A caveat to the cavaliers, or, An antidote against mistaken cordials dedicated to the author of A cordial for the cavaliers. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 1661 Approx. 65 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47818 Wing L1214 ESTC R230800 12610029 ocm 12610029 64324 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47818) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64324) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 963:14) A caveat to the cavaliers, or, An antidote against mistaken cordials dedicated to the author of A cordial for the cavaliers. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. [2], 34 p. Printed for Henry Brome ..., London : 1661. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Howell, James, 1594?-1666. -- Cordial for the Cavaliers. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1660-1688. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-04 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2004-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Caveat to the Cavaliers : OR AN ANTIDOTE AGAINST Mistaken Cordials : Dedicated to the Author of A CORDIAL FOR THE CAVALIERS . Sic Vos non Vobis , &c. — LONDON Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun in Ivie-lane 1661. A CAVEAT TO THE CAVALIERS , &c. Sir , THat Love which Covers many Faults , may be allowed to Commit some ; they say a man may be kill'd with Kindnesse , but we all know , he may with Physick , unlesse a strict accompt be taken both of the Quality of the Disease , and of the Temper of the Patient . Give me leave then to tell you Sir , that tho' I do not rank my self among those Worthy and Deserving Gentlemen , to whom your Cordial is particularly directed , yet you may find me among the Poor Cavaliers , to whom your Loyal Charity appears to extend : and ( with great Honour to your Care ) I must be free to acquaint you , that if the Party be not either Chameleons , or Book-worms , ( to live upon Ayre , or Paper ) your Cordial will not do their Businesse . It troubles me exceedingly , that You , and I , united by a Common Sense , and Tye of Duty , should so far differ about the manner of expressing it , as to dissent in Print : yet since we both proceed upon one honest bottom , a Zeal to serve his Majesty , and his Friends , we may without Dishonour to that Noble end , or the least injurie to our selves , debate the several wayes , and means that lead to 't . I said , we May , I might have said , we Must , we Ought to do it : for ( as the case stands ) if either his Majesty mistake his Friends , or They the King ; If Honest men either mistake their Enemies , or one another , the least weight on the wrong side , Hazzards the main , and Casts the Ballance : I come now ( tho' unwillingly ) to examine your Cordial , which I shall take in Sections , as it lyes , with due Respect to your Person , and exact Justice to your Meaning . A CORDIAL FOR THE CAVALIERS . Worthy , and Deserving Gentlemen , 1. IN the Affairs and Traverses of this life , it is a true rule , ( and 't is a comfortable one ) That He who dischargeth a good Conscience , hath enough of his Own wherewith to reward Himself , though he receive no compensation from any where else . The World knows , and Envy it self doth acknowledge , That in the late Confusions , ( which were of that length that might have shaken the firmest Spirits in their Loyaltie ) you have discharg'd a Good Conscience three wayes , towards your Creator , towards your Country , and towards your King ; your Religion bound you to the One , Nature to the Other , and your Allegiance to the Third ; And although many of you have not yet receiv'd what you expected for the two last , yet touching the first whereunto the other also conduce ) you are sure to have such a Reward one day , that will not only be above all Merit , but beyond all Imagination in the Kingdom of Eternity . 1. The Cordial ( Sir ) of a Good Conscience , we carry in our Bosomes , for we have not stood out a Twenty years persecution , to Blood , Beggery , and Bondage , we knew not why . Nor are we Fainting yet , wherefore this Drop of Comfort might have been saved . Should the same Fate , call us to do the same Part over again , ( as things look scurvily ) we would as chearfully lay down our Rags and Carkasses to serve his Majestie in Being , at the same rate , as we have Hazzarded , and wasted them : First , to Defend the Murthered Father ; and then , to Restore his Royal and Banish'd Successor . This we would do , upon a single and changeless Principle of Loyalty , and Honour , without the aid of Borrowed CORDIALLS . And yet we thank you for supplying us even with what we did not want . Your next care is to divert us by the Rewards of the next World , from attending our Disappointments in This. It is a Christian Care , and we acknowledge it , though possibly our Misfortunes might have brought us to That thought , without the help of a Monitor . Thus far as Christians : You are now pleas'd to chear us up as Patriots and Subjects . 2. Adde hereunto that I hold your Condition to be far from being desperate , but that you may receive Rewards , at least some Consideration from the other Two , viz. from your King and Country ; for the present Parliament , which represents your whole Country , being compos'd of so many Wise , and well weighed Gentlemen ( whereof divers have been Co-sufferers with you ) will , as it is well hoped , out of a sense thereof , have such reflections upon your Sufferings and Services , both Active and Passive , that they will enable his Majestie , whom the Law stiles , The Fountain of Honour and Bounty , and whereof indeed no other Power should partake with Him , I say it may well be hoped , that this Parliament , before their Recesse , will put his Majesty in a Capacity , and Humblie Advise Him , if not to Reward you , yet to Relieve your present wants in such a measure , that the Steed may not starve while the Grasse growes . 