The case put, concerning the succession of His Royal Highness the Duke of York L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 1679 Approx. 84 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47810 Wing L1206 ESTC R39022 18206531 ocm 18206531 107089 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47810) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107089) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1127:4) The case put, concerning the succession of His Royal Highness the Duke of York L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. [2], 38 p. Printed by M. Clark, for Henry Brome ..., London : 1679. Attributed to L'Estrange by Wing and NUC pre-1956 imprints. Includes marginal notes. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng James -- II, -- King of England, 1633-1701. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1660-1688. Great Britain -- Kings and rulers -- Succession. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Case Put , Concerning the SUCCESSION OF HIS Royal Highness THE DUKE of YORK . LONDON : Printed by M. Clark , for Henry Brome at the Gun in St. Pauls Church-Yard . 1679. The Case Put , Concerning the SUCCESSION OF HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS The DUKE of YORK . THE Case of His Royal Highnesses Succession ( in regard of the present circumstances of Plots and Popery ) has been , of late , sufficiently agitated , Pro , and Con ; while the Advocates of Both sides pretend equally to support themselves upon Arguments drawn from Nature , Scripture , Law , History , Custom , and Political Expedience . [ Et Pila minantia Pilis ] Now as it is utterly impossible for a Contradiction , to be Both ways in the Right ; so the Difficulty will not be much less , for a Common man , in a Proposition of this Nicety , to distinguish betwixt the Truth , and the Paradox ; and to determine , upon which side the Reason lies . Or what if the Contendents themselves should yet , in some degree , have left the very Pinch of the Point betwixt them ? For it is not the bare Citing of a piece of Scripture , or a Record , that does the business ; but the fair Expounding , and Applying of it , with a due Regard to the Context of Times , Persons , Interests , Occasions , and other Circumstances . There is a great difference betwixt the Counsels of Factious Times , and of Peaceable ; of Vsurpers , and of Lawful Princes ; the Concessions of Kings in a Moral State of Liberty , and of Kings under a kind of Duresse . We should , in fine , distinguish betwixt the Sacred , and Inviolable Resolutions , that are founded upon Equity , and the Common Good , and those Temporary shifts , which are only Invented to serve a present Turn of State. Was there ever any Sedition that did not recommend , and support it self upon some pretext of Law and President ? Was there ever any Heresie , or Schism , that did not advance it self under the Countenance of some Text ? And yet Heaven forbid , that we should think ever the worse , either of the word of God , or of the Law of the Land , for being made use of as a Cloak to so much wickedness . He that has a mind to destroy the Discipline , the Order , or the very Doctrine of the Church of England , shall Quote ye twenty Texts for 't ; and as many Presidents , ( if there shall be occasion ) for Diverting , or Cutting off the Succession ; nay for Deposing the King Himself , and Changing the very Form of the Government . This is no more then what has been actually done in the Memory of Man. 'T is a hard matter to imagine a New Case : So that let the Instance be what it will , it is but looking back into Former Ages , to match it ; where you shall be sure to find Choice of Presidents ready made to your hand ( like Cloaths in a wholesale Shop ) of all Sizes , and Colours . Wherefore we should have a care , methinks , of dealing in perverted Texts , and Presidents . The Devil himself fishes with these Baits ; and ( as some body says ) the Rabble swallow them whole , without either examining , or dreaming of the Danger , till they feel the Hook in their Guts . Or , if I may change my Metaphor ; the Common people are caught just as we catch Larks ; 'T is but setting up a fiue Thing for a Wonderment , they all flock to 't as far as they can see it , and never leave Flickering about it , till the Fowler has them in the Net. A Pomp of words , and Colours , to the Multitude ; is but the Casting of the Sun in their Eyes from a Looking-Glass ; the more they look at it , the less able are they to discern what the matter is : and the great mischief is this ; they never take themselves to be so Clear-sighted , as in those cases wherein they are Stark-blind . They are akin to what d' ye call him 's Monsters ; their Eyes are in their Breasts , and their Brains in their Bellies : And therefore whoever would make an Interest with the Vulgar , applies himself not to their Vnderstandings , but to their Passions , and Appetites . He comes with Absolons Exclamation in his mouth , Oh! that I were made a Iudg in the Land ! which seldom fails of being the Prologue to some approching Tragedy . But let me try now , if I can find my way back again . There is an Assertion laid down , That all the Human Acts , and Powers in the world , cannot hinder the Descent of the Crown upon the Next Heir of the Bloud . This Position , the Assertor undertakes to make Good by Scripture , Law , History , and Reason . And his Opponents , on the other side , undertake , upon the very same Authorities , to Overthrow it ; and I find a very Extraordinary Pen engag'd in the Controversie : We shall enquire , first , How this Question came at this time , to be set a Foot ; and then , into the Quality of the Question it self . There was a Bill brought into the House of Commons , in May last ; ( which was Twice read ) for disabling His Royal Highness to Inherit this Imperial Crown , because of his Departure from Vs to the Romish Communion . The matter going no further , and That Parliament being soon after Dissolv'd ; there came forth , in Print , a Pretended Copy of that Bill ; which was publish'd by a Person ( if a mans Affections may be judg'd by his Practices ) that has as little kindness for His Majesty , as for his Royal Brother ; and not one jot more for the Church of England , then for That of Rome : Of both which Aversions , there are Instances more then enow : Beside that in the very same Pamphlet , he carries an Inference , from the Case of Foreclosing the Duke , to the same Right of Removing the King himself ; in case of disability ( as he says ) to do the Kingdom any Good. So that instead of pursuing the seeming ends of the said Bill ; that is to say , the Preservation of His Majesty , and the Protestant Religion , by This Act of Exclusion ; he very fairly , and for brevity sake , Sweeps all together . By the Character of the First Publisher , we may Imagine the Intent of That Publication : And it is further to be noted , that the Anti-Ducal Party were the Aggressors ; and it would have lookt like a yielding of the Cause , to have let the Subject fall without a Reply . So that the Blame ( if any shall arise from this Matter ) must be laid at his door that mov'd the Question : which Question is briefly This. Whether the Parliament of England , may by the Laws of England , Exclude the next Heir of the Bloud from Succession to the Crown . Some are of opinion for it , others against it . But the Legality , or Illegality of such an Act , is a Point that I am not willing to meddle with , either one way , or other . For whether the thing may Lawfully be done , or not , there may be Danger yet , and Inconvenience , in the putting of the Question , So that , in the Order of Reasoning , it should be first agreed , that this is a fit Question to be put , before we joyn Issue upon the Merits of the Main Cause . For my own part , I think it had been much better let alone ; and that out of divers respects , in their due places to be consider'd . First , as to the Question it self ; it is a Ticklish Point , to say , what a King of Great Britain , with his Two Houses of Parliament , either Can , or Cannot Lawfully do : when perhaps it would puzzle the Three Inns of Court , to State , and Determine the very Priviledges of the Single House of Commons . Secondly , I do not know how far Private men may be allow'd to pronounce upon the Power of that Government , to which they are Born Subject . Thirdly , This Particular Case renders the Undertaking more Invidious , and Dangerous : The King , 't is true , calls the House of Commons to Consult , and Advise de Arduis Regui ; ( Of which Ardua That now in hand is undoubtedly the Chief ) but I cannot yet learn that the Soluta Multitudo were ever joyn'd with their Representatives in the Commission . Fourthly , what can be more Hazardous , then the Probable Effects of this Dispute ? It Splits the People directly into Two Parties ; One of which is certainly in the wrong : and the Publick Peace