Agreement betwixt the present and the former government, or, A discourse of this monarchy, whether elective or hereditary? also of abdication, vacancy, interregnum, present possession of the crown, and the reputation of the Church of England ; with an answer to objections thence arising, against taking the new Oath of Allegiance, for the satisfaction of the scrupulous / by a divine of the Church of England, the author of a little tract entituled, Obedience due to the present King, nothwithstanding our oaths to the former. Fullwood, Francis, d. 1693. 1689 Approx. 158 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A40703 Wing F2495 ESTC R40983 19540535 ocm 19540535 109093 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- William and Mary, 1689-1702. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1689-1702. 2007-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2007-04 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AGREEMENT Betwixt the Present and the Former Government : Or , a DISCOURSE of This Monarchy , whether Elective or Hereditary ? Also , of Abdication , Vacancy , Interregnum , Present Possession of the Crown , and the Reputation of the Church of England . With an Answer to Objections , thence arising , against taking the new Oath of Allegiance . For the Satisfaction of the Scrupulous . By a Divine of the Church of England , the Author of a little Tract , entituled , Obedience due to the Present King , notwithstanding our Oaths to the Former . LICENS'D , Sept. 24. 1689. J. Fraser . LONDON , Printed for A. C. and are to be sold by Charles Yeo , Bookseller in Exon , 1689. THE CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS . CHAP. I. AN Introduction grounded on a general Maxim , That unnecessary Changes in Government are to be avoided as dangerous . page 3. CHAP. II. The chief Maxims insisted upon as prejudiced by the late Settlement . p. 11. CHAP. III. The Government , whether Elective or Hereditary , and how . p. 12. CHAP. IV. Of Vacancy , and the supposed Interregnum thereupon , by the late King's Abdication . p. 31. CHAP. V. Of ABDICATION . p. 32. CHAP. VI. Of Vacancy and Interregnum . p. 37. CHAP. VII . Of the Convention , and how it became a Parliament . p. 42. CHAP. VIII . Arguing from the Possession of the Crown . p. 51. CHAP. IX . Whether a King can make Laws , limiting the Crown . p. 58. CHAP. X. The Honour of the Church of England , no just ▪ Objection against our taking the new Oath . p. 60. The APPENDIX : The Objection from the Word Allegiance considered . p. 66. POSTSCRIPT . p. 75. TO THE READER . SCruple is an Ague of the Mind , it sometimes shakes it , and sometimes heats and disturbs the Brain : If the Matter be unknown to the Patient and to Doctors , we are not certain of the Cure ; and the less , if the Stomach be untoward , and the Appetite averse to Medicine : in such a Case , various Methods used to be tried , and Remedies prescribed ; but through Ignorance of the Cause , or some latent Obstruction , Skill it self , a long time is thrown away ; at length perhaps a vulgar Medicine , given at a venture , hits the Distemper , and works the Cure. After many learned Doctors charitable Endeavours to deobstruct and ease some good Mens Minds , that are shaken with Scruples about the new Oath of Allegiance , hitherto in vain , ( if it be yet in vain ) ; though I cannot boast of my Skill , I make bold to trie a new Practice upon them . And I hope my good Reader hath the like Reverence and Value , for the worthy Persons that yet labour under ( may I call it ) the Disease , and the same Zeal and Affection for the Health and Quiet of the Body Politick , that I my self have , and doth join with me , while I do heartily ( that which I fear Physicians seldom do ) pray over my Patients for a Blessing from the Great Physician . CHAP. I. An Introduction grounded in a general Maxim. The general Maxim , Vnnecessary Changes in Government are to be avoided as dangerous . UPON any great Revolution it seems much the Concern of the New State , so to settle the Government , as may offer least matter or occasion of Discontent to the People , and consequently to make as little Alteration in the former Maxims and Customs , ( that is , in the old Constitution ) as is possible , lest the old Leaven should work again to the prejudice of the new Establishment . We may observe in our own History , that such publick Grievances as from time to time have been objected by the People to the disquieting , and sometimes hazarding of the Government , have generally been aggravated with the charge of Innovation , as being contrary to our ancient Liberties , Rights and Customs ; and for some Ages in Instances infringing Magna Charta , that great Record of the Subjects Priviledges , and Codex of our ancient and common Law , in which much of our old and happy Constitution consists ; indeed any Alteration in our Constitution seems to shake the Foundation , and frightens the People like an Earthquake . This Maxim is commended by three great and well-known Examples . 1. Our Saviour's . This Caution was sanctified after a marvellous manner by the Wisdom of God in our great Examplar : Our blessed Saviour , we know , was sent into the World to put the Church into a new frame ; now in his so doing , did he reject all that was old , or leave out any thing that might be any way serviceable in the new ? Is it not remarkable , that he did resume and make use of as many of the old Materials as could possibly be accommodated to the Edification of the Gospel-Church ? Did he not take both the Sacraments , did he not collect the very Petitions of his Prayer out of the former Usage , and allude much in the new Government to be established to that which he found in the old ? Did he not preach and expound upon the Law of Moses , and the ancient Prophets , and appeal for his Defence and Justification to their own Books ? Indeed he seems to have left out nothing of the old Dispensation but what was inconsistent with the new , namely , that which was typical and expired in the Truth , and that which was purely judicial , and therefore ceased with the temporal Government of the Jews , which our Saviour was not then come to take upon him . Now , was not all this Accommodation of our Saviour to Moses wisely as well as graciously contrived , that the People , for whose sakes he was first sent , might not be offended , or startle and flie from him upon the Scandal of Innovation ? Yea , so tender was our Saviour of them in this Point , that during his whole Life , both he himself , and his Disciples by his Commission , addressed only to the Jewish Nation ; that the greatest Scandal by the Call of the Gentiles might be avoided , and they might still appear to be God's peculiar People , while there was any the least hopes of them . According to their Lord's method and example , we afterwards find his Apostles in a great Council , held and decreed it as a necessary thing for some time to retain and to practise some legal Ceremonies , even after they were all really abolish'd in the Death of Christ , that if possible they might thus gain , that is , reconcile the stubborn People to the new Establishment , or at least , leave them without excuse . Afterwards , the fear that possessed the Christian and believing Jews of too great Alteration to be made by the Gospel , occasion'd that sober Advice we reade of in Acts 21. 20 , 21 , 23 , 24. of the Church to St. Paul , Thou seest , Brother , how many thousands of Jews there are which believe , and they are all zealous of the Law : And they are informed of thee , that thou teachest all the Jews which are amongst the Gentiles , to forsake Moses , saying , That they ought not to circumcise their Children , neither to walk after the Customs . Do therefore this that we say unto thee . — that all may know that the Information against thee is nothing , i. e. of no moment ; but that thou thy self walkest orderly , and keepest the Law. 2. Of the Church of England in the Reformation . Upon this ground some have thought it a Point of commendable Prudence in the Church of England , that her Reformation at first , proceeded with so much Moderation , and no greater Alteration , either in the Service or Government of this Church ; whereby she quieted the Minds , and drew into her Communion so many of the moderate Papists , both in the Reign of Edw. 6. and in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's ; and whereby , thrô the wonderful Mercy of God , she hath been so long preserved , even in the midst of her Enemies on both sides . Moderata durant . And since that you have her candid Apology to this purpose in these words ; Accordingly we find ( saith her Preface before the Liturgy ) that in the Reigns of several Princes since the Reformation , the Church upon just and weighty considerations hath yeilded to make such Alterations in some particulars , as in their respective times were thought convenient : yet so , as that the main Body and Essentials of it ( as well in the chief Materials , as in the Frame and Order thereof ) have still continued the same unto this day . And we may remember , that when some furious Zealots for Popery made a Commotion and Rebellion in the time of King Edward 6. their pretence was , that there were great and intolerable Alterations in Religion ; and that in their Wisdom , the King and his Council thought it a proper course to allay their Heats , and to pacify and reduce them to Obedience , to let them know how small and few the Alterations complained of were ; and that their Service before in Latin was now made English , that they might understand it . The Reformation in England was carried on without Affectation of Novelty , though it justly abandon'd the former Superstitions and Idolatry . 3. The Example of William called the Conqueror . This like Policy is observable in William the first : for though the Success of his Arms , carried the Colours of a Conqueror ; yet he seem'd unwilling to trust wholly to that Title : he shook all indeed , but endeavour'd too , that things might go back as they could , and settle more firmly upon the old Basis . He therefore added to , or rather seconded his Sword with a Pretence of Right to the Crown ; Jure Haereditario vel Testimentario ; and then , afterwards , they say , he proceeded to accommodate the Administration of his Government to the Humours of the English People , and the ancient Rights and Customs ; I mean so , as the time and present State of things would give way : so that whatever his Title was , he accounted the Satisfaction of his People the best Security to his quiet Government . Certainly something he did to this purpose , since we find it disputed by some learned Men , whether this William the first , was King by Conquest or Compact . Petit. Brady , and others . If the former Maxim be allowed , I may have leave to apply it to our present Establishment , in two Inferences . First , Seeing , as we have heard , upon such Revolution , a departing from the former Constitution ( beyond what is necessary in the very reason of the change ) is to be avoided as unsafe or dangerous ; we hence seem to owe that Charity , yea that Justice and that Honour to those great and wise Instruments in our late Revolution , as to presume they have done it with Prudence agreeable to that great Maxim ; that is , that at least they intended not therein to depart farther from our former State , or to alter any of our allowed Maxims or Customs , that lie at the bottom of our ancient Constitution , as our Common Law ; I mean , beyond such Necessity , or beyond what hath been declared by the King and Parliament . For if any thing contrary or dissonant to our Rule was discours'd in some previous ▪ Debates before the Settlement was made , and all such Debates were determined in the Law ; I say , if any such things then happen'd , they ought not now to be remembred or mention'd as other than the motion of particular and private Persons ; and by no Rule can they be thought to pass into , or any way affect the Publique State , as 't is now settled by Laws exclusive of them . Again , If any thing should yet be thought doubtful in the Laws or Method of our present Establishment , methinks by the help of the same Rule , all such Doubts may be speedily resolv'd ; I mean by an Interpretation favourable of our former State. Especially if it be seriously weighed , how far such a sense may contribute to the Quiet of the Minds of a Multitude of Men among us , that perhaps are too fond of old , and averse to new things . But principally , for the saving of the Wisdom and Honour of our Governors ; and the better securing the Government , upon a tried Basis ; and the more firmly rivetting it in the Affections and Satisfactions of the Generality of the Kingdom . This is considerable , when Unanimity and Unity by such Satisfaction , cannot but be thought at least expedient for our common Preservation from the subtile Designs and threatning Attempts of our Enemies . Pardon me if I make bold to demand , why the general Sense of Publique Danger by means of the Offence so many take from the disagreeableness of too strict an Interpretation of some doubtful Words and Practices , touching our present Settlement from our former ; why may not , I say , so general a Sense and Fear in the People , who were represented in the Settlement , be modestly thought to have some Right to reconcile such Doubts ( if such are left and not fully cleared by our Law-Makers ) to a Sense more agreeable to our former Constitution , and as near as may be . At least , where the Law is not express , it cannot in reason be interpreted by private Persons to such a sense as is counter to general Satisfaction , and the Publique Safety , both of the King and Kingdom ; and this we have heard is hazarded by forsaking the old beyond necessity ; and laying too much Stress upon a new Foundation . We ought to be wary of wresting words or things that seem doubtful , especially about Government , to such ill Consequences , as the cherishing Faction , the Disturbance of Loyalty , the Reproach of our Rulers , the Scandal of the Law , and the unsetling of the new Establishment , wherein all our civil and religious Interests are undoubtedly concern'd . Secondly , From the Premises I must infer , that an Essay to reconcile our present State with the former , is at least pardonable , if not reasonable and expedient , not to say necessary . Here I am incouraged to lay the ground of my Apology , for this bold Adventure , and I hope no peaceable or good Man will be offended , much less any of our Rulers be provoked , with a modest and well-meant Endeavour to prevent much harm , and to do a great deal of good in my opinion . If I am mistaken , humanum est ; but I am sure I intend well , and pursue a good Intention sincerely according to my own Apprehension : This satisfies my self , and methinks it should offend no body . But I must speak plain ; For if unnecessary Alterations in the Frame of Government be indeed dangerous , and we find an evil Surmise and groundless Suspition hereof with respect to our late Revolution , already fermenting among us , and spreading the sowrness of Dissatisfaction , Discontent , and ( I fear ) Faction , over too great a part of the Nation , and prevailing so far , as to dishearten our Friends , to animate our Foes , to increase our Fears , to continue our Troubles , and almost shake the Establishment . If matters are thus with us , I must have leave to say that a Man can hardly do better Service to the Publique at this season , than by endeavouring to remove such Popular Mistakes about the Method of our present Settlement , and the nature of the Government , as seem to have such malevolent Influences , and unhappy Effects . Now I conceive this is to be done in a good measure , by shewing that the Alterations from our former State made in the present Government , are not so great or many as our discontented Men imagine , and our Enemies suggest . But if it be made evident , that in a fair and charitable Construction of things , we stand firm upon the same Basis we ever did ; and that the Constitution of the Kingdom founded in our ancient Maxims and Customs , with respect to our Government , is not alter'd or touch'd by the late Revolution ; I say , if this can be effected , I am apt to think many doubting and scrupulous Persons among us , may be satisfied , and happily reconciled to a better opinion of the present Government , and a more cheerful Submission to it . If I knew any better Argument to justify our Rulers , to vindicate the Government , to establish the Kingdom in Peace and Safety , and to defeat the Designs and Forces of our Enemies ( who live and are mighty ) than this before us , I would certainly use it the best I could ; but I have no better , therefore I crave Acceptance of this my Apology , and Leave to adventure upon my Task . CHAP. II. The Chief Maxims insisted upon as prejudiced by the late Settlement . IT may run in the Minds of some scrupulous Persons , that there are old Maxims that lie at the Root or Foundation of the Kingdom of England ; and that these are destroyed , or subverted by the new Model ; and consequently the Constitution of the Government is quite alter'd . Those old Maxims may be thought to be such as these . 