Vindiciæ juris regii, or Remarques upon a paper, entitled, An enquiry into the measures of submission to the supream authority Collier, Jeremy, 1650-1726. 1689 Approx. 131 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A33923 Wing C5267 ESTC R21083 12049062 ocm 12049062 53119 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A33923) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53119) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 865:3) Vindiciæ juris regii, or Remarques upon a paper, entitled, An enquiry into the measures of submission to the supream authority Collier, Jeremy, 1650-1726. [4], 48 p. [s.n.], London : 1689. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Attributed to Jeremy Collier. cf. BM. Errata: p. [3]. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715. -- Enquiry into the measures of submission. Government, Resistance to. Church and state -- Church of England. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1660-1714 2003-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion VINDICIAE IURIS REGII : OR , REMARQUES UPON A PAPER , Entituled , AN ENQUIRY INTO THE MEASURES of SUBMISSION TO THE Supream Authority . LONDON , Printed in the Year MDCLXXXIX . ERRATA . PAge 11. line 5. after Ingulphus , add Hist. Croyl . p. 15. l. 17. for Liberty read Liberties . p. 21. l. 5. for Liberties r. Liberty . Ibid. l. 34. for Canquered r. Conquered . p. 28. l. 26. f. Felo r. Felo's . p. 30. l. 3. f. Distracted r. Disgusted . p. 31. l. 18. f. parts r. starts . p. 32. l. 28. f. Salves r. Salvo's . Ibid. l. ult . f. into experience r. in experience . p. 34. l. 14 f. those r. these . p. 36. l. 16. after of , add that . pag. 37. l. 31. for unjustifybale r. unjustifyable . p. 40. l. 20. f. strow'd r. allow'd . p. 41. l. 7. f. as in r. is in . p. 42. l. 28. after from , add the. Ibid. l. 34. f. ahainst r. against . p. 43. l. 13. f. purose r. purpose . Ibid. l. 21. f. Character r. Charter . p. 45. l. 4. f. as its r. it s as . p. 46. l. ult . f. penalty r. penaltys . p. 48. l. 25. after more add of . Ibid. l. 30. f. th● Charge r. their Charge . VINDICIAE IURIS REGII : OR REMARQUES UPON A PAPER , Entituled , An Enquiry into the Measures of Submission to the Supream Authority . ONE Reason why I did not Answer this Extraordinary Enquiry any sooner , was because the generality of the Nation , at the first publishing it , had their imaginations so much disturbed with Lies and Imposture ; that till the strength of the Charm was a little spent , there was no dealing with them : But now since they are come to themselves , and the Eclipse of their Understandings is pretty well over ; I will venture to shew them the False and Dangerous Reasonings of this Paper if I can . Our Author laies it down for certain , That the Law of Nature has put no difference , or subordination among Men , except it be that of Children to Parents , or of Wives to their Husbands ; so that with relation to the Law of Nature , all Men are born Free. What ? Born free , and in subordination to their Parents too ! that is somewhat hard : This Priviledge , according to his own Reasoning , has been out of doors long since , and could never be claimed by any but those who immediately descended from Lucratius's Bladders . If he means , that we are naturally subject to none but our Parents and Husbands ; this , I believe , will not hold neither . For it seems pretty plain from Scripture , That the Younger Children are all born under the jurisdiction of their Elder Brother . I shall only mention Two Texts in proof of this Proposition : The First is , Gen. 4. 7. where God gives Cain a superiority over his Younger Brother Abel , in the same Words in which he had before granted it to Adam over Eve. Now it is generally acknowledged , that Adam was her King , as well as her Husband . The Enquirer himself owns thus much , by saying , That Matrimony naturally puts a Woman into a state of Subjection . Now this Authority which was given to Cain , seems to be a standing Priviledge of Primogeniture , for the better Government of Families : For Cain's behaviour was not so meritorious as to deserve an Extraordinary Favour ; neither had Abel done any thing to forfeit his Natural Liberty . If it is objected , that this Priviledge of Cain , thus interpreted , destroys Adam's Patriarchal Authority , sets up Two Concurrent Jurisdictions , and makes the Younger Children subject to Two Independent Princes , their Father and Elder Brother . To this I Answer , That this Inconvenience will not follow , provided this reasonable Supposition be but allowed , viz. That the Exercise of this Prerogative of Birth-right , was not to Commence immediately upon the Grant , but to lie Dormant till Adam's Decease , as being no more than a Reversion of Power . The other Text is , Gen. 49. 3. where Reuben , according to the Hebrew way of speaking , is called the Excellency of Dignity , and the Excellency of Power : That is , He was to have been by virtue of his Primogeniture , a Person of the greatest Quality and Authority in the Family . For though God deprived him of this Honor upon the account of his Incest ; yet the manner of his Father's Reproof does sufficiently discover his Natural Right . And therefore the Learned Grotius observes upon this Place , and upon Deut. 21. 17. That Elder Brothers , as such , had not only the Advantage of a double Portion of Inheritance , but were likewise Priests and Princes in their Families . Now if the Younger Children ought always to be governed either by their Father , their Elder Brother , or those who claim under him ; then certainly the State of Nature is not such a State of Liberty , as the Enquirer supposes . But this Patriarchal Nation , being not much material to the present Dispute , I shall insist no farther upon it . His Second Section continues us in our Original Liberty , and therefore , I suppose , it 's design'd to inform Independent Governors , of the Right the Law of Nature allows them to defend themselves , and how far they may proceed for Reparation of Injuries . His Assertion is , That the Duty of Self-preservation exerts it self in Instances of two sorts ; either in resisting Violent Aggressors , or in taking Iust Revenges of those who have Invaded us so secretly , that we could not prevent them ; and so violently , that we could not resist them : In which Cases , Self-preservation warrants us , both to recover what is our own , with Iust Damages , and also to put such Unjust Persons out of a Capacity of doing the like Injuries any more , either to our selves or others . But here we may observe , First , That the Case is very Generally , and consequently Obsourely Stated : For we are not at all enlightned about the Measures of those Iust Revenges and Damages : But this Point is Prudently left to the Ignorance , Ambition , and Ill-nature of every Man , to interpret as he pleases . And least we should not revenge our selves deep enough , the Enquirer gives us this Encouragement , That Self-preservation warrants us to put such Unjust Persons out of a Capacity , &c. That is , If we were in the State of Nature , we ought to Kill , Dismember , or lay every Man in Chains , who has done us any injury , great or small , ( for our Author makes no Exceptions for Mercy ) it being impossible to disable him without proceeding to this Rigour ; for as long as he has Life , Limbs , or Liberty , he may do the World a Mischief with them , if he has a mind to it . But , Secondly , I do not understand what Advantage the Enquirer can make of this Terrible Denuntiation against Aggressors and Invaders ; I much question whether he has Fortified his own Security by this way of Reasoning . But possibly this Battery is raised against the French King , for the Service of the Empire : For he has seemed to wish , some years since , That the Grand Louis might be reduced to an humbler Figure . Indeed that Monarch ( if he be not misrepresented ) is considerably to blame for sending an Army against the Empire , without giving notice of it first , or demanding Satisfaction in a Publick and Peaceable Way . These Unproclaimed Expeditions have been always thought unjustifiable , and contrary to the Law of Nature and Nations . For those who have a Just Tenderness for the Lives of Men ; who have any Regard to Justice , or the Repose of Christendom , will try all other Arguments before they Dispute the Cause at the Swords Point . For , besides the Roughness of such a Method , if Princes should make a practise of Invading each other without warning , Men would be almost obliged to sleep in Armour , and the World must be always kept up in a posture of Defence , for fear of being surprized : Now this would be a very troublesome and expensive way of Living ; and make all Neighbouring Kingdoms especially , very distrustful of , and disaffected towards each other . I know His most Christian Majesty complains in his Memorial , That He has been ill used by the Court of Vienna ; but then He might have pleased to have told the Emperor so , before the Siege of Philipsburgh . And the Action was still more Unaccountable , if he went ( as who knows but he might ) upon the bare Presumption of an Injury , and relyed upon the Intelligence of a few Sceptical , Obnoxious , and Discontented Germans , who lay under the Imperial Bann . And to mention nothing further , if this very Disputable Right was only an Expectancy which would have admitted of Slow Forms , and kept cold well enough till had fallen ; as any one might fairly conclude from the Numbers , and Inclinations of his Friends in the Empire ; this was a further Aggravation of the Unreasonableness of his War. I confess , if all these hard things are true of the French King , I don't wonder if the Enquirer has levelled a whole Paragraph against Him ; and I wish the Emperor may recover just Damages for so Secret and Violent an Invasion . All this while we have been Kings and Emperors , but now we must Reign over our selves no longer , but descend into the Melancholy state of Subjection . However , to do the Author right , he has put the Yoak on so favourably , that whenever we find it galls us we may throw it off again , and return to our former Independency . For he gives us to to understand , Sect. 3. That the True and Original Notion of Civil Society and Government , is , that is a Com-promise made by such a Body of Men , by which they resign up the right of demanding Reparations either in the way of Iustice against one another ; or in the way of War against their Neighbours ; to such a single Person ; or to such a Body of Men as they think fit to trust with this . Now not to Examine how our Author comes to know that the Original Notion of Society was the True one . It 's pretty apparent his Notion of it is neither Original , nor True ; not Original , because it does not comprehend the most Antient beginning of Government , viz. Paternal Authority and Conquest ; in which Cases Men have not the liberty of Articling for Priviledges , but must submit to their Parents , and Conquerors , whether they think fit to trust them or not . Secondly , His Notion is defective in Point of Truth ; for he has only restrained his Men from Acting Arbitrarily upon one another , or from Fighting a Foreign State without Commission ; but as for their Governours , they may resist them , for all his Diffinition , when they please ; for having resigned nothing but their right of demanding Reparations , either in the way of Justice or War , against their Fellow Subjects , or Neighbouring States ; it follows that one Branch of their Natural Liberty is reserved to them , to Fight their Prince with upon Occasion . This Conclusion , if we had nothing else to infer it , follows evidently from his own Principle ; for since Government is only a Trust committed by the People to a Single Person , &c. and all Trusts , as he affirms in this Section , by their Nature import , that those to whom they are given , are accountable . Nothing is more plain , then that they may discharge themselves from Subjection whenever they shall think fit to say , Their Governours have not kept Touch with them . He proceeds to tell us , That the Executive Power , when separated from the Legislative , is a plain Trust , and no more than a Subordinate Authority . From hence we may observe , First , That by this Authors Concessions , the People have not the Legislative Authority , for he owns part of it is in the King ; from whence it follows , that the whole Body of the People is not the Supream Authority , nor consequently can call their Prince to Account , without his own Consent . Secondly , That part of the Legislative Authority , which is lodged in the People , is not given them at large , to be exerted at their pleasure , but depends upon Stated Rules and Limitations , and can only be exercised by their Representatives in Parliament . Nay , it 's so precarious a Privilege , that without the King's leave , they can never make use of it ; for it 's neither Lawful for them to Convene themselves , nor yet to Sit any longer than the King pleases : For though there is an Act for a Triennial Parliament , yet if the King Omits the Calling of them within that time , there is no provision made to Assemble themselves ; which is an Evidence this Power was never conveyed to them by this Act : For if it had , the Methods of putting it in Execution would have been Adjusted ; And if the King should refuse to Issue out Writs , the Chancellor would have been Authorized to do it : Which Power upon the Suppositition of intermediate Failures , would have been handed down as low as the petty Constables , as it was proposed by the Parliament Assembled in 40 to Charles the First . Now if the People have no share in making of Laws , but by Representation in Parliament , and the Being of this Assembly depends upon the Prince's pleasure , then either the King is the Supream Authority in the Intervals of Parliament ( which may be as long as the Crown thinks fit ) or else there is no such thing as a Supream Authority in the Nation , and consequently no Government . Further , when the Two Houses are actually Convened , when they are Dictating Law and Justice to the Nation , and Cloathed with all the Advantages of Solemnity and Power , they are then no more than Subjects , they are lyable to the highest Penalties , if they are proved guilty of those Crimes which deserve them , for Felony and Treason are expresly excepted out of their Privileges . But to consute the Author's Notion of Government more fully , and especially to make his Application of it Unserviceable , I shall endeavour to prove Two things against him . First , That a Trust does not always imply the Person accountable to whom it 's made . Secondly , That the Kings of England hold their Crown by right of Conquest and Succession ; and consequently are no Trustees of the People . 