endanger'd upon the Division . Beside that the People being made Iudges of a Case , that they do not one jot Vnderstand ; it looks as if they were not call'd upon , so much for their Opinion , as for their Help . The Publishing Manifesto's of this kind is not so much the Stating of a Case , as the Pre-engaging of an Interest ; for it is not a Rush matter , to the Multitude , whether the thing be Lawful , or Not , according to the Law of the Land : Let but Them be once possess'd , that it is Reasonable , and for the Common Good , ( thô in Truth , never so Inconvenient , and Vnreasonable ) the Old Story of Self-preservation , and Kings being Constituted for the Good of the People , ( in their mistaken sense ) will make it Lawful . And when it comes to That once , the Government is Lost. A Popular Error , upon the Matter here in Debate , must necessarily draw after it a train of dismal Consequences : as distraction of Thought , in the bus'ness of Conscience , and Duty ; an Aversion to their Superiors ; Irreverence to the Laws , and a Spirit of Opposition to all Publick Acts of Civil Administration ; if not an Vsurpation of the Power it self . And all This is no more , then to pass a Sentence in a Case where we our selves have given 'em the Chair . The very Exprosing of the Question , is a kind of Reference ; as who should say , Gentlemen , can the Parliament disinherit the Duke or not ? And This They take for an Authority , to proceed upon , to an Arbitration . Now , on the Other side , I cannot find so much as one Colourable Pretence of Advantage , by the broaching of This Dispute , to Countervail all these Mischiefs . It is a great matter , you 'l say , the Clearing of a Truth ; especially of a Truth so necessary to be known ; that the safety and well being of every Particular man ; the Preservation of our King , Kingdom , and Religion , depends upon the People's understanding this matter aright . If either this suggestion be not put home , or that the matter here suggested can be made good , I shall submit my self to be better Instructed in it . First , as to the clearing of the Truth ; — Magno Iudice se quisque tuetur . The very Question is a Moot-point . One Probable is set up against Another ; and the Learned Themselves are Divided upon 't . There are Presidents produced on Both sides ; and Objections also on Both sides to Those Presidents . And in short , it must be the work of a Casuist , as well as of a Common Lawyer , to decide this Controversie . How shall the Common people come to distinguish between the Right , and the Wrong ; where the Doctors themselves Differ ? Or how is it possible , to make any thing Clear , to Those that want Capacities to Vnderstand it ? How shall They come to separate matter of Fact , from Right ? To know what Presidents are Warrantable , or what Cases Parallel , and what not ; without any sort of acquaintance , either with Law , or History ; with the Intrigues of Parties and Factions ; or the secret Ressorts of State ? If it be said that These Books are written only for such as are Competent Judges of the Subject they Treat of ; my Answer is , that it were well enough , if they could be kept from falling into Other hands . But lying open , indifferently , to All , it is to be fear'd that the Argument does more hurt where it is not throughly understood ; then Good , where it is . And there is This further to be said ; that in all Cases of Appeal to the People , whether they Vnderstand them , or not , they never fall of siding with those Propositions , that Promise Liberty , to the Subject , and Fetter the Government . So that their Partiality , in One Case , is as bad as their Ignorance , in Another . If it be agreed , that a man cannot be the better for any thing that he does not Vnderstand ; ( or at least , so far as he does not Understand it ) and that not one man of a thousand understands the Stress of the Point here in Issue ; the pretence of clearing the Truth falls to the ground : Or however , there is not one man of a Thousand the Better for 't . But now on the Other side ; let us suppose the people so wise , that every man that reads the Case sees through it . This might serve to set some people Right , and to Confirm Others . But Right ? In What ? In the Critical Explication of a Riddle of State : which would serve us just to as much purpose , as the Knack of Solving other Common Riddles . It would make us , ( as many other Curiosities do ) only a little more Learnedly , and Vnprofitably Troublesom . It is not the Common peoples Province , to dive into the Arcana Imperii ; and it is as little , either their Duty , or their Interest , to intermeddle in the Mysteries of Government . As the Vniverse it self is compacted into one Body , by the Orderly Disposition , and Contiguity of Parts : So is every Political Society also bound up in One Community , by a Regular Distribution , and Subordination of Degrees , Offices , and Functions . And is not all This , the Work and Dictate of the same Almighty Providence ? He that made the World , appointed the Order of it ; and assigned to every Part , its proper Place , and Station . But to proceed now , upon the admittance of a Supposition , that the Subject matter of this Dispute is competently Vnderstood . 'T is as Broad as 't is Long , take it which way ye please : And the very same thing , to the People , whether it goes For the Duke , or Against him . If they find that a Parliament Cannot Disinherit him , they are but where they were before ; unless they should Impose it upon the Government by Force . And what , on the Other side , if the Parliament may Legally Do it ? May they not as Legally yet Refuse it ? So that the People are ty'd up This way , as well as the Other ; without any manner of Benefit , beyond the bare knowledg whether the thing may be done , or not . If the Parliament will , they May ; and if they will not , they may let it alone . But it many times falls out , that Overtures of this Nature serve rather as a Temptation to the doing of some thing at a Venture , then a simple , and candid Deliberation , whether a thing may be Lawfully done , or no. Or what if This thing may Lawfully be done ? we are never the nearer yet : if His Majesty has not as well the Will to do it , as the Power : And it seems more reasonable to believe that he has not , then Otherwise ; having so expresly declared his mind to the Two Houses of Parliament against it , in His most Gracious speech of May last , in the words following . I am as ready to join with you in all the ways , and means , that may Establish as Firm a security of the Protestant Religion , as your own hearts can wish ; and This not only during My time , ( of which I am sure you have no fear ) but in all future Ages , even to the end of the world : And therefore am come to assure you , that what Reasonable Bills you shall present , to be pass'd into Laws , to make you safe in the Reign of any Successor ( so as they tend not to Impeach the Right of Succession , nor the Descent of the Crown in the True Line ; and so as they Restrain not the Iust Right of any Protestant Successour : ) shall find from Me a ready Concurrence . And I desire you to think of some more effectual means for the Conviction of Popish Recusants , and to expedite your Counsels as fast as you can , that the world may see Our Vnanimity ; and that I may have the Opportunity of shewing you how ready I am to do any thing , that may give Content and Satisfaction to such Loyal , and Dutiful Subjects . Now if so it be that the very Question it self , ( thô handled with all the Simplicity of Thought Imaginable ) carries along with it so many Difficulties , and Inconveniences ; and without any Benefit at all to the Publick ; as is already set forth : what shall we say if upon a Fair , and Temperate Examination of the Arguments employ'd for the support of this Disinheriting Proposition , it shall appear , upon Evident Reason , and a Natural Deduction of Consequences , that , whether the Duke Stands , or Falls , the meer Ventilation of the Question opens a Gap to let in all those Calamities upon us , by unavoidable Inferences , which we propound to avoid by a Preventional Exclusion ? To say nothing either of the Boldness of the Argument , from a Private Pen , or of the Opposition of a Subject to the Solemn , and Declared Will of his Sovereign : And That Declaration too , recommended to Us by a Previous Grant of the Thing in the whole World which we would be thought to set the highest value upon , the Security of the Protestant Religion by all ways Imaginable , to This , and to Future Ages . Truly the Trumping up of This Question , has an Ill Visage any way ; but the doing of it directly against His Majesties Will , made known with his own Lips to the Contrary ; This makes it look a great deal more Suspicious . For to what End is it to put our selves in a Sweat , upon a Question , whether or no the King may Lawfully do such a Particular thing ; when he has told us