2. I think it would as well have suited the quality of our Pretenses , if what you call Reward had been stiled Bounty , or Benevelence : for the best Actions of a Private person , toward a Publique good , are no further meritorious than by Imputation . As to the major part of the Two houses , we are as sensible of their Affections , as of our own Distresses : but so Discreet withall , as not to hope for Matters Impossible , nor to ask things unreasonable : and That 's our Choyce ; unless we much mistake the present state of this impoverished and exhausted Nation . But Much , Little , or Nothing , our Duty is still the same , and our Resolves to Dye as Loyal as we have Lived ; without gaping after Diego's Legacies , and building Castles in the Ayre , to entertain our wavering or shrinking Spirits . From the Two Houses , your next motion is to the King. 3. You know well that the King hath been among us but a little more than the compasse of one year , And his Grandfather Henry the Great of France , was above seven years ( which is an Age in our Law ) before He could requite those who stuck to Him not much above twenty months in making Him Master of the Flowerdeluces ; You know the vast debts his Majesty hath payed both by Sea and Land , which yet were not his own , nor his Kingdoms , but of that accursed usurping Common-wealth , which exhausted more of the Publique Treasure , than all the Kings of this Land , since Gold and Silver were first coyn'd in it ; You know He is so shortned , that He hath not yet provided bread for all of his own House ; He is in such a Condition , that He cannot give his Royal Aunt that treatment which might be expected ; He hath not wherewith to go his Progresse : Consider what vast expences his Fleets at Sea , his Lifeguard , with other Garrisons do stand Him in ; As also what debts He drew upon Himself so many years beyond the Seas , for his necessarie subsistence , &c. 3. So far are we from comprehending either the Need or Reason of this Argument , we dare scarce ask the meaning of it ; or make appear how little it concerns us . Can it be Thought that Worthy and Deserving Gentlemen ( such as you stile the Cavaliers ) would presse upon the Kings Necessities ? Truly These Hints sound little lesse than Accusations . Allow us we beseech you to know something of Court-affairs although we have no Places there : and to discern the Bias of the Season as well as you can tell it us . We can very well recount how long his Majesty hath been in England ; and we have read when Henrie the Great of France , appointed Pensions for lame Souldiers , Paid his old Debts , and pass'd an Edict for the Squeezing of Publique Spunges . We know our Share likewise of the King's Streights , ( and which is more , the Reasons of them ) but what 's all this to Us ? We do not Importune his Majesty , nor Charge him . Is it to say , that our Relief must be the work of Time ; and to preach Patience to us ? Truly 'twere hard we should not yet have learn'd That Lesson of all others which we have now been Twenty years in practising . But I shall wait upon you Forward . 4. Now , whereas some object he hath rewarded Round-heads , Truly I believe if a Catalogue were made of those upon whom he hath conferr'd Honour or Office since his Return , there will be found above twentie Cavaliers for one of any other upon whom he hath set any marks of Favour . 'T is true , albeit he came not in by the Presbyterian , yet he could not have come in without Him so peaceably , Though some alledge that what the Presbyterian did , was not as much out of a Love to the King , as out of a Hatred be bore to the Independent , who may be said to have us'd the Presbyterian as the Fox useth to deal with the Badger , who having found out his Chamber in the Earth , he so berayeth it , that the Badger comes thither no more , and so the Fox makes himself master of the hole . 4. By your kind leave Sir , Count again , and I 'm afraid you 'll find a Dozen of Larks , and a Capon , instead of a Dozen of Capons , and a Lark . We are not yet so Insolent as to Confine , and Question the King's Bounties ; we do in truth complain , and grieve , to see a Faction pack'd by some whom his Majestie entrusts , out of the rankest of his Enemies ; and to see divers persons recommended to the Kings Favour , and unknown receive it too , whose Foulness casts a Blot upon the Honour . Concerning the supposed Antipathy betwixt the wrangling Presbyter , and Independent : All comes to this ; they are Two Ravenous Beasts , that agree well enough to devour Beeves and Muttons , and prey upon the Innocent . So soon as the Object of their Common Appetite is spent , they fall to worry one another , yet in the heat of all their Fury , cast but a Sheep betwixt them , ( a Cavalier ) they shall Part , Reconcile , Fall on , and share the Quarry . Now to your next Exception . 5. Whereas som except against his Majesties lenity , and Indulgence , let Them know that Mercy is the inseparable Inmate of a magnanimous breast , and that the noblest way of Revenge is to forget , and scorn injuries ; I have read in Story , that one thing which made Lewis the twelf of France most famous , was a Speech which drop'd from Him , when being advis'd by some of his Counsell to punish such and such as were profess'd Enemies unto Him , while He was Duke of Orleans , He answer'd , That the King of France doth not use to revenge the Injuries of the Duke of Orleans ; No more ( with most humble submission be it spoken ) doth King Charles resent much the wrongs that were done to CHARLES STUART . 5. This is to enter further then becomes us into the Actions of our Soveraign . We do not blame the King's Indulgence , but rather adore that Divine Sweetnesse of his Nature ; yet we detest those wretches that abuse it , and we affirm , that Mis-placed Mercy was his Fathers Ruine . To say that the Snake kill'd the man that gave it Life , and warm'd it in his Bosome , reflects upon the Serpent , not the Charity . Nor by your Favour Sir , is the Exercise of Mercy , a Virtue , in all Cases : Suppose Six Persons ready to perish for want of Bread ; Three of them , Murtherers , and my Enemies ; the other Three my Honest Friends : I can relieve but Half , which Three shall I save ? Or if I be uncertain how my stock will hold out , with which shall I begin ? In this case , were not Mercy to the Guilty , Cruelty to the Innocent ? Love your Enemies , is not Hate your Friends : A will to save All , is indeed a Princely Virtue , but he that makes the Experiment , shall most Infallibly destroy the best . As your Discourse of Mercy ( to my thinking ) needs a Distinction , so has your Application of it , one too much . King Charles distinguished from Charles Stuart ? All was King Charles , Father and Son ; without the Interruption of a moment : nor were the wrongs done to Charles Stuart , but to King Charles . 6. Therefore , Noble Cavaliers , possess your Souls with Patience , We have a most gracious King who is in the Meridian of his years , and will live to reward all in time . In the confused medley of mundane affairs , the Proverb often is verified , Some have the hap , but some stick still in the gapp , Some have the fortune of preferment , some not , and 't will be so to the worlds end . The Author hereof though during the many years that he was in prison for his loyaltie , had 3. sworn over his head in an Office of Credit that he should have had de jure , yet it nothing discomposeth him , being more than in hope of a compensation some other way . 