1. A Trust does not always imply the Person accountable to whom it 's made , which I shall briefly make good these Three ways . First , From the common Notion of a Trust. Secondly , From the Enquirers Concessions . Thirdly , From a considerable Instance in our own Government . First , From the common Notion of a Trust : For what is more generally understood by trusting another , than that we lodge our concerns with him , and put them out of our own disposal ? When I trust a Man with my Life or Fortune , all People agree , that I put it in his Power to deprive me of both . For to deliver any Property to another with a Power of Revocation , is to trust him , as we say , no farther than we can throw him . He that can recover a Sum of Money he has deposited when he pleases , to speak properly , has it still in his Custody , and trusts his Friend no more than he does his own Coffers . And therefore if we consult our thoughts , we shall find , that a Trust naturally implies an entire reliance upon the Conduct and Integrity of another , which makes us resign up our Liberty or Estate to his Management , imagining them safer in his Hands than in our own . In short , a Trust where there is no third Person to judg of the performance , as in these Pacts between Subjects and Soveraign there is not . In this case a Trust includes a Translation of Right , and in respect of the Irrevocableness of it , is of the Nature of a Gift ; so that there seems to be only this difference between them , that a Gift ought to respect the Benefit of the Receiver , whereas a Trust is generally made for the Advantage of him who conveys it . Secondly , By our Author 's own Concessions a Trustee is sometimes unaccountable , for he grants a Man may Sell himself to be a Slave . ( p. 1. ) And when he has once put himself into this condition , his Master has an Absolute Soveraignty over him , and an indefeasable right to his service ; so that notwithstanding all the unreasonable Usage he may meet with , he can never come into his Freedom again without the consent of his Lord. This I take to be an uncontested Truth , and if it was not , St. Peter's Authority ought to over-rule the dispute ; Who charges those who were in this state of servitude , to be subject to their Masters with all fear , not only to the good and gentle , but also to the froward , 1 Ep. 2. 18. Thirdly , I shall prove the unaccountableness of a Trust from a considerable Instance in our own Government . The House of Commons V. g. are certainly Trustees for the Towns and Counties who choose them ; the People resign up the disposal of their Rights and Properties into their Hands , in hopes of a good management . But suppose they prevaricate in their Employment , and betray their Electors , does this Impower the People to lay their Representatives by the heels when they come into the Country , or to punish them farther as their Wisdoms shall think convenient ? If so , then the last resort of Justice must lie in the Sovereign Multitude , who have neither capacity to understand the reasons of Government , nor temper and tenderness to manage it . 'T is pitty the Mobile in Henry the 6th . his Reign had not this discovery , when the Right of choosing Members was limitted to Forty Shillings per Annum Free-hold ; whereas before all Tenures , if not all Persons , had the liberty to elect , without exception ; but this Act in all likelihood barr'd no less then a Fifth of the Nation from this principal Post in the Government . And if Columbus had not given them a lift by finding out the West-Indies , and abating the value of Money , their Grievance had continued to this day as heavy as ever . We see therefore that the Author's Notion of a Trust will not hold Water , and if it would , it can do him no Service , for I shall prove in the Second place , that the Kings of England hold their Crown by Right of Conquest and Succession , and consequently are no Trustees of the People . I shall begin with the Point of Succession , which because it's generally received , I shall only mention an Act of Parliament or Two for the proof of it . In the first of Edward the Fourth , ( Rot. Parl. ) where the Proceedings against Richard the Second are repealed ; it 's said , That Henry Earl of Derby , afterwards Henry the Fourth ; Temerously against RightWiseness and Iustice , by Force and Arms , against his Faith and Ligeance , rered Werre at Flint in Wales , against King Richard the Second , Him took and Imprisoned in the Tower of London , in great Violence ; and Usurped and Intruded upon the Royal Power , Estate , and Dignity . And a little after they add , That the Commons being of this present Parliament , having sufficient and evident knowledge of the said Unright-wise Usurpation and Intrusion , by the said Henry late Earl of Derby , upon the said Crown of England ; knowing also certainly without doubt and ambiguity , the Right and Title of our said Soveraign Lord thereunto true ; and that by God's Law , Man's Law , and the Law of Nature , He and none other , is and ought to be their true , right-wise , and Natural Leige and Soveraign Lord ; and that He was in Right from the Death of the said Noble and Famous Prince his Father , ( Richard Duke of York ) very just King of the said Realms of England , do take and repute , and will for ever take and repute the said Edward the Fourth , their Soveraign and Leige Lord , and Him and his Heirs to be Kings of England , and none other , according to his said Right and Title . In the first of Richard the Third , there is another Statute very full to this purpose , which begins , The Three Estates , &c. But I shall pass over this , and proceed to the Act of Recognition , made upon King Iames the First , his coming to the Crown : Wherein it 's declared , That He was Lineally , Rightfully and Lawfully , Descended of the Body of the Most Excellent Lady Margaret , Eldest Daughter of the Most Renowned King Henry the Seventh , and the High and Noble Princess , Queen Elizabeth his Wife , Eldest Daughter of King Edward the Fourth . The said Lady Margaret being Eldest Sister of King Henry the Eighth , Father of the High and Mighty Princess of Famous Memory , Elizabeth , late Queen of England . In consideration whereof , the Parliament doth acknowledge King Iames their only Lawful and Rightful Leige Lord and Soveraign . And as being bound thereunto , both by the Laws of God and Man , They do recognize and acknowledge , that immediately upon the Dissolution and Decease of Elizabeth , late Queen of England , the Imperial Crown of the Realm of England , and all the Kingdoms , Dominions , and Rights belonging to the same ; did by Inherent Birth-right , and Lawful and undoubted Succession , Descend and come to his Most Excellent Majesty , as being Lineally , Iustly and Lawfully , next and SOLE HEIR of the BLOOD Royal of this Realm , as it is aforesaid . And thereunto they do most Humbly and Faithfully submit and oblige themselves , they Heirs and Posterities for ever , until the last drop of their Bloods be spent . So much concerning the Succession , where by the way , we may observe the Deposing Doctrine is directly pronounced unlawful , as appears from the first of Edward the Fou●h , which Act continues still unrepealed . I shall proceed to prove the Norman Conquest , ( for I need go no higher ) which I shall make good from the best Historians , who lived either in , or near that time ; from Doomeseday Book , and Acts of Parliament . 1. From Historians , &c. Eadmer ( Hist. Nov. Fol. 6. ) a Monk of Canterbury at the time of the Conquest , and very intimate with Arch-bishop Lanfrank , and with him when News came of the Conqueror's Death ; Writes , That William designing to Establish those Laws and Usages in England , which his Ancestors and Himself observed in Normandy ; made such Persons Bishops , Abbots , and other Principal Men , who could not be thought so unworthy , as to be guilty of any incompliance with his new Model , knowing by whom , and to what Station they were raised . All Religious and Secular Affairs He managed at his pleasure . And after the Historian had related in what Points he disallowed the Authority of the Pope , and Archbishop , he concludes thus . But what he did in Secular Matters I forbear to Write , because it 's not to my purpose , and likewise because any one may guess by what has been delivered already , at what rate He ordered the State. The next Testimony shall be fetched out of Ingulph Abbot of Croyland , an English Man born , Secretary to William when Duke of Normandy , and made Abbot by him . This Author informs us , That by hard Usage He made the English submit , that He gave the Earldems , Baronies , Bishopricks , and Prelacies of the whole Nation to his Normans ; and scarce permitted any English Man to enjoy any place of Honour , Dominion , or Power Hist. Croyl . f. 512. But Gervace of Tilbury ( a considerable Officer in the Exchequer in the Time of Henry the Second , and who received his Information from Henry of Blois , Bishop of Winchester , and Grand-child to the Conquerour ) is more full to this purpose ; which he thus delivers . After the Conquest of the Kingdom , and the just Subversion of Rebels , when the King himself , and his great Men , had viewed and surveyed their new acquests , there was a strict Enquiry made who there were which had fought against the King , and secured themselves by Flight . From these , and the Heirs of such as were Slain in the Field , all hopes of Possessing ei●er Lands or Rents were cut off ; for they counted it a great Favour to have their Lives given them . But such as were called and solicited to Fight against King William , and did not , if by an humble Submission they could gain the Favour of their Lords and Masters , they then had the Liberty of Possessing somewhat in their own Persons , but without any right of leaving it to their Posterity . Their Children enjoying it only at the Will of their Lords : To whom , when they became unacceptable , they were every where outed of their Estates ; neither would any restore what they had taken away . And when the miserable Natives represented their Grievances publickly to the King , informing him how they were spoiled of their Fortunes , and that without Redress , they must be forced to pass into other Countries . At length upon Consultation it was Ordered , That what they could obtain of their Lords by way of Desert , or Lawful Bargain , they should hold by unquestionable Right ; but should not Claim any thing from the Time the Nation was Conquered , under the Title of Succession , or Descent . Upon what great Consideration this was done is manifest , says Gervace : For they being obliged to compliance and obedience , to purchase their Lords Favour ; therefore , whoever of the Conquered Nation Possessed Lands , &c. Obtained them not as if they were their Right by Succession , or Inheritance ; but as a Reward of their Service , or by some Intervening Agreement . Gervase of Tilbury , or the Black Book in the Exchequer , Lib. 1. Cap. de Murdro . de necessar . observ . The next Testimony I shall produce , is out of Gulielmus Pictaviensis ( who lived about the time of Ingulph , ) This Writer speaking of King William's Coronation , adds ; cujus Liberi atque nepotes , &c. i. e. whose Children and Posterity shall Govern England by a just Succession , which he Possessed by an Hereditary Bequest ; Confirmed by the Oaths of the English , and by the Right of his Sword , Gul. Pict . fol. 206. Farther , Ordericus Vitalis , who lived in the Reign of William the Second , tells us , How William the First Circumvented the Two great Earls of Mercia , and that after Edwin was Slain , and Morcar Imprisoned , then King William began to show himself , and gave his Assistants the best , and most considerable Counties in England , and made Rich Colonels , and Captains of very mean Normans , Oder . Vital . fol. 251. The same Author relates , That after the Norman Arms overcame England , and King William had reduced it under the Government of his own Laws ; he made Fulcard , a Monk of St. Omers , Abbot of Thorney , Ibid. fol. 853. Henry Arch-deacon of Huntington , who lived in the Reign of King Stephen , is full to the same purpose . Anno Gratiae 1066. perfecit Dominus Dominator , &c. i. e. In the Year , &c. the great Ruler of Kingdoms brought that to pass , which he had long intended against the English ; for he delivered them over to be destroyed by the Rough , and Politick Nation of the Normans , fol. 210. And in another place more particularly . When the Normans had Executed the just Decree of God upon the English , and there was not any Person of Quality of English Extraction remaining , but all were reduced to Servitude and Distress , insomuch that it was Scandalous to be called an English Man , William the Author of this Iudgment dyed in the Twenty first Year of his Reign , Ibid. fol. 212. Matthew Paris , Who wrote towards the end of the Reign of Henry the Third , agrees with the forementioned Testimonies , his Words are these , fol. 5. Dux Normannorum Willielmus , &c. i. e. Duke William having fortified the Cities and Castles , and Garrisoned them with his own Men ; Sailed into Normandy with English Hostages , and abundance of Treasure , whom , when he had Imprisoned and Secured , he hastened back into England , that he might liberally distribute the Lands of the English ( who were forcibly disseized of their Estates ) amongst his Norman Soldiers , who had helped him at the Battle of Hastings to subdue the Country ; and that little that was left , he put under the Yoak of perpetual Servitude . And in another place he tells us , That King William brought Bishopricks and Abbys under Military Service , which before that time had been free from all Secular Servitude ; but then every Bishoprick and Abby was Enrolled according to his Pleasure ; and charged how many Knights or Horse-men , they should find for him and his Successors , in times of War , fol. 7. I might add many more Authorities of Antient Historians , but these I suppose are sufficient . As for Modern Writers , I shall only cite Mr. Cambden , who thus delivers his Sence of this matter , Britan. p. 109. Victor Gulielmus , &c. i. e. William the Conqueror , as it were to make his Victory the more remarkable , Abrogated the greatest part of the English Laws , brought in the Customs of Normandy , and ordered the Pleadings to be in French : And outing the English of their Antient Inheritances , Assigned their Lands and Mannors to his Soldiers ; Yet so as he reserved the Paramount Lordship to himself , and his Successors by Homage ; That is , that they all should hold their Estates by the Feudal Laws ; and that none but the King should be Independent Proprietors , but rather a sort of limited Trustees , and Occupants in Tenancy . From these Citations we have all imaginable Marks of an entire Conquest . The Laws , and Tenures , and in some measure the Language of the Country , were changed : The Saxons were Transplanted into Normandy and dispossed of their Estates , as appears not only from the forementioned Historians , but from Doomse-day Book , where we find , that almost all the great Proprietors were Normans . Now this Survey was made at the latter end of the Conqueror's Reign , many Years after his taking the Oath , which is by some so much insisted upon , as appears from Ingulphus . If it 's Objected that William the First granted King Edward's Laws . To this I Answer . 