1. That the Government in England is Hereditary . 2. That it admits not of an Interregnum . 3. That nothing binds the People of England , but an Act of Parliament . Now perhaps 't is thought that the Government is now made Elective , and therefore is not Hereditary . Again , that it having been declared , that by the late King's Abdication there was a Vacancy in the Throne , therefore an Interregnum was admitted . Lastly , that this new Change was made by a Convention , and not by a Legal Parliament , and therefore we are not bound to own it . Such kind of Suggestions as these , I fear have created Shyness and Aversion in many good Men from a due Recognition of the present Government ; if we can make it appear , that in truth they are vain and groundless , I hope all good Men will be easily entreated to lay aside that Aversion , and be sweetned to a better Compliance , both for the Sake of the Publique , and their own . We proceed to consider every one of them in order , and the several Grounds or Reasons they seem built upon , and whence they are alledged and objected . CHAP. III. The Government , whether Elective or Hereditary , and how . IT may be thought by some , that by the late Change , the Government is made Elective , and therefore is altered , and is no longer Hereditary , as it was before . The Vanity of this Argument appears , if we make good these two Propositions . 1st . Our Government was never so absolutely Hereditary as to exclude Election in all respects . 2dly . In our late Settlement , there was nothing done in Prejudice of our Hereditary Government . Prop. 1. The first of these Propositions , viz. That our Government was never so absolutely Hereditary , as to exclude Elections in all respects , appears , First , Because all along in our Histories , we find the Words [ Election and Elected ] used as previous to the Crowning of our Ancient Kings . Some of them came to the Crown without any Colour of Title . Some , though not next in Blood , by the Nomination of the last King. Some only as being next in Blood , without such Nomination . And lastly , Some both by Proximity of Blood , and by the Nomination or Testament of the Predecessor . Now if in History all these are said to be elected , certainly we have no reason to be offended with the Word , or imagine that our Government abhors all kind of Election . But this is plainly acknowledged by the industrious Dr. Bradie , while he is in pursuit of the Hereditary Succession ; the Saxon Expression , saith he , concerning Succession and Successor , is always the same , Feng to Rice , render'd usually successit , Electus est , he took possession of the Kingdom , he succeeded , he was chosen , &c. Hist . of Success . p. 366. Edgar left his Son Heir of the Kingdom , and the great Men chose him ( elegerunt ) as his Father commanded . Harold , Henry 1. and K. Stephen obtained the Crown ( they say ) by fraud and Violence ; yet by several old Monks are said to be elected . They said some of our Kings that had undoubted hereditary Titles , were elected , so K. Henry 2. ab omnibus electus ; so likewise K. John and Richard 3. are said to be chosen , as he observes in his parallel , p. 412. But to do the Doctor Right , I confess he contends earnestly , that however the words were used in such cases , indeed there was no such thing as Election or proper Election of any of those Kings ; and that Election signified only Recognition , Applause or Proclamation , and sometimes only a forc'd Submission ; at least they were never chosen by the Community of the People , as they are now understood , but by the great Men of the Kingdom . But that Controversy I leave betwixt the Doctor and his Adversaries ; observing only for my present purpose , that our ancient Kings , both Saxons and Normans , are in the Chronicles of England frequently said to have been chosen or elected . So much for the Word : and now with the Peace of the ingenuous and laborious Man lately mention'd , I would modestly enquire whether we find not some stroaks in our History of a real Election of our Kings in some Instances at least , so far as to interrupt the strict Opinion of hereditary Succession . And here I have no need to assert the Election of the People , or go off from the Doctor 's own ground or concession , either about the ancient Practice , or the declared Judgment of the Kingdom . 1. In the Saxons time , the Doctor saith , he hath discovered a sure Rule of Succession ; but this was double , either Right of Blood , or the Nomination of the preceding King ; 't is confess'd then that Right of Blood was not the only Rule : hence he lays down his ordinary distinction of Jus Haereditarium and Jus Testamentarium ; yea he tells us , that the Testamentary Heir , that is , one that comes to the Crown by the last King's Will , tho not next in Blood , is said to inherit . But to apply this distinction , methinks it doth two great things ; it first , plainly yields the Cause so far , as to the necessary descent of the Crown in Proximity of Blood : Secondly , It gives a shadow at least of Election , if not in the People , yet in the King , if by his last Will he might pass by the next in Blood , and name ( that is , properly to chuse ) another to succeed him in the Throne . Besides , if this was anciently done , both frequently and lawfully , where shall we found hereditary Government in the strict sense of it in the Constitution of the Kingdom ? or how shall we defend it from being in no wise elective ? Yea , if the King himself upon some considerations might chuse his Successor , and set aside the next in Blood , without wronging him , certainly upon great Considerations , the like may be done by both the King and People . And we find that Testamentary Heirs of the Crown , tho they were indeed named by the King , are said to be chosen by the People , and yet are also said to inherit ; and if we observe it narrowly , we shall easily note , that the words Hereditary and Elective , with respect to the Government , are some-times confounded in History ; Successione Haereditariâ eligere , was no contradiction . The Testament of Ethelwoph , Florence of Worcester calls it Epistola Haereditaria ; by which it is said , he set aside his own two Sons , as the Doctor notes , p. 363. where he tells us moreover , what the Law of Succession , as well as the Practice then , was ; the Saxon Kings , saith he , might appoint a Brother's Son , or a Bastard , to succeed them , before their own lawful Issue . But to come a little closer : I may demand where , when , or how this Maxim [ that the Crown of England is necessarily annex'd to Proximity of Blood in the Royal Family ] came to be of the Foundation or Constitution of our Government ? That it was never made so by Custom , or any other Law , or by any other means , the learned Doctor yields us , by his Refuge in a Testamentary Heir . I am assured under the hand of a very learned Lawyer , who is a great Friend of the Hereditary Monarchy , that this Maxim ( in contradiction to the former ) [ the Crown was alienable and devisable ] was retained , and never contradicted until the Resignation of K. John : and since that time how hath it been contradicted or denied either in practice , or the declared Judgment of the Kingdom ? It is evident enough what the sense of the King and Parliament was in Henry 8th's time , and since in Queen Elizabeth's , and since that in our late Parliaments . And nothing to the contrary can I think be fairly inferr'd , either from that Act of 7 Hen. 4. that limited the Succession of the Crown to his Sons in order , and their Issue ; or that of Hen. 7. that limited to the Heirs male of his Body , and no farther : Or the Recognition of K. James the first : for by that of Hen. 7. it is plain the Parliament thought they had power to limit the Succession , otherwise they would not have meddled with it ; besides they limited it indeed , by extending it only to the Issue male of his own Body . And as for the Recognition made to K. James , it seems to be the clearest and fullest acknowledgment of an hereditary Succession , yet we may observe how it is expressed ; 't is indeed declared , that the Imperial Crown did belong to him and his Royal Progeny and Posterity for ever ; but 't is not said of necessity , notwithstanding any Reason to the contrary , it shall actually descend to the next in Blood , in order for ever . Besides , they say in the same Act , that this their Recognition could not be perfect , or remain to Posterity without the King's Consent , that is , to make it an Act of Parliament . And doth not that imply , that hereditary Succession of the Crown was not accounted to be fundamental to our Government before ? For then it would have been perfect in it self , without the King's Consent . Besides , it seems evidently to follow , that the Kingdom at that time , judg'd that the Succession of the Crown was limitable by Act of Parliament . Yet lest after all this I should be mistaken , I make this observable from our own Histories , that tho sometimes the next in Blood hath been set aside , and for ought I find to the contrary , upon Reasons of State may be so again , yet it seems the Royal Family have Jus ad Rem , and have Right thereunto before any other , if any Member of the Royal Family are capable of Government : so I think we find it generally carried ; that is , when the next in Blood hath been omitted , generally , some one either really or in pretence of the Royal Family , hath been advanced to the Throne . This general Right to the Crown by Blood , hath been sometimes pleaded by our Kings , and allowed by the People and Parliaments , but never denied : and tho we cannot say , the next in Blood hath an uncontroulable and immediate Right beyond all exception , to enjoy the Crown ; tho we cannot find this Right in the constant usage as Common Law , and a Fundamental of our Government , yet we may grant that in all Turns and Temptations to the contrary , the Right of the Royal Family seems to have countenance , if not plain and general Acknowledgment , and to pass unquestionable with the silent Testimony of many Ages . I am sorry to observe with Daniel , that ( before this last Age ) seldom or never the third Heir in a right Descent , enjoyed the Crown of England . It cannot be denied , but that our Parliaments have frequently concern'd themselves about the Succession ; and that our Kings , both such as came to the Crown by proximity of Blood , as well as those that came to it otherwise , have often applied themselves to the Parliament , not only for their own Security , but to limit and qualify the Succession after them . Yea further I think it must be granted ( as one saith smartly enough ) That 't is a most dangerous thing to have an Opinion prevail , that the King in concurrence with his Parliament , should not have power to change the direct Order of Succession , though the Preservation of him and his People did depend upon it . Yet after all this , if Common Vsage be Common Law , and continued Practice be our Rule of determining this great Point , I think the Royal Family have a radical Right in the Government of England ; and bids fair for an Interest in the Constitution of the Kingdom ; for it seems to have governed the Disposition of the Crown all along , both before , as well as since William the first ; and that , generally , with our several Kings and Parliaments , ever since we had any . I shall leave this easy Observation , only take notice of two Concessions , which I apprehend considerable : The first is that of Dr. Br. he saith , the Saxon Kings might appoint a Brother's Son or a Bastard ( he doth not say , any other Person , or any one out of the Royal Family ) before their own lawful Issue , to succeed them in the Throne , p. 363. Succession of the Crown . The other is of Hubert A. C. at the Coronation of K. John , he declares indeed that the King ought to be elected by the Pople ( perhaps a new Doctrine to many that heard it ) yet he qualifies that Election , and tells them , that if any one of the Race of the late King was more deserving than others , the People ought ( pronius & promptius ) more readily consent to his Election . Now if the Descent of the Crown ought to be kept within the bounds of the Royal Family , Is not this sufficient to constitute an hereditary Monarchy , in a true sense , tho with the former latitude ? Was it ever thought essential to an Inheritance , to pass uncontroulably without any exception to the first in Blood ? Is it not enough for the nature of an Inheritance to be granted to me and my Heirs ? And may not Custom dispose it to the younger as well as the elder ? Hath not the Parent liberty to give it to whom he will ? Yea , is it consistent with a Fee-simple to be unalienable ? or with Salus Populi , in all possible Cases , for the Crown to be so ? especially in our own Kingdom , where frequent Practice seems to have established as the Common Law of the Crown in all Ages , that upon urgent Reasons for the safety of the Kingdom , the Inheritance is alieuable from the next in Blood. Nay , I must presume , that tho upon some extraordinary Revolution , and some absolutely necessary Reason of State for our common Preservation , a Stranger should be advanced to the Throne , for one or more turns , while that necessity continues ; I presume , I say , if when the Reason of that Violence is removed , if care be taken to have the Crown restored to the Royal Family , or any of its Branches , capable of it , the Hereditarines is not thereby extinct , or the Constitution of the Government altered , things may then run again in the old Channel , and settle upon their old Bottom . And since we are gone so far , may I not without Offence advance one step farther ? Is there no Priviledg by Primogeniture ? Doth not Nature and the general course of Inheritances , where there is no special Reservation or Exception , point out the next Heir for the Possession ? Yea , is there not very much to be found in our Chronicles , and Laws , and actual Succession of the Crown , in favour of the next Heir by proximity of Blood ? Can we find by our most diligent search of our publick Records , that ever the next in Blood was set aside , without some Reason or pretence of Reason ? which very thing seems to allow his Right , whilst it alledges something against his Possession . Whence we may conclude , that tho for sufficient reasons the next in Blood may be set aside , yet without such reasons it seems neither just nor fit that he should . The Royal Family have a Right in Actu primo ; the next Heir seems to have it in Actu secundo ; namely , a Jus in re , and as much a Right as can be conceived , short of Possession , if nothing can be justly objected against it from his Vnfitness for the Government . Immediately upon the Decease of the Queen ( saith the Parliament in their Recognition of King James the first ) the Imperial Crown did by inherent Birth-right , descend to you the next Heir of the Blood Royal. Thus the Royal Birth-right hath the Acknowledgment of the whole Kingdom , or the whole Body of the Realm , and every particular Member thereof , as the Words of the Statute are ; and this Birthright hath been often claimed , and often frustrated , but I think never denied , or so much as questioned . Prop. 2. There was nothing done in Prejudice of our Hereditary Monarchy , by our late Settlement . This is the other Proposition I undertook to make good in defence of our present Government ; and reflecting upon what we have lately discours'd , we are necessitated to take notice of , and to set our selves to answer a very considerable Objection thence arising , as some strongly fansy . Obj. Hence we are faln upon the great Objection ; 'T is thus , If the Right of the Crown be inherent in the next in Blood by Birth-right , why upon the Demise of the late King , did not the Government devolve on his Daughter the Princess of Orange ? By preferring the Prince of Orange before the Princess , whose right it was , seems not agreeable to an Hereditary Monarchy , and so makes the Government Elective . Answ . I hope there are already sufficient Grounds laid for an Answer hereunto : All that I have to do is to apply them in a few plain Propositions . 1. We have found reason to distinguish thus ; The Crown may be thought alienable , either absolutely , or in a qualified sense ; that is , such a sense as is consistent with its being Hereditary . 