before-hand , that he Will not do it ; and the thing cannot be done , Without him ? And the Other way , it looks Worse ; and carries such an Innuendo along with it , as who should say : Look ye , my Masters ; Here 's a thing the Government May do if they please ; and it is absolutely necessary to be done : But if They Will not ; — and so forth . There 's no managing of this Discourse , without making frequent mention of his Royal Highnesses Quality , and Title ; and yet ( saving my Duty to him in all his Capacities ) I shall keep my self in these Papers , upon a Punctual Noutrality , as to His Pretensions : My bus'ness being only to Acquit my self , in what I ow to my Religion , my Prince , and my Country , where I find any of these Sacred Interests Concern'd . As for Instance ; where any Contemptuous Reflections are past upon the Person of the Duke , His Majesty himself becomes a sufferer , through the Indignities that are cast upon his Brother . Or where the Same Argument , that is levell'd at the Duke , strikes the King too and the Government . In These Cases I reckon my self to be at Liberty . The Motives , or Inducements to This Project of Exclusion , together with the very Form it self ; are set forth in the Pamphlet abovementioned , under the Title of A Copy of the Bill concerning the Duke of York , viz. That James Duke of York , Albany , and Ulster , having departed Openly from the Church of England , and having publickly prosest , and own'd the Popish ligion , which hath notoriously given Birth , and Life to the most Damnable , and Hellish Plot , ( by the most Gracious Providence of God lately brought to Light ) shall be excluded , and disabled , and is hereby excluded , and disabled , for ever , from Possessing , Having , Holding , Inheriting , or Enjoying the Imperial Crowns and Governments of this Realm , and These Kingdoms ; and of all Territories , Countries , and Dominions , now , or which shall hereafter be , under His Majesties Subjection ; and of , and from all Titles , Rights , Prerogatives , and Revenues with the said Crowns , now , or hereafter , to be enjoy'd : And that upon the Demise , or Death of His Majesty , without Heirs of his Body ( whom God long preserve ) the Crowns , and Governments of these Kingdoms , and all Territories , Countries , and Dominions Now , or which shall Hereafter be , under His Majesties Subjection , with all the Rights , Prerogatives , and Revenues , therewith of Right enjoy'd , and to be enjoy'd , shall devolve , and come upon such person who shall be next Lawful Heir of the same ; and who shall have always been truely , and professedly , of the Protestant Religion now Established by Law within this Kingdom ; as if the said Duke of York were actually dead , &c. Here is First , to be consider'd , the Ground of This Exclusion ; and Then , the Extent of it . The Ground of it is said to be the Dukes Departure from the Church of England , to the Romish Religion ; as that which notoriously gave BIRTH , and LIFE to the PLOT . Now Dr. Tonge , that knows better , tells us , that this is No New Plot ; but an Old one , Continu'd : and Dr. Oates , most Expresly , in the Twenty third Paragraph of his Narrative , informs us , That the English Fathers of St. Omers , writing to Thomas Whitebread , and Other Fathers Here ; pray'd them to prosecute their Design of taking away the King ; and if his Royal Highness should not comply with them , to dispatch Him too : For they did fear , that not any of the Stuarts were men for Effecting Their Purposes . And in this Letter . Instructions were given to the Fathers , to feel how his Royal Highness stood Affected . In the Paragraph following , the said Fathers render This Account to the aforesaid Letter , That they had found , that althô the Duke was a Good Catholick , yet he had a tender Affection to the King ; and would scarcely be engaged in That Concern ; and if they should once intimate their Designs , and Purposes unto Him , they might not only be frustrated of their Design , but also might lose his Favour . Which Letter the Deponent Saw , and Read in the Month of February . And Dr. Oates moreover , gives This Evidence against the Conspirators , upon the Tryals of Ireland , Pickering , and Grove ; Fol. 22. of the said Tryal : that They did intend to dispose of the Duke too , in Case he did not appear Vigorous in promoting of the Catholick Religion . And this is not All neither : For the Doctor aforesaid , in the Appendix to this Narrative , under the Head of The General Design of the POPE , Society of IESUS , and their Confederates in This Plot , Subjoyns this further Testimony , Fol. 64. That in case the Duke of York will not accept these Crowns , as forfeited by his Brother unto the Pope ; as of His Gift ; and Settle such Prelates , and Dignitaries in the Church , and such Officers in Commands , and Places , Civil , Naval , Military , as He hath Commissioned ; ( as Above ) Extirpate the Protestant Religion , and in order thereunto , ex post facto , consent to the Assassination of the King his Brother , Massacre of his Protestant Subjects ; Firing of his Towns , &c. by Pardoning the Assassins , Murtherers , and Incendiaries ; That then , He be also Poyson'd , or Destroy'd , after they have for some time abused his Name and Title to Strengthen the Plot , &c. Proceeding in the same Page more Particularly , that the Royal Family of the Stuarts , are condemn'd to be cut off , Root and Branch ; and namely the King , Duke of York , and Prince of Aurange ; because that Family hath not answer'd their Expectations ; nor have they any hopes that any of them will comply with this their bloudy Design , when full discover'd to them . And Fol. 65. As to the Duke of York ; notwithstanding they acknowledg his Sincerity , and Affection to Their Religion , and to the Society ; and his Demonstration thereof , by his taking Bedingfield ( a Iesuit ) for his Confessour ; they Design to dispose of Him as is abovesaid . How could the Dukes Change of Religion now , give Birth to a Plot that was in Agitation , before That Change ? And so for his giving Life to 't ; we have Proofs here of the Clear Contrary , under the Hand and Oath of the Prime , and Eminent Discoverer of the Plot it self . Here are First , Instructions from St. Omers Hither , for the feeling of the Dukes Pulse ; and Secondly ; it appears by the Return to Those Instructions , that they durst not give his Royal Highness the least hint of the Design . Beside , that in despair of the Dukes Complyance , they had mark'd out his R. H. for Slaughter , as well as His Majesty . A new , and unheard of way , certainly , of giving Life to a Plot , for a Prince to run the risque of being Assassinated himself , for fear he should disappoint it . This Calumny of State being removed , That of Religion , I suppose , will not bear so much weight , as bordering too near upon a Doctrine , which all true Protestants do , with One voice , Condemn . As to the Extent of this Imaginary Exclusion , we may take a Computation of it , partly from the Frame of This pretended Bill , and partly from a view of the Consequences that Attend it : For upon the Naked sight of the Bill , one would think that the Dukes Case were the single point in Question . But whosoever looks a little further , will find a Snake in the Grass ; and that more Inconveniences may be grafted upon This President ; then the very Contrivers of the Project themselves were aware of , of which , by and by . For admitting the disinherison contended for , to be Lawful ; it must be either simply so , upon a kind of Omnipotent , and Vnaccountable Prerogative in Government ; or Conditionally so ; which needs no further Explanation ; Then to refer , to it s known , Legal , Visible , and Intelligible Limitations . But if it be Lawful the former way ; it is Lawful , without any respect to Crimes of State ; Opinions in Religion ; Personal Defects , or Inhabilities ; Minorities ; Families , or the Like . And then the Power may be as well transferr'd from One , to More , as from One to Another ; for I do not know of any Law , that permits the One , and prohibits the Other . So that at this rate ; this Hereditary Government may be turn'd into an Elective , into an Aristocrasie , a Democrasie , or into a Medly of all these , at pleasure . And it is not to say , what ? Do ye think that Kings , or Parliaments will be mad ? We have heard of Parliamentum Insanum , and read of Princes that have been next door to it : and though we are safe enough at Present , it is not Impossible , but Posterity may come to have More of them . Wherefore it should be in State , as it is in Play ; there should be some Common Rules Agreed upon , to keep shufflers , in Order , as well as fair Gamesters . No Government can stand , without a Foundation ; and That Foundation must be known too , and Stable ; without Running to the Cabalistical Notions of Salus Populi , and Instinct . This is it , that preserves a Nation in a due Temperament of Dominion , and Subjection ; where every man knows his Post in the Government , and stands Firm upon his Own bottom . The Foundations of Government should be like Those of the Earth ; not to be moved : For Otherwise , our Lives , Liberties , and Estates , are but Precarious , and at Mercy . In a Popular Parliament , the Crown goes to wrack , in a Prerogative Parliament , the People . We have seen , and felt , the One ; and there are those yet in Being , that have Heard of the Other . And from the Periods of these Distempers we furnish our selves with Presidents , ( as we have Occasion ) either for Tyranny , or Sedition : as if the doing of an Ill thing Once , were an Authority for the Repeating of it . And from what Root is it that all these Disorders Spring ; but the Spinning of the Thred too Fine ; and Resolving the Plain and Practical Duties of Government , and Obedience , into Mystery , and Notion ; without shewing any State , or degree of men , what they are to Trust to ? I do not speak in this place to the Legality of things , but to the Vtility of them ; and to Evince , that it is possible for a Thing to be Lawful , and yet Extremely Inconvenient . Suppose an Act of Parliament , to Prohibit the Making or Importing of any sort of Arms , or Ammunition ; the Authority would not at all Excuse the Consequence . And the Consequence , in This matter , is the Main Import of the Question , what Good , or what Ill , will probably ensue upon it , either the One way , or the Other . But in our way to That Disquisition , We should take Notice that there are Four Points to be all clear'd , before we can reasonably expect His Majesty should come to a Resolution : That is to say ; 1. The Lawfulness of the Thing . 2. Natural Affection . 3. Matter of Conscience . And 4. Reason of State. In the First Case of the Four the Learned in the Law may be Consulted ; but in the Other Three the King himself is the only Competent Iudg. What if we should , for Quiet-sake now , let the First point pass for Granted , and suppose his Majesty convinc'd of the Legality of the Act ? There is yet a Brother ; a Prince ; and a Friend in the Case : A Person that has as frankly ventur'd his Bloud , for his King , and his Country , as the meanest Subject in His Majesties Dominions . And there may be certain Stimulations of Honour , as well as Impulses of Natural Affection . Let but any Generous Subject make it his Own Case , and ask his Own heart , what he himself would do under these Circumstances ? And who knows further , but a Scruple of Conscience may fall in too with this Tenderness of Nature , upon the thought of depriving a Legal Heir , by so extraordinary a way , of his Vndoubted Birth-Right ? If This should be the Rub , there 's no getting Over it . Or if the way were Clear thus far ; yet if His Majesty should see any thing in the Tendency of the Proposition , either Inconsistent with the Dignity of His Office , or with the Peace , and Security of His Government , and People ; such Reason of State would undoubtedly put a Stop to any such Bill . How far These Reasons , or any of them , may prevail toward the Preventing , or Obstructing of This Project ; we shall not presume to enquire . But as to the Manner of Promoting it , on the Other side ; the Quality , the Force , and the Consequences of their Arguments ; there are many things to be noted in them that seem worthy of Consideration . It is a strange thing , in the Menage of This Cause , where the Honour , and Safety of the King appears to be the Main Point in Question : First , that men should be so Quick-sighted , as to see things in their Consequences So Remote ; and yet , at the same time , So Blind , as not to discern the Affronts ; and Indignities that are dayly offer'd to His Majesties Authority , nearer hand ; and the hazzards that more directly strike at His Sacred Person . My Charity persuades me , that if some of them had taken notice of the dangerous Practices hereby intended ; their Loyalty would have render'd them as Zealous , and Officious the Other way : For if a Prince be destroy'd ; 't is the same Case to every good Subject , whether it be done by a Phanatick or a Iesuite . And then the Honour they have for the King , in His Family , as well as in Himself , would have Interpos'd , in the Vindication of our Sovereigns Brother from the Malice , and Contempt that has been past by Several Pamphleteers upon the very Person of his Royal Highness . 'T is like they would have had the Prudence too , not to have markt out unto the Rabble , all the Dissenters to this Bill , as Conspiraters , and the Betrayors of their Country , till they should have seen the Result of this next Parliament ; for fear they should find Kings , Lords , and Commons under That Character . This is not Reasoning of the Case , but downright Setting the Dogs at a man. There is no doubt in the world but many an Honest man , and a welwisher to his Prince and Country stands well enough Affected to this Bill ; ( as many did in 1641. to the Pretensions then a Foot ) But when they found that Other people made Ill Use of Their Good meaning , and improv'd the Countenance of Reforming the Government to a Violent Dissolution of it ; How many thousand Instances might a body produce of an unprofitable , and late Repentance , among those Credulous and well-minded Gentlemen ? And it is to be consider'd also , that Their Mistakes contributed no less to the Ruin of the Church , and State , then the Malice of the most potent Conspirators : Nay More perhaps ; for the Error of an Honest man misleads other Honest men by Example , and gives a kind of Authority to the wickedness . Now thô this Parallel does not run upon all four ; yet the Cases jump exactly in This ; the same Anti-Monarchical Principles which were the Ground-work of That Sedition , are now set a foot again in Concurrence with the present Proposition ; and supported also by some of the Active Promoters of it . So that let the Design be never so Innocent , or Lawful in it self ; if it be yet made use of to Introduce the Old Disloyal , and Republican Leaven ; it is much the Case as if a man should set Fire to his House , for fear of Thieves . Now whether the Liberties of the Press be so great , so foul , and so dangerous , or not , as I have represented them , it shall be seen in a few words , and left to the Reader to judg of the Intention of such desperate Positions , and what may be the Event of such Bold Beginnings , if not seasonably Prevented . Upon the Publication of these Papers I should be glad to find some of the Fierce Sticklers for the Kings safety by the Exclusion of the Duke , as Nimble , on the Other side , for the Honour , and Safety of His Majesty , in Punishing the Authors , and Promoters of these Libels . There are some Irreverences toward the person of His Royal Highness which are not with Decency to be recited , and which for Other Reasons I am willing to pass over ; contenting my self only with the modestest of a great many in the Author of the Plea to the Dukes Answers . Consider his Humours , ( says he ) So Fierce , Revengeful , and Resolute : But I 'le say no more : who knows not how Improper it is to make a Woolf a Shepherd ? Nay he goes further yet : If the Duke be a Papist , ( as none deny him Now ) he 's an Heretick , as To , or From Vs : And what shall we do ? Not do by the Papists , as They would by Vs ? But what 's That ? He tells us Three or four lines before ; That it is a Maxim among Papists , not only that the Pope may at his Pleasure Depose Kings , and dispose of Crowns : but further , That the People may ever chuse a King , when he should else be an Heretick , So that after the Popes Example of Deposing Protestant Kings , We may Depose Popish . This is a Nail Home driven ; and yet for fear it should not hold , he has be bestow'd a Rivet upon it . I hope he will allow a Popish King to be an Ill one ; and for That , he tells ye that when Kings themselves be Ill ones , God not only approves of their Removal , but even Himself does it . Which is a most Emphatical way of Expounding his Meaning : For not only ILL DUKES but KINGS ( I perceive ) THEMSELVES are as well to be remov'd , if they be ILL ones . There 's Another Libel that takes the very same Byass too ; he begins with the Duke , and Ends with the King : Laying it down for a Maxim , that the King May be remov'd for Inhability to Govern : And then for an Vse of Application , he gives us the Late Instance of Portugal for a President . Nay I have not found any man yet , so Cautious upon This Subject , but he has let fall somthing , Tantamount ; And in truth the Question does Naturally lean That way . Some tell us that the People are the Source of Government ; and that the Last Resort in All Cases of Principal Import must be to Them. Whereas , First , there was a Providential Power , before any Subject Actually in Being , for That Power to exercise it self Upon : Secondly ; there is nothing more Common , then for a People to convey away