1. That most of King Edward's Laws were only Penal , and respected Criminals , as we may learn from Ingulph , Hist. Croyland in fine . Secondly , These Laws of King Edward were not granted by the Conqueror without his own Amendments , and Refinings upon them , as is evident from the Charter of Henry the First , as it stands in Matthew Paris , fol. 55. Lagam Regis Edvardi , vobis reddo cum eis Emendationibus quibus Pater eam Emendavit Consilio Baronum suorum , i. e. I Grant you King Edward ' s Laws with those Amendments which my Father made in them , by the advice of his Barons . And that these last Words may not be thought to weaken the Testimony , it 's not improper to observe , that these Alterations are said to be made only by the Advise , not by the Authority of the Barons ; and yet these Barons were Normans too , as is sufficiently plain from what has been discoursed already . But , To Conclude , the proofs of this Argument , several of our Parliaments acknowledge William the First a Conqueror . The Acts ( all of which it would be very tedious to name ) run thus in the Preamble , Edward V. g. by the Grace of God , the Fourth after the Conquest , &c. Now this is a plain Concession , that the Rights of the Subjects were derived from the Crown ; and in all likelihood was intended to hint as much . And therefore , unless the Norman Conquest had been evident and unquestionable , the Lords and Commons , who were always very Tender of their Liberties , would never have consented , that the Statutes should have been Penned in such a Submissive Style . If it be Objected , That the Conqueror took an Oath to observe the Laws of the Realm . In Answer to this I observe . 1. That we have seen already in some measure what sort of Laws these were , and how they were managed by him Secondly , Neither Pictaviensis , Eadmerus , Ordericus , Vitalis , Henry of Huntington , or Matth. Paris , Write of any Oath taken by the Conqueror . Florence of Worcester , is the first that mentions it . Flor. Wigorn. fol. 635. The Words of the Oath are these , Se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias , ac Rectores earum defendere , nec non & cunctum Populum sibi subjectum justa & Regali Providentia Regere , rectam Legem Statuere & tenere Rapinas Injustaque Iudicia penitus interdicere , i. e. That he would protect Holy Church , and the Hierarchy ; that he would Govern all his Subjects fairly , and take a Royal care of their welfare . That he would make Equitable Laws , and observe them , and wholy Prohibit Rapine , and Perverting of Iustice. From this I observe Two things . First , That the Legislative Power was all of it lodged in the Conqueror ; Why else did he Swear to make Equitable Laws ? For if the Constitution had been settled as it is at present , the Parliament could have hindred him from making any other . Secondly , The Oath is Couched in very general Terms , and admits of a great Latitude of Exposition , so that the Conqueror was in a manner left at his liberty , to interpret the Obligation , as he thought fit . Thirdly , This Oath was voluntarily taken by the King some Years after he had forced the whole Nation to Swear Allegiance to him . We are therefore , if it were only for this reason , to interpret the Oath to his advantage : And to suppose , that he would not Swear himself out of his Conquest , and Reign at the Discretion of those he had so entirely Subdued ; so that it should be in their Power to Unking him , either upon a real or pretended Breach of his Oath . Fourthly , We may observe , that the Kings of England are in full Possession of the Crown , immediately upon the Death of their Predecessors , and therefore King Iohn , Edward the First , and Henry the Fifth , had Allegiance Sworn to them before their Coronation . From whence it follows , that as Swearing does not make them Kings ; so neither can Perjury , though truly Objected un-make them again , which will appear more evidently if we consider , Fifthly , That Perjury in it self , does not imply a forfeiture of any Natural or Civil Right ; Indeed , the dread of it ties up a Man's Conscience faster , and if he proves guilty , makes him lyable to a severer Vengance from God Almighty than simple unfaithfulness ; upon which account an Oath is counted a considerable security for the performance of a promise . And therefore , for the greater satisfaction of their Subjects , Princes usually Swear to observe those Stated Measures of Justice , which were either fixed by themselves , or their Predecessors . And if they happen to fail in the performance ; though they forfeit their Honor , and the Divine Protection ; yet there accrues no Right from thence to the People , to re-enter upon their fancied Original Liberty . For the Duty of those under Authority , ( except where it 's expresly conditional ) is not Cancelled and Discharged , by the mis-behaviour of their Superiors . For Example ; supposing a Father Swears to remit some part of his Authority in the Family , and that he will Govern only by such a prescribed Rule ; his forgeting his Oath afterwards , does not void or lessen his Power , nor excuse the Children in their Disobedience . And to make the Instance more direct , if possible . The Kings of Persia were Soveraign Monarchs , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Plutarch calls them , and were Worshiped as the Images of God , and could never be set aside , but by Death . Yet , these Princes took an Oath at their Inauguration ; as Grotius observes from Xenophon , and Diodorus Siculus . Neither was it lawful for them to alter certain Laws , as appears from Daniel and Iosephus . The Kings of Aegypt likewise , as Grotius relates from Diodorus Sic. had a full , and unaccountable Authority , they did as he speaks summo Imperio uti ; yet they were bound to the observance of a great many things , which if they neglected to perform , they could not be charged with these Failures while they were living ; But after they were dead the Custom was to Arraign their Memories , and deny them the Honor of a Funeral Solemnity : Which punishment was likewise inflicted upon the Iewish Kings , who had been very irregular , and oppressive in their Government , 2 Chron. 24 , 25 , and 28. 27. From all which it appears , that a King 's Swearing at his Coronation does not make his Crown forfeitable , or subject him to the Censure of the People . And since the Breach of an Oath does not imply a forfeiture of Right ; since the Kings of England claim their Authority by Conquest and Succession , from hence these Two Corollaries naturally follow . First , That with us Power always proves it self , unless it appears that it 's given up or limited , by any special Agreement . Secondly , That the Liberties of the Subjects are not founded upon the Reservations of an Original Contract . For a Conquered People must not pretend to make their own Terms . And therefore , their Priviledges are not of their own Creating , but Acts of Royal Favour , and Condescentions of Soveraignty . Indeed , when the People are not forced into Submission , but freely Elect their Monarch ; there all remote Inferences , and doubtful Cases , ought to be Interpreted in favour of the Subject ; because the Form of the Government had its Beginning from them ; and in this Case only it is , that Liberty proves it self . But where the Limitations of a Monarchy , are the Condescentions of a Conqueror , or his Successors , there we are not to stretch the Priviledge of the Subject , beyond express Grant. So that whatever Rights , or Branches of Government , are not plainly conveyed away , must be supposed to be still lodged in the Crown . For since the Prince was once Vested with Absolute Power , and has afterwards bounded himself by his own Voluntary Act , The Abatements of his Authority are to be measured by his own evident Declarations , and not by any conjectural and consequential Arguings . And here that Celebrated Maxim takes undoubted place , That all Acts which are made in destruction of Common Law , or Antecedent Right , are to be Construed strictly , and not drawn out into Corollaries , and parallel Cases . From whence it follows , That if it was unlawful at first for the Subjects to resist their Soveraign , it must still continue so , unless they can prove he has relinquished this part of his Prerogative , and given them an express Liberty to take up Arms when they think it convenient ; which , I believe , will be hard to find in our Constitution . I Confess , there is a Resistance Charter granted by King Iohn , but such a one as is no ways serviceable to our Author : For , First , It 's a plain Concession from the Crown , and consequently far from the nature of a Mutual and Original Contract . Secondly , Here is no Deposing Power given in case the Articles were broken : But on the contrary , upon the supposition of a Rupture there is an express Proviso for the security of the King's Person and Royalty ; for a little after the Clause of Salva Persona nostra , we have these remarkable Words ; Et cum fuerit Emendatum Intendent nobis sicut prius fecerunt ; That is , if the King should fail in his Promise , and constrain them to make use of Force , When their Grievances were redressed , and they had put themselves in Possession of their Rights ; They should then be obliged to obey him as formerly , Matth. Par. p. 219. Thirdly , This Charter was extorted from the King in a Menacing and Military manner . The Barons were up in Arms , the City of London declared for them , and received them , and the King was deserted by his own Army ; whereas before this Grant , the Subjects had no colour of Authority to Levy Arms against the King. Now Rebellion is a very ill bottom to found our Liberties upon : The advantages which are gained by such Monstrous Violences as these , are no more to be insisted on than the Acquisitions of Piracy ; and therefore , Fourthly , This Charter being obtain'd in such an undutiful and illegal way , is without doubt one great reason among others , why it has been always counted a Nullity ; for that it 's no part of our Law , I shall fully evince . First , From the Transactions in the Reign of Henry the Third , for first in this King's Charter there is no notice taken of any Grant made by King Iohn ; whereas in the Confirmation of Magna Charta by Edward the First , the granting it by Henry the Third is expresly mentioned , and the Liberty recited at large : Which is a plain Evidence , that the one was not looked upon to have the same Authority with the other . Secondly , That the Magna Charta of Henry the Third was a pure Act of Grace to the Subject , and no Confirmation of an Antecedent Right , appears from the Instrument it self , where in the Preamble the King declares , That out of Our meer and free Will We have given , &c. And towards the end , That for this Our Gift and Grant of these Liberties , Our Arch-bishops , Earls , &c. have given us the fifteenth part of their Moveables . Now besides the wording of the Act , which runs as clear for a Voluntary Concession as is possible ; the very consideration which was given the Crown , is a sufficient Argument , that the Subjects had no Title to these Liberties before : For who can imagine they would have purchased that which was their own already , at so dear a rate . Thirdly , This Charter of Henry the Third , though it contains much the same Liberties with the former , yet it has none of the same Ratification , there are no Proviso's for Resistance in it ; but instead of Distraining and taking of Castles , &c. there was a Solemn Excommunication denounced by the Bishops against all Violators of this Law. So that now the Subjects were evidently returned to their former State of Passive Obedience . And therefore those Barons , who , towards the latter end of this King's Reign , took up Arms in defence of their Privileges , as Matth. Paris relates , were disinherited by a Parliament at Winchester ; which was soon after confirmed in another Parliament at Westminster . ( Sir W. Raleigh Priv. of Parl. Ap. 31. ) More to the same purpose may be seen in the Law called , Dictum de Kenilworth : For though this Order was made by no more than a Committee of Twelve Peers ; yet they having an Absolute Delegation as to this Point from the King and the Members of Parliament , what they agreed upon has the full Validity of a Law. Fourthly , That King Iohn's Charter , which warrants Resistance ( though within a Rule ) had never any Legal Authority , is evident from the Militia Act ( 14 Car. 2. ) where the Parliament declares , That the Militia was ever the undoubted Right of his Majesty , and his Predecessors But this was a great Mistake , if King Iohn's Grant had been Law : For by vertue of that Charter , provided the King receded from his Articles , the Militia was lodged in the Barons , and the People were obliged by Oath to assist them against the Crown . Now , if the case had been doubtful , the Judgment of a Parliament ought to have put an end to the Controversie . This Legislative Council has a Power to interpret , as well as to alter , or enlarge the Constitution ; an Authority to tell us what has been , as well as what shall be Law. Such publick Determinations are as it were first and self-evident Principles in our Government ; they have a kind of Practical Infallibility in them , and ought not to be disputed , except where they plainly contradict the Laws of God. Fifthly , and Lastly , If this Singular Charter had ever been part of our Constitution , as it 's plain it never was , yet now it can have no manner of Force , because the forementioned Statute concerning the Militia , not only declares it to have been , but likewise to make the Case more incontestable , Enacts it unlawful , to Levy War , Offensive or Defensive , against the King. But of this more hereafter . If it 's Objected , That unless we are allowed to Assert our Rights by Force when they are Invaded , the Laws which secure them to us are insignificant ; because the King may break down these Fences when he pleases . To this I Answer , That these Laws upon this Supposition are far f●om being insignificant ; because , First , They are the Boundaries of Right : They clearly distinguish the Property of the Subjects from the Prerogative , so that the Prince can seldom encroach upon them in any considerable Measure , without being Conscious of the Injustice . Secondly , By vertue of the Laws we are better assured of the Prince's Protection against the Injuries of all our Fellow Subjects ; which is no small Advantage . Thirdly , We have the Prince's Honour , and Conscience , and Interest , to secure us : I say his Interest ; for notwithstanding the Subjects were never so well convinced , that Resistance is utterly unlawful ; yet it is by no means adviseable , for Princes to try their Patience too far : For Religion has a very slender Influence upon the World now a days . Nothing is more frequent than to see Men live in those Practices which they know to be Immoral . Now Oppression is apt to make wise Men Mad. Nothing touches them so much to the quick , as the breaking in upon their Properties , and the undermining the Publick Securities . And therefore when the Government sits thus uneasy upon them , they will be apt to fly out into Disorders , notwithstanding all the Restraints of Law and Conscience to the contrary . Now since Princes are supposed to be acquainted with the Frailty and Degeneracy of Mankind . This consideration of danger will generally keep them within compass , and check their Arbitrary Designs , though the Principles of Honour and Integrity should happen to prove