2. One may think that the Crown is not absolutely at the Peoples Disposal ; in our ( or in any ) Case , or alienable upon any Occasion , or to any Person ; and yet may conceive that upon plain necessity , created by Salus Populi the Supream Law , and the very end of Government , the Crown may be alienated from the next in Blood , to the second ; and upon the like reason to the third . 3. 'T is further evident to me , That a Man of that Perswasion may yet judg that the next in Blood that is capable of the Government , may of Right , and by the Law of Inheritance claim the Crown , which without Injustice cannot be denied him . 4. It hence followeth , That the Supream Power upon the Demise of the late King , did not devolve upon the People , nor imediately upon the Prince of Orange , but upon his Princess . Upon these grounds indeed it must be granted that the Princess should have been Queen as Queen Mary was , that is , in the place of the King ; and next to her , the Princess of Denmark , unless some very great Reason of State will justifie the preferring the Prince , who is not next in Blood , before them both . 5. Doubtless those whom we intrusted to manage and methodize our Settlement , saw , as they judged , unanswerable Reasons to advance the third in order , before the first and second , and methinks that should satisfie us . 6. But moreover we are morally assured that both those noble Princesses were themselves satisfied of the Reason of it ; yea , that both of them consented , yea desired the Crown might be settled in the order as it is . 7. And may it not be very reasonably granted , that some great Considerations ( though we know not what they were ) might move them cedere de jure suo , to wave their own Right , and these such as might warrant and justify their so doing ? 8. Yea , if there be such a thing as Abdication of Government , did not both those noble Princesses expresly , and not only by Implication , so far abdicate the Government , if they actually and voluntarily so far refus'd it ? Obj. But had not the Prince of Denmark some kind of Right in and by his Lady ? Sol. It seems to me he had ; but it is very evident that he consented and waved what Right he might have , as both the Princesses did theirs . Obj. But the People of England seem to have a right to be governed by the next in Blood of the Royal Family . Answ . This too may be granted : but the People of England in this sense , are the Lords , and the Representative Body of the Commons ; and have not these both consented to , and transacted the present Establishment for themselves and us ? To conclude this , Upon the late Demise , nothing could bar the Prince of Orange from a just and immediate Title to the Crown of England , but the Right of his Princess , the Right of the Princess , and in and by her of the Prince of Denmark , and the Right of the Nation in these ; but all these Bars are fairly removed by the Consent and Desire of all Parties concern'd , and none have left them any cause to complain in that respect . Now I hope here is nothing done destructive of the Hereditary Monarchy , nothing that can infer the Government to be Elective purely in the whole Transaction ; much less so great an Alteration in the nature of our Government for the future . What Principles some went upon in our late Change , we need not guess , so long as we find nothing evident , either verbal by Declaration of our Governours , or by any thing in the Change it self , but what is fairly reconcileable to our ancient Constitution ; we may , without troubling our selves with other Mens Principles , cheerfully submit to the present Government , if we have no more to object , but that the Nature of the Government is altered by the Revolution . An evil Surmise without ground , ought to be laid aside . CHAP IV. Of Vacancy , and the supposed Interregnum thereupon , by the late King's Abdication . WE are thus led to the second great Exception , which is this , It is delared by the Lords and Commons in the Convention , that the late K. James the Second having abdicated the Government , the Throne thereby was vacant ; consequently an Interregnum was admitted or supposed , contrary to the ancient and known Maxim , That in the Government of this Kingdom there is no Interregnum . For Answer hereunto , I hold my self obliged to do two things : first , to consider how and in what sense the late King abdicated the Government ; this may justify the filling the Throne with the the present King and Queen . 2dly . To shew that there hath been nothing said or done by the Convention , as such , that hath declared a Vacancy in the Throne in that full and absolute sense , as might infer an Interregnum in the true meaning of the Word . And thus the present Government will be vindicated and reconciled with the ancient , and this great Exception I hope fully satisfied : and this methinks I am strictly tied to , by my last Discourse of Hereditary Monarchy , as will presently appear more plainly . CHAP. V. Of ABDICATION . FOR the first , That the late King did really abdicate the Government , hath been so fully spoken to by others , that I need not much labour in the Proof of it . My chief Intention is to reconcile the Word to the Notion of my Brethren that are so much offended with it . 1. I desire them to consider , it is a Law-term , and but seldom used amongst us ; why should we not take the Signification of it from the Learned in that Faculty ? 2. But 't is of greater Weight , that the Lords and Commons differing about this Word at their Conferences , such a sense was beaten out , after much Debate and Argument , upon the very same grounds upon which many seem now offended with it , that the Wisdom of the Nation in both Houses acquiesced in this word , as the fittest for the purpose . By our Election we intrust them with all we have , and cannot we trust them with a Word ? 3. That which seem'd to reconcile the two Houses in the word Abdicate , was not the critical notions of the Civilians , but the Explication of what was then to be meant by it , which I am told was happily effected by one ( who is a Wonder in the learing of the Law ) in these or the like Words , in which before they were agreed . That King James the 2d . by going about to subvert the Constitution , by breaking the Original Coutract between King and People , and by violating the Fundamental Laws , and withdrawing himself out of the Kingdom , has thereby renounced to be a King , according to the Constitution , by avowing to govern by a Despotick Power unknown to the Constitution at his Coronation ; such a King to whom the Allegiance of an English Subject is due : and has set up another kind of Domination , which is to all intents an Abdication , or abandoning his Legal Title as fully , as if he had done it by express Words . Now if these things were true , as no body I think can deny , and amount to an Abdication in the just , and publickly owned and explained sense of the Word , how is it possible we should any longer scruple about it . Obj. The Meaning of it then is , that King James thus ceas'd to be King ; but this is doubted . Sol. But the Body of the Kingdom say he did ; and you will not say but 't is possible : for a King may cease to be so , by a voluntary Resignation in Word or Writing , which is formal Abdication ; or , as Grotius seems to expound the Word , by manifeste habere pro derelicto . 2. Now if the late King did as much by his Actions as an express Abdication amounts to , did he not virtually and as really relinquish or abdicate the Government , as if he had in so many Words renounced it ? 3. And that he did so , is too evident by what is before alledg'd against him , especially if we add his putting down the ancient Defence of the Kingdom , the Militia ; and beginning to rule and defend his Arbitrary Government by an illegal standing Army ; if when he voluntarily departed from us , he dismissed his Judges , threw away the Broad-Seal , and disbanded and let loose upon us his illegal Forces , and left us in a perfect Anarchy ; as was then apprehended , even by such as now are offended with the Word Abdication . The Caution of the Convention , to avoid all colour of Offence , seems admirable . If they had said the late King had forfeited the Crown , that would certainly have more offended you ; and if they had deposed him , much more : these are both avoided , and 't is only said he abdicated the Government ; they do not only say it was his own Fault , but his own Act. Obj. But thus we make him Felo de se . Sol. This seems to be no hard saying . 'T is plain , though the King in his personal or natural Capacity cannot , as you think , forfeit his Life , yet he may die or kill himself : So in his politick Capacity , if we grant that the King cannot forfeit his Government by male Administration , yet 't is possible he may extinguish and destroy it , and that by a real as well as by a formal Abdication , as before explain'd . Government according ▪ to Law , is essential to our Government , otherwise our Lawyers are much out , that generally tell us our Government is a Legal , Regal , or as Fortescue , a Political Government , in opposition to Despotical , Absolute , Arbitrary or Tyrannical Government . Now though a King do not intend absolutely to abandon all kind of Government , yet when he leaves the proper Government , and assumes another kind of Government abhor'd by our Constitution , he plainly ceaseth to be our Governour in any sense ; he refuseth to govern politically ; he would bring in another Species of Government that is destructive of our Constitution ; and begins in many odious Instances , the Execution of Tyranny , contrary , not only to the Laws that make and limit our Government , but contrary to the ends of all Government ; and instead of protecting , destroys his People ; what can be plainer than that this is to abdicate the Government as King of England ? A King may kill himself , and not intend it . To this purpose we have several notable Collections made by others . I shall note a few of them . Among the Laws of K. Edward C. 17. de Regis Officio , the Liberties of the People being mention'd , it is said , that the King is constituted for the Preservation of them , which if he do not , nec nomen Regis in eo constabit , he doth not retain the Name of a King. Bracton says l. 2. c. 24. Est enim Corona Regis facere Justitiam & Judicium , pacem tenere , sine quibus consistere potest nec tenere ; i. e. The Crown of the King is to do Justice and Judgment , and to preserve Peace , without which he cannot subsist . But above all , the Words of K. James to his Parliament March 21. 1609. are remarkable . The King is bound by a double Oath to preserve the Laws , tacitly as being King , and expresly by his Coronation-Oath : So as every just King is bound to observe the Paction made with his People by his Laws , framing the Government thereunto ; and a King leaves to be King , and degenerates into a Tyrant as soon as he leaves off to govern by Law , in which case the King's Conscience may speak to him , as the poor Woman to Philip of Macedon , Either govern according to Law , or cease to be King. Answerable hereunto is the Civilians Maxim , Tyranni in Exarcitie decidunt Jure sue Haereditario ; i. e. Tyrants by their Tyranny lose their Hereditary Right of Government ; for the Ill of Monarchy is Tyranny ; K. Charles's Answ . to 19. Prop. From what hath been said , it seems plain , that a King by relinquishing the Legal , and usurping an Arbitrary or Tyrannical Government , does as effectually abdicate the Government as King , as a Merchant that turns Pirate , abdicates his Trade ; or a Husbandman , that leaves off his Husbandry , and resolves to cast the fortune of his Life upon robbing on the High-way , abdicates his Plough . Lastly , 't is so evident in those that give us the sense of the word , that there is a real Abdication , as we have considered it in distinction to a formal , that no body that will take the pains to examine can doubt it : Not only Grotius , de Jure Belli & Pac. lib. 2. c. 4. s . 4. Non tantum verbis sed re potest : but Calvin in his Lexic . Jurisd . tells us , Generum abdicat , qui Sponsam repudiat ; he that divorces his Wife , doth abdicate his Son. So Homo liber qui seipsum vendit , abdicat se statu suo , saith Brissonius de verb. sign . that is , he which sells himself , abdicates himself from his former state . And Budaeus Comment . de Origine Juris , Abdicare se Magistratu est idem quod abire penitus Magistratu . 1. For the Application of the Word so explained : And to all that had been said to prove the late King's Abdication compleat and undeniable , it ought to be remembred , that in the very times of Popery here , a submitting to Papal Usurpations and Authority contrary to our Laws , was deem'd a Disinherison of the Crown . What shall we say of the late King 's voluntary , studied and deliberate invading his own Authority , and subjecting the whole Ecclesiastical State to a forreign Power , to the utter Extirpation of our Reformed Constitution , so firmly settled in the special Laws of the Land to that purpose ? Considering also how this in a little time must inevitably ruin the Civil State , which is intimately inter woven with the Ecclesiastical in their just Liberties and true Religion ; their very Consciences and Lives not being safe from the Snares and Inquisitions , and even Massacres of the most cruel , tyrannical and barbarous Religion in the World. 2. This , in conjunction with the late King's Proceedings in civil Matters , needs no Aggravation . The Crown of England is glorious in a threefold Excellency , the Legislative , Executive , and Military Power . Now sor one of our own Kings to do that industriously , and by many designed deliberate Acts , which is rank Treason against the King and Kingdom , which at least hath a tendency to destroy the King , with respect to his Crown and Dignity , what is this but to destroy himself ? For a King to divest himself of the Legislative Power by the use of all Artifices of Fraud and Force , to destroy the fundamental Priviledges of Election , and consequently the very Being of a legal Parliament , his executive Power , by refusing to govern by Law , and setting up an arbitrary tyrannical Government . Lastly , his legal standing military Power ; laying aside the Militia , and resolving to stick to an illegal Army , what is this but to relinquish the Government of England , to throw away all Regal Authority , to violate , break in pieces , and trample upon the Crown ; to declare to all the World , he will be King no longer ; and to abandon the Authority which he had to govern by Law , according to the Constitution of the Kingdom , his Duty to his People as King , and the special Bond upon his Soul in his solemn Coronation-Oath ? 3. But at last , to crown all , when the Noise of the Prince's Coming had brought him a little to himself , and he begins to feel the danger that his late daring Pranks of Tyranny had brought him into , he adviseth with his wise Council what to do : Should he trust his People in Parliament ? No : Should he trust his melting Army ? No : Should he trust his dreadful Son in Law ? No. What then ? as the evil Spirit rent and tore the Body when he was forc'd to leave it , so he did all the mischief he could , ( by calling in his Writs for a Parliament , dismissing his Judges , carrying away the Broad Seal , and putting an end to all kind of Government among us , as before ) and then leaves us in absolute Anarchy , and a way of Confusion , upon a necessity apprehended ( of his own creating ) of dispossessing us , he flies to his trusty and wel-beloved the French King ; thus at once delivering his Person , and in consequence directly betraying his Kingdom into the Power of the only Friend he has in the World , but his Kingdoms only Enemy . In a word , to put an end industriously to all Government at home , and as far as in him lay , to deliver himself and his Kingdoms into the Power of a foreign Enemy , seems to be an Abdication with a Witness , at least so far , as to leave the Throne vacant . CHAP. VI. Of Vacancy and Interregnum . BUT it may be said , That if the late King did abdicate the Government , and thereby the Throne became void ; then we admit an Interregnum , contrary to an ancient Maxim in our Government : But the Convention did declare , that the late King did so abdicate , and the Throne was vacant ; therefore they have altered the Constitution of our Government . Answ . 1. Hereunto I answer , first , That I for my part know no Law against the possibility either of a Vacancy in the Throne , or an Interregnum ; I mean , in extraordinary cases , such as ours was ; or when the Royal Family may be supposed to be extinct , or all the remaining Branches of it are known to have imbibed Principles directly against the Interest and Religion of the Kingdom , and destructive of what should be preserved . I cannot say but the contrary Opinion seems to consist with some ancient Transactions of our States . 