what Right they have , beyond a Power of Revocation . And if a man desires to see the Covenants ; the Answer is , that the Conditions are either Exprest , or Imply'd : Which word IMPLY'D serves to all Turns and Purposes Imaginable . By a Power IMPLY'd , a Protestant , as well as a Popish Successour may be Disinherited : A King in Possession , Deposed , whether Good , or Bad. For who can set forth the Terms and Condition of an Unknown , and an Unbounded Power . A Government , we are told , cannot be suppos'd Destitute of a Power to preserve it self , in Cases of Manifest , and Publick Dangers . If we enquire where That Power of preserving the Government is plac'd ; the Reply is This : That Governours are set up for the Good of the People ; and when They fail of doing their Duty , the People may provide for themselves : That is to say , the People , by their Representatives in Parliament . But what if That Representative , should prove False too ? The King was not pleas'd with the Parliament of 1641. nor the People with the Late Long Parliament : what 's to be done Next ; but only to go together by the Ears about it , and when they have their Bellies full , only Shuffle the Cards , and deal again . From these dark Reserves of Government , the point Rises by Degrees into Cases of Instance , and Illustration . As in the Case of Lunacy , or Vnfitness to Govern ; of if a Prince be really bent to Alienate his Kingdom . In These Cases it is taken up for granted , that the people may Depose and Substitute Another Sovereign . But who shall judg now when such a Case arrives ? If the People ; they judg for Themselves ; and only take the Government out of Other hands , to put it into their Own : what if they should say that This is the Case where it is not ; Or that it is not , where it is ? If the King do but keep a Guard to preserve His Person from an Assassin ; or make a Foreign Alliance , upon the Common Terms of Priviledg that all other Crowned Heads proceed upon ; he lies at the Mercy of the People , if they shall think fit to Interpret This to be a Design upon an Arbitrary Power , or the Alienation of His Dominions ; and that he is consequently Deposable . It carries a very Ill face with it , that the Two Cases of Disinheriting the Duke , and Deposing the King should be so Unluckily Coupled , that you shall very rarely find the One without the Other : And little more then This Difference betwixt them : that the One IS to be done Forthwith , and the Other MAY be done ( when the people please ) at Leisure . If ever this Question should come to be taken up again ; I do verily believe that the House of Commons will not thank the Refiners upon the Former Bill , for charging the Proposition with so many Suspicious Aggravations ; as for ought any body knows , may endanger the whole Bus'ness . For These Venerable Patriots did only , out of an Excess of Zeal , Intend the Exclusion of the Duke , without Clogging the Bill with any subsequent Incumbrances , upon the Crown . There are some Qualifications , I know , that look as if they would be thought to stick to the single Matter of the Bill ; and distinguish betwixt an Heir Presumptive , and Apparent , a King in Posse , and in Esse ; and fortifie themselves with Authorities to warrant the Proceeding . The Duke is a Subject , they say : and not properly an Heir of the Crown ; but only in Possibility so to be . The Unwary Reader will Imagine now , that the Duke , being a SUBJECT , may be put By ; but that if the KING were of the Romish Communion , they could not meddle with Him. And yet , according to the Propositions above-mentioned , His Majesties Case would be found no better than His Brothers . And not only so neither , but the very saying that he is so , in Construction , makes him so , even thô he should give up His Life , as His Father did , for the Reformed Profession . It is not to say that This is either Impossible or Vnlikely : For , First , the Thing has been done already . That is to say , This Popular Power has been already laid down as a Fundamental Right in the People . Secondly , That pretended Power has been exerted in a Formal Charge , of Popish , and Tyrannical Designs , upon a Prince , the most Innocent peradventure , in those Two Particulars , that ever Liv'd . And Thirdly , A sentence of Death , past , and Executed , upon That Innocent Person , in the Name , and by the Assumed Authorities of the Commons of England . So that This Imagination is not a Chimaera , but a True , and Tragical History of a Prince murther'd , even in Our days , upon This Foundation . And then for the Probability of the same Thing over again , now in Agitation ; we have the Writings of the very Persons Concern'd , in Evidence against them , For notwithstanding their Formalizing upon the Lawfulness of the Thing , in regard That his Royal Highness is but a Subject ; they are Now come up roundly to the Point of Opposing , and Rejecting him , even supposing that he were their Sovereign : and without the Ceremony of an Act of Parliament in the Case . The House of Commons passed a Vote upon May 11. last past , that if His Majesty should come by any Violent Death ( which God forbid ) they would Revenge it to the Vtmost , on the Papists : Which Vote they Explain'd in their Address of the 14 , by saying that they would be ready to Revenge upon the Papists , any Violence offer'd by THEM to His Sacred Majesty : By THEM t is said , because it might be Understood Otherwise , that an Anabaptist might Commit the Crime , and a Papist suffer for 't . This Vote , and Address , are Printed Both together in the same Pamphlet ; and with a most Dangerous prospect upon His Majesties Person : if Malice on either hand should take place . For the Edge of the Reasoning is turned against it self ; while the One Faction is Provoked , and the Other Encouraged to the most Execrable Villanies Imaginable . The Libel Here Reflected upon , is called Englands Safety : and said in the Title Page to be Published for Information of all True Protestants , that they may not be affraid , nor ashamed openly in Parliament to Act , and oppose any Popish Successour and his Adherents from Inheriting the Crown of England , in Case His Majesties Life ( which God forbid ) be taken from him . This Preface was worded by somebody that knew well enough what he said ; and without Dispute intended to be as good as his word . We shall not need to look any further for his Meaning than to Grammar , and Common Construction . The Question was put , in Case of the Presumptive Heir : And He has streyn'd the Point already , and remov'd it to the Successor and his Adherents ; From the Expectant to the Occupant , from the Duke , to the King ; and so premeditates , and Encourages a Rebellion , in the very Body of his Proposition : For His Majesty that now is , must be Dead , before the Libellers Device against the Successour can take Effect ; and King , and Successour , in This Case are all one . Now upon This Principle , there needs no more than to say , that any King is a Papist , to Depose him . Nay admitting This Power to be in the People ; Acts of Parliament are but Matter of Course ; and they may do the thing even as well , without giving any Reason for 't ; Upon the Ground of their Vnaccountable Prerogative . It would be known too , what his meaning is by the Parliament he speaks of , that is Openly to oppose the Successour . It cannot be understood of King , Lords , and Commons ; for the King is the Party Opposed , and Excluded . And then I would as willingly learn what kind of Opposition it is , that he intends . It must be an Opposition , either of Force , and Violence , or an Opposition in the way of Argument , Counsels , and Debate . It cannot be the Latter sure ; for what could be more ridiculous , then to expect that a Prince should pass a Bill for the Deposal of Himself . And if it be the Other , we are e'en Half-Seas-Over already , into a New Rebellion . There is not such a Monster in Nature as a Headless Parliament : We have had the Experience of it ; and without Rubbing the Old Sore , or Reciting the Calamities it brought upon This Nation ; I shall only say This ; I cannot bethink my self of any sort of Oppression , either in Religion , Property , or Freedom ; or of any One Crying sin , in that Impious , and Seditious Interval , that scap'd us . I could add several other Instances , of the same Complexion with those above Recited ; which I shall forbear , partly out of Respect , and in part to keep my self within Compass . For I must not Quit This Subject without giving further Evidence of a Confederacy against the King and Government ; like those that Rob the House , under colour of Helping to Quench the Fire ; and in the very Instant of Pretending to save the Kingdom , they are laying their Heads together how to Destroy it : Witness the most Audacious Libel ( perhaps ) that ever flew in the Face of any Government . It bears the Title of A Political Catechism , concerning the Power , and Privileges of Parliament ; taken , ( as pretended ) out of His Majesties Nineteen Propositions of June 2. 