insignificant . This one would think a sufficient Security ; and more than this , is neither allowed by our Government , neither can it be by any other . First , We have no reason to believe our Government permits us to maintain our Rights by Arming against our Prince , not only because our Laws plainly declare against all Resistance , ( as I shall shew afterwards ) but because the Libertys of the Subject were Acts of Grace from the Crown ; and since they had no right to demand them by Force , they must take them upon such Conditions as they are offer'd . Now things standing thus , we have no imaginable reason to conclude our Kings had any intention to forego their irresistable Authority , except they had signed it away in so many Words ; we are not to suppose they would part with such an inestimable Jewel , and be so Prodigal of their Favours , without the plainest Evidence . Indeed the granting this Liberty would be equally prejudicial to Prince and People , and render all Government Impracticable . For , Secondly , The Ignorance and Partiality of the greatest part of Mankind is such , that to make it Lawful to resist our Governors , whenever we think it necessary , is an infallible Expedient to keep a Nation almost always embroyl'd , and to banish Peace and Happiness out of the World. Such an allowance as this , does in reality dissolve all Government , and throw us back into a State of Nature . For when a Man may make use of all the Force he can get to redress his Grievances , to carve out his Satisfaction , and to possess himself of all those Rights he fancies he has a Title to ; his owning Authority is but a Complement ; for he is certainly under no Government but his own . He is bound to do no injury 't is true , but this does not hinder his being independent of Society . For his Obligation to Justice results from the Law of Nature , which binds him to abstain from Fraud and Violence , whether it 's enforced by any Municipal Constitution or not . If it 's Objected , That this liberty of Resistance is not to be allowed , but in Cases of extream Necessity , when the Government is in danger of being wounded in its Vitals , and the Fundamental Laws are struck at . To this I Answer , That since the People must be Judges of the Exegencies of State , this restraining of Resistance to Cases of Necessity , is no Security to the Common Welfare . For by this Principle whenever a Man , either through Mistake , or Design , believes or pretends to believe , that the Fundamental Laws are broken , he has a Warrant to take up Arms and form a Party to dispossess his Governor ; and if he can discharge himself of his Allegiance when he pleases , he is actually free , because his Will is in his own Power . Farther , Except the People are barred from Uniting their Forces against their Governors , there can be no determination of Civil Controversies . For in regard most People are apt to say , they are wronged as often as they lose a Tryal , if they have the liberty of Appealing from the Bench to the Neighbourhood , and may raise all their Friends and Dependents to oppose the Execution of the Judges Sentence ; then Right must be resolved into Force , and Justice will be all Sword without any Ballance . Now that the Doctrine of Resistance gives this dangerous Allowance is plain . For though our Author will not permit us the freedom of raising a Civil War , upon the account of Male Administration in the Execution of the Laws ; yet he has not given us any assurance that other Men will be of his mind . For may they not object that the prospect of having Justice observed , was the principal reason of combining in Society . For all Laws how Fundamental soever , are designed only as means for the distinction , and security of Property , for the punishing of violence and circumvention , and therefore they ought not to be valued above the End. For if the Prince has an unlimitted Priviledge of corrupting Judges , suborning Witness , and forcing the Execution of unjust Sentences ; all other Provisions for Liberty are to little purpose . If we are to submit to all this hardship , because it falls within the compass of Male Administration , What do our Fundamental Laws signify ? When at this rate , may some Men say , We can neither have Life , Liberty , nor Estate secured to us : So that if Resistance was allowable in any Case , Oppression and Violence in the Administration of Iustice would Warrant the use of such a Remedy . And if every one who imagined himself injured might beat up for Volunteers toredress his Grievances ; the Judges and Laws would be the only Criminals in a short time ; and all Disputes would be decided by Blows and Blood. Besides supposing Men were generally agreed , That nothing but the Breach of Fundamental Laws would justify Resistance ; since the People are made the Judges of this Distinction , they need only be at the Expence of a hard Name for their enlargement ; for it 's but calling any disgust , or petty Injury a Breach of Fundamentals , and the Work is done . If it be said , That the People are always quiet when they are well used ; and never attempt to displace their Governours , but upon just Occasions . To this I Answer , That if the generallity of Mankind were Masters of so much Sense and Honesty , as this comes to , Why did they not continue in that State of Nature some Men fancy them in at first ? If they had been wise enough to have understood their true Interest , What need they have brought themselves under the Guidance , and Obligation of Laws ? If they are so Vertuously enclined , Why did they submit their Wills and Powers to a Publick Regulation ? Why should Men so well qualified for the use of their Freedom , be bound to their good Behaviour , and come under the restraints of Pacts and Subjection ? All Authority and Law is a great Reflection upon Mankind ; it plainly supposes the generallity of us are Weak , Deceitful and Turbulent Creatures . But if we are so full of Understanding and Conscience , as some Men would make us believe ; all Governments ought to be broken up , and every Man have his Original Charter of Liberty return'd him . For if we are so fit to be Trusted , and to dispose of our own Actions ; it 's highly unreasonable to keep us in a State of Ignominy , and Bondage any longer : But English-Men of all others , have the least reason to make Panegyricks upon the Discretion , and Governableness of the People . For not to mention the Barons Wars , How many Tylers and Cades , and Kets and Flammocks , have we had within the compass of Four hundred Years ? What formidable Bodies did those Massianelos bring into the Field ; and how near was the State being overturn'd by the Rebellious Levity , and Madness of the Multitude ? And after all these Instances of Confusion , we have certainly little reason to think that Vox Populi and Vox Dei , are the same ; or that Right and Wrong depends upon Numbers . From what has been said it's apparent , That there must be an irresistable Power in all Governments : But our Two Houses ( whose Authority is nearest to the Kings ) have no share in this inviolable Priviledge . For least their Legislative Office should make them forget their Duty to his Majesty , they are obliged to take the Oaths of Allegiance and Subjection to him , before they are capable of Transacting any business in Parliament , 7 Iac. 1. Cap. 6. Sect. 8. 30 Car. 2. Cap. 1. From whence it follows ; That with us the King , and only he , is the irresistable Power . Neither must this Prerogative be restrained to his Person ; but extend to his Authority . For a King cannot be every where himself , neither is he able to punish Offenders by his own single Strength : He must govern by his Ministers , and sometimes by his Armies . Therefore if those who are employed by him , may be opposed , and hindered in the Execution of their Ch●rg● he is as much disabled from pursuing the ends of Government ▪ as i● Violence had been offered to himself . Of this Consequence those who made the late Act of Uniformity , were well aware ; and therefore in the Declaration , which they obliged a considerable part of the Kingdom to make , the Subscriber does not only declare , That it 's not Lawful to take up Arms against the King upon any pretence whatever , but likewise , That he abhors that Trayterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against those Commissionated by him . Therefore that Objection which is usually made , does not come up to the Point , viz. That it 's Lawful for a private Person to resist an Illegal Commissioner of the Kings , when he comes to dispossess him of his Property , or to outrage him in any other respect . For though a Man has the liberty of defending himself from Encroachments in a private way ; yet if he calls in Hundreds and Thousands to his Assistance , without the King's Authority , he falls under the censure of the Law. Now the reason why the Constitution permits the use of Force in one Case , and not in the other , is because private Defence , though never so unjustifiably managed , cannot bring any publick Mischief along with it . But if Men were allowed to arm Towns and Countries when they thought fit to complain ; this would be of dangerous Consequence to the State , and make it lyable to perpetual Convulsions ; so that we should always either feel or fear the Miseries of a Civil War. But to proceed with our Author . In his Fourth Section we are told , That no consideration of Religion binds us to pay more than we owe , not to extend our Allegiance farther than the Law carrys it . Which though it 's True , yet it 's foreign to the Argument . For I shall make it appear farther afterwards , that the Laws extend our Submission , which is one part of our Allegiance , to all Cases whatsoever . I suppose this Advice was intended for a preservative against over Dutyfulness , and that his Reader might not be misled by the Church of Englands Doctrine of Passive Obedience . Now how proper soever such Hints as these may be to some Flegmatick Climates and Constitutions of Liberties , I shall not dispute ; yet certainly the Enquirer could not have thought them over-seasonable Directions for our Conduct ; if he had pleased to consider either the legal Advantages of the Crown , the temper of the English Nation , or the time of his own Writing : But his generous Zeal for the freedom of Mankind , makes him think he can never say , nor do enough . His Fifth Paragraph supposes an Original Contract , and that the Measures of Obedience are to be taken from thence , i. e. Once upon a time , when every Man was weary of Governing himself any longer ; they agreed by ●●●eral consent to set one of their own Countrym● 〈…〉 ●ome Stranger they had a fancy for , upon whom 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Term of King , Sovereign , or Supream , i. e. 〈…〉 glorious Titles without conveying the Power 〈…〉 , ●ther to make the Royal Pageant ridiculous , 〈…〉 him ●n occasion to over-rate his Authority , which 〈…〉 make him stretch it into a Forfeiture , in a short time : 〈…〉 the People forfe●●ing that they should quickly be out 〈◊〉 with being governed might over Title their Monarch , and ●e the Principles of the Con●tution weak on purpose , that so 〈…〉 ●pse to them the sooner . But that neither Willlim 〈…〉 or his 〈◊〉 Succe●ors received their Crowns by way 〈…〉 i●●vident to every one , who has seen any thing of our H●stories ; so that this Notion of t●e Enquirers is perfectly Chimer●al as to us . For granting , as Mr. Hunton Observes , ( Treatise of Monarchy , pag. 16. ) That Subjection is not immediately founded in Conquest , but in Cons●rt ; yet Consent in such a Case is forced , necessary and unavoidable ▪ and includes an entire Submission to the Conquerors pleasure . 〈◊〉 when a King has his Enemies ( for a Canquered People are no 〈◊〉 at first ) 〈◊〉 such an Advantage , he will scarcely be pers●●ded to put any conditions of Forfeiture into his Title , and Reig●●●● their Courtesy . For how frank soever he or his Successors m●y be in other respects , it 's unimaginable to suppose they will 〈◊〉 them any Dethroning Power in their Charter . And 〈◊〉 t●e Case stands thus , we may fairly conclude , That that Magnificency of Style , with which our Kings are always mentioned , has a suitable Authority belonging to it ; that those August Names of Imperial Crown , Sovereign , Supream , &c. which we meet with so often in our Courts of Justice , Conveyances , and Acts of Parliament , are no empty insignificant Sounds , nor ever designed to describe a Precarious Prince , who may be Resisted or Deposed at pleasure . In his Sixth Section he will allow no Prince to have a Divine Authority , unless he can prove his Delegation by Prophets , &c. And yet St. Paul calls the Roman Emperor the Minister of God ; and I believe the Enquirer will grant that neither Claudius , or any of his Family were Proclaimed by Bath . Coll. or Crowned by an Angel from Heaven . I somewhat wonder that our Author should advance such Propositions as these ; who grants ( Sect. 10. ) That the Submission of the People together with a long Prescription makes a Prince a legal Governor , and when his Power is once settled by Law , he has a good a Right to it as any private Person can have to his Property . And immediately after he affirms , That though a Man has acquired his Property by Humane means , such as Succession , &c. yet he has a security for the Enjoyment of it from a Divine Right . Now if Prescription and Succession gives a Prince a good Humane Title , and this Title is confirmed by the Rules of Natural and Revealed Religion . One would think since he is thus secured in his Government by a Divine Right , he had a Divine Right to govern . But after all I freely yield the Enquirer , That we cannot reasonably conclude from bare Possession , that it is the Will of God such Persons should be our Governors ; for the most part we ought to conclude the contrary , because , as he well observes , this Argument from Possession Iustifies all Usurpers when they are Successful . By his Seventh Paragraph we are to take Our Measures of Power , and by consequence of Obedience , from the express Laws of the State , from the Oaths which are sworn by the Subject , &c. To make this reasoning applicable to the Case in hand , I shall only observe at present , that by his own Concessions ( Sect. 13. ) There are many express Laws made which lodge the Militia singly in the King , that make it plainly unlawful upon any pretence whatever , to take up Arms against his Majesty , or any Commissionated by him , and that these Laws have been put into the Form of an Oath , and sworn by all those who have born any Employment in Church or State. How well he reconciles the Doctrine of Resistance with these Remarques , will be seen afterwards . The Eigth Section brings us from Natural Religion , to the Scriptures of the Old Testament , but it 's only to shew That they are not to be made use of in this matter . Now under favour , I conceive , These Scriptures are not so foreign to the Point , as the Enquirer supposes . For though the Jewish Government was particularly designed for that People , yet being settled by Divine appointment , it ought to be highly esteem'd and imitated in its standing and general Maxims , by the rest of the World. God perfectly understands the Tempers , Weaknesses , and Passions of Mankind ; which makes him infinitely more able to judge what sort of Polity best Answers the Ends of Society . So that whatever is not of a peculiar and temporary Nature in his Establishment , should be the Model of their Government . And to apply this Observation ; since there were no allowances of Resistance in the Jewish Government : But certain Death was the ordained Consequence of Disobedience to the Civil Power , Deut. 17. 