2. For a Vacancy in the Throne , we have an express Precedent in the sense of the Parliament about Richard the 2d ; and if so , that will infer so much of an Interregnum too . 3. I confess of later times , the Recognition of the Parliament made to K. James the first , seems to exclude both a Vacancy and an Interregnum , that is , at least when things proceed ordinarily and regularly ; the words are , Immediately upon the Decease of the Queen , the Imperial Crown did by inherent Birthright descend to you the next Heir of the Blood Royal. And this it concerns me to observe , as agreeable to the Hereditarines of our Monarchy , as before I have declared it . A Digression . But before I proceed , I desire it may be always remembred , and that we still carry this along with us , That tho the Crown be Hereditable , yet Government is an Office and Service , or Ministry to us for good , Rom. 13. and that by our Law 't is in the nature of an Office : that it may be lost three ways ; either by Insufficiency , or Forfeiture , or Cession , called Non-qualification , Abuser , or Non-user : And how far these , or any of them , are applicable to the Possessor of the Crown in England ▪ may be considered in the ensuing Discourse . At present we shall observe , that he that takes an Office , tho it be by way of Inheritance , takes it with its Conditions and Burthens . Indeed , there are Advantages and Profits annex'd to the Office , and sometimes real Estates in Land , which are inseparable from it , and cannot be lost while the Officer continues in the Office : And thus it is with our Crown-Lands , wherein the King hath rectum dominion in Right of the Crown ; which no Man hath in his Land besides the King. Yet if the Government be an Office , and these Crown-Lands be in the King , as he is King , and hath that Office , and not simply in him as such a Person ; he cannot lose them any way during his being King ; but he seems to hold in the nature of a Benefit , from and for another ; i. e. his Kingdom , he owes Duty for it , tho not Fealty for it : And the Statute 37 Hen. 8. cap. 16. useth the word Fee of Lands invested in the Crown . But leaving this Digression , we must return ; and there seem two Doubts depending here , that I must a little insist upon , Whether the Convention did indeed declare the Throne vacant ? and whether we are bound to believe that Vacancy to be so absolute as to infer an Interregnum ? The first Doubt touching Vacancy , viz. First , Whether the Convention did indeed declare the Throne to be vacant ? 1. If it be plain they did , they did so as our Representatives , and why should not that satisfy us ? at least why should we be troubled at it , seeing their so declaring passeth not into our Allegiance , or the succeeding exercise of the Government ; besides , we are left at liberty to enjoy our private Thoughts about it ; and tho they declared so , we are neither required to declare it , or to believe it . 2. But in truth ( whatever might pass at the Conferences of the Houses about it ) their VVords that give us their Act in publick ▪ do not express or formally make any Declaration , that the Throne was vacant . Their words are these , [ K. James the 2d having abdicated the Government , and the Throne being thereby vacant ] here is indeed a plain Supposition that it is so , but no Declaration . So that if the Throne was not vacant by the King's Abdication , they do nothing to make it so ; all the Suppositions in the world cannot make that to be that is not . Therefore if that King had really abdicated the Government , and yet there was no Vacancy , there was neither any Interregnum ; but the Descent was immediate ; and the Succession regular in the present King and Queen . But if the Throne was really void by that King 's abdicating , and the Convention was not mistaken in their Supposition , as we should not easily imagine , then we are concern'd to consider the second Doubt . The second Doubt . VVhether we are bound to believe that Vacancy to be so absolute , as necessarily to infer in the meaning of the Convention an utter Interregnum ? Sol. In general my answer is , There is no necessity for such a Belief , nor indeed any reason for it in my apprehension . The Convention , as I observed before , did not declare a Vacancy at all , only they suppose it , as the undoubted Consequence and Effect of the Abdication ; having abdicated the Government , and the Throne being thereby void . Now that the King's Abdication did or did not leave the Throne vacant , depends upon the Nature of the things ; and are not affected by the Declaration ; neither can we by our Jealousies or Imagination make things otherwise than they are of themselves , or make the Declaration import another and a stricter sense than it really doth . For a fuller answer therefore , three things are distinctly to be considered . 1. How far a Total Abdication may effect a Vacancy in the Throne . 2. Whether we have reason to think that the Convention did suppose a Vacancy in any other sense . 3. Consequently whether that sense imply an Interregnum . Quest . 1. How far a Total Abdication of the Government may ( or doth necessarily ) effect a Vacancy in the Throne . Sol. For the clear answer to this , we must take our Measures from the Nature of our Government , which hath been supposed to be Hereditary . 1. Now if the Government be indeed Hereditary , though there be a Vacancy in the Throne , truly wrought by the Abdication of the Government , as the Convention supposed , it cannot be reasonably imagined to be an absolute and total Vacancy , or such in all respects . 2. The Reason of the Consequence seems plain from this , because the Vacancy was made by K. James , and he could not make it further than he could . He could not prejudice his Heirs , or leave the Throne empty in all respects ; for the Statute of K. James the First declares , agreeable to all times , The Imperial Crown by inherent Birth-right , doth immediately descend to the next Heir of the Blood Royal upon the Decease of the Predecessor . The Royal Family have Jus ad Rem , but the next in Blood , if without just Exception , hath Jus in Re , and wants nothing but Livery and Seisin . 3. This carries a plain Analogy with the Interest of others ; and if it be a Priviledg , cannot be denied to our Princes . The Estate is in the Heir immediately upon the Death of the Possessor ; and if the Estate be forfeited , 't is immediately in the next Tenant , though in neither case they may have yet got Possession . And we use to say , the Heir to the Crown is King before either the Coronation or Proclamation ; i. e. The Throne upon Demise is instantly fill'd , and there is no Vacancy in that sense . 4. If the right Heir before entry be kept out of Possession , the Estate is not in Obeyance , or in Nubibus , but , as the Lawyers say , in Abatement ; the Estate is really in the Heir , though they say the Law favours the intruder , as the lawful Possessor , till the Right of the true Heir is proved , which I have no reason to apply . 5. However , 't is plain enough that the Convention supposed the late King by Abdication left the Throne void in some respect ; and what that was , must certainly respect himself , and not his Heirs ; he left the Throne void , as to his own Person , and as to his Possession , and as to his own Right , by relinquishing the Government . 6. Yea , he left it void as to any present Administration or Administrator ; and therefore it being so void , ipso facto , the great Men of the Kingdom first desired the Prince of Orange to take upon him the Administration of the Government , till the Convention should meet . This he did , and this Vacancy was the natural Effect or Consequence of his Abdication ; but we may not strain the Word to the altering the nature of our Government ; neither may we imagine a Papist's Abdication should bar or prejudice his Protestant Children , or change our Constitution . 7. I hope I have said nothing in prejudice of any Limitations or Conditions of the Crown , either in Law , or from the necessary Nature of Government , or by Act of Parliament ; if according to such Conditions the next in Blood be not qualified , the Throne may be filled by the Right or the next . When the Throne was declared void upon the Deposition of Rich. the 2d . his Son was instantly admitted ; as were before the Sons of Edw. 1. and Ed. 2. upon their removal . 8. We are told that before the Stat. 25. Edw. 3. de natis ultra mare , it was a received Maxim , that the next in Blood born beyond the Sea should not be King : and by that of Eliz. 23. c. 1. Persons opposing the Execution of that Act , are thereby disabled for ever . Yet we still conceive , that the next Heirs after them , ( better capacitated , and not guilty or defective as they ) might claim the Crown , otherwise all other Persons are under the same Penalty , though not at all guilty ; and the Penalty is not restrained to the Person offending , or to the Crime mentioned in the latter ; or in the Incapacity in the former Instance . The Statute of the Queen plainly supposeth that some may claim , which cannot consist with an Elective Government ; and if the next in Blood are disabled by Law to claim , it follows , the Right is some where else , and by Virtue of that Right the Throne is so far fill'd , and Possession may be claimed . Quest . 2. Whether we have reason to think that the Convention did suppose a Vacancy in any other sense . Sol. We may receive full Satisfaction in this , from what hath been said upon the first Query . For what reason can we have in Justice or Charity to imagine the Constitution intended any further Vacancy , than was or could be made by the late King's Abdication ? what reason is left us to think that they intended such a Vacancy as was inconsistent with the nature of our ancient Hereditary Monarchy , or the Interest of the Persons that are now advanced to the Throne in their own Right ? of which we have given account before ; or why should we impose a groundless and an unreasonable sense upon the Proceedings of our Superiors , as may forestal or prejudice our quiet and due Submission to the Government ? 2. For our further Satisfaction , we ought to consider , first the Persons whom they admitted to the Crown , namely such as , upon Avoidance , upon their Inherent Birth-right might have claimed the Crown . Secondly , The Words of the Declaration , by which they were admitted . [ The Throne being thereby vacant , we do resolve that William and Mary be , and be declared King and Queen . ] They do not say they make them so , but resolve that they are so , and then declare them to be what indeed they were . 3. And now I must have leave to admire the Wisdom , Foresight and Caution of that great Assembly : they do not lay hold of a Forfeiture of K. James ; they do not pretend to depose him ; they do not insist upon his Resignation ; but they suppose and alledg strong Grounds of that Supposition , that he had abdicated the Government so far , as that with respect to him , to all Intents and Purposes , the Throne was void ; and therefore to maintain the Hereditarines of this Monarchy , they allow the Right of the next Heirs , viz. William and Mary ; and accordingly upon that their Title , they declare them King and Queen . Quest . 3. Whether the sense of Vacancy thus explained , imply an Interregnum ? This can be a Question no longer , if we consider the Premises ; for such a Vacancy we have upon every Demise of the Crown , yet no Interregnum . CHAP. VII . Of the Convention , and how it became a Parliament . The Third Maxim considered . Obj. WE are arrived to the Consideration of the third great Exception , viz. That it is a Maxim , that nothing binds the People of England but an Act of Parliament : But the present Government was made by a Convention , and not by a legal Parliament , therefore we are not bound to own it . Sol. 1. To this , first , it may be replied , That tho this Maxim be generally allowed , yet not without some Exceptions . For is not Custom and the Common Law the Rule of Right and Justice betwixt Man and Man , yea and betwixt the Prince and the People ? Were there no Statute or Act of Parliament about Government and Subjection ? Yea , were there no Coronation-Oath , or Oath of Allegiance , to be taken by the King or the Subject ? Yet , from the nature of our Government , and by Common Law , the King ought to govern according to the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom ; and we ought to pay him our natural Allegiance . Yea , it is not questioned by those that most scruple about the present Settlement , but now there are positive Laws , requiring those Oaths , yet before they are taken , the respective Duties both of King and People are to be observed by force of the radical nature of our Monarchy , and the fundamental Constitution of Government in our Common Law. 2. For a further Answer we must remind what hath been said of our Hereditary Monarchy , which if understood in no other sense , than these very Persons are eager to maintain , methinks supercedes this Objection . For if the Government in their own sense be hereditary ; then , in consequence of it , when the Throne is vacant of the Predecessor , it is in the same instant fill'd by the next Heir , as to Right and Title , in Analogy with all other Cases of Inheritance , and even from the nature of Inheritance . We need not here speak over again what we have about the late King's Abdication , and leaving the Throne void ; we may be allow'd here to suppose it ; and then 't is evident that , upon this ground , upon that avoidance , without any intervention or Act of the People , either in a Convention , or Parliament , the Crown immediately descended to the next Heir of the Royal Family by Right of Blood , or Birth-right . 3. So far for their Right . As to their Entry and Possession of the Government , tho in all such extraordinary Revolutions it hath been safest , to be admitted with the Consent of the People ; yet 't is evident from the same Concession , that it is their Inheritance ; that the next Heir may claim and take possession of himself , without the Consent or Act of the People ; that is , he hath right to do so ; and if he be hindred and kept by force from his lawful Entry , without just Cause , or his own Consent , he is apparently injured . And this seems to follow irresistibly , from the nature of an Inheritance . 4. Accordingly , the Duke of Lancaster came into the Parliament , and claimed and challenged the Crown as descended unto him , by the right Line of the Blood of Hen. 3. and his Claim and Challenge without any Dispute was immediately admitted . Upon the Resignation of Edw. 2. his Son Edw. 3. as the first-born and Heir of the Kingdom , declares , that upon his Father's Concession by the Counsel and Advisement ( no other Act ) of the great Men , he assumed and took upon him the Government . 5. But I need instance in no more , when we have considered what passed in Parliament , 1 Edw. 4. They declare the King was in Right , from the Death of the King his Father , very just King ; and that they take and repute the said Edw. 4. according to his said Right and Title , declaring his Title was just and lawful , as grounded upon the Laws of God and Nature ; and also upon the ancient Laws , and laudable Customs of the said Realm . Agreeable hereunto was the Recognition of King James before-mentioned . 6. Now if we apply this to our own Case , may I demand , What was there left for the Convention to do ? King James had relinquish'd the Government , and left the Throne vacant ; thereby there was an immediate Descent of the Crown by inherent Birthright to his Daughter , if willing to accept it : I say , what had we to do more , than to recognize and declare her to be Queen of England ? Indeed , they did join in their said Declaration the Prince her Husband with her : but they seem not to pretend to make either him or her , King or Queen ; their words are these , The Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the Commens assembled at Westminster , do resolve that William and Mary , Prince and Princess of Orange , be , and be declared King and Queen of England , &c. Object . But why do they not then declare the Princess as immediate Heir , to be Queen only , or at least before the Prince ? Sol. This I hope hath been fairly accounted for before , Consensus tollit-Errorem ; especially Consent grounded upon invincible Reasons of State in that Juncture , or rather Confusion of Affairs . And if we look back upon former times , we are not without instances in this particular , not much unlike it . 2. Edward the 2d denied himself of his Right , and actually relinquish'd the Government , ( 't is not material here upon what Motives ) and his Son , with the Father's liking , and the Advice of the great Men , was King of England during his Father's Life ; tho before he had sworn , invito Patre , he would never accept of the Crown ; yet when he doth accept it , he declares he takes it not as the Gift of the People , nor any other way , but as Primogenitus Regis , & Haeres . 