatomy of the Aequivalent . Pag. 16. In Edw. 6. Reign . † Vid. Dr. B. * In his Enquiry 't is Englisht . * Vid. six Pap. * Vid. Ibid. and his Apology . † Vid. His Enquiry . * Reflect . on Parl. Pacif. 1 part , Sect. 9. * Vid. Reflections , Paragraph 7. Reflect . 2 part pag. 7. Vid. Enquiry p. 1. * Vid. our Homilies against Idolatry . Vid. his Reflections , Sect. 9. Pag. 1. * Vid. his Enquiry .