1642. with a Construction , and Application , much at the rate of the Devils Gloss upon the Text to our Saviour upon the Pinacle of the Temple . The Compiler of This Libel , makes His Majesties Answer to be , Effectually , an Admittance of the Right , and Reason of the Propositions : and the Publisher of it recommends the Doctrine of 1642. to the Practice of 1679. We 'l take a short View , First , of the Quality of the Propositions ; Secondly , of the Kings Sense upon them : And after That of our Catechists New model of Government . The main Scope of the Propositions is This. All Privy-Councellors and Ministers of State to be discharg'd ; and their places Supply'd by direction , and Approbation of Both Houses : And all to be Vnder such an Oath , as They shall agree upon . The Great Affairs of the Nation to be Transacted in Parliament , and no Publick Act of the Kings to be Valid , unless Subscribed by the Major part of the Councel . ( Chosen ut supra . ) The Number of the Councel to be Limited ; and all Vacancies fill'd , by direction of Parliament . All the Great Officers , and Iudges to be so Chosen : The Militia acknowledg'd to be in the Two Houses ; and They likewise to have the Approbation of the Tutors and Governors of the Kings Children ; and of Those that Attend them . All Forts , and Castles to be put into the hands of Persons approv'd of by the Two Houses . The Kings Guards , and Military Forces to be Discharg'd ( thô the Rebellion was Now begun . ) No Peers Created in time to come to Sit and Vote in Parliament , without the Consent of Both Houses , &c. There will need no Other Descant upon These Propositions , ( being so Gross in themselves ) but only the Citing of some Passages out of His late Majesties Answer , in Reflection upon them . These Demands ( says the Late King ) are of That Nature , that to Grant them were in Effect , at Once , to Depose both Our self , and Our Posterity . These things being past ; we may be waited upon bare-headed ; We may have Our hand kist ; the Stile of Majesty Continu'd to Vs ; and the Kings Authority declared by Both Houses of Parliament , may be still the Stile of your Commands ; We may have Swords and Maces carry'd before Vs ; and please Our self with the sight of a Crown , and Scepter . ( And yet even these Twigs would not Long flourish when the Stock upon which they grew are Dead ) But as to True , and Real Power ; We should remain but the Outside ; but the Picture ; but the Sign of a King , &c. And Again , Thô we shall always weigh the Advices both of Our Great , and Privy-Councel , with the Proportionable Consideration due to them ; yet we shall also look upon their Advices , as Advices , not as Commands , or Impositions ; Vpon Them , as Our Counsellors , not as Our Tutors , and Guardians ; and upon Our Self as their King , not as their Pupil , or Ward . Pag. 318. And Further Pag. 320. We call God to Witness , that as for Our Subjects sake these Rights are vested in Vs ; So for Their sakes as well as for Our Own we are resolved not to quit them ; nor to subvert ( thô in a Parliamentary way ) the Antient , Equal , Happy , Well-poised , and never enough Commended Constitution of This Kingdom ; Nor to make Our self of a King of England , a Duke of Venice , and This of a Kingdom a Republick . Moreover Pag. 322. The Common people , when they find that all was done By them , but not For them , will at last grow weary of Journey-work , and set up for themselves ; call Parity , and Independence , Liberty ; devouring the Estate which had devoured the Rest ; Destroy all Rights , and Proprieties , all Distinctions of Families , and Merit ; And by This means the splendid , and Excellently-distinguish'd Form of Government , end in a Dark , Equal Chaos of Confusion , and the Long Line of Our many Noble Ancestors , in a Jack Cade , or a Wat Tiler . After the Mockery of the Abovemention'd Propositions , and the Kings Just and Prophetical Judgment made upon them ; we shall only Add , that the Ruin of the Late King , was as Certainly the Intent of Those Vndutiful Demands , as it was the Effect of them in the Execution of the Powers claim'd Thereby : and we may as reasonably conclude , that the same Pretensions , now over again , are publish'd with the same Ends ; and that the Sufferance of This Licence will Naturally run into the same Consequences . For the whole work of moving a Rebellion is but , First , to possess the people with Ill Thoughts of the present Administration ; ( which is done Abundantly already in Swarms of Defamatory Libels , which we meet with every day in the street ) Secondly , to possess the People with False Opinions , in the Matter of Government and Duty ; which is the bus'ness of our Political Catechism : Thirdly , to Put those Principles and Thoughts in Execution ; which is Express'd by the Drift of Another Pamphlet newly come out of the Press ; Entitled , An Appeal from the Country , to the City , of which we shall say somthing in Course , taking only a Taste by the way of our Catechistical Positions . If the King be Regulated by the Law ( say they ) then is the King Accountable to the Law , and not to God. Only . Pag. 1. The Immediate Original of the Kings Power was from the People : and if so ; then in questioned Cases the King is to produce his Grant , ( for he hath no more then what was Granted ) and not the People to shew a Reservation ; For All is presumed to be Reserv'd , which cannot be prov'd to be Granted away . Vpon the Late Kings saying in his Answer to the Nineteen Propositions , Pag. 321. That the Power Legally placed in Both Houses is more then sufficient to prevent , and restrain the Power of Tyranny ; our Politick Catechizer Infers , the Two Houses to be the Legal Iudges , when there is danger of Tyranny : And to have Legal Power to Command their Iudgment to be Obey'd , for Prevention , as well as Restraint of Tyranny . And not only when Arms are Actually rais'd against them ; but when they discern , and accordingly declare a Preparation made Towards it . And that they have Legal Power in such times of Danger , to put into safe hands , such Forts , Ports , Magazines , Ships , and Power of the Militia , as are intended , or likely to be intended to Introduce a Tyranny . And a Legal Power also to Levy Mony , Arms , Horse , and Ammunitions upon the Subjects , in such Cases of Danger even without , or against the Kings Consent . These are his Positions in the very Terms ; and the passing over of such Indignities upon His Majesties Royal Office , and the Honour of the Monarchy it self , without either Punishment , or Reproof ; looks like a Tacite Legitimation of the Utmost Violences upon his Sacred Person . And now Consider the Matchless Malice , and Absurdity of his Inference . The King having thus expounded himself in the same Page ; The House of Commons ( an Excellent Conserver of Liberty , but never intended for any share in Government , or for the Chusing of them that should Govern ) is solely intrusted with the First Propositions of raising Monies , &c. And again the Lords being trusted with a Iudicatory Power , are an Excellent Skreen , and Bank between the Prince and People . After This open , and Audacious way of Authorizing a Commotion ; it is but Natural for an Incendiary to blow the Coal , and to apply his Clamour to the People , to bid them Vp and be doing . And that 's the part our Boute-feu-Appellant has to play . But how does this Scandalous Pamphlet address it self to the City ; after so Fresh , so Loyal and so Generous an Instance from the whole Body of it , of their Scorn , and Detestation of a Seditious Practice . Why should a Wat Tyler expect better Quarter from a Lord Mayor under Charles the Second , then he had from a Lord Mayor under Richard the Second ? Nay That very Rebellion of 1641. is most Injuriously charg'd upon the City of London ; for Gourney , Ricaut , Garraway , and the most Considerable of the Citizens , were not only against it in their Opinions , but Oppos'd it to the Utmost , with their Estates , and Persons . And That Honourable City has not yet forgotten , either the Calamities of the War ; or the Methods and Instruments which brought so great a Reproch , and Mischief upon the City . Beside that it is as much their Interest as their Duty , and as much their Inclination as either , to support the Government . For by a War they must of Necessity suffer doubly ; and not only in the Loss , or Abatement of their Trade ; but in the deep Proportion of their Taxes to the Charge of the War. This Scribler I perceive , has read Hodge upon the Monument ; and writing after That Copy follows the same Phansie ; of the Citizens looking about them from the Top of the Pyramid . First , says he , Imagine you see the whole Town in a Flame occasioned this second time by the same Popish Malice which set it on Fire before . At the same Instant Phansie that among