3. Somewhat like it we read concerning Richard Duke of York ; he was permitted by the true Heir to the Crown , ( tho his own Title to it was upon examination sound defective ) to possess the Throne , for the honour of the King , and to maintain Peace during his Life : and the true Heir did cedere de jure suo , with assurance to enjoy the Crown after the Decease of the King de facto . 4. It was indeed enacted 15 Edw. 2. that the things which shall be establish'd for the Estate of the King , and of the Realm and People , may be treated , moved and established by the King , and by the Assent of the Prelates , Earls , Baerons , and Commonalty of the Kingdom . And there is no doubt but this is the proper course in ordinary Cases . 5. But that there is a necessity for a Convention , that is no Parliament , in some extraordinary Cases , to meddle in these high Matters , none , I think , can question . Namely , if we can suppose the Royal Family extinct , at least so far , as there is no Heir appears to claim and take the Government , upon the demise of the King. Is there not a plain necessity now to preserve all from Confusion , for the great Men , &c. to meet , and to consider where to place the Government , according to Right or Merit ? 6. Again , we may suppose two or more Rivals for the Crown , upon the King's Death , when there can be no Parliament , ( that , if in being before , dying with the King ) should not the Great Men meet , and prevent the Ruin of the Kingdom by Civil Wars , by acknowledging and assisting the right Heir , as they are bound by their natural Allegiance ? Yea , I may add , If a Pretender , excluded by the Limitations of the Law , should by violence invade the Government ; what Remedy , if the People may not meet , especially being invited thereunto , by the next Heir qualified by the Law , to keep out the Pretender , and admit the lawful Heir to take the Government ? 7. That there may be Limitations put to the Descent of the Crown , methinks lies not only in the Nature of Government , but hath been the declared sense of the Kingdom , ( i. e. of King & Parliament ) upon all occasions , and never denied : And if those Limitations are necessary for the preservation of the Whole , and our very Constitution , as they may be , or are clearly expressed in an Act of Parliament ; if any one would break thrô , and invade the Government , he must be prevented by a Convention , or the Foundation of the Government is subverted . 8. Lastly , The Throne being left empty of an Administrator lately in our own Case , and we put into a state of Anarchy , and great Confusion upon the late King's Departure , Did not every Man , that had any sense of our Danger , ( and that is , all that were not concern'd in the late methods of our Ruin ) Did not they see then a plain necessity to meet together , and apply to the Author of our Deliverance , desiring that he would take upon him the Administration of the Government , till the Convention should meet , and to give out his Summons for a Convention ? And was not that Convention regularly , peaceably and freely chosen and assembled ? And what did they do , but consider where the Right of the Crown now lay , and with the Consent of all Parties , as before is noted , declare WILLIAM and MARY our King and Queen . 9. True , as yet they were no Parliament , but as soon as there was a Possessor of the Throne , the Lords and Commons so freely chosen , by the subsequent Consent of the King , of Themselves proceed into a Parliament ; and being so , recognize the King and Queen , and cause Proclamations thereof to be made throughout the Kingdom . Which being done , we have a King and Queen de facto , and no room left to dispute their Title according to Reason . 10. Give me leave to resume the Matter fair and plain . All saw a necessity that the great Men should meet , ( and some perhaps that now scruple ) and desire the Prince of Orange to take the Administration of the Government , and summon a Convention ; and in that Exigence what could they do more seasonable and wisely ? and how could the Prince proceed more regularly and nearer to our Constitution , having the Exercise of the Government , than by summoning a Convention ? Or , how could the People transact the Election , to represent them more freely and quietly than they did ? And what had the Convention of Lords and Commons ( so elected ) to do , but to consider where the next Title to the Crown lay , and to declare and recognize the present King and Queen , with consent of all parties concern'd , as before was observed ? by which Act of the People of England , they took , and now have , as evident a Possession of the Throne , as ever any King of England had . 11. I say , now especially , because , since the Declaration of the Convention , the Body of the Kingdom in Parliament , have solemnly again recognized the present King and Queen ; and they have been since acknowledged by the People at large , by Universal Proclamations throughout the Kingdom . Obj. But the Assembly at Westminster may be thought but a Convention still , and no Parliament , because not at first summon'd by the King's Writs . Answ . However , they truly represent the whole Body of the People , and the Representers of the Commons , and University of the People , together with the Lords , all concur'd to the Proclamations of the King and Queen , and that 's enough certainly to render the Possession of the Throne by them undoubted ; besides the Solemnities of it at their Coronations , by the usual Methods , and all Formalities of Law. But let us consider this matter a little nearer . 2. I do not say a Parliament can make it self ; but methinks 't is evident enough , that the Persons elected by the People on purpose to be their Representatives , in Conjunction with the Lords , whose Right it is to sit in Parliament , with the consent of the King sufficiently , express'd should have both the matter and form of a Parliament : 't is true we cannot conceive a proper Parliament in England , without a King in Being or Possession ; but the Writs before can reasonably be supposed to have no further Influence into the being of a Parliament , than only for the orderly Proceeding of the Election , and signifying the King's Pleasure to have a Parliament . To be short ; if we find the Name and Power of a Parliament given by the Law to Conventions , not chosen by the People ; if we find the Definition of a Parliament given by a Statute , to agree exactly to the present Parliament ; and lastly , if we have a Precedent in the case , why should we doubt whether the present be a Legal Parliament ? First , That the Name and Power of Parliament hath been formerly given by Law to Conventions of the great Men , and the Community of the People , without any Election of the People at all , and consequently not chosen upon Writs from the King ; this the learned Dr. Brady labours much to prove in favour of the Crown before ( as he saith ) Parliaments were settled as now they are . He saith Colloquium & Parliamentum , Conference and Parliament , were expressive one of another ; and in those great Conventions , sometimes only the great Men of the Kingdom , as at Runnemede , are called a Parliament ; sometimes also with them the Communitas Populi ; but these , he saith , did not include the common sort , much less imply the issuing out of Writs , and thereupon the Peoples electing their Representatives , p. 72. Answ . to Mr. Petit. Whence I argue , If a Convention heretofore ( without the Election of the People upon Writs from the King ) had the Name of a Parliament , and concurred with the King to make Laws binding upon the People ; certainly now a Convention freely chosen by Summons from a Person that had the Administration of the Government in his hand , and was in the place of the King ( though the late King had call'd in his Writs , and left the Kingdom , and that Exigence of Affairs could not possibly admit any other Remedy ) I say , such a Convention , when allowed by the King , doth much rather deserve the Name , and challenge the Authority of a Parliament . The Argument receives much strength , if we consider that now the Election of our Representatives , so essential to our Parliaments , is the great fundamental Priviledg of the People ; and consequently the King's Writs to that purpose , that we may have frequent Parliaments , is the Peoples Priviledg also ; besides the present King cannot be supposed to suffer any thing in his Prerogative , who ( though in another Capacity ) did in effect send out such Writs ; and since he took the Crown , hath allow'd the Election upon his own Summons for a Convention , to serve in order to their being a Parliament , what can be thought wanting to the making them a Parliament ? The People have their Priviledg , and the King his Prerogative : and while we have the Substance , 't is vain to complain of the want of a mere Formality , impossible to be had , to the Unsettlement of a whole Kingdom . Secondly , The Definition of a Parliament agrees well enough with our present Parliament , as we have it in 1 K. James the first . A Parliament is , where all the whole Body of the Realm , and every particular Member thereof , either in Person , or by Representation ( upon their own free Elections ) are , by the Laws of this Realm , deemed to be personally present . Wherein we have two Propositions : 1st . That every particular Subject , either in Person ( in the House of Peers ) or by Representation in the House of Commons , are , by the Laws of this Realm , deemed personally present in Parliament . 2dly . That where the whole of the Realm are thus , either in Person as Peers , or by their Representatives , upon their own free Elections present , there is a Parliament . 1. So that the Essence of a Parliament seems to consist in two things , with respect to the two Houses : The Presence of the Peers in their own Right ; and of the Representatives of the People by Virtue of their Election , and to be entire , without the Consideration of any previous Writs from the King. 2. Indeed we cannot well conceive that a Parliament properly so , can be so without a King in being , not for want of Writs to summon , but for want of an occasion , and reason of their being , if the King be the Person with whom they are to parly , & caput Principium , & finis Parliament : But seeing the Peers of the Realm , and the Representatives of the Commons , upon their own free Elections ▪ are assembled , and the King in being , allows , approves , and ratifies their Assembly to be a Parliament by his subsequent Assent , as King , to that manner of Summons , which he , before he was actually King , invited them to ; and advises with them , and makes use of them as his Parliament ; It is plain to me , that they have the entire Substance of a lawful Parliament ; and that the King's Writs in such a case are but a separable Accident ; and that we should look upon our selves , and the whole Body of the People , as present there , and acting or consenting to all the Laws made by the King and them . 3. And lastly , we are not without a plain and direct Precedent in the case upon King Charles the second 's happy Restauration ( as every one observes ) which is , in terminis , made the pattern by this King and Parliament in the late Act , declaring themselves to be a Parliament , though it wanted the previous Writs of Summons , which could not be had . And though 23 of the Statutes made by that Parliament were afterwards confirm'd , 13 Car. 2. c. 7. yet the rest of the Acts made by them have been taken to be of as much force by the Judges , though not so confirm'd : And this of the 12 Car. 2. 1. is one of them ; as all other Laws , made by our Kings , whose Titles have been afterwards question'd , ( with the Peoples Concurrence ) have been ever held valid . Thus we have the Publique Judgment of two Kings , and of the Body of the whole Kingdom in two Parliaments , that such Writs of Summons before-hand , are not necessary in all Cases , and in particular in our Case , to the Constitution of a true and Legal Parliament : And who have most reason to understand , and to judg , and determine such publick and high Points , concerning the Nature of Parliaments , the King and Kingdom assembled together , or Men of a single and private Capacity ? How far our Consent and Sense is concern'd in the Determination of those we have chosen , and in some sort trusted with our politick Interest ; and in whom the Law lately mention'd , saith , We are deemed to be present ; I urge not , but it may be worthy to be considered . The Words of the Parliament , being about to declare the Right of Richard the 3d. are these , and I think them very pertinent ; The Parliament is of such Authority , and the People of this Land of such a Nature and Disposition , as Experience teacheth ; that Manifestation or Declaration of any Truth , made by the three Estates of this Realm assembled in Parliament , and by Authority of the same , maketh before all other things , most faithful and certain quieting of Mens Minds , and removeth the Occasion of Doubts and seditious Language . Which God grant . CHAP. VIII . Arguing from the Possession of the Crown . I Have now finished the greatest part of my Undertaking ; and how I have vindicated the late Revolution , and reconciled our present State to our ancient Constitution , as an Hereditary Monarchy , and admitting no Interregnum , my Reader will be my Judg. As also of what I have said touching Abdication and Vacancy in the Throne ; of the Convention , and their just and regular Proceedings , in their Invitation of King William and Queen Mary , to take upon them the Government of these Kingdoms ; and lastly , of the Legality of the present Parliament ; and thereby obviated or answered the Objections made against the present Government . From any , or all of these , as I intended , I submit to his serious Consideration and candid Censure . 2. But if all that I have hitherto said , fail of my end , in giving full satisfaction to such as scruple the taking the new Oaths of Allegiance , to all the Arguments that have been so well inlarged upon by others , I shall only resume that , that hath been often insisted on , taken from the Possession of the present King and Queen , with the easy and just consequence of it . If the Body of the Kingdom , as represented by the Lords and Commons duly chosen , or scattered over the Kingdom by their open , uninterrupted , and general Recognitions and Proclamations , and their Coronations , with all the Methods and Formalities of Law can give , or can own and approve the Possession of the Throne , and declare and manifest William and Mary , King and Queen ( as no body can doubt ) they are certainly , and must be acknowledged to be our King and Queen de facto . Now hence it follows . 1. Then we owe them Obedience due by Law , for then we are their Subjects : And we cannot conceive of Soveraignty without Authority , nor of Subjection without Obedience . This the Statute of Hen. 7. plainly supposeth due to the King in being ; and consequently , that such an one is not a King in Name only , but in Dignity and Power . And the Subject may obey him , fight for him , and consequently take the military Oath , an Oath to be faithful in that highest Act of his Service ; and doth assoil him from any Crime in so doing , in Reason , Law and Conscience . 2. Hereupon the learned Lord Coke , and Judg Hales affirm without Hesitancy , That a King de facto , and not de jure , is within the great and ancient Statute of Treason , 25 Edw. 3. 3. Now if we enquire why Treason may , according to Law , be committed against a King de facto ? the Reason is obvious , namely , because the Law looks upon him as really our King. As Treason , they say , cannot be committed against a King by Right only , and hath not Possession , which must be upon the like Reason , because the Law doth not regard one out of Possession , and cannot protect us , or administer Justice to us as King of England . 4. Hence it seems to follow , first , If the Subject may be guilty of Treason against the King in being , it implies he owes the Duty that is contrary to Treason , to the same King ; and what is that but Fealty or Fidelity ? that is , a Principle against Treason , a faithful and loyal Mind , keeping Treason out of its Seat , which we know is not so much in our Actions as in the Mind and Imagination . 2dly . If Treason cannot be committed against the King that is out of Possession , as he is not King according to Law ; so we cannot be thought to owe him our Allegiance , that is , Obedience according to Law , for he is not King so as to rule or command us , and then there is wanting the very Reason of Duty , or of Fidelity to that Duty . 