12. We ought to conclude that such a general Submission is most rational , and advantageous for the publick Good , and therefore are to take it for granted , that all Christian States especially are settled upon this Passive Principle , where there are not express Proofs of the contrary . For it 's no Honour to the Memory of our Forefathers , to infer by remote and strained Implications , that they thought themselves wiser than God Almighty . To the former part of his Ninth Section I have nothing to object , but am ready to joyn Issue with him upon his Notion . As to what he mentions concerning The State of the Primitive Christians , I shall have occasion to touch upon it afterwards . I shall pass over his Tenth Section , as being in a manner comprehended in his Ninth , and proceed to the Eleventh which brings us home to our English Government . Where as a Corollary from his former Discourse , he concludes , That the Question in debate Must be determined by the fixt Laws and Regulations of the Kingdom . Which is some comfort ; for then we ought not to be over-rul'd by any General Considerations from Speculations about Original Liberty , or Arbitrary Constructions of Salus Populi : Nor yet by the Authorities of Civilians , especially those Foreign ones , who have had a Republican Byass clap'd upon their Education . In this Paragraph he informs his Reader , That the King's Prerogative is bounded , and that it's Injustice to carry it beyond it's Legal Extent , which no one denies . As for his Instance , I cannot well imagine what he brought it for ; I hope it was not to try if he could make some People believe that his Majesty had Levy'd Money by his Army , for this he knows is not True. But when any of this Violence happens , he tells us the Principle of Self-Preservation seems to take place , and to warrant as violent a Resistance . It seems to take place , i. e. he is not sure on 't . But by his own Concessions he may be sure of the contrary ; if the exercise of this , which he calls Self-Preservation , be restrained by the Constitution , whether it is , or not , besides what has been said already , will appear farther afterwards . There is nothing more certain than that as he observes , Sect. 12. The English have their Liberties and Properties secured to them by the Constitution . But an allowance of fighting their Prince in Defence of these Liberties , &c. is so far from being Reserved to them , that it 's plainly forbidden by Many Possitive and Express Laws . Indeed how is it possible such a Liberty should be Reserved in our Government , which as the Enquirer acknowledges , lodges the Militia ( i. e. the Power of the Sword ) singly in the King. So that without his Order , none of his Subjects can Form themselves into Troops , or carry the face of an Army , without being lyable to the highest Penalties . And whereas he urges , That if we have a Right to our Property , we must likewise be supposed to have a Right to preserve it . He means by Force . To this I Answer , First , That a Man may have an unquestionable Right to some Things , which he has no Warrant to recover Vi & Armis , but must rest the Enjoyment of them , with the Conscience and Prudence of another . E. G. If the Father of a wealthy Person falls into deep Poverty , he has an undoubted Right to a Maintenance out of his Sons Estate , and yet he cannot fairly recover it by Force , without a Legal Provision for this purpose . To bring the Instance nearer home : The Right of making War and Peace , is an Indisputable Branch of the King's Prerogative ; yet unless his Subjects assist him , this Authority can seldom be exerted to any Successful effect , because his Majesty cannot Levy Money ( which is the Sinews of War ) without the consent of Parliament . Farther , every one who is injured in his Property , and endeavours the regaining of it by course of Law , has without doubt a Right to have Justice done him . But if the Court , where the Cause is depending , happens to be mistaken , or corrupted , I desire to know whether it 's Lawful for him to raise his Arrier Ban upon such a Disappointment ? Our Author is obliged by his Principle to say no ; and therefore he must either Answer , 1. That the Party aggreived ought to appeal to a higher Court ; to which it may be replyed , That it 's possible for him to meet with the same misfortune thēre ; for our Constitution does not pretend to any Insallible , or Impecable Judges . 2. His Second Answer , must be that this is a Private Case , and therefore a Man is bound to submit to ill usage , rather than disturb the publick Peace . But to this I return , that we may suppose a general failure of Justice through Subornation , Bribery , &c. and then the Oppression will be of a publick and Extensive Nature ; and yet if a grievance of this Magnitude should continue unredress'd after complains , our Author will not allow us the benefit of any rougher Methods ; for he frankly tells us , That it 's not lawful to Resist the King upon any Pretence of ill Administration in the Execution of the Law. Pag. 14. so that by his own Argument , we may have some very considerable Rights , which it 's not justifiable to demand of the Government with a drawn Sword. Secondly , This Liberty of Resistance dissolves all Government ▪ For as I have already Observ'd , when every man is the Judge of his own Priviledges , i. e. when he is made the Authentick Interpreter of the Laws , and may use all the force he can get , at his discretion against the State ; he is then most certainly to be govern'd by no body but himself . And therefore , Thirdly , This Liberty must be the worst security for Peace and Property imaginable , as I shall shew more at large by and by . As for his limiting Resistance , To plain and visible Invasions . This is a very feeble Remedy against Confusion . For since every one is made Judge of the Evidence , and the generality are naturally over credulous , and apt to believe ill of their Governours , when designing Men have once impos'd upon their understandings , and almost har'd them out of their sences , then every thing will be plain to them but their Duty . Thus it was plain that Charles the First intended to introduce Popery ; though possibly never any Person since the Reformation gave ●etter proof of his Adherence to the Church of England than that ●rince . Thus likewise at the beginning of this present Revolution , it was plain to the greatest part of the Nation , that his Majesty had made a League with the French King to Extirpate the Protestants and their Religion . Though now the World sees there never was a more Malicious , and unreasonable Calumny invented : But though Reports of this Nature are never so monstrous and nonsensical , yet at this rate we shall never want a Demonstration for a Rebellion ; as long as such loose Principles , as the Enquirer advances , are allowed . His Thirteenth Section contains nothing but Objections , which to do him Justice , are fairly put , considering the small compass they are drawn into . How well he gets clear of the Difficulties he was sensible of , the Reader must judge ; for now we are coming to his Fourteenth and Dead doing Paragraph , in which he offers to take off all the Arguments , which are made for Non-resistance . Now before I reply distinctly to his Answers , I shall endeavour to offer something more than I have urged already in Consutation of his main Principle . And here it 's not amiss to observe , That the Enquirer in his Ninth Section , Makes the Measures of our Submission much shorter , than those of the Ancient Christians , because Our Religion is Established by Law. By vertue of which Distinction , he makes our Faith fall under the consideration of Property , and from thence concludes by Implication , That we may resist our Prince in defence of it . But we are to consider though our Religion has a legal Settlement , yet we have no Authority to maintain it by Force . Nay our Laws are express as it 's possible against all manner of Resistance ( as himself acknowledges . ) Now the Law is certainly the Measure of all Civil Right , and therefore to carve out our selves a greater Security than the Law allows , is Destructive of all Government . If the Mobile get this hint , it 's to be feared they will give him no occasion in their Second Expedition , to admire them for Burning and Plundering with so much Temper and Moderation . Further he grants , by Consequence , That the Roman Emperours were irresistable . For I don't find that he allows the Primitive Christians a Liberty of Resistance , though they were invaded in their Lives and Properties , as well us in their Religion . Now if these Emperours were irresistable , I desire to know what made them so ; if he Answers the Laws , I Reply , That the English Constitution is as full against taking Arms to oppose the King as is possible . If he Replies , That it was unlawful to resist the Roman Emperours , because the making of Laws was wholy in their own Power ; but where the Legative Authority is partly in the King , and partly in the People , the Case is otherwise . To this I Answer , That the Division of the Legislative Power does not weaken the Obligation of a Law , when all the Distinct Authorities concur to the making of it . E. G. I Question not but our Author will grant that the English Laws , though the People have a share in Enacting them , are as perfect , and ought to be as inviolable , as those in Turkey , where all depends upon the Princes Will : Therefore if the Authority of the Kingdom Declares their Prince Irresistible , this makes him as much so , as if he had given himself this Power by Conquest , and had been the most Absolute Monarch in the World. And as this Priviledge is clear , so he may make it Immortal if he pleases , provided he has a Negative upon the Remainder of the Legislative Power ( as the King has upon the Two Houses ) so that the Constitution cannot be alter'd without his own Consent . Nay if the People have given up their Rights of Resistance by their own voluntary Motion , they are bound in Honour as well as Justice to maintain their own Act. So that it seems more unaccountable not to Acquiesce in this Case , than if they had been forc'd into such a submission . Though it 's not improper to Observe , That the Act which I have now in view ( viz. 13 Car. 2 ) which tells us , It 's unlawfull to Levy War Offensive , or Defensive against the King. Does not so much pretend to vest the King with any new Authority , as to acknowledg his Antecedent Right , where it 's likewise Declar'd that The Militia has ever been the undoubted Right of his Majesty and his Predecessors . Which is as plain a Concession as can be , that this Parliament did not believe our Government began upon Hobs his Pacts , or that the King had his Power Originally from the People . But supposing the Government was Founded in the Voluntary consent of the People ( the contrary of which has been proved ; ) yet after they have once by the most Solemn and Deliberate Act bound up their Hands , and made it Unlawful under the highest Penalties , to use Force against the Magistrate ; in this Case it 's unreasonable to suppose they can resume their Antient Liberty at pleasure . For that which a Man has Alienated by his own free Grant , is as much out of his Power , as if he had never been possess'd of it at all . So that it 's as great Injustice to wrest back that , which I have once given away , as to invade my Neighbour in his Original Property . If it 's Objected , That such Laws of Non-resistance as this are to be understood with a Tacit Exception . Viz. Provided the Magistrate does not press too hard upon the Constitution , and Violate the most Fundamental Parts of it . To this I Answer , First , If a Law which is so absolutely against all Resistance , as appears both by the clear and comprehensive stile it 's Pen'd in , and by the time in which it was Enacted , which was immediately after we were emerged out of the Miseries of a long Rebellion , so that we have all imaginable reason to believe the Wisdom of the Nation design'd to make the most effectual Provision to secure us from the like Calamity . If I say a Law thus remarkquibly worded , and circumstantiated , may be eluded by Distinctions , and Reservations ; then the Statute Book is little better than wast Paper ; for at this rate there is nothing so plain , but may be glossed away into insignificancy . If he Objects , That the Natural Right we have to preserve and protect our selves , will justify the Defence of our Lives and Liberties against all Invaders whasoever , notwithstanding any positive Municipal Prohibitions to the contrary . To this I Answer , That to Object thus is to Argue against himself , as well as against Reason . For he grants by undenyable Consequence , ( Sect. 9. ) That the Primitive Christians were obliged to Non-resistance , because they Lived under a Constitution in which Paganism was Established by Law. He should have said , In which Christianity was prohibited , for it was possible for both Religions to have been Established , as they were in the time of Constantine : Now if a Municipal Law ought to be over-ruled by the Law of Nature when they happen to clash ; then the Christians who lived under the Heathen Emperors might Lawfully have taken up Arms against the Government , because they were deprived of their Lives and Fortunes against all Equity and Humanity . For to persecute Men so remarquibly Regular and Peaceable , both in their Principles and Practices , is as manifest a Violation of the Law of Nature as is possible . And if it was Lawful for them to resist , then they seem bound in Conscience to do it , whenever they had a probability of prevailing . For without doubt it 's a great fault for a Man to throw away his Life , impoverish his Family , and encourage Tyranny , when he has a fair Remedy in his Hand . But our Author has not yet been so severe , as to bring ▪ in the Martyrs Felo de se. But , Secondly , The Law of Nature obliges all Men to stand to their Contracts , though they have made them to their Disadvantage . They must not , as the Scripture spea●● , change , though they Have sworn to their own hurt , Psal. 15. Except the Matter of the Contract be Malum in se. But for Men to bar themselves the use of some Liberties ( though never so unquestionable ) with respect to some particular Persons , and to tye up their Hands in reference to their Governors , is no Malum in se , for in such a case they dispose of nothing , but what is their own , and that upon a valuable consideration . Thus much is acknowledged by our Author ( Sect. 1. ) For he tells us , That by the Law of Nature a Man may bind himself to be a Servant , or sell himself to be a Slave , by which he becomes in the Power of another , so far as it was provided by the Contract . So that where the