the distracted Croud you behold Troops of Papists Ravishing your Wives and Daughters ; dashing your little Childrens brains out against the Walls , Plundering your Houses , and Cutting your Own Throats by the name of Heretick Dogs . Then represent to your selves the Tower playing off its Canon , and battering down your Houses about your Ears . Also Casting your Eye toward Smithfield , Imagine you see your Father , or your Mother , and some of your nearest and dearest Relations ty'd to a Stake , in the Midst of Flames ; when with Hands and Eyes lifted up to Heaven they Skream , and Cry out to That God for whose Cause they Die ; which was a frequent Spectacle the last time Popery reign'd among us . Phansie you behold those beautiful Churches erected for the True Worship of God , abused and turn'd into Idolatrous Temples to the Dishonor of Christ , and Scandal of Religion . The Ministers of Gods Holy Word torn in pieces before your Eyes ; and their very best Friends not daring to speak in their behalf ; your Trading's Bad , and in a manner Lost already ; but Then the Only Commodity will be Fire and Sword : The Only Object ; Women running with their Hair about their Ears ; Men cover'd with Blood , &c. Now to Match this Dismal Prospect of Imaginary Calamities to Come , we shall mind this man of Frightful Apprehensions , with a Brief Summary of what this Nation has really suffer'd in Fact , and brought upon it self , by giving credit to such Stories as these , without any other Effect . See His Majesties Declaration of Aug. 12. 1642. Collect. Pag. 540. One day the Tower of London is in danger to be taken ; and Information given that Great Multitudes , at least a Hundred , had that day resorted to visit a Priest , then a Prisoner there by Order of the Lords : and that about the time of the Information , about fifty or sixty were then there ; and a Warder dispatcht of purpose to give that notice : Vpon Inquiry , but four persons were then found to be There , and but eight all that day , who had visited the Priest. Another day a Taylor in a Ditch over-hears two passengers to Plot the Death of Mr. Pym , and of many other Members of Both Houses . Then Libellous Letters found in the Streets , without Names . ( probably contrived by themselves ; and by Their Power , Published , Printed , and Enter'd in their Iournals ) and Intimations given of the Papists Training under ground , and of notable Provision of Ammunition in Houses ; where , upon Examination , a Single Sword , and a Bow and Arrows are found . A Design of the Inhabitants of Covent-Garden to Murther the City of London . News from France , Italy , Spain , Denmark , of Armies ready to come for England . And again , Pag. 536. they cause Discourses to be Published , and Infusions to be made of Incredible Dangers to the City and Kingdom , by that our coming to the House : ( in the case of the five Members ) An Alarum was given to the City in the Dead time of the Night , that we were coming with Horse and Foot thither , and thereupon the whole City put in Arms : And howsoever the Envy seem'd to be cast upon the Designs of the Papists , mention was only made of Actions of our own . Upon a fair understanding of the whole , this supposition of his is no more then the Counterpart of the old Story : And the Declamatory dangers that he foresees in Vision , were outdone by those sensible Cruelties and Oppressions that this poor Kingdom suffered in very deed . And now to bear him Company in his Phansy , we shall give you a Truth for his Imagination . First Imagine the whole Nation in a Flame , and brought to the Extremities of Fire and Sword by the Malice of the same Faction that embroyl'd us before ; and at the same Instant , Phansy whole Droues of Coblers , Draymen , Ostlers , Quartering upon your Wives and Daughters , till ye want bread to put in your Childrens Mouths ; ( which was the very Case ) your Apprentices discharg'd of their Indentures by Ordinances ; your Houses Rifled ; your Accompt-Books Examin'd ; Servants corrupted to betray their Masters ; your Persons sent on Ship-board , transported , or thrown into nasty Dungeons ; or in mercy , perhaps your Throats cut , by the Name of Popish Dogs , and Cavaliers . And all this only for refusing to Renounce God and your Soveraign . Then represent to your selves the Thimble-maker , once again Lieutenant of the Tower ; your Citizens clap up , orders for the Demolishing of your Gates and Chains ; and nothing less than Military Execution threatned ye , unless you will Redeem your selves with 100000 l. a Mouth Contribution , toward the perpetuating of your Slavery . Then cast your Eye toward Cheapside , Corn-hill , Charing-Cross , Pallace-yard , Tower-hill , nay , White-hall it self ; and there Imagine your Father , your Brother , your Citizens , the Nobility , Gentry ; nay , the King himself , and his best Friends and Ministers under the hand of the Common Executioner ; Appealing to God , for whose Cause they dy'd . Which was a frequent spectacle , when the King reign'd no longer among you . Phansie again that you behold those Beautiful Churches erected for the true Worship of God , abused and turned into Stables , and the Pulpits into Iugling Boxes , to Hocus your Wives and your Daughters , out of their Bodkins and Thimbles : and there to hear nothing but Heresie and Sedition , to the Dishonour of Christ , and Scandal of Religion . Phansie the Ministers of Gods Holy Word cast out of their Livings by Hundreds , and with their Wives and Children expos'd to the wide World to beg their Bread. Your Women running with their Hair about their Ears , One half to the Works like Pioneers , the other dancing attendance at some Merciless Committee to put in Bayl for a Malignant Child , or Husband ; men cover'd with Blood , lost Limbs , and mangled Bodies , with Horrors of Conscience over and above . If it be true , that these and forty times more Cruelties were committed : And that the People were frighted into these Precipices only by shadows : If it be true again , that those Glorious Pretenders when they had the King and his Papists ( as they call'd his most Orthodox Friends ) under foot ; that these People , I say , never lookt further after Religion ; but fell presently to the sharing of the Church and Crown Revenues among themselves , It will concern every sober man to look well about him , and to make use of his Reason , as well as of his Faith , for these Fore-boders seldom Croak but before a Storm . This Subject has carry'd me too far already , but I shall be shorter in what follows . After his affected Image of the Tyranny and Desolation that is breaking in upon us , he does as good as nothing , without working up the Peoples Horror and Astonishment upon those apprehensions , into a Direct Rage and Desperation . And this he endeavours to bring about by undertaking so positively for his Majesties Murther , as if he himself were of the Conspiracy : Very Peremptorily Issuing out his Orders to the City to be ready with their Arms at an hours warning . The first Hour ( says he ) wherein ye hear of the Kings untimely End , let no other Noise be heard among you , but that of ARM , ARM ; to revenge your Soveraigns Death , both upon his Murtherers and their whole Party ; For that there 's no such thing as an English Papist , who is not in the Plot , at least in his good wishes . Let not fear of losing Part by your Action make you lose the whole by your Patience . Pag. 4. And then , Pag. 25. he points them out the very General to lead them ; a respect which neither the City , nor the Illustrious Person himself , will thank him for , upon so disorderly an occasion : Enforcing his Proposition with this Inducement , That he who hath the worst Title ever makes the best King. Which is no Complement at all to his Majesty himself ; for an Usurper , it seems , would be better for His turn . So that without any If 's or And 's the thing is given for Granted ; and upon this Instigation , the least Rumour in the World , that way , puts the people upon a General Massacre ; as the bare Report lately of the French appearing before the Isle of Purbeck , had like to have done in several places . And then to the same Purpose , Pag. 23. They will vigorously , and speedily attempt the Kings Ruine , unless he suddenly prevent it , by adhering to his Parliament , and ruining Them First . Whether this be the way to Expose the Life of his most Sacred Majesty , or to Preserve it , let the World judg : And of the Irreverence of handling so tender a Point at this Course rate . Nay , he does not only pronounce upon the Thoughts and Purposes of Men , but upon the most secret appointment of God himself . When God designs the Destruction of a King , or People , ( says he ) Pag. 11. he makes them deaf to all Discoveries . This Observation of his , I 'm affraid is more to the purpose then he was aware of : For there are Discoveries of several sorts , that are Evident Enough , and yet not much taken notice of . To say