5. It may not be unworthy our observation , That if any one yet can be so weak or blind , as to imagine , that since the late King's Abdication , the Crown is in Abatement , and the Right lies somewhere else ; even in that case , they say , the Common Law favours the Abator , and looks upon his Title to be good , until the Right of the Heir be proved , and the Matter of the Title be decided by Law , and consequently all Duties , in the mean time , are to be paid by the Tenants to the Abator , as if he had Right as well as Possession . I need not apply it . 6. However there is nothing in the Law of the Land , or the Word of God , that necessitates the Subject to trouble his Conscience with Scruples about the Titles of Princes , or beyond the actual Possession and Administration of the Government . 1. For the Word of God , that supposeth Christians to be under the present Powers ; and strictly enjoins them peaceable and unscrupled Submission and Obedience to the Powers that are : but this Argument hath been sufficiently enforc'd by others , even to Demonstration . 2. For the Law of the Land ; this justifies our Obedience to the present Power , yea requires it , and punisheth the contrary ; and will not endure any Scruples about the Right , when the Possession of the Crown is once settled ; and terminates all Doubts of that kind in an Act of Parliament , which is the publick Judgment and Sense of the Nation . 'T was said by the Parliament of Richard the 3d , after they had cleared his Title , as grounded upon the ancient Laws and laudable Customs of the Realm , according to the Judgment of all such Persons as were learned in those Laws and Customs ; they proceed and say , Yet nevertheless , forasmuch as it is considered , that the most part of the People is not sufficiently learned in the aforesaid Laws and Customs , whereby Truth and Right in this behalf , of likelihood may be had , and not clearly known to all People , and thereupon put in doubt and question ; and over this , how that the Court of Parliament is of such Authority , that a Declaration made by the three Estates , and by the Authority of the same , maketh before all other things most faithful and certain quieting of Mens Minds , and removeth the occasion of Doubts and seditious Language ; therefore they declare that he was the undoubted King. Whence 't is evident , that the Reason of this Law supposeth that the Subjects in general are not capable of understanding the Laws and Customs upon which the Titles of our Kings depend : and that the best Satisfaction that the Generality of the People can possibly have in those high Matters , is the Sense , and Judgment , and Determination of the Kingdom , by Act and Authority of Parliament , wherein they should acquiesce for the preventing Sedition , so much as in Language . But to be short here , the Law allows a King de facto the Name , and Dignity , and Authority , and Defence of a King ; And doth it not require our Duty according to Law ? Was 't ever known , the King being acknowledged to have the actual Government , that the Subject was excused from Allegiance , or an Oath of Fidelity , as occasion required it ? Yea , If Obedience according to Law , be acknowledged due to the present Government , as it now it seems is generally granted , is not the Oath of Allegiance at this time required by Law , as well as by the Relation of Subjects , and so made a plain part of our Obedience according to Law ? Yet if the King in Possession be really our King , do not our own Laws return upon us , requiring Loyalty and Fealty , forbidding Sedition , and Scandalum Magnatum , and all Endeavours to alter the Government ? that is , at least by our peaceable and dutiful Carriage to acquiesce in the Work of Divine Providence , in our late Revolution , and the Acknowledgment of our Subjection due to William and Mary , who , as we have heard by the Laws of the Land heretofore made , are our undoubted King and Queen , because in possession of the Government ; their Right also is unquestionable by private Subjects , being a Point determined according to the ancient Laws and laudable Customs of this Realm ; and their Right as well as Possession openly declared by the highest Authority of the Kingdom , in Acts of the present Parliament . Object . But some are apt to say , This is to prove that the Sun shines ; who denies that the present King and Queen are such de facto , or that we ought to obey them ? Sol. 1. This is so far well . But do we obey them without reserve for the late King ? Do we acknowledg that the Laws of the Land oblige us to give them our Obedience ? Or do we mean only , that they have the Name of Soveraigns , and a Power in their Hands to defend themselves against , and to punish Disturbers of their Possession ? If it be so , we do not take right Measures of their Authority , or of our own Duty according to Law. 2. For they are really King and Queen , by being in Possession , and invested by the Laws with Regal Authority as well as Power ; otherwise they could not be within the purview of the Statute of Treason . 3. Consequently all their Actions that are politick , and for the matter agreable to Law , are as valid , and of as good Authority as the Acts of the most rightful Kings . They have Authority , and do effectually execute , and make Laws , while they are in Possession , as they do protect us ; so they administer Justice , dispose of Offices , coin Mony , make Peace and War , punish all kind of Offences , as well against the Subjects as the Government . 4. And such Acts of a King de facto only , without Right , as concern , and have Influence upon the Kingdom , have ever been allow'd and reputed good and valid , though the Title to the Crown hath been question'd and denied in after-Ages , as we noted before . 5. That very Parliament that condemned the Usurpations of Hen. 4 , 5 , 6. and all Acts that had entailed the Crown , contrary to the course of Inheritance , yet add these remarkable Words ; Howbeit that all other Acts and Ordinances made in the said Parliament since , been good and sufficient against all other Persons . I would infer hence , that Obedience is due to the present King , &c. in his Authority , by Law acknowledged , as well as Power ; and therefore not only for Wrath , but for Conscience sake ; Conscience , I say , not of their Title , but of their Authority , and our own plain Duty ( at least for Conscience sake , with respect to the publick Good ) to take the Oath of Allegiance , which is part of our Obedience , it being required by Law , and therefore our Duty . Obj. Your arguing seems to perswade us only to Obedience , which we do not much scruple , in the sense you explicate it . The Swearing to bear true Allegiance , is that which troubles us , not knowing well the intended sense or meaning of it . Sol. The Government hath given us reasonable Satisfaction in this Particular , though not so clear as may be wish'd ; the very Title of the Oath , even in this new Law , is the Oath of Allegiance or Obedience : Now if Allegiance in the sense of the Law , as explained by the Law-makers , be nothing but Obedience ; and Obedience in England , is to be measured by the Laws ; what can Allegiance import more than Obedience according to Law ? which you say you are willing to yield ; and why now should you refuse to add this Sign and Security of such your Obedience , by taking your Oath to do so ? 2. Moreover , you find the Government insists not upon the Word Allegiance , nor intends any strange or obscure Obligation upon us by it ; for in the Declaration , they require of Quakers , who refuse to swear , they express [ Faith and Allegiance ] by those plainer Words ; I will be true and faithful to King William and Queen Mary . 3. And as one lately hath very well observed , the Parliament have avoided all occasion of Offence in wording this Oath that might consist with the Security of the Government ; for by omittting the assertory part of the former , 't is evident they do not require us by this Oath to assert the Title , but to secure the Possession and Peace of the Crown , in King William and Queen Mary , by our Obedience according to Law. Indeed we may perceive in the whole Proceeding of our late wonderful Revolution , so much Sweetness , Tenderness , and Condescension to the Prejudices that the former state of things might leave in us , ( both with respect to our late King , and our own Obligations ) as if the Government had industriously studied to avoid all occasion of Offence , as much as the nature of the Change suffer'd to be possible . I have , I think , noted before , that the Convention did not depose the late King ; did not declare the Crown forfeited ; did not require him to make a Resignation of it : and tho they justly charge him with many intolerable Grievances ; yet they did not call the King to an Account for them . Nay , they did not so much as declare that the King is accountable ; so that the Minds of such as boast of excessive Loyalty , have ease as to all these things , that bear so hard a Contradiction to their Principles ; and as for our selves , we have noted some Kindness and Condescension with respect to the Oath required ; thereby it it is neither required , that we should abjure the Title of the late King , nor assert the Title of the present . God forbid , therefore , that there should be left any Prejudice in us from the hard Proceeding of the Government in either kind : if it should , it is plainly as false in its ground , as 't is like to be evil in its Consequence , especially if we stiffen our Disloyalty with the Continuance of a scandalous Impeachment of our Rulers and Legislators , for Severity intended against the Church ; and a designed Alteration or Change of the ancient Constitution of this Hereditary Monarchy : the one I hope is as true as the other . Obj. The Statute of Hen. 7. so much depended on , was made by a King that had no Title to the Crown himself . Answ . What then ? Doth it follow that the Statute is not of force ? Upon that ground we must blot out a great part of our Statute-Book , which is full of Laws made by such Kings ; and the best of our Laws have no force , if the Observation hath any truth , that the worst Kings made the best Laws . Object . But 't is a Law mischievous to the Right of our Kings . Answ . It is much this Mischief hath not been discovered by our former Kings or Parliaments ; that so mischievous a Law should continue through so long a tract of time unrepealed : 't is confess'd , it may be inconvenient , and prejudice the Interest of a King de jure ; but we ought in reason to set this against it , that it is a Law at all times convenient , and serving the Ease , Quiet and Safety of the Kingdom , for whose sake Kings themselves are : 't is hereupon that the Lord Bacon tells us , that the Spirit of this Law was wonderfully pious and noble : upon this ground , as one saith well , because they who had no hand in the Sin , should bear no share in the Punishment . And the Lord Bacon adds , That this wanted not Prudence and deep Foresight ; for it did the better take away occasion for the People to busy themselves to pry into the King's Titles ; for that however it fell , their Safety was already provided for . And as the late Author , that cites my Lord Bacon for these Words , adds very well , The meanest Capacity will not be wanting for a Rule of that Subjection , which every Soul owes to the higher Powers : but if the Subject ought first to satisfy himself , touching the Right of his Prince ( especially in such a time of contest as there was many Years betwixt York and Lancaster ) certainly every Soul could hardly be so well satisfied , as to be subject for Conscience sake . CHAP. VIII . Whether a King can make Laws , limiting the Crown . Obj. THough it be acknowledged that a King de facto hath Power to make other Laws , viz. Laws for Peace and Justice , yet it is a Doubt whether a King that hath no right to the Crown , can make Laws for limiting the Succession of the Crown , as is now to be done . Answ . It is confess'd , that when it was pleaded against the Title and Claim of the Duke of York , that there were divers Entails made to the Heirs Males of Hen. 4. It was answered , There had been none made by any Parliament heretofore as it is surmised , but only in the seventh Year of K. Henry the Fourth . — But that Act taketh no place against him that is right Inheritor , &c. Howbeit all other Acts made in the said Parliament since , have been and are sufficient against all other Persons . Upon this Law , the foresaid Distinction seems grounded ; but I think very weakly for these Reasons : 1. Because this very Law mentions Henry the Fourth , with the Addition and Title of King , without any Diminution , as appears in the Words cited . 2. The ground upon which that Entail was declared Null , was not a want of Power in King and Parliament , to make a Law about the Succession ; but as they declare , in the Dukes first Answer , That no Oath , being the Law of Man , ought to be performed , when the same is against the Truth , and the Law of God : implying , as afterwards they speak out , it was a Law , though of Man , it faileth not for want of Authority , being made by a King de facto with his Parliament ; but the reason why it could not oblige , was taken from the matter of it , it diverted the Descent and Succession of the Crown , according to Right of Inheritance . 3. The Argument that a King de facto hath no Power to make Laws to limit the Crown , because he is supposed to have no Right to the Crown himself : I say , this seems not cogent . 'T is true , 't is supposed he had no Right at first , and his Usurpation cannot be thought to create any just Title to the Crown , yet when he hath it , hath not he Right , or rather Authority in Law , by his Possession , to use it ? that is , to make Laws . If not , then all the Laws he makes , even those for Peace and Justice , are void , for want of Authority , which this very Law against the Entail of Hen. 4. denies . I grant , all positive Laws made by a rightful King , or by an Usurper , are equally voidable , i. e. repealable . But if we speak of such Laws as are void of themselves , it seems to me , they must be so , one of these two ways ; Either for want of due Authority to make Laws ; Or , with respect to something in the Matter of such Laws as is destructive of them . For the first way , 't is granted me , that a King de facte only , hath Authority enough to make Laws generally speaking : if his Laws therefore be not of force to limit the Succession , 't is for another reason mention'd before , taken from that special Matter of the Right of Inheritance , which , it is thought , cannot be infringed by any Law of Man. Hence 't is still a doubt with me , whether a King de facto hath not an equal Power with the most rightful King to make any Law , even touching the Crown , as any thing else . Suppose a King de facto , after some Contests about the Succession , settle the Crown as it ought to go , Is not such a Law a good Law ? Wherein can it fail ? neither in Matter nor Authority . Again , the most rightful King , in and by his Law , limits the Crown , as it ought not to be ; Is that Law a good Law ? No Power can make a Law that is malam in se , to be bonam . I confess , I see no difference in the Legislative Power of a King regnant , whether with or without Right ; especially , seeing the Parliament , which is the Body of the Kingdom , choose the Matter , and give Authority to the Laws , as well as the King. But this Nicety need not trouble us under their present Majesties , whose Title to the Crown , I hope , is unquestionable as well as their Possession of it . Besides , there is no room for this Objection among all our Scruples about the Oath of Allegiance ; for , in our private Capacity , we are not to answer for Errors in Government . If the Succession can be supposed to be limited in any Point amiss , how can we help it ? What 's that to our Duty ? how are we concerned ? The Law doth not require us to assert or swear to the Act of setling the Crown for the future , it requires only our Obedience to our present gracious King and Queen ; and we do our Duty , if we look no further . CHAP. IX . The Honour of the Church of England , no just Objection against our taking the new Oath . Obj. I Have heard it offer'd by some , that tho it be lawful to submit to the present Government , and to take the new Oath of Allegiance , yet by our doing it , the Church of England suffers in her Honour , and her distinguishing Character of Loyalty . Sol. I have some Reason to hope , that with several Persons , not perfectly reconciled or satisfied , this is the last Objection that remains unanswered . I shall therefore briefly , with all the Strength I have at present , set my self to remove it , and so conclude . 