6. Why Noble Sir , ( at your Request ) we will possesse our Souls with Patience . We know the King , and our own Duty , and we shall rather serve him , without Flattering , then Flatter , without serving him . We never hackny'd out our selves for Wages , or Reward ; and sure that distance from whence your care descends to overlook us , makes us appear Lesse then effectually we Are. You treat us in a Phrase , better apply'd to stop a Bawling Mutiny , than to compose a Generous Passion . If we are sad , 't is not so much because we are Poor ; nor has our Grief any disloyal mixture . But will you know what troubles us ? VVe find the Court dangerously throng'd with Parasites : Knaves represented to the King , for Honest men , and Honest men for Villeines : a watch upon his Majestie 's Eare , to keep out better Enformation : seditious Ministers protected , and encouraged : Libels against the Authority , and Person of the King , dispersed even by his Majesties sworn Servants ; and to Discover Treason , is of a consequence ( in some respects ) more hazardous , than to commit it . These are our Grievances , and to find the Reverence of Government invaded by the pretending , but mistaken Preservers of it . Let any man tell Titon ( a Stationer in Fleetstreet , and now of the Royal Trayn ) of his True Pourtraicture of the Kings of England , printed in 1650. where the whole Line of the Stuarts is branded for Spurious : — his Sacred Majesty now living , stung with the most exquisite , and piercing point of Rhetorique and Malice : — — The late King handled worse than common modesty would treat his Murtherers : — Let a Man mention this , I say , and his mouth 's stopp'd with the Act of Indemnity : although this very Person hath of Late publish'd a Pamphlet , of near equivalence to This , against our Gracious , and abused Soveraign . Are we obliged by the Act of Oblivion , to quit our Nature , and our Reason with our Passions : — to such a Losse of Memory , as utterly defaces the very Images of things Past , and robbs us of the benefit of our dear-bought experience ? VVe have our Private Causes of Disquiet too , but Patience is your advise , and without more adoe , wee 'll take it : especially encouraged by the President you set before us , your Patient self . And yet if your Composure proceed from your Compensation , ( as the Cohaerence renders it ) your Instance does not reach Us. We do not envy you the Glory of your Sufferings , and yet we do not need your Pattern to proceed by . We have among our selves Sir , divers that would more willingly Repeat the very Losses and Hazards themselves then the Story of them : and for that modest Reason , the Words of Some , weigh down the Actions of Others . You proceed , and conclude Thus , 7. And as we have a Gracious , so have we a Glorious King , the most Glorious that ever wore these three Crowns , For all the eyes of Christendom are fix'd upon Him with a kind of astonishment and admiration ; and not only of Christendom , but of all the World besides , for 't is written that the Great Turk should say , If he were to change his Religion , he would fall to Worship the God of King Charles of England , who hath done such miracles for him , such miracles that no story can parallel : And certainly , God Almighty must needs love Him for whom he doth miracles : which that his Divine Majestie may continue to do , are the incessant Prayers of 20 Julii 1661. J. H. 7. We do not understand the Phrase of the Court : A Gracious Prince we have , no doubt , as ever Liv'd : but how so Glorious , if so opprest as you have rendred him , we do not comprehend . Great , as he is Good we wish him , and let That suffice . Love is the best Praise , and the best Language of the Soul is Action . Till we are call'd to That , our Prayer shall be , that all the ENEMIES of the last King , may prove the FRIENDS of this . R. L. But where 's the Cordial all this while ? you pretend to comfort people under Corporal necessities , by telling them , they have a Gracious Prince , and a Good Cause ; you bid them not Despayr , for it is possible they may receive their Reward — when the Publique shall have nothing else to do with their mony . ( that is , at Last . ) VVords will not feed the Hungry ; nor Speculations clothe the Naked . This is no more than what we might have heard from a Good Old wife in a Chimny-Corner . Have a good Heart ; God's all-sufficient . This may Relieve the Mind , but not the Body . Your Fourth and Fifth Sections are spent in the Defence of what we do not Oppose , and not without Mistake , even in the ground of your Plea. The King may give his Honours and Rewards ; - Pardon , or Punish , where , and as he pleases , ( that is , he may forgive such faults as God allows him to dispense with . ) but still , your Twenty to One , is more oddes than the proportion will bear . The learned Bishop Sanderson , concerning Oathes , tells us , That an Errour in the substance of the thing , which was the proper cause of the Oath , renders the Promise Invalid , and the Obligation void . ( Lect. 4. Sect. 13. ) Upon which Equity , it may be a question , whether his Majesty be bound , or not , to make good all those Grants , which by Deceipt , about the substance of the Thing , have been obtained from him ; the proper cause whereof was his perswasion of their Loyalty , to whom he pass'd such Grants . Under this Notion have been Dignified some Persons , with whose Character I shall not foul my Paper , further than Thus : Those blessings which his Sacred Majesty meant to shed upon his Friends , fell upon his Enemies ; The VOYCE was JACOBS , but the HANDS are ESAU'S . Upon the Main , your Paper bears the Name of a Cordial , without the Effect of it ; and such is our Condition , that it is equally dangerous either to fasten upon false Comforts , or neglect True ones . VVhat the King Does , or Is ; what Hopes of Profit or Reward ; is not one jote material to our businesse . The Rule of Loyaltie is the same , whatever may be the humour of the Prince ▪ and he that makes Profit the Reason of his Virtue , will , when that Reason is gone ; think it likewise an Excuse of his wickednesse . Our best part is to behave our selves with Clearnesse and Prudence ; and honourably to Bear what we cannot honestly avoid : without mincing or palliating the Worst , or Looking into the Starrs for Better . We have an Uncertainty of Events , before us ; of Decree , above us ; of Counsells , and Design , about us ; a Light , and Guide within us : and , if there be no new thing under the Sun ; the Future is Behind us . Be it our Care then to discover , — what Dangers threaten us ; from whence ; which we may struggle with ; which not : how , fairly to shunn all ; and by the square of Honesty and Reason , mend a bad Game : All which may be effected ; by procuring that his Majestie may neither mistake his Friends ; nor the People his Majestie : together with a waryness , not to rely upon our Enemies , nor to Divide among our selves . These Four hints