nothing of the Censures he passes upon the Kings Actions , and Publick Resolutions of State : Only I wonder who made this Man a Judg in Israel . He quarrels his Majesty , Pag. 3. For Prorogations , and Dissolutions of Parliaments . And Pag. 4. upon another Point . Pag. 23. He Pre-judges the Parliament , as if they would give his Majesty no Supplies , unless he takes off the Heads of the Popish Faction , exclude the Successlon , and consent to such Laws , as must of necessity ruin them . In his 6 th Page , he shews himself so good an English-man , that he Professes , he would rather be under a French Conqueror then under the Duke , as Successor . And he goes so far too toward the Dislike of the Government it self , that he says , no Government but Monarchy can in England , ever support , or favour Popery , P. 7. He tells the City , Pag. 5. that their Enemies are young beggerly Officers , Courtiers , Over-hot Church-men and Papists , and charges the three First with lessening the Plot ; and resembling the times to 1641. Now how is it possible , but the Positions of 1641. should put us in mind of the Rebellion of 1641 ? He begins his 10 th Page thus . After the Catholicks had thus brought the Fathers Head to the Block , and sent the young Princes into Exile , &c. Now to give the Devil his due , I cannot find so much as one Papist in the whole List of Regicides . He has , I confess , one admirable Fetch to prove His R. H. dangerous to his Majesty , because he is both a Friend , and a Brother , Pag. 17. as if the King were safer in the hands of his Enemies , then of his Friends . If his meaning be , that they are more dangerous in regard of Confidence , and Opportunities ; there is no Fence against that Danger , but utterly to cast off all the Bonds , and Dictates , of Society , and good Nature . We must contract no Friendships , and trust no Relations for fear they should out our Throats . How much more wretched then Beasts has our Appealer made us at this rate , by poysoning the very Fountain of Human Comforts ▪ Though I have drawn out this Pamphlet already further then I intended ▪ I must not close it yet without one General Observation upon the People we have to deal with in this Controversie . Calumny and Imposture have ever been the two main Pillars of their Cause ; and if they can but wheedle the Vulgar , on the one hand , and defame the Friends of the Government , on the other , their business is done . There scarce passes a day without a Libel against both Church and State ; without either Provocation , or Punishment : which both shews their Malice , and confirms them in their Insolence . There is nothing so Odious , and so Ridiculous together , as betwixt Droll , and Sophisme , these People represent the Publick Management of Affairs . And who can blame the Multitude now , under these Circumstances of Licence , and Delusion , if they either Forget , or Depart from their Duties ? Is there not Law , and Power sufficient for the Preventing , or Suppressing these Indignities ? Or is it a thing not worth the taking Notice of ? for his Majesty to be told every day , in a Pamphlet , at his Palace-gate , that His Ministers are Traytors and Conspirators ; His Courtiers a Pack of Knaves , and He himself but upon his Good Behaviour to his own Subjects ? WILL it end Here ? DID it end Here ? But whence is it that all this Venom and Confidence proceeds ? The Former is only a Fermentation of the Old Leaven ( for we have our Iesuits too ) The Papal Iesuite is an Enemy to Heretical Kings , and the Protestant Iesuite will have no Kings at all , and then for their Confidence , they have both Impunity ▪ and Encouragement : the former proves it self ; and I shall now conclude with a word or two concerning the other . The bringing of this Devilish Plot upon the Stage , has struck all men of Piety , Loyalty , and Love to their Country , with Amazement , and Horror . The Murther of a Prince , the Subversion of our Government , and Religion ; What can be more Exercrable ? The thought of so Diabolical a Practice has justly transported the People to the highest degree of Rage against it , imaginable : And it is a Meritorious , and a Laudable Zeal too , so long as it contains it self within the Bounds of Law , and Duty : While the King , Council and Parliament are , in the mean time , sifting , and Examining the Design , and doing Justice upon the Offenders . Now there are a sort of men , that under the Countenance of This Plot advance another of their own , and 't is but the Rubbing of a Libel with a little Anti-Popery , to give it the Popular smack ; and any thing else against the Government goes down Current . If a man Writes , or Speaks , or Reasons against them , he is presently a favourer of the Papists , a Lessener of the Plot , and run down with Nonsence , and Clamor . A Person of Untainted Honour and Integrity , puts in for a Parliament-man ; 't is but any Little Fellows taking advantage of the Humour of the People , and Billing of him for having some Papist to his Kinsman , perhaps , or Visiting some Lord in the Tower ; or under the common Scandal of a Courtier , or a Pensioner , and he 's gone to all Intents and Purposes . This is the Character they give to every man that loves the King , the Church , or the Law. They serve them as Nero did the Christians ; they put them into Bears-skins ; that is to say , they call them Papists , Pensioners , Conspirators , and then deliver them up to be worry'd by the Rabble . Shall we never distinguish between Indubitable Truths , and Transparent Falshoods ? betwixt Words and Deeds , that stand in a direct Opposition , the One to the Other ? What Priviledg has a Phanatick to blow up a Government , more than a Iesuite ? It must be confest , however , that he is the Braver Enemy of the two , for he scorns to sneak to the Execution of his Exploit with a Dark Lanthorn ; and to take advantage of Authority by Surprize ; but Arraigns Princes , and puts them to death in the face of the Sun ; and at this Instant , charges the Church openly with Idolatry , Superstition and Oppression ; the State with Tyranny ; and the Law it self , with Error and Insufficiency . His first work is to Accuse his Superiors of Mis-government : And then he tells the People ; next , that in Case of Mis-government they may resume their Power . And what 's all this to the PLOT ? THE END . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47810-e110 The Dukes Succession the Common subject of the Press . Law , and Scripture pretended on Both sides . Texts , and Presidents may be misapplyed . Heresie , and Sedition , pretend Texts , and Presidents . Texts and Presidents to all purposes . Have a Care of perverted Authorities . The Dispute , Pro , and Con. How the Question came to be set a Foot. The King Removed by Consequence . Who were the Aggressours . The Case Put. A preposterous Question . Reasons why the Question ought not to have been Put. The People Incompetent Judges of the Case . An Error of dangerous Consequence . Great mischief , and No Benefit by the Question . The Dispute Justified . The Question a Moot-Point . Not one of a Thousand understands the Point . Or what if the People did understand it ? An Unprofitable Question . His Majesties Speech . It is a Question of dangerous Consequences . The King wounded through the Duke . The Motives to the Bill of Exclusion . The Excluding Clause of the pretended Bill . The Ground and Extent of This Exclusion . The Duke gave neither Birth nor Life to the Plot. Proved by Dr. Oates . They durst not Trust the Duke with the knowledg of any design . The Duke to be dispatched too . Dr. Oats his Narrative Fol. 64. The Duke to be Poyson'd , or Destroy'd . No hopes of the Dukes Compliance . The Duke clear'd by Dr. Oates . Security to his Religion . The Extent of This Exclusion . Suppose the Disinherison . Lawful . The danger of Absolute , and Unknown Power . A Necessity of Some known Fundamentals . A thing may be Lawful and yet Inconvenient . Four Obstacles to be removed , before the King pass the Bill . No Notice taken of Libels against His Majesty , and His Government . A well meaning Mistake as Dangerous as a Malicious one . The Old Cause Reviv'd . Scandalous Reflections upon His Royal Highness . Seditious Positions . The Kings Case , and the Dukes are unluckily Coupled . The King no safer , then the Duke . The Dangerous Consequences of placing the Power in the People . The Commons Vote . The Question Changed , from Heir , to Successour . A desperate Consequence . The Political Catechism . The Scope of the Ninteen Propositions . Husbands Collections Pag. 316. The Kings Ruin was and is design'd . Seditious Positions . A Malitious Inference . A Scandalous Address to the City . Mr. Walworth . The City of London has been always Loyal . Hodge upon the Monument . The Libeller sets up for an Oratour . The Old Story . Truth for his Vision . We should do well to look about us . He gives the Kings Murther for granted . One Plot under another .