Contract is clear , it ought to be punctually observed . From whence it follows , That when a Nation shall Deliberately , and Authoritatively declare , either that it always was Unlawful for them to take up Arms against their King ; or at least that it should be so for the future . After they have thus Solemnly disclaim'd all manner of Right , or pretence to Resistance , to defend themselves by Force , is a notorious Infraction of their Promise , and as much a breach of the Moral Law , as of the Statute Book . Thirdly , Because the Authority of the Constitution must be weakned , and the Ends of Government lost , by allowing the Subject a Latitude of Exposition , therefore the Wisdom of the Nation has thought fit to stick by the Letter , when it 's plain and unquestionable , though it is apparently against the intention of the Law. Of this Practice I shall give a considerable Instance . In the Reign of Henry the Sixth there was an Act made ( which I have already cited to another purpose ) in which all Persons not possessed of Forty Shillings per Annum Free-hold , are declared uncapable of Electing Knights for the County . The Design of which Act was to strike the Mobile out of the Government , and that none but Persons of presum'd Discretion might have a share in choosing their Representatives . But the value of Money being so prodigiously altered since that time , Fifteen Shillings now , probably being not more than one then ; This alteration has thrown the Elections upon Multitudes of People , who are apparently excluded by the intention of that Law. Yet to preserve the Majesty of these publick Provisions inviolable , this Act has always been Religiously observed in the literal Construction , though it 's manifestly against the meaning of those who made it . Fourthly , The Government , and consequently the publick Liberties , are best secured by adhering to the utmost extent of the Words of this Act , i. e. by perpetual Non-resistance , and therefore if we had nothing else to determine us , we may be well assured , it was the intention of the Legislators to oblige us to the Letter . In order to the proving this more at large , we are to consider , That the World was never yet so happy , as to be Wise , nor I am afraid Honest in the greatest part of its Numbers . Now as long as the gross Body of Mankind are thus unfortunate in their Understandings and Morals , the Peace of Society would be very indifferently secured , if it might be disturb'd by a Civil War , as often as Weak , or Designing Men should alledge their Grievances would Warrant them in Resistance . Which will appear further if we consider , That in all Governments though never so unexceptionably managed , there will be always abundance of Male Contents . Some are Distructed because they think they are not sufficiently taken notice of , which makes them endeavour to subvert the present Establishment , in hopes of being better considered in another Revolution . Others are Angry because they are removed from Places of Profit , and Reputation , though possibly they have lost their Post by their own Misbehavior , or at most the Prince shews no more Arbitrariness in this Case , than is allowed every private Man , who has the liberty of changing his Servants at his pleasure . A third sort happen to have some private Dispute with the Ministers , whom because they cannot Displace , they are resolved to revenge their Quarrel upon the King , as if a Man should murther the Master of the Family , or blow up his House , only because he is fallen out with some of the Servants . This Man has debauch'd away his Fortune , and if he cannot plunder upon another , he is under a necessity of starving his Vice ; which makes him lay hold of every Opportunity to embroil the State. In short , some Translate their Allegiance out of Indigence , and some out of Spite . Some Conspiracies are strengthned by Compliance , because a Man won't be so morose , as to be Loyal , when his Friends and Acquaintance are on the other Side . Some Engage out of Curiosity to satisfie their restless humor , and that they may try something that is New. And some Revolt to shew their Parts , that the World may see what an admirable Scheme of Rebellion they can contrive , and how Powerful they are to Harangue the People out of their Senses and Loyalty . Which is far from being an impossible Task , for the Multitude are as unstable as the Wind , always too inclinable of themselves to Envy , and censure their Governors , which makes them so easily debauched by every Seditious Impostor . They have not Capacity enough to discover the Designs of these pretended Patriots , nor to foresee the Miseries , which are consequent to Intestine Commotions , nor yet the Compassion and good Nature to make allowances for the necessary Miscarriages of State ▪ They are Naturally uneasie , jealous , and over-credulous , which makes them apt to swallow the most extravagant and impossible Relations . Tell them that One Man will attempt the assaulting of Two or Three hundered , though he knows they have all as strong Arms , and as little Passive Obedience as himself . Tell them that their Prince intends to Massacre all his Subjects , and to Reign over nothing but Carcases , and Desarts : That he intends to sell them to a Foreign Nation , though he necessarily make himself a Slave by the bargain ; yet all these Absurdities go down currently with them , when they are confidenly reported : Though in reality to suppose that Princes will resign their Authority , and throw away their Crowns , is the most improper , and impracticable Thought , we can possibly fix upon them . Those who are born and bred to Empire and great expectations , and accustomed to the Charms of Sovereignty and Power , who are remarkable for a Noble and Magnanimous Spirit , for sedateness and freedom from Passion , such Persons don 't usually fall into those excesses of Mortification and Bigottry , as to throw away their Kingdoms , either out of Zeal , or Contempt : But the Populace seldom consider these things ; Nay , though it 's apparent that it 's nothing but the Conscientiousness , the Religious Integrety , and great affection the Prince has to promote the happiness of his Subjects , which makes his Conduct unacceptable to them in some Cases ; though his mistakes proceed from no worse Cause than misinformation , or some uneven parts of his Virtues ; yet they want either the Apprehension or Candour , to make just abatements for so harmless , and generous a Principle : But are as violent in their Censures , and Disobedience , as if he had fetch'd his Design from Hell , and been the most imperious and ill-natured Tyrant in the World. And since Men are generally such untoward and ungovernable Creatures ; Since the Great Vulgar ▪ and the Small , are lyable to such fatal Miscarriages , and so apt to deceive and pervert each other : Since Ambition and Caprice , and Covetousness have the Ascendant over the Generality , and Shams and Stories are oftner believed than Truth ; in such a State of Degeneracy and Weakness as this , the Government must be built upon a very Sandy Foundation , if every one is made a Judge of the Case of Resistance , and all the Fools and Knaves in a Kingdom may Rebel when they please . Such a Scheme of Politicks we may imagine would fill all Places with Tumults , Blood , and ▪ Confusion , and in a short time almost Depopulate the World. But I understand some Persons Object , That Popery and Arbitrary Power were breaking in like a Torrent upon us , that our Lives , and Libertys , and Religion , were just upon the point of being Ravished . And when such important Interests lye at stake , and we are in danger of losing Two Worlds at once , 't is time to look about us . In such Cases of Extremity singular methods are allowable , For Necessity justifies whatever it forces us upon . All Oaths of Allegience all Provisions against Resistance , though never so peremtory and strict , are to be understood with such Exceptions as these : For Laws were made to preserve , and not to destroy us . I shall endeavour to give an Answer to all the parts of this Objection , excepting what relates to Arbitrary Power , which shall be considered afterwards . And , First , As for our Religion which is the main Concern , we could not have lost that without our own Faults ; no Man can rifle our Thoughts , or rob us of our Understandings . There is no storming of a Creed , if it 's not betray'd by Cowardice , or Treachery , it 's Impregnable . To which I may add , That Adversity is the best Tryal of Mens Sincerity , and gives them Opportunity for the Exercise of the noblest Vertues . Christianity is far from being endamaged by the Patience and Constancy of its Professors . To speak properly , a Church can never flourish so much , as when we have frequent Instances of Fortitude , Resignation , and Contempt of the World , and all other unquestionable Marks of an Heroick and Invincible Honesty . Secondly , by our Religion , therefore can only be meant , the free , and unmolested Profession of it , which though it 's a very desirable Priviledge , yet we must not contend for it in Opposition to the Laws of God and our Country . To repel a Persecution by the assistance of Perjury and Treason , is a most unjustifiable and fatal Remedy . 'T is a Cure far above the Malignity of the Distemper , and conveys Plague and Poyson in the Operation ; It makes us destroy the very Life and Essence of that which we are so zealous to maintain , and damn our selves to secure our Religion . The Primitive Christians were perfect Strangers to these Salves for Ease and Self-Preservation , and yet their Laws could not be plainer against all manner of Resistance than ours . Besides , no State can subsist upon such Reserves of Interpretation as these . For , as has been observed already , if Resistance is warrantable in any case ; then every individual Person must be made a judge of his Prince's Conduct , and determine what sort of Provocations , and Opportunities are sufficient to justify a Revolt . Now if such a Liberty was granted , the Foundations of the Earth would quickly be out of Course : Such lose Maxims as these do no less than Proclaim an Indulgence for Anarchy and Licentiousness , and tear up the very Principles of Society by the Roots . For granting the People were generally Honest ( though this I am afraid is a supposition , which has much more of Charity than Judgment in it , ) yet in regard of distance , into experience , credulity , and shortness of Thought ; they are neither fit to pronounce upon the Administration of their Governors , nor capable of distinguishing Imposture from Truth ; nor discerning enough to foresee , what Plunderings and Rapes , what Faction and Atheism , what extensive Ruin and Desolation are the inevitable consequences of a Civil War. Now what can we expect but frequent returns of such a Scene of Misery , if every Man may hang out the Flag of Defiance against his Prince , whenever his Weakness or his Wickedness shall promt him to it . When the Subtle and Ambitious can practise without controul upon the unstable , and unthinking Multitude , and play their Spleen and their Rhetorick against the Government . When Men of Turbulent and Tempestuous Spirits , who love to live in a Storm , that they may gratify their Malice with the Wreck and their Avarice with the Booty . When such Men are allowed to blow up the Simple , and over-credulous into Jealousie and Discontent ; and all the Seditious Incendiaries may throw their Flambeaus , and their Wild-fire about a Nation . When such dangerous Freedoms as these ( which yet are no more than the Natural consequences of the Doctrine of Resistance ) are given ; and varnished over with the specious Titles of The Laws of Nature and Self-Preservation : We may then easily imagine that Justice and Peace would soon take their leaves of this World , and Mankind would need no other Judgment , but the Effects of their own Vice and Folly to destroy them . But , Thirdly , Supposing extremity of rigour in Governours would absolve us from our Allegiance ( which we see it will not ; ) yet this was none of our Case . Indeed if we were to form an Idea of his Majesties Government , by the Tragycal Harangues of some Men , we could not imagine any thing less than the Ten Persecutions had been amongst us ; and that a great part of the Nation had been Massacred ; and yet , God be thanked , we lived in great Prosperity , free from the Exactions , and Tributary Burthens of other Reigns , and if nothing but his Majesties Severity could have taken us off , we might , for ought appears , have been all Immortal . Well , say they , Though we were not actually swallowed up , yet we were upon the brink of Destruction ; and if our Deliverers had not timely Interposed , the King's Dragoons were just going to make their Fire upon the Bible , and the Statute Book ; and we must either have been converted to Popery , or Ashes . But ▪ First , I would gladly know of these Men , why they always twist Popery and Slavery together . For this I can imagine no other reason , except it be to make their Monster more frightful to the People . For it 's certain there is no such inseparable Connexion between these Two things , as is pretended . For had our ForeFathers nothing which they could call their own till the Reformation ? Is not Magna Charta a Popish Law ? And are there not many liberal Concessions from the Crown before Edward the Sixth ? And as their Argument has notoriously failed for the time past , so I hope it will never be tryed for the future . Secondly , This supposal of Severity has as little reason , as Duty and Decency in it . The Clemency and Goodness of his Majesty's Temper ( which Character his Enemies are so Just to allow him . ) The generous Protection , and Assistance he gave the Hugonots ; his Employing the Protestants in his Court and Camp , and Trusting them with the most important Places and Secrets , those are mighty Evidences that nothing of this horrid Nature was intended . Besides what Force was there to perform this extraordinary Exploit ? I suppose few People are so far over-grown with the Spleen , as to fancy the Protestants would have helped to destroy one another . Now before the certainty of the Invasion , I believe I may safely say , there was not above 10000 Papists in Arms in the Three Kingdoms , and probably not much more than the Tenth part of those in England . Oh , but the Irish came over ! Not above a Regiment or Two till the Dutch were ready to make a Descent upon us ; and when they were most numerous , the English Roman Catholicks , and themselves scarcely held the Propotion of One to Two hundred Protestants : And , I believe , they did not perceive we were so charmed with the Spirit of Loyalty , or Religion , as to let them cut our Throats without Opposition : For we Protestants , at that time , gave broad Signs , that though our Principles were Passive , yet our Hands upon a provocation would be as Active as our Neighbours . Therefore as to those Irish who were last sent over , the Kingdom was then threatned with such a powerful Enemy , and the necessity of Affairs was such , that there needs no manner of Apology for their coming ; and as for the others who were Transported before , their Numbers were very inconsiderable ; and though we did not foresee the Dutch Storm , it 's likely his Majesty did . This is certain the preparations in Holland were visible long before their Design was owned , and therefore his Majesty had reason to be upon his Guard. Besides at that time the English were under apparent Discontents , for then the Mistery of Iniquity began to work , and those Hellish Stories , which drove his Majesty out of his Dominions , were reported with great confidence ; and a Man was not counted a good Protestant , who would not believe them . How well they have been proved since the World knows . And here I cannot omit taking notice what a Frantick , and Ruinous Maxim it is to assert , That it 's Lawful for the People to set their Kings aside upon a bare jealousie , and apprehension of Rigour . Give them but this Liberty , and an Impostor will easily fright them into a State of Nature , and carry them whether he pleases . If we may renounce the Government as often as any bold Pretence is made against it , and translate our Allegiance upon conjecture and report , the contests about Dominion would be so frequent and terrible , yet we had better Disband into Solitude , than live any longer together ▪ If Calumnies and Aspersions ( and all undemonstrated Reports ought to go for no more ) are sufficient to cancel our Obedience , then no Prince can have any Title as long as there is either Knavery , or Folly in the World. This Principle lays a Foundation for a Rebellion every Week , and renders all Government impracticable . By acting in this manner we put it in the Power of Slander and Perjury to determine the weightiest points of Justice ; and make it an easie Task to over-turn a Kingdom with a Lye. If it be urged that it is needless to search after farther proof that the Subversion of Protestancy was intended , because a Prince of his Majesties Perswasion and Zeal must necessarily think himself obliged to pursue a design of this Nature . Before I return an Answer , I shall just Observe that Religious Zeal , though it acts upon misinformation is really a commendable Quality : For it 's an Infallible sign of a good Intention , it argues great Charity to the Souls of Men , and a generous desire to propagate Truth , and to promote the Glory of God. To speak freely , I cannot be heartily angry with a Man ( though his Methods of Discipline are never so unacceptable ) who , I am perswaded , has no other Design than to carry me to Heaven ; though I had much rather he would permit me to go thither my own way , because it 's almost impossible I should go any other . For Rigour is usually very unfortunate both to the Proselyter , and Proselyted ; It creates Prejudice and Aversion to the one , and makes no more than a Hypocrite of the other . But to proceed to the Objection , in order to the confuting of which , I shall endeavour to prove these Two things . First , That his Majesty is not obliged by the Principles of his Church to attempt the Converting his Subjects by Severity . Secondly , That in all humane probability such a Method would prove Unsuccessful . First , That his Majesty is not obliged by the Principles of his Church to attempt the Converting his Subjects by Severity . The Doctrine of the Church of Rome , I conceive , is to be collected these Four ways , Either from her eminent Divines , The Bulls of Popes , The Decrees of Councils , or the usual Practice ; which when a Case is doubtful , ought to be taken for the Sense of a Communion . To begin with their Divines ; Cassander , a Person of great Learning and Judgment , and whose Writings were never censured , insists upon gentle Methods for the propagation of Religion , disapproves of Severity , and tells us it has been a miserable occasion of the spreading of Schisme , ( De Offic. Pii Viri , pag. 187. 196. ) But because it may be objected this Author was more gentle in his Censure , and allowed a greater Latitude than the generallity of Communion ; I shall subjoyn the Testimonies of others of a straiter Principle ; and who are well known to carry up Popery to the height . 1. Thomas Aquinas yields 22 ae . q. 10. Art. 11. c. That Unlawful Worship , Ritus Infidelium ( under which Words he comprehends an Heretical Religion , as appears both from this Conclusion , and from his next Question , 22 ae . q. 11. 1. ) May be tolerated in some cases . Which he proves , 1. Because the Church ought to take her Measures of Government from the Administrations of Providence . Now God permits many ill Practises in the World , least a forcible Restraint should prevent a greater Good , or prove the occasion of a greater Evil. Therefore Infidels and Hereticks have been sometimes tolerated by the Church , when their Numbers were great , and Discipline could not take place without the hazard of giving great Offence ; without occasioning a Commotion ( or civil Disturbance ) and hindring the Salvation of those who by fair means might by degrees be won over to the Catholick Faith. These Arguments for Toleration are much stronger now , than they were either in Aquinas his Time , or before it : And therefore if he had lived since the Reformation , we have reason to believe he would have pressed them more at large . Which probably is the reason why Cardinal Lugo , who wrote since the Counsel of Trent , is more full and particular in the point . For though he won't allow a Tolleration but upon a very great Occasion , yet in such a case he acknowledges , That a Catholick Prince may give Liberty of Conscience to his Heretical Subjects . For this Opinion he quotes Acquinas , and says he , Was followed by the rest of the Divines , particularly naming Suarez , Coninch and Hurtado . He adds , That this Practice has been used by many of the most Pious Christian Princes , who Tolerated open Heresie when they could not oppose it without the danger of a greater Inconvenience . For this Urgent Occasion ( causa gravissima ) is then supposed to happen ( as he proves from Hurtado , ) When Religion is likely to be more damnified by the denial than by the grant of such an Indulgence , when the People are in danger of growing Mutinous and Diserderly by strict Usage . And therefore in an Heretical Country such a Liberty of Conscience may be granted without any difficulty : And in a Catholick one too when things are desperate . He proceeds farther , and tells us , That such an Allowance to Hereticks is a thing Lawful in its self ; and therefore when a Prince has passed his promise , he ought punctually to keep it . Lugo . de Virt. div . Fid. Disp. 19. Sect. 4. Numb . 121. 123. 128. 130. We see therefore , That in the Opinion of these Schoolmen ( though none of the kindest ) we are not to be roughly managed till the Major part of us are gained by dint of Argument , which is so improbable a supposition in England , that I think we need not trouble our selves about the Consequences of it . It 's true Bellarmine ( de Laicis Lib. 3. Cap. 18. ) pretends to prove by Scripture , the Fathers , and Reason , That Kings ought not to permit a Liberty of belief , but then he supposes their Authority to be Absolute ; as appears from his Instances of the Jewish Kings , and Roman Emperors . Therefore his Doctrine does not oblige Princes , who have only a Part ( though a Principal one ) in the Legislative Power , especially when a different Communion is Established by the Laws of the Realm , which cannot be Repealed but by consent of Parliament . A King when he exceeds his Prerorogative , is in some measure out of the Sphere of Royalty : For though his Subjects are not to resist him , when he Persecutes against Law , yet his Actions , having no Warrant from the Constitution , are altogether Private and Unjustifybale . Secondly , and Thirdly , The Application of this Remark will give the Decrees of Popes and Counsels , relating to this matter , a fair Interpretation : For neither the Bulls of Paul the Fourth , nor Pius the Fifth , against Hereticks , nor the Bulla Caenae of Urban the Eighth , nor the Third Canon of the great Counsel of Lateran , in which places , if any where , we have reason to expect this Severity of Doctrine , I say it 's neither openly asserted , nor can it be collected from any of these Authorities , That a limitted Prince is obliged to break through the Establishment of his Country , and Act Arbitrarily for the sake of Religion ; or ( which is all one ) that a private Man ought to propagate the Orthodox Faith Vi & Armis , though he violates the Laws of Civil Justice , as well as Humauity by so doing . Fourthly , If the Point was dubious , the Practice of the Roman Church ought to determine the Controversie . Now matter of Fact carries it clearly for the favourable Side . To begin with France ; It is certain that from the time of Henry the Fourth till within these few Years , the Hugonots have had little or no disturbance about their Religion , notwithstanding the Absoluteness of that Monarchy , and the vast Majority of Roman Catholicks amongst them , and yet this Indulgence of their Kings has never been condemn'd as a prevarication of their Duty . To proceed , In the Cantons of Switzerland the Protestants at this Day enjoy their Perswasion with Ease and Security enough ( Dr. Burnet's Travels . ) The same Liberty is allowed the Reformed in Germany by several Princes of the Roman Communion ; viz. by the Duke of Newburgh , the Bishop of Montz , the Prince of Salzback , and the Bishop of Hildershem , &c. And having shew'd that his Majesty is not obliged either by the Doctrine , or Practice of his Church to push things to extremity ; I shall prove in the Second place , That in all Humane probability such a Method must prove Unsuccessful , and consequently the use of it is apparently against his Majesty's Interest . He that considers the present Circumstances we are in , and takes a full view of the State and Complexion of our Affairs , must conclude it a Romantick Enterprize to endeavour the Establishing the Romish Faith in this Kingdom . This Religion is not only against the Conscience , but the Grain of the English Nation . Many things they are firmly perswaded are Erroneous and Unaccountable , and others they can very hardly reconcile their Temper to , though they thought them True. In short , there can be no danger that Popery should become the Religion of the Kingdom , since the Abby Lands are possessed by the Layety , and most of the Clergy , by having Families , are engaged in the same interest : Besides some believe the Church of Rome too Indulgent , and some too strict a Mother . For we have enough among us who will neither stoop to the submissions of Consession , nor bear the over-grown Grandeur of that Church : So that if they had no other Arguments ( as they have the best imaginable ) their Spirit would secure their Protestancy . Now when a People have such strong Convictions to keep them where they are , and such an Unconquerable Aversion to the Roman Communion . When Argument and Inclination lies the same way . When there is Sense and Reason , Scripture and Antiquity , Numbers , Humor and Interest , ( all the Motives that Heaven and Earth can suggest ) against a Religion , there is little likelihood of its prevailing . Besides , the circumstance of time would be no small Obstacle to a Design of this Nature . For the Controversie between us has not only been lately handled at large , and drawn down to every vulgar Capacity ; but the Victory has fallen indisputably , and entirely on the Church of Englands Side . And though the Roman Catholicks may think otherwise , yet as long as the Protestants are of this Opinion , the Effect will be the same . Insomuch that if we had another Advantage , the fresh Sense of Success and Triumph would almost make us Impregnable . And when things stand in this Posture , as every one that has but half an Eye must now see they doe . How well soever a Man may be assured of the Truth of his Religion , he is no more bound to drive against all these Difficulties and Oppositions , than he is to stand in a Sea Breach . Those Spiritual Directors are fit for Bedlam , who will run Princes upon such dangerous Impossibilities , where there is so much hazard without the least glimpse of Success . Since therefore his Majestys Communion does not force him upon such rigorous and impracticable Designs , as his Enemies would make us believe ; since he has neither Duty to oblige , nor Hopes to succeed , nor ( for ought appears ) Inclination to execute . It seems Uneasonable as well as Uncharitable , to suppose he will disquiet his Age , and disgust his Subjects , and hazard his Kingdoms any more about Disputes of this Nature . Can we imagine any Prince will venture upon an Expedient , which is demonstratively Feeble and Insufficient , and which to speak softly , has proved so Unfortunate upon the bare ▪ presumption of a Tryal ? Will he stand a Course , where he knows there are nothing but Rocks and Shallows , without any prospect of Advantage by the Voyage ? No ; Self-Preservation and Common-Instinct will keep a Man from such Attemps as these . But to return more directly to our Author ( though , I hope , this has been no unseasonable Digression . ) Having shewn therefore what an insecure distracted Condition a State must be in , if Subjects were permitted to take up Arms , as often as they were abused , or ill disposed : I shall proceed to shew how much safer their Liberties are under the Protection of that Unreputable , as well as Unpractis'd Vertue of Passive Obedience . And here ( as has been already hinted ) We have the Honour , and Conscience , and Interest of Princes to secure us ; and how defective soever the Two former Principles may be , the latter must certainly take a firm and universal hold of Mankind . Few People in their Senses will pursue those Methods , in which the hazard is so apparently over-proportioned to the probability of Success . Now every one knows that Rigour and Oppression is apt to make the Subjects run Riot , though they are under never such strict Obligations to submission . And therefore Princes who have more to lose than others , will be more cautious of giving a colourable Provocation : Besides when they find their Subjects under peaceable Principles , and aknowledging Themselves bound never to disturb their Governours upon any Pretence whatever . This will make them have the less Temptation to Oppress them . This will encourage them to enlarge the Freedom of their People , when they are so well assured their Favours will not be abused . But when Maxims of Resistance are strow'd , and the whole Multitude Authorised to determine when this extraordinary Priviledge is to be used , which must be allowed , otherwise it s perfectly insignificant ; for I suppose the Prince will scarcely tell them when they are to Rebel . When such singular Positions as these are Advanc'd , Governours must needs be alarmed , and uneasie , and take the first opportunity to crush their Subjects , and disarm them of that dangerous Power which is so likely to be turned against themselves ; which Design if not actually compassed , would be often attempted ; and consequently the People must be either Enslaved , or Embroyled . These are the natural Effects of such Licentious Tenets ; they either prove the Inlets of Arbitrary Power , or else keep us in perpetual Commotions , and deprive us of