duly observed secure us ; ( without a Miracle ) as on the Contrary , we fall into Disorder and Confusion . The First , and grand Expedient , is — I. That his Majesty may rightly understand his People . A Failing in this point would prove a Mischief without Remedie , or Comfort : one of the saddest Judgements can befall a Prince or Nation . It gives Authority to a general Ruine : puts Loyaltie out of countenance ; and it makes Faith and Honour cheap and ridiculous . As the Mistake is Mortall , so 't is not easie to distinguish betwixt Truths and Appearances ; especially for a Prince so long unwonted , and so much a Stranger to his People . Mens Hearts are not read in their Faces ; and we live in an age , where commonly the Blackest Souls wear the cleerest Forheads ; and Confidence supplies the place of Merit : Let us not wonder then at benefits misplaced , but rather labour to prevent , by better Information , so many dangerous , tho' well-meaning disappointments : for his Majestie hath no other means of knowing his People , then either faithfull Notice , or long Observation ; and Delay kills us . This is not yet to impose upon his Majesties Free grace ; or intercept the Course , and Influence of his Royal Goodness , We are , with Reverence , to beleeve that where he knowes the Person he Preferrs , or Saves , he knowes likewise the Reason of his Bounty or Mercy : and we are not to pry into forbidden secrets . But where we find the King a Stranger either to the Action or the Person ; we may with fairnesse enough humbly acquaint his Majesty , that such and such Decimatours , or High-Court-of-Iustice-men sit now upon the Bench : what such Ministers were ; such and such Officers of the Army : These Privy-Chambermen : Those something else . — In fine , what hinders us to present his Majesty frankly with a view into what peoples hands , Offices of Trust , Credit , and Profit , are generally committed throughout the Nation ? when the King shall see , how much beside his Royal expectation things are caryed : a Design set on Foot by the Confederates against his Father ; ( for these Agreements are not the work of Chance ) the Cropp of one Rebellion to become the Seed of another , and his gracious Act of Pardon to his Enemies , render'd ( so much as in them lyes ) a Condemnation of Himself , and Friends : his Princely Wisedome will proceed according to the motions of his own good Pleasure , and There we are to acquiesce , without presuming to Advise , or Direct , unlesse our Lord and Master will have it so ; for having declared the matter of Fact , the Iudgement and the Processe rests in his Majesty . By these means may the King assure himself against an open Combination ; the danger of having his Person seized by his Authority ; which tho' a great , is not the onely hazzard our blessed Soveraign lyes exposed to . ( Whom in his boundlesse mercy God deliver from all Conspiracies . ) There are Four sorts of people , which , beyond doubt , his Majesty will have a care of : 1. His unconverted Enemies . 2. His temporizing Friends . 3. A corrupt Clergy . And 4. A riotous Commonalty . The methode of Sedition , is first to expose a Prince to Contempt ; and by Degrees to Hatred ; The Former of which proceeds very often from too much Lenity , Humility , or Patience , toward Persons apt to abuse it . The Latter ; from the change of antient Lawes , and Customes , — Personal Cruelties , — Profusion of the Publique Treasure , and the Raysing of some few Families upon a General Ruine . VVhich Favourites are still the Forwardest in any dangerous Revolt , against their Maker . For whosoever Askes and Getts more than befits a Prince to Give him ; as in the Obtaining of it he preferr'd his Own Good to his Masters , so shall he in the Keeping of it ; and joyn his Interests with the stronger Party . Concerning Unconverted Enemies , enough is said already ; and for the other Three sorts of People above-mention'd , the very Naming of them should suffice , but that the Order of this Discourse will have it otherwise . A word then touching the King's Temporizing Friends , who tho' lesse Numerous , possesse yet greater Advantages , in regard of Confidence , and Security , than such whose Actions Common Reason cannot but look upon with an Eye of Jealousie . The Other , design an Open Force upon the Crown ; These undermine it ; and in their several Stations closely serve the Thriving Interest . But These , his Majesty may give himself the best accompt of , and doubtlesse does , sees all their doublings ; and will , when time serves , make a seasonable use of his Discoveries . His VVisedome knowes how to distingush a Person that sollicites him against his Conscience , Honour , or Reason ; from one that Loves him . He that excites a Prince to transgresse a Publique Law , unless to save the Authority of Law it self , is an Enemy . He that desires a Prince , by stopping the mouthes of some Few Beggers , to make Many ; is an Enemy . He that perswades a Prince to advance mean persons ; is an Enemy . He that advises a Prince to leave Old Friends for New , to reward Treason , and let Loyaltie go a Begging ; is an Enemy . In Fine : he that presses a Prince to any action of general Incovenience , does his endeavour to divide him from the hearts of his people . Those that would make him Cheap , go other wayes to work : and when a Prince is neither Lov'd , nor Fear'd , hee 's in an ill Condition . He that disputes the Mandates of his Prince : neglects his Proclamations : behaves himself Rudely , or talkes scurrilously in his Presence , — lessens the Reverence of Majesty . In the Third place , comes a Corrupted Clergy , none of the least Plagues to a Civil Government , where-ever the Corruption lyes , whether in Doctrine , or in Manners : The One , casting a Scandal upon Religion it self ; the Other , seducing the People from the Right . And this may be observed , the worse ▪ Cause commonly carryes the best outside ; and by excessive shews of Holynesse , takes off the Peoples thoughts from observing the little Truth and substance of it . On the Other side ; some Scandals to the Character there are , that are more carefull how they Teach , than how they Live ; as if a little Knowledge , and a Good Cause , would bear out an Enormity of Manners . That side that Drinks lesse , takes it out in Treason : which is , beyond controversie , the excellency of VVickednesse ; for Lucifer himself was but a Traytour . In Fine , the Clergy is in his Majesties eye , whose Care , and Prudence will easily discern , and purge ( tho never so small ) the unhappy mixture . The Fourth , and last Member of This Division , is a Riotous Commonalty : which with great ease may be obliged , and cannot without great hazzard be neglected . The King may need in this particular , some more expresse Information , concerning the several