1. I confess , Loyalty hath been reckoned the Character of the Church of England , and in a great measure , very deservedly : but if we mean such Loyalty as doth distinguish her from all other Churches of Christians in the World , it may be an Argument of Singularity , and Reflection upon all other Protestant Churches , ( as well as Popish ) Principles and Practices , as some lately have made manifest demonstration . And how honourable or laudable that is , I determine not , but it may be considered . 2. I perceive the Movers of this Objection do not say , that 't is unlawful to take the new Oath : and indeed , that is granted in the nature of the Objection ; for if the Oath be refused only , because 't is dishonourable to take it , 't is supposed to be in it self lawful , tho not expedient : And indeed , the Argument would have force enough , if there were not some heavier Thing than Honour to be put into the other Scale . 3. And thus the present Argument is not directly Matter of Conscience , but of Prudence : For the Matter in genere , and in its first Consideration , is granted to be indifferent ; and 't is to be determined to be good or evil by the Addition of something to it , in our special and secondary Consideration . Now here you lay Honour and Reputation in the Scale , and this hath its Weight ; but if we put Necessity against Honour and Reputation , the Weight of these is inconsiderable ; and what is the Consequence ? Why , that which we thought was not to be done , because it was dishonourable , we see it must be done , because 't is necessary : This is the Law of Prudence ; and Expediency changeth sides : that which was expedient not to be done , for the sake of Reputation ; 't is now expedient it should be done , when the Necessity of it appears with its greater Weight . 4. You already perceive how easily this applies it self to the Case in hand , admitting something of Dishonour may in general , and prima facie , attend the Action ; for the very granting it to be an indifferent thing in it self , whether I take this Oath or not , plainly determines the Case , and puts an end to the Controversy . 5. For I boldly and peremptorily pronounce , that if it be indifferent , it hath such Additions and Circumstances , as cannot but make it an indispensible Duty , Rebus sic stantibus ; from the Argument or Ground of Necessity , viz. both Precepti & Medii . 6. First , There is a necessity of the Precept or Law that makes it to be our Duty to take this Oath , which is but the Security of our Allegiance ; 't is required by the Nature of our Constitution , and immemorial Custom , which is our Common Law ; 't is required from the Paction betwixt Prince and People , to secure each other by their respective Oaths ; 't is required by virtue of the Statute of Hen. 7. whereby we are to acknowledg the King regnant , to whom alone we owe Allegiance , and must secure it . And lastly , 'T is expresly required in the Laws of our own making by our Representatives in the present Parliament ; in and by which Parliament the King and Queen have equally sworn and plighted their Troth to us . Whence Protection and Allegiance are both the natural and legal Results of the Relation betwixt King and Subject , which very Titles do after a sort import so much . 7. Nor is the taking this Oath necessary only by the Law of Nature , and by the Common Law of the Land , and Acts of Parliament , but by the Law of God. If we should grant it to be perfectly indifferent without it , yet we must grant , that if it be determined by the Word of God , it thereby becomes necessary . Now I should think , that to obey the Powers in Being , is as clearly commanded by the Law of God in the Holy Scriptures , as by any other Law whatsoever : And that we cannot , or do not obey the Powers in being , if we refuse to take the Oath ; which , we say , is in it self indifferent , when expresly required by the Laws of the Land. 8. I think it is the Sense , not only of the Church of England , but of all good Christians , that the Word of God makes it our Duty to obey the Government in all indifferent things made necessary by our own Laws : And that we are bound to such Obedience , not only for Wrath , but Conscience sake : Conscience towards God , his Ordinance , and Command : let us not misjudg it for our Honour or Reputation , to change our boasted Loyalty into Disobedience , which is scarce to be avoided without obeying the Laws of God and Man , and taking the Oath . Secondly , But were there no other Law requiring us to take this Oath , Doth not the necessity of it , as it is a Means , make it our Duty ? What if Reputation weigh something with us , doth not the Danger of the Publick , continued by our Stiffness , weigh more ? Do we talk of Honour , when the Commonwealth lies at stake ? Is it comely for a Souldier to be playing with a Feather in his Cap , when Hannibal is at the Gates ? 1. Pardon me , if Zeal hath eaten me up , and I cannot contain : O Jerusalem , for my Brethren and Companions Sakes , I will now say , Peace be within thee , yea , because of the House of the Lord our God I will seek to do thee good . 2. Who considers how much is owing to niceness and strangeness to the Government , for the Hazards and Blood of Ireland and Scotland already ? Who weighs the further Consequences of it both at home and abroad ? Where is our Compassion to our Protestant Brethren , our Concern for the Reformation , our Charity to the Kingdom , our Justice to our Protectors , our Kindness to our Friend , our Gratitude to our Deliverer from Popery and Tyranny ? These are substantial and weighty Things ; And what are the Colours of a pretended Reputation in comparison of these ? 3. What do we mean , upon a point of Honour to throw a Glove to the Government ? Is it reasonable or fit for us to provoke the King to a quarrel , who hath so many Enemies already , and must stake three Kingdoms to our little Reputation ? Yea the Interest of the Protestant World too , of which he is made the Protector ? 4. Is it not Satisfaction enough for you , that you have plaid the Men , and stood it out as long as there was the least hopes of serving the Interest of the late King , and so long vindicated your Loyalty to him ? Is is not now become morally impossible he should ever return but by the Assistance of the French King ? that is , without inslaving us openly to the Antichristian Powers ( of which he is the Head ) under a haughty , cruel , and most barbarous Conqueror . 5. Besides , how unaccountable are Principles , that engage a Man against his own , as well as the publick Interest ? as if a Man were bound to oppose and fight with himself and all about him : certainly this is a miserable strait , and such as one cannot imagine the wise and good Providence of God should bring us into . 6. By disobeying the Law , and our Distance with the Government , we continue a Breach , at which a common Destruction may enter ; then we know we are lost in the common Calamity . If God in Mercy prevent that , and preserve us with wonder , against our own Averseness , as he hath done , then there is yet a Breach betwixt the Government and us : If we do not destroy the Publick and our selves that way , yet we may destroy our selves , when we might help it . A man may be Felo de se , by destroying himself by our Law ; and Fur de se , by depriving and stealing himself from him , to whom his Service is due , by the Imperial Law ; and Proditor de se , by the Law of Nature , if he descend from the Dignity of Humanity , and submit to the danger which he might avoid . I speak as to wise Men ; judg ye what I say . 7. 'T is a plain thing I am about to speak , which , if duly pondered , must needs put an end to the whole Controversy ; at least I think so ; 'T is this ; None can be ignorant that the late King hath put himself into that condition , that the French King is now actually endeavouring to serve himself of him , for the Conquest of these Kingdoms ; he hath put himself absolutely into the Monsieurs Power ; he truckles under him in the Irish Commissions ; he hath either sold his Dominions to that King , or so delivered up his Interest in them to his Management , that 't is a piece of Madness to imagine but that the French will reap the Advantage of any Success God may suffer to be obtained against us . Perhaps we may think the poor King James was forced to it ; but I know you will say , you had no hand in that force , and you could not help it ; and is not the thing de facto so ? Is it any thing to you by what means , or upon what Motives this came to pass ? but it being certainly so , you cannot now think but that , seeing the State of things is such , your Allegiance to King James is ceased ; unless you owe it also to the King of France , which God forbid ; for while you continue to discountenance the Government , you cannot do more to further the Designs and Methods of our Ruin. 8. The Apostle makes Expediency the Rule of our Practice , in things indifferent ; so that some things are to be done , or not to be done , because expedient , or not expedient ; upon which this Objection is urg'd . Now if it be indifferent in it self to take or refuse the Oath , I hope what hath been said is enought to satisfy us where the Expediency lies . All things are not expedient ; Why ? Because all things edify not ; much more if they ruine and destroy . It is something , Non promovent publicum Ecclefiae bonum , if they do not promote the publick Good of the Church ; much more si magis destruant , if they tend to its Destruction , as Authors gloss upon the Text. 9. One would think this Consideration might fully convince us that our Obligation to the present King , &c. is widely different from that which lay upon the People during Oliver's Usurpation ; they had reason to refuse , or at least to suspend the Recognition of a Tyrant , whose Government was Arbitrary , and was never owned by the People in a Free Parliament ; who never took upon him the name of King , the proper Title of our Soveraign in all our Laws ; under whose Violence and great Oppression the Kingdom in general groaned for Deliverance in the return of their rightful King ; and might laudably hazard their Lives and Estates , if there was any hopes ; the Accomplishment whereof by the wonderful Providence in its due time was happily effected in the Restauration of King Charles the second . But what is our case now ? is it not quite contrary ? We do acknowledg we are now rescued even from Destruction as well as Oppression , And what can we look for upon a new Change but a Scene of Blood , the Loss of all our Civil and Ecclesiastical Liberties , under French and Popish Slavery ? What can we hope for , if the Lion bereft of his Whelps , thirsting after Revenge , be let loose upon us ? Will not his Rod that smarted before , be turned into a Scorpion , and the latter end of his Tyranny be worse than the beginning ? 10. Blessed be God , there is an unclean Spirit ejected , and our House is swept and garnished ; Is his Return to be courted , or indeed to be hazarded ? If he should re-enter , will he not pester us with more and worse Devils if possible ; when in vain and too late , perhaps we may wish we had never encouraged or occasioned our renewed and aggravated Misery . It highly concerns us to do what we can to prevent it ; and I see no other way left us to shew our Apprehension of the danger , but by comforting the King who , under God , hath dispossess'd us ; and who only , under Heaven , is the visible Instrument of our Preservation from that last Estate ( to use our Saviour's Words ) that will be worse than the first ; which I hope we are yet sensible was bad enough ; and how we can do this , without assuring him of our grateful and cheerful Allegiance and Fidelity , by taking the Oath , I cannot see , at least I doubt not but enough hath been said to demonstrate the Inexpediency of our continuing to refuse it , and consequently upon that Argument ; a Necessity of taking it ; notwithstanding the Objection of the Reputation of the Church of England for her singular Loyalty . 11. To conclude ; I need not mind you , since the three Estates in Parliament , with the Generality both of the Gentry and Clergy throughout the Kingdom , have left you ( perhaps three or four in a County , take one County with another ) that yet stand out ; I say , I need not mind these very few in comparison , how fitly they took to themselves the Name of the Church of England ▪ or how likely a thing it is for them , by scrupling the Oath , to preserve her Reputation of Loyalty in their own sense . Let the time past suffice , that they have endeavoured it so long as there was any hopes to do it ; but now if the case be plainly desperate , 't is time for them , upon all the Arguments , so many worthy Men as have laboured in Print for their Satisfaction , to cry Quarter , and to yield to the prevailing Power ; I mean to come in and submit , and give the required Security thereof , by taking the Oath of Allegiance to King WILLIAM and Queen MARY , whom God long preserve and prosper . AN APPENDIX . The Objection from the Word Allegiance considered . AFter I had put an end to my former Discourse , I heard of the following Objection . Object . It is said , that Allegiance being the Word in the new , as well as in the Old Oath ; it seems , it ought to be understood in the same Latitude and Sense in both : Then how can we safely swear Allegiance to the present King and Queen in the same sense , in which we have sworn Allegiance to the former King , while the former King is alive ? Answ . I hear this is the Scruple of some ingenuous Persons ; for whose sake I shall accommodate my Answer to their own Principles , as neer as I can : first , by shewing , that those two Oaths , though both are called Oaths of Allegiance , yet they are not of the same Latitude in the matter of them . Secondly , that though in a great measure , they are admitted to have the same sense ; and though in that sense in which we have sworn Allegiance to the former King , we are required to swear Allegiance to the present King and Queen , yet we safely and honestly do it . 1. For the first . It is plain , that the former Oath , though it be called the Oath of Allegiance , yet it hath more in the matter of it , than can be imported in the Word Allegiance ; it hath two manifest parts of a different Nature ; the first acknowledgeth the King's just Title to the Crown , as rightful King ; and is found in the form of an Assertory Oath . The other is as plainly promissory ; I will bear Faith and true Allegiance , &c. Now though with respect to this promissory part of the old Oath , we should grant , that by the new Oath we are to swear in the same words , and in the same sense ; yet 't is more than evident , that these Words cannot be intended to assert any thing about the Title of the Crown ; and in all likelihood , the Assertory part of the former Oath was left out on purpose in the new , to avoid matter of Scruple or Offence . Yet 't is confess'd that Argument suffers but little in its Strength , if both these Oaths agree , or are the same in any substantial matter , while Men doubt that the former Oath doth oblige them to bear Allegiance to King James , in the same sense in which we are required to take the new one . It behoves me therefore now to prove the second thing proposed , viz. That though Allegiance have the same sense and meaning in both , and we have before sworn it to King James in that sense , yet we may safely and honestly swear to bear Faith and true Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary . Object . The Objection , in short is this , If Allegiance sworn to King James be due to him by virtue of our Oath , it cannot be due to King William and Queen Mary in the same sense it is due to King James . Answ . The Answer is as short ; for if Allegiance be due to King William and Queen Mary , in the same sense that we swore to King James ; then 't is not due to King James , tho we so swore : For our former Oath cannot oblige us to King James , to the injury of King William and Queen Mary , it would then be a Bond of Iniquity . We see the Objection and Answer stand both upon the same ground , namely , That Obedience or Allegiance cannot be due to two Kings in the same sense at once . Therefore if I prove that Allegiance is due to the present King and Queen , it must be yielded , that our former Oath to King James cannot oblige us to pay such Allegiance to him . My Argument is this ; Allegiance is due to the Supreme Power in being , therefore it cannot be due in the same sense to any other ; because the same Allegiance cannot be due to two Kings at once : but King William , &c. are the Supreme Power in Being . To this , what can be replied , but either , that King William and Queen Mary are not the Supreme Power in Being , against all sense ; or , that Allegiance is not due to the Supream Power in being , against all kind of Law , as I shall shew presently . Object . But may it not be supposed , that there may be a King de jure , that is not so de facto ? And is there no Allegiance due to such a King , especially if we have sworn it to him ? Answ . But was he not King de facto , as well as de jure , when we swore Allegiance to him ? Was that Oath ever taken , but to the King , and under that very consideration , as actually our King ? We suppose a King de jure , but what 's that ? He hath Right to be King : And doth not that very thing prove that he is not King , as he hath Right to be ? And consequently he hath Right to our Allegiance no otherwise , but as he hath Right to be King , and dependently upon it ? that is , remotely , and upon the supposition , that he obtain his Right , and be actually King again , as he was when we first sware Allegiance to him . Here the Rule seems to have place ; [ Rebus sic stantibus ] we owe Allegiance to the King while he is actually so : if he ceases to be so , we do not owe him that Allegiance that is due to a King in Possession : if he have a Right to be King , we do not therefore owe him actual Obedience , until he recover and enjoy , or have that Right indeed , upon which depends our Obebedience . Our Oath at first included that known Condition , Si res in eodem statu permanserint . Object . But we have sworn to King James , and who can absolve us ? or how can our Obligation to him cease , or be dissolved ? Answ . The strict Question here , is not , whether that Obligation be suspended only , or wholly taken off ? that is , Whether there remains no Obligation upon us to King James ? but whether the Obligation be such as prevents or hinders our lawful swearing Allegiance to the Powers in being ? There is a Duty owing to the present Government , which must be first allowed ; and then the supposed Obligation to the late King , what ever it be , must be such as may consist with that Duty . I need not here mention how many Ways our Allegiance to the late King is ceas'd ; From the removal of the Object , he ceasing to be King ; From the Rule of all Allegiance , the present Laws ; the Reason and End of Government , or the like . 