Interests of several places ; and the Different Humours of the People . But let one General serve for all : the Prince that Pinches their Bellies , loses their Hearts . Sir Francis Bacon ▪ in his Essay of Seditions , tells us , That the multiplying of Nobility , and other degrees of Quality , in an over-degree of proportion to the Common people , doth speedily bring a state to Necessity : which becomes yet more dangerous , where it happens that the Antient Nobility is shrunk into Nothing , and the New Nobility are to be raysed out of nothing : For There , beside an universall Hatred toward those that are enriched out of the Common-stock , there is also a strong and powerfull Pitty toward those that are cast down , who under the Temptations of Great Indignities , and Fair Occasions , must be exceeding Honest , not to be Troublesome . To conclude ; Those discontents must needs be dreadfull , where Want , Disgrace , Revenge , Number , and Conduct , meet to promote a Common mischief , and only Passive Christianity to keep the Peace . Although we have been larger then becomes us possibly , in the Discourse of publique Enemies , and Dangers , it remains yet that we say something concerning his Majesties Friends : That is , Those of his Friends , of whom we have said nothing among his Enemies . Wee 'll take a view , First , of their Bulk : Next , of their Quality : because it is the common business of the Popular Faction , to cry themselves up for the Loyal and Numerous Party : and to disparage those that are so . The Number of the Non-conformists , is no ill Calculation of the others strength : for ( except Romanists ) the King , and the Church have certainly the same Friends , and for the most part , the same Enemies . Upon that Reckoning will arise the odds of at least Thirty for One throughout the Nation . Even in Covent Garden , a Parish of the Geneva stamp , the odds was little lesse , betwixt the late Petitioners for the Common Prayer , and the Opposers of it . But in the Generall Declarations before the Kings Return , and the Appearance afterward to receive him , the Dis-proportion was yet greater , and more evident . What was the Reason , that the Godly Legions after they were baffled by the Independents , would never yet joyn frankly with the Royalists , but upon all occasions left them still in the Lurch ? Save only This : They were affraid of being Over number'd , and so enforced to do his Majesties businesse , when they intended but their Own. In brief , they 'll make a shift to croud half a Dozen Churches here about the Town , and they shew All. Come to the test of Loyalty , 't is more unequall . Their Faith , at best , is but of late date , doubtfull continuance , and suspected credit : ( For , one essential of Repentance , is Restitution ) But we live in an age of Miracles . 'T is a strange thing , that in the same instant , all those that had been Twenty years against the King , should become his Friends , and those that had been as long for him , should become his Enemies . He that would take a just accompt of the Other side , let him begin with the first War , and see how much Noble , and Loyal Blood was spilt before the devout Traytors reach'd the Kings ; — How many Honourable , and Wealthy Families were brought to Beggery ; — How many Poyson'd , and dispatch'd in Gaols , and for no other Crime , but that they lov'd his Majesty . Look forward now , and see if the Survivours of that execrable Tragedy , prov'd not as faithfull afterwards to the Son , as they had been to the Father . Was ever any Tyranny more severe ? any Conquest more Absolute , any Attempt more Difficult ? Yet Poor , and Disarm'd as they were ; — Death , and almost Impossibilities before them , — no Friends to Second them , — no Reward to Encourage them ; — Did they not still pursue the Royal Cause , — This Prince his Right and Title ; when these gay Gentlemen , were quiet Lookers on , that now perswade his Majesty They did the Businesse . Nor was it Rashness , or Despair , that Prick'd them on , but Duty , and Honour ; for if they would Then have been Villeins , 't is possible they might Now have pass'd for Honest men . VVhen they could Act no longer , they served the King by Suffering , and their Blouds fill'd up the measure of their Enemies wickednesse , by Dying , Ripening that Vengeance , which Living they could not execute . These are Truths , and the whole Nation can beare witnesse of them . VVhat can those People mean then , but Mischief to the King , whose businesse 't is further to ruine those , that are already undone for Serving him ? God grant his Majesty may not mistake his Friends . However , II. God forbid that we should mistake his Majesty . IN this particular , our Duty is short , and Open. VVere all the Ills we suffer , ( joyned with as many more as we have hitherto endured ) imposed upon us by the direct Will , and Order of the King. — If he should say , Hang half my Friends for their Fidelity , and Sterve the rest for Gaping when they are Hungry : — We ought to take all This , but as a sad Occasion of greater Honour ; a sharper Tryal of our Faith : or at the worst , as an unkind requital of our Love , but no discharge of Duty . The Authority of Princes is Divine ; and their Commission makes their Persons sacred . If They transgresse , 't is against God , ( whose Officers and Deputies they are ) not against Us. If We transgresse , 't is both against God , and Them ; — a double Disobedience . This is not yet to say , that we are bound to thrust our Necks into the Nooze , and offer up our selves as willing Sacrifices , to appease the Spirit of Rage and Cruelty . No , we may fairly shun the Mischief , ( unlesse a greater come in Competition ) but not oppose the Power . That Subject is guilty of his Masters Bloud , that sees the Person of his Prince in danger , and does not interpose to save him ; though he be sure to Dye , himself , even by the hand of him whom he Preserves . Nor is it enough for Subjects , to keep a Guard upon their Actions , unlesse they set a VVatch likewise before the Doors of their Lipps ; their Tongues , must be Tyed , as well as their Hands ; Nay , and the very Boylings of their Thoughts must be suppressed . VVe that are thus instructed in the Grounds , and Termes of Duty , even toward the worst of Kings , cannot mistake our selves sure toward the Contrary ; and become doubly Guilty ; First , by imputing our Misfortunes to a wrong Cause ; and then , by an undutifull and simple menage of them . There is a Gulfe betwixt his Majesty and Us : and , as yet , Darkness is upon the face of the Deep ; One does not clearly understand the Other . His Majesty is told indeed of a Loose , Beggerly , Prophane , Tippling sort of People , that call themselves Cavaliers : against whom , under that appearance , came forth his Majesties Proclamation ; by Some , intended as a Stabb and Scandal to the Royal Party , but in the King himself , an Act of Piety , and Prudence . Some that in probability occasioned That , should have done well to have got one Clause inserted , against Those that deny the Kings Authoritie to be above that of the Two Houses . On the Other side ; We are not lesse perplexed a-about our Soveraign ; all Meanes are used to Create , Quicken , and Foment Mis-understandings . The Last was Our King , the Godly Party tells us , but This is Theirs ; and the Presbyterian must be now the White Boy , which looks as if 't were so indeed , if we compare Conditions , and search no further then the Outside of the Differenee . He that sees Cromwells , Brad ▪ shaws , St. Iohns his Creatures , nay and the meanest of them , laden with Offices , and Honours , may give himself a second Thought to understand the meaning of it : especially considering how many thousands of Loyal Subjects are ready to Perish , for want of that , which in great superfluity is scattered among scarce so many single persons of the other side . These Incongruities may trouble us , but to impute them to the King , were to commit a sin against Duty and Reason . So far is his Majesty from Allowing or Directing them , they are kept as much as possibly , from his bare Knowledge : The Plot is laid against Him , and as they did before , they do but now remove his Friends , to make way to his Person . The Reason why we are not Relieved , is This , we put our Businesse into wrong hands , and apply to the Causes of our mischief for the Remedy of it . If we look close to the matter , we shall perceive that many of the Kings Favours were Extorted ; Some Surreptitiously obteyned ; Others , Abus'd and Misapplyed by second hands , that were entrusted to dispose of them better . But Finally , Those which the King himself bestowed , were given by the unquestionable Prerogative of his own Freedom , the Grounds whereof , in Part we know , and in the Whole we Reverence . There are another sort also of cold Comforters , that tell us , 't is not Time yet . This , to a company of wretches that can stay no longer then they can Fast , yields little satisfaction . Are we such Owles , as not to see the Sun at Noon ? 'T is time Enough for some that tell us these fine things , ( even before the Kings Revenue is setled ) to beg their Fourty , Fifty , nay their Hundred Thousand Pound a man , and when the Nation shall be drawn so low , that every Tax runs Blood ; 't is then Prognosticated , that something shall be done for us : That is , the Honour shall be ours , to finish the undoing of the Nation , and furnish Argument for another War. This consequence looks not much wide , but to prevent the worst , rather let us Resolve to suffer any thing for his Majesty , then cause him to suffer in the Least for us . Having hitherto discours'd the high Necessity of a right understanding betwixt King and People : Our next concern is , III. Not to mistake our Enemies . To prevent mistakes ; by Our Enemies , we intend only the Kings . IT was a Jolly saying betwixt Jest and Earnest , of a Presbyterian to a Cavalier , You told us Wee were Rebells once , but wee 'll make You so now , before we have done with you , and That 's one part of their Design . If they can neither Sink , nor Scatter us , then to Transport us into undutifull distempers , by ( that which makes the Wise man , Mad ) Oppression . Rather then faile , they shall Vote Loyalty , Rebellion , and charge the Author of this plain ▪ and honest Pamphlet , with Treason . But other Treason then Adherence to the King , the Law , Conscience , Honour , and Reason , they shall never bring us to . They do wisely therefore to give the main Attaque , where we are Weakest , and to attempt first upon our Necessities , for they know our Honesty will hold out longer then our Fortunes . By this Course , they purpose to lessen both our Credit , and Number , for Poverty is a fair step toward Contempt , and they think want will drive men any whither to seek their Bread. They are not Ignorant of the Likelihood of ( what they more then Covet ) a Forrein War , from whence ( how fatall soever it prove to the Publique ) they may pretend to reap these two Advantages . First , they may pack their Gang with more Security at home , when the Peoples eyes are all abroad : Secondly , they fore-cast to have the Quarrel fought by the Hands of Cavaliers , which is no other then to commit that Businesse to be dispatch'd by Foreigners , which they cannot so conveniently do themselves . That it will come to this , may rationally appear from the Constitution of those Missions allready designed . When by the Fate of War , or that of Extreme Need , some are Destroy'd , the Rest Dispersed of the Kings Party , and the designing Faction yet entire : who is not Prophet enough to fore-see the event ? This , This is the Reward , his Majesties new Friends have prepared for his old Ones . But Fore-warn'd , Fore-arm'd . Let not a drowsie , mopish Charity betray us into another Opinion : Are They Converted ? where 's the Peccavi , and the Thirty Pieces of Silver : the Confession , and the Restitution ? where 's the Inseparable Companion of Repentance , a Godly Sorrow ; a Detestation , not onely of the Sin it self , but even of all their Complicates , in so egregious a VVickednesse ? Their Knottes and their Dependencies are still the same they were . They are too Iovial to be Penitent . In snmm ; if they are Penitent , where are the Signes , or Fruits of their Conversion ? If not , they are Dangerous . What doe we see more now than we did in 1641 ? Or in effect was not the Gospell-Prologue to the Death of the Late King , the very Ayre of what we hear at present ? But that we may not be thought to babble , let the whole Puritan Conclave lay their Heads together , and bring their Party off ; or if they do not , let them acknowledge that for once a Cavalier was in the right on 't . If the People of whom we treat , be not Penitent , the King cannot be safe in their hands : If they be Penitent , then are we to seek for a Religion : If they were never in the wrong , then they 'll use this King as they did his Father . TO passe over those properties of Repentance , whereof God , and their own Souls are the onely Judges , namely , Contrition and Conversion to God. Wee 'll look a little what the Church sayes concerning the Other two , to wit , Confession and Satisfaction . Amesius sayes , that a Publique Confession of Publique Sinnes is necessary , to avoyd the Contagion of a Scandalous example . Preston in his Sermon upon Iudas Repentance reckons Confession a part of Repentance ; and so does Calvin in his Harmony upon the Evangelists . But Musculus upon Matt. 27. 3. most expresly . Ad veram Resipiscentiam pertinet peccati Confessio ; non ea tantum quae deo fit , sed & quae hominibus , quorum id interest , &c. — Confession , ( sayes he ) is requisite to true Repentance , not onely That to God , but to Men also ; ( such as are concerned in it ) that is , to Those against whom the offence was committed , and to such as to whom occasion was thereby given of offending . Judas his sinne was against Christ ; but in Betraying the Innocent Bloud , he ministred occasion to the Priests and Elders of Sinning , by giving them the means of Taking and Condemning him , for a summe of mony : — so he confessed as well before the Priests and Elders , as to God. I have sinned ( sayth Iudas ) in Betraying Innocent bloud . He does not say , ( Peccastis ) YE have sinned in CONDEMNING Innocent bloud , but he complains that HE HIMSELF had sinned in DELIVERING it up . Now concerning Satisfaction . Non Remittetur Peccatum nisi Restituatur ablatum : saies St. Augustine . No Restitution , no Remission . Non-Restitution is Damnation ; and Restitution is the way to Salvation , ( saies Stock of Repentance , p. 102. ) and again : If it be a sin to Take , it is a sin to Keep. ( Ibid. p. 92. ) Non est vera Poenitentia , ubi non Redditur quod malè fuerat ablatum , ( saies Marlorat upon Matth. ) Perkins , Dike , Calvin , all the world agree upon the Necessity of Restitution . In fine , Non-Restitution is Theft . If it be objected ; well , but such and such are Poorer then they were , others have gotten Nothing , and the rest are Pardoned . The Casuists tell us , that whosoever Commands , Directs , Favours , or Abets any unjust Action , the consequence whereof is Damage to another : — That Person is bound to Restitution . But we might answer , that much was spent of what they took from the Cavaliers , to bear up against the Independents . As to the Act of Indempnity : That saves them from the Law , but in Foro Conscientiae 't is no acquittal : It discharges the Penalty , but not the Crime , only an effectual Repentance can do that , which cannot be admitted without Restitution . 'T is not an Act of State , that can dissolve a Ty of Conscience : that were to argue , as if a Parliament could forgive Sins . At the last day , when Inquisition shall be made for Bloud , Theft , Oppression , &c. — We dare appeal to the Sworn Patrons of the Cause , Smectymnuus themselves : what will an Act of Indempnity avail , in Plea before the Great Tribunal ? So many Parents made Childlesse by Thy Sword ; so many Children Fatherlesse ; the Bloud of so many thousand Loyal Subjects spilt like water , Common , and Noble , and at last the KINGS : and all this in a Cause where every Thought , Word , Action of Agreement was a Murther . Why shouldest not thou be Damn'd ? Lord ( saies he ) MURTHERS are Pardoned by the Act of INDEMPNITY . So many Plunders , Robberies , Sequestrations , Decimations , Confiscations : — to the undoing of many thousand rich Families , and twenty times as many of the poorer sort , that depended upon them : — What Sorrow , Acknowledgement , Reparation , for all these Injuries ? what token of Repentance ? why therefore should'st not thou be Damn'd ? Hee pleads the Indempnity too . So many Grave Divines poyson'd in Winchester house : so many honest men of all sorts and qualities , destroy'd by all varieties of misery : Smother'd , Famish'd , sold for Slaves because they would not fight against their Prince , nor swear against their Consciences . Why should not ye that did all this , be Damn'd ? The Act of Indempnity still . Go to your Rabbi Busy's now , your three-pil'd goodly Levites , that when ye did all This , call'd you a Holy Covenanting People : bid them look over their whole stock of Shifts and Popular Distinctions , and shew ye the least shadow of a Comfort . Which if they do , they must overthrow this Assertion . Without REPENTANCE , there can be no SALVATION ; and without RESTITUTION , no REPENTANCE . If it be so , this were a Theme much fitter for a Pulpit-Zeal , then Lawn Sleeves , or the Crosse in Baptism : but in this point our Gospel Ministers are as mute as Fishes , which manifestly shews the Core of the Faction . How can these people sleep with all this weight upon their Consciences , unlesse by virtue of One of these Two Causes ? The Former , a Reprobated , and unfeeling hardnesse : the Other , a good opinion of their first Engagement . he One way , they are our Enemies upon a Principle of Iudgement : and the other way , upon a score of boundlesse , faithlesse wickednesse . The use we are to make of All , is onely to look to our selves , and to commit nothing to Hazzard , that may be secured by Prudence . Which cautionary Prudence , must not yet carry us beyond the line of Duty : For tho' as Christians , they are not absolved by the Act of Indempnity ; yet as Subjects , Wee are Obliged by it , nor shall we start an Inch from the Literal strictnesse of it . It is an Act of Free , and General Pardon , Indempnity , and Oblivion , granted upon such Reasons , and Conditions , with such Provisoes and Limitations as are therein expressed ; extending from Ianuary 1. 1637. to Iune 24. 1660. As it is a Pardon , we complain not ; Nor doe we pretend any Legal Right to what we have Lost , in questioning their Consciencious Right to what they have Taken . If They will do what they ought not to doe ; — Keep it ; — We shall however doe what we ought to do ; — Sit down with Submission and Patience , so that the Indemnity is safe too . Nor do we at all entrench upon it as an Act of Oblivion : which forbids the MALICIOUS Revival of past differences ; and directs to the burying of all Seeds of Future Discords , and Remembrance of the Former , &c. — If the same things are now done over again by the same Party , where lyes the MALICE of saying , Have a care of the same hand again ? This is a hint of Caution , not of Animosity : a means to Prevent Mischief , not to Cause it . Nor do Wee charge Particulars : for beyond doubt , there are True Converts ; & divers , that even in the Counsells of the Kings Enemies , did his Majesty service . We professe further , that we have no Unkindnesse for such as have not shewd themselves against us , since they received their Pardon : but touching the Rest , we are at Liberty to speak our Thoughts . Let us not be too Credulous then , and gape after empty Hopes that will deceive us . VVe never Lost any thing by suspecting them ; we never gayned by Trusting them . In short , Hee that will doe his Prince and Country a good Office , let him but get a List of the Instruments , and Officers they have put upon us , ( whereof the King knows nothing ) and present it — to his Majesty . There will need no other proof of their Combination . Onely one word now , IIII. That we divide not among our selves . UNder this notion , ( OUR SELVES ) we understand , all persons that are well-affected to the established Government : which must expect to be dealt with by the Factious Rest , variously , according to the Reason of the Design , and the Humour of the Party to be wrought upon . It will require not only Constancie , but Skill , so to demean our selves , as to scape Oversights , and yet not dash upon Distemper : for we are to encounter , both artificial Flatteries , and sharp Provocations ; and so in danger to miscarry , either upon Facility or Passion . Some are 〈◊〉 sighted ; and Those they startle into Fears and Iealousies ; concerning Religion , Privileges , the Fundamental Lawes , &c. Matters which being little understood , and much esteemed , are of great effect with the Common people . Not to be over-strict ; Some they Seduce , Others they Corrupt ; and betwixt such as want either Braynes , or Honesty , they make up their Party . Machiavell , and Experience are two great Masters ; and they have learn'd from Both , that to Destroy a Prince , the surest way is to begin with the generality of the People , whom if they can but once possess with an Opinion , that the King designes upon the Freedome of their Estates , and Consciences , the work 's half done . To which end , they themselves contrive , necessitate , nay and Impose , ( tho' privily ) those very Grievances , whereof they likewise prove the first Complainers : charging upon his Majesty , what was done onely by their own Procurement , and for Their Benefit . They handle the Rabble as they do Elephants , they digg the Pit Themselves , and when they have entrapped them , Another must be employed to strike , and to enrage the Beast ; They forsooth out of Zeale , and Pity to the poor Creature , Interpose ; take the Elephants part , and by appearing to remove the Injuryes they Caused , Winn , and Reclayme the Beast . But in the end , the Elephant serves Them , not They the Elephant . Let us a little observe , how they have already strew'd the way to their Design . With Reverence to the Authority of the Act of Indemnity , and with submission to the Force , and Reason of it : wee 'l begin There ; and understand it as a mixture of Mercy , and Expedience , granted on their behalfe whose Lives , and Fortunes were forfeited to the Law. This Act makes them Masters , in effect , of the Booty of Three Nations : ( bating Crown , and Church-Lands ) and all they have gotten by a Griping Rebellion , and Usurpation of allmost twenty years Continuance , they may now call their Owne ; those People that Contested to preserve the Law , being , by these Penitents , abandoned to the Comfort of an irreparable , but an Honourable ruine . To what they had gotten before , let us adde the Debt they left in Arriere both at Sea , and Land ; together with what they have begg'd since , in Mony , Land , and Office. Truly all this put together , one would think might satisfie a Reasonable sort of People . Now to look a little the other way . The King cannot but have contracted great Debts , his Active Friends are Begger'd : and Those whose Inclinations were but suspected Loyal , have smarted sufficiently for it . Come to the Generality ; ye shall not find quick Mony enough to keep Commerce alive , all wanting , and complaining . Now let us Rationally consider , Whither does this Condition of the Publique tend ; and whence does it proceed ? The Kings Debts must be Payd , his Revenue setled , his Guards maintained ; and beyond all This , ( in common view , a Forein war inevitable . ( The Relief of his Majesties Friends , is a thing but by the By ; that goes for nothing . ) All this is necessary to be done ; but Where , How , Whence , ( without a Mine ) who can imagine ? A General Imposition will hardly furnish it , the Treasure of the Nation being drawn into so few hands , and They too have the wit to keep it close , for divers reasons ; as well to conceal their prodigious , and most unconscionable Gettings , as to secure their After-game ; which they are provident enough to expect . To rayse these Necessary and Large Summes , if common , and formal wayes will not suffice , Others lesse acceptable must be thought upon . So that upon the whole , either his Majesty cannot be supplyed , even in those Exigencies which most concern the Honour , and the Safety of the Nation : or else the Generality must suffer exceedingly by the Pressure ; to which some further trouble may possibly arise even from the manner of Imposing it . When Discontents come to this Ripenesse , then is the time for the Old Patriots to put in again , and mourn over the Oppressed . They shall shew the People what is against Magna Charta , and the Petition of Right , the Law of the Land , and the Liberty of the Subject . Then shall they with all Dutyfull Reverence humbly declare to his Sacred Majesty that it is their Antient and Undoubted RIGHT , & c. In short , Great Payments will certainly cause Great Disquiets ; and there are those will take advantage of them . This is the Clear and natural tendencie of Affairs ; and it behoves us to provide and Arm our selves against the Malice of it : which may be done , by a sober Enquirie into the Grounds , and Causes ; — by whose Contrivance and Design , the Publique lyes reduced to this Extreme Necessity . The War occasioned our Destruction : but who occasioned the War ? wee 'll only answer for our selves : that the Cavaliers Cause was as good as the Kings Title to the Crown . Briefly , Those that have robb'd the Publique to Enrich themselves , are the Cause why the Publique is not able to Support it self : Forfeited Estates would have set All clear , without taking in either the Army Officers , or the Converted Cavaliers into the Reckoning . Nay more , they might have been left yet better then they began , for they have been no ill Husbands of their Pillage . But so was the State of the Nation represented to his Majestie , and such was his Royal Goodnesse , that he thought fit to remit all ; and 't is our Duty not to murmur at it : only let us not forget , when it comes to the Question , by what hand we perish . To conclude , their Designs are frivolous , if we our selves do not assist them , either by Crediting against our Reason , or by Ioyning with them against our Duty . These are our Open and Known Adversaries , ( if we can see or know any thing ) but there 's another sort , which only time must unmasque , and against whom , this Caution ( for the present ) shall suffice . Vaenalis hominum vita est ; & licitatores capitum nostrorum publicè regnant . ( Euphormio . ) FINIS . ERRATUM . Page the 6th . read Capons , for Larkes , &c. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47818-e3830 Temporizing Friends . Evill Counsellours . A Corrupted Clergy . The Commonalty to be obliged . The Kings Old Friends more numerous than his New. More Loyal . Misunderstandings fomented betwixt the King and his Party . Lib. 4 de Consc. cap. 15.