'T is enough to my present purpose to prove that Allegiance is due , and consequently we may lawfully take the new Oath to our present King and Queen . And therefore no consideration of any former Oath should make us deny or delay the performance of our Duty to them . This is the Point I am come to prove , which seems to me very easy to be done , From the Law of Nature ; the Law of holy Scripture ; and the Laws of the Land. First , Obedience to our Parents , civil as well as natural , is a Law of Nature . Our actual Governours are our nursing Fathers and nursing Mothers : this is of moral and eternal Reason ; and the Obligation thence upon us , is antecedent to any Obligation , that we can be supposed to contract by our Oath to any particular Person contrary thereunto ; which , as our Law saith , is but of human Provision . Our Law-Books ground our Allegiance upon the same Reason ; Protectio trahit Subjectionem : Allegiance is founded in Protection upon moral Arguments of Justice and Gratitude . And the Casuist affirms , Allegiance is intrinsecal , and so essential a Duty , and as it were , fundamental to the Relation of a Subject , ( qua talis ) as that the very Name of a Subject doth after a sort import it . The Consequence is , that Allegiance is not due to one , that hath not Possession , and therefore hath not power to protect us , whatsoever his Right may be ; but it is due to the present King , &c. that doth in fact protect us without any Consideration of his Right to the Crown . 2. Allegiance ( faith the Bishop again ) is a Duty that every Subject , by the Law of Nature , owes to his Country , and consequently to the supreme Power thereof ; that is , to his Country as the End , to the King as the Means of that End. Now the End being more noble than the Means , for which the Means hath both its Use and very Being , as such ; if that which is ordained to be a means of Preservation of our Country , change its Nature and proper Intention , and becomes a Means and Instrument of its Destruction , we cannot , in the Reason of things , be bound any longer to use it . For , as he saith in another place , Whatsoever is done for any End , is so far to be done , as it doth seem necessary and profitable for that End. Now 't is not denied , but that the Government in the hands of King James was used , not for the Preservation of our Country , but its Destruction ; and contrary to the Ends of all Government : Yea , such as pretend some Allegiance yet due to him , do they not rather fear than hope for his Return to the Government ? which , in all moral Assurance , they know would be more pernicious to us than it was before he left us . Besides , we are now under Powers that do actually and happily serve the Ends of Government . We must hence conclude , that by virtue of our Allegiance due to our Country , which is of first and greater Consideration , our Allegiance to our late King , as contrary , or inconsistent therewith , is dissolved , and become due to the present Government . 3. Further ; By the Law of Nature , Salus Populi is both the supreme and the first Law in Government , and the Scope and End of all other Laws , and of Government it self . Now how this can be preserved by our Allegiance to any other but the Government in being , is , I think , unintelligible . Perhaps some are yet to learn , what that meaneth , I will have Mercy and not Sacrifice : What Sacrifice ? Why , God's own Service : What Mercy ? Why , to save Life ; either of an Ox fallen into a Ditch , or a sick Man. Now what was that Service of God that must yield to that Mercy to Man and Beast ? Was it the Observation of the Sabbath ? And what was that but , as it were , an Oath of Allegiance to God ? It is , saith God , a Sign between me and you ; yet this Oath binds not , this Testimony is invalid , this Service is no Duty , when it comes in competition with Charity or Mercy to Man or Beast . The Reason is , There is a prior and eternal Obligation to those moral Duties . Is not then the Service of the King , though sworn in the Oath of Allegiance ( that Sign or Testimony between King and Subject ) is not this discharg'd , or dispenc'd with , when Salus Populi , the Preservation of three Kingdoms is concern'd and in danger ; and the more by the Colour of our pretended Allegiance ? I think there is much weight in the words of a late Author : I can be sure , saith he , of nothing , if I am out in this Notion , That no Oath can bind any longer , than the Obligation thereof is consistent and reconcileable with Salus Populi , the Welfare ( the Spiritual and Temporal Welfare of the People ) which is the sole End of all Government . And seeing the Safety and Preservation of the Community depends upon the Promise of Allegiance to the supream Governor for the time being ; and the Subjects are under a plain necessity , either to hazard or ruine the Publick , or to transfer their Allegiance ; they may certainly do it lawfully ; yea , are bound to do it by the Law of Laws ; Salus Populi suprema Lex . Secondly , So much briefly for the Law of Nature . Now do not the Holy Scriptures warrant the same ? Do we find any , either in the old or new Testament , that scrupled or were question'd for their Obedience to the Powers in being ? I think the present Reverend and Learned Dean of Sarum , Dr. Pearse , hath a Sermon in print , to prove Submission to Governments , a Fundamental of the Christian Religion . I am sure our Saviour , and more largely St. Paul , require our Obedience to the Powers that are , without any Consideration of their Title ; merely , because of their Authority and Administrations ; in which the Apostle expresly founds the Duty of Subjection for Conscience sake . The Arguments to this purpose , lately urged from Romans 13. by several worthy Authors , I despair of ever seeing tolerably answered ; to whom I refer my Reader : only let us meditate those notable Counsels of God by the Prophet , Seek the Peace of the City , ( Babylon , where the People were Captives to their Tyrannical Enemies ) and pray unto the Lord for it ; for in the Peace thereof , ye shall have Peace . Jer. 29. 7. Thirdly , Lastly , Is there not sufficient in our own Laws to justify our Allegiance to a King regnant , without our being satisfied touching his Title ? Have we not the Authority of former Ages ? Is not our Statute-Book a clear Testimony of it ? In what time was it ever denied ? Who was ever censured or punished for granting it ? Are not all such Kings who reign'd without Right , recorded as Kings of England , and their Laws as authentick and obligatory ? Is it not evident then , that Allegiance due to a King regnant ( with right or with none ) is agreable to the State and Principles of this Monarchy , and founded in the Usage and Common Law of England ? But that which methinks should put the matter beyond Question , is the known and often mentioned Stat. of 11 Hen. 7. 1. grounded , as it speaks the sense of the Nation , upon Reason , Law , and good Conscience . And though the worthy Author of Considerations and others , have with a great deal of strength , argued hence to satisfy the Scruples of our Brethren , and it cannot be expected that I should add any thing very considerable ; yet I shall very briefly observe a few things for our purpose from it . 1. 'T is thereby acknowledged , that a King de facto hath the Name and Stile of a King of England . 2. We are to recognize such a one as our Soveraign Lord. 3. That Allegiance is due to such a King from all his Subjects . 4. That by reason of the same Allegiance , they are bound to serve him , even in his Wars . 5. That they are never hereafter to be question'd ( tho the lawful King should recover his Right ) for so doing their true Duty and Service of Allegiance , as the Words are . 6. That War made against such a King by his Subjects , is Rebellion . All these things are plain in the Letter of that Law , which hath continued unrepealed or unquestion'd for above two hundred Years ; and consequently so long hath been the approved sense of the whole Nation , That Allegiance and true and faithful Service is due to our soveraign Lord for the time being , whatever his Title be . Hence it follows , that in the sense of the Law , a King de jure only , is not King. The Statute saith , the King for the time being ; and seeing we can have but one King , he that hath only right to be King , is no King in being , or for the time being . Hereupon I suppose the great Lawyers inform us , that the King de jure only is not within the Purview of the Statute of Treason ; is not , as they say , Seignior le Roy. Consequently , if Treason cannot be committed against a King de jure , while he is out of Possession , Allegiance cannot be due to him : which is a Duty we owe to the King as our Soveragin Lord ; and none in the Eye of the Law is so , but the King in Possession : thus the formal reason of the Oath of Allegiance to the late King ceasing ( if he be no King in Law , because out of Possession ) the Obligation of that Oath , with respect to him , ceaseth also , besides much of the matter of our former Oath is gone too , for we were sworn to bear true Allegiance to him in revealing and preventing Treasons against him ; and now he is not an Object capable of Treason . But they also tell us , Treason may be committed against a King regnant without Right ; and if so , 't is thence evident that Allegiance is due to him : against which Treason is directly contrary . Treason is an Offence against our natural Allegiance ; which appears from the form of Endictments ; the words are , Contra debitum Fidei & Ligeantiae suae , against the Duty of Faith and true Allegiance ; so near are they to the very Words in the Oath of Allegiance . In a word , to apply it , Are not William and Mary now regnant and in full Possession of the Government ? To deny this , is to impose upon our Senses : Are they not our Soveraigns also , to whom we owe Allegiance ? This to question , is against all kind of Law ? May we be guilty of Treason against them ? Then , supposed Allegiance to their Enemy , seems to be a degree towards that Treason , and to be a treasonable Principle , if brought into Act , it tends apparently to the Death of the King and Queen ; and how far the very Opinion is from Imagination ; and consequently from the Formality of Treason , should be soberly considered , at least to abate our consure of the Government , that with some Severity , requires our Allegiance ; and if it may be , to perswade us to timely Conformity therein . The Sum is , I think we cannot justify our refusing to take the new Oath of Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary , without destroying Acts of Parliament , changing the Laws of England , and razing the Principles and Laws of Nature . The Words of II Hen. 7. cap. 1. bearing to our Purpose , are these . The King our Sovereign Lord , calling to his remembrance the Duty of Allegiance of the Subjects of this his Realm ; and that they , by reason of the same , are bound to serve their Prince , for the time being , for the defence of him and the Land , against every Rebellion , Power and Might reared against him . — And that 't is not reasonable , but against all Laws , Reason and good Conscience ; that the said Subjects — any thing should lose or forfeit , for doing their true Duty and Service of Allegiance — It be therefore ordained , that from henceforth no Persons that attend upon the King and Soveraign Lord of this Land for the time being , in his Person , and do him true and faithful Service of Allegiance , be in no wise convict , &c. POSTSCRIPT . IF in the foregoing Discourse I have abused the Law in Terms or otherwise ( as 't is not unlikely , being out of my way ) I beg pardon of the Learned in that Faculty . I have nothing to plead in Excuse but an honest Intention . FINIS . ERRATA . Page 58. for Chap. VIII . read Chap. IX . Page 60. for Chap. IX . read Chap. X. Books lately Printed for Awnsham Churchil at the Black Swan at Amen-Corner . THE late Lord Russel's Case , written by the Right Honourable Henry Lord De la Mere. fol. An Historical Account of making the Penal Laws by the Papists against the Protestants , and by the Protestants against the Papists . By Samuel Blucker●… , Barrister of Grays-Inn . fol. Obedience due to the Present King , notwithstanding our Oaths to the Former , Written by a Divine of the Church of England . 4 to . A modest Enquiry , Whether St. Peter was ever at Rome , and Bishop of that Church ? 4 to . The Spirit of France , and the Politick Maxims of Lewis XIV . laid open to the World. 4 to . Memorials of the Method and Manner of Proceedings in Parliament in Passing Bills . 8 o. Dr. Burnet's Tracts in Two Volumes . 12 o. A Collection of Texts of Scripture , with short Notes upon them : And some ▪ other Observations against the Principal Popish Errors . 12 o. Dr. Daniel Whitby's Treatise of Worship of Images . — Of Communion in one kind . — His Treatise of Tradition , in two parts . — His Consideration for taking the Oaths to King William and Queen Mary . Dr. Worthington of the Resurre●… 8 o. Mr. Masters of Submission to●… Providence . 8 o. Foxes and Firebrands , 8 o. 1st and 2d parts . A Third Part in the Press . Mr. Bold's Sermon on occasion of the Brief for Irish Protestants . An Answer to Bishop Lake's ( late of Chichester ) Declaration of his dying in belief of the Doctrine of Passive Obedience , &c. Sir William Temple's Observations on Holland . 8 o. — Miscellania . 8 o. Dr. Carswel's Assize Sermon at Abingdon , August 6. 1689. Mr. Selden's Tabl 〈…〉 4 to . A List of the present Parliament , Lords and Commmons . Present Cases stated about Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary . Debates of the late Oxon and Westminster Parliaments . 8 o. Monsieur Jurieu's Accomplishment of Scripture-Prophecies , compleat . New System of the Revelations . 12 o. Voyage to Syam . 8 o. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A40703-e790 Vid. Cron. Ecl. Licti . Seld. 171. Fortise . de Leg. Brad. Gloss . p. 38. In Vit. Hen. 1. Rig●●●●●● Royal Family . Next Heir . 25 Ed. 3. Stat. 6. Praemunire Provisors . Ed. 1. Letter to the Pope . Vid. Blounts Law dict . F●● . All Land in Abeyance , or in Fie of some Man. Rule in Law. Edgar was set aside , being neither in Body or Mind fit to govern . Ingulph . With full consent in Parliament the Queen of Scots was desired to be disabled . Burl. Letter . And of late the Duke of York ▪ Noted before . Walsingham Hist . As they did in Rich. 3. that famous Case . Dr. Brad. p. 390. Vid. Dr. Brady , p. 386. As Hen. 8. did . Necessitas Pracepti . Necessitas Medii . Dr. Donne . Oliver's Vsarpation answers not our Case . Notes for div A40703-e17250 1. Nature . Calv. Case . By Sanderson . Case of Engag . p. 109 Lect. 5. de leg . S. 19. Exod. 31. 13. 2. Scripture . 3. Our Laws ,