all the Advantages of Society . Farther , though the Supream Magistarte is unaccountable , yet his Ministers are not . Those who Execute his Illegal Commands may be punished for their Complyance . And if the present Authority should protect them from Tryal , and stop the Course of Justice . They have the uncertainty of their Princes Humour , the Fears of his understanding their false Conduct , but especially the Vengeance of another Revolution to keep them in awe . Now the Conjuction of all these Arguments for Passive Obedience , are found both in Reason and upon Experiment , to be a much better Fence for the Prop●●●y o● the Subject than to authorise Resistance upon any account whatever . For this cannot be done without making every individual Person a proper Interpreter of so dangerous a Law ; and giving the People leave to discharge themselves of their Allegiance whenever they please . Now to give Pride , and Poverty , and Revenge , a general Liberty to disturb the publick Peace , to allow the Subjects to fire upon the Crown , as often as they are either ambitiously enclined , or unreasonably frighted and imposed upon ; as in effect to let loose the Principles of ruin upon a Nation ; and to arm all the wild and ungovernable Passions of Mankind to its own destruction . And since Non-resistance has so many Advantages above the contrary Tenent , we ought to interpret the Law I have been speaking of to this Sense ; since not only the plain Words , but the Common . Interest and Safety , require such an Interpretation : For the Design of all Laws being to provide for the general convenience , they are by no means to be set aside , though the keeping of them should prove uneasie to some particular Times and Persons . There is no absolute Security in this World , and therefore we ought to stick to those Measures which afford us the best ; especially when they are legally Established , so that we have no liberty to change them though they were less commodious . And though the Doctrine of Non-resistance may sometimes press hard upon the Subject , yet this very rarely happens , for generally speaking the most Arbitrary Rigors of the Prince are more tollerable than the Miseries of Disobedience , and Civil Distractions . I shall give a very gentle Instance ; viz. The late Expedition of the Mobile , who besides the Terror and Barbarity of their Irruption , have in a few Days violated more Property than probably has suffered by the stretch of the Prerogative in an Hundred Years . Therefore since unconditional Submission is the best Expedient to prevent perpetual Broyls and Insurrections , and the only solid Foundation to fix the Government upon ; we ought in Duty to God , and our Country to adhere unalterably to this Doctrine . And if we happen to fall upon a less fortunate Age , we must take our chance contentedly , and rest the event with Providence , and not fly of from those Principles which carry so vast an odds of Advantage in them ; by the Practice of which our Fore-Fathers have been , and our Posterity is likely to be happy . And now having shewn the unsoundness of his main Principle , a little trouble will Answer the rest of his Arguments . First , He tells us , That all general Words are supposed to have a tacit reserve in them , where the matter seems to require it . To this I Answer , That in this Case the matter does not seem to require any reserve , because such an Exception would frustrate the Intent of the Law , and undermine Government . As for his Instances in Children and Wives , they come very much short of his Point : For though Children ( notwithstanding the general Words in Scripture ) are not to do every thing their Parents may command them , yet certainly they are not to enter into Confederacies against them , to Fight them , and turn them out of their Houses upon any provocation whatever ; and therefore much less is the Father of their Country to be used in that manner . His Instance in Marriage is as unlucky as the former . Where the Parties swear unconditionally to cohabit together till Death , and yet as he observes , it 's not doubted but that Adultery disengages them from their Contract . But the reason why the universality of the Terms are limitted in this Case is , because we have an express Determination of our Saviour to Warrant it ( Matt. 19. 9. ) Let him produce any such Authority for Resistance , either from Gospel , or Law , and we will yield the Point . In return to his saying , Odious Things are not to be suspected , and therefore not to be named . I desire to know of him what is more Odious than Knavery , yet all Securities in Law are plain suspicions of such Scandalous dealing , and make express provisions against it , though the Quality of the Persons contracting are never so unequal . So that if there had been any such Contract between our Kings and People , as some Men fancy , the Terms of Forfeiture would no doubt have been as plainly express'd , as they are in private Concerns . And that this is more than a conjecture , is evident from Practice of Flanders and Poland , where such express Allowances of Resistance have been actually made , ( how Politickly I shall not determine ) as appears from Meierus , and Chytraeus , as they are cited by Grotius , ( de Iure Belli , &c. Annot. ad Cap. 4. Lib. 1. Sect. 14. ) Nay himself vindicates the Dutch from the charge of Rebellion ahainst Philip the Second upon this Ground , viz. Because it 's confest by Historians on all sides that there was an express Proviso in the Constitution of their Government ; that if their Prince broke such and such Limits , they were no more bound to obey him , but might resist him , which Original Contract was notoriously broken by the Duke of Alva their Governour . Reflections upon Parliam . Pacif. p. 6. I shall give another Instance out of Thuanus to this purpose , relating to Hungary . This Historian ( Lib. 133. ) informs us , that the Protestant Nobility of that Kingdom , wrote to the States of Bohemia , Siesila , and Moravia ; in which Letters they Complained very much of the hard Usage They had received from the Emperors Ministers , &c. And after a recital of their Grievances , ( which were of the most provoking Nature imaginable ) They add , that amongst their other Priviledges , ( which ought to be Confirm'd in every Convention ) they have this remarkable one , Granted in the Reign of King Andrew the Second , An. Dom. 1222. the Tenour of which is as follows , viz. That if his Majesty , or any of his Successors should happen at any time hereafter to Act contrary to those Provisions , by which the Privileges and Liberties of the Kingdom were Established , that from thenceforth it should be for ever Lawfull for the Subjects without the least Blemish of Disloyalty to Resist and Oppose their Prince . This was a Decree to purose , by vertue of which ( as Thuanus observes ) the Protestant Hungarians Justified their Arms against their King : And we may take notice in Contradiction to what our Author Affirms ; That such Odious Things , and their Remedies too , where they are allowed , are particularly Named , and Provided for . Therefore we may fairly Conclude , that where none of this plain Dealing is to be seen , the Constitution does not admit of any such singular Reservations . Indeed to talk of a Character for Resistance in a Country which has been Conquered so often , and all along Monarchically Governed , seems to be a Romantick Supposition . For can we imagine that when our Kings had sought themselves into Victory and Power , and forc'd a Nation to swear Homage and Submission to them , that they should be so easie as to Article away their Dominions , make their Government Precarious , and give their Subjects leave to Disposess them , as often as they should be pleased to say they had broken their Agreement : But the Silence of our Laws and History as to any such Compact , is a sufficient disproof of it ; For if there had been any such Enfranchising Instrument , how prejudicial soever it might have been in its Consequence . yet the natural desire of Liberty would have occasioned the preserving it with all imaginable Vigilance : And as it would not have miscarried through Negligence , so if Violence had wrested such a pretended Palladium from us , the Calamity would have got into the Almanack before this time , and been as certainly Recorded as the Destruction of Troy. Since therefore we have no Evidence either for the Possession , or so much as for the Loss of this supposed Privilege , we may certainly conclude we never had it , or at least must grant that no claim can be grounded upon such an Improbable conjecture , for Idem est non Esse & non Apparere . Secondly , Our Author urges , That when there seems to be a Contradiction between Two Articles in the Constitution , the Interpretation ought to be given in favour of that Article , which is most evident and important . From whence he proceeds to assert , That there is a seeming Contradiction between the provisions for the publick Liberty , and the renouncing all Resistance . And therefore the Constitution ought to be expounded in behalf of the former , as being most advantageous to Government : Now one who had never read the Statute Book , would imagine by this Authors Argument , that we had some Laws for the taking up Arms against the King , as well as others which forbid it , and both equally plain , than which nothing is more false . And upon supposition there was any such Clash in our Acts of Parliament , the Law for Non-resistance being last Enacted must necessarily take place , and Repeal whatever was before Established to the contrary . But , Secondly , I Answer , That I have already proved that the Rights of the Subject are best secured by Non-resistance , and therefore they are no ways inconsistent , or contradictory , to each other . So that our Liberties had much better lye at the Discretion of Kings , who have much greater Motives than others to do Justice , and give general Satisfaction , than to depend upon the Management and Mercy of the People , and be liable to such Fatal Convulsions which must happen as often as Discontent , and Ambition can impose upon the Weakness and Inconstancy of the Multitude . Thirdly , His Third Argument is the same with his Second , which he has given us in different Words , That what we want in Weight , may be made up in Number . It begins somewhat Remarkably , Since it is by Law that Resistance is condemned , we ought not to understand it in such a Sense , as that it does destroy all other Laws . First , Now one would have thought that the condemning Resistance , or any other Action by a Law , had been the only way of doing it to any purpose . But this Author seems to draw a consequence of Abatement upon this Doctrine from its Authority , as if it was to be less observed because it is Established by Law. But , Secondly , To give him rather more advantage than the Construction of his Period will allow . I Answer , That I have already made it appear , that to wrest the Laws from their plainest and most obvious Sense , is to make them perfectly Useless ; and that Non-resistance is the best Expedient to preserve the Laws and every thing else that is valuable : And therefore though its plain that the Law did not design to lodge the wole Legislative Power in the King ; yet as its plain that it intended to forbid Resistance in case he should set about it : For the Law-makers declare in in as full Intelligible Words , as can be conceived , that the Militia , the Posse Regni , was always the undoubted Right of his Majesty and his Predecessors , and that its Unlawful to take up Arms against him upon any Pretence whatever . Now if its possible for a Law to make , or declare a Monarch Irresistible , which I suppose no man will deny ; I desire to know whether it can be drawn up in more significant , and demonstrative Terms , than this Act before us ? If it cannot , then our Author has no imaginable reason to dispute this Part of the King's Prerogative . As for his Instance , That the Legislative Power is Invaded , and the Constitution of Parliaments Dissolved . This Charge is Aggravated beyond all Decency and matter of Fact : For it s well known , that the King did not pretend to make his Proclamations Equivalent to an Act of Parliament ; and what his Majesty acted by way of Dispensation , was not only directed by the present Judges , but grounded upon a solemn Resolution of all the Twelve in Hen. 7th . Reign , in a Case seemingly Parralell , which Sentence has been followed by eminent Lawyers since , and never Reversed by Act of Parliament . As to the Regulation of Corporations , That was a Method begun by Charles the Second , a Protestant Prince , and Applauded by all the Loyal Party of the Nation : Besides the Burroughs were not so prodigiously altered , but that we might have had a good Protestant Parliament out of them , as appears from the Elections made upon the Writs Issued out in August last , where those who were against Repealing the Penal Laws and Tests , carried it with great odds against the other Party : And since we know his Majesty has returned the Charters to the State of 79. And here it may not be improper to observe , That Prerogative has been as Remarkably misunderstood at Court in former Ages ; of which several Instances might be given , but I shall consine my self to the Reign of one , who on all Hands is accounted a most Excellent Prince : I mean King Charles the First . Now the Lords and Commons in their Petition to the King complain , That his Majesties Subjects had been charged with Aids , Loans , and Benevolences contrary to Law , and Imprisoned , Confined , and sundry ways molested for non Payment . That the Subjects had been detained in Prison without certifying the Cause , contrary to Law. That they had been compelled to quarter Soldiers and Marriners contrary to Law. That notwithstanding several Statutes to the contrary , divers Commissions had been Issued out under the great Seal of England to try Soldiers and Marriners by Martial Law ( Quarto Car. 1. Rushworth's Coll. ) To this I might add the Levying Ship Money , Coat and Conduct Money , &c. but I am not willing to enlarge upon so unacceptable a Subject , non to discover the Misfortunes of the Father any further than Justice and Duty to the Son obliges me ; I say the Misfortunes , which we see the best Princes through misinformation , or improper advice may sometimes fall into : However I must crave leave to take notice , that these were other manner of Grievances than the Dispencing with Penal Laws , both in respect of the Evidence and Consequences of them ; and , yet I am sure , the War which was made by the Subjects upon this Score , is by our Laws declared an Horrid and Notorious Rebellion . This I mention not to justifie the Conduct of the Ministers , but to shew that under these Circumstances a mistake in his Majesty ought rather to be lamented than exposed , and Magnified at such an enflaming Hyperbolical rate . And to this modesty of Behaviour we are now more especially obliged , since his Majesty has promised to Redress past Errors , * which is a plain Argument that some of his former Measures are unacceptable to himself , as well as to his Subjects , and that he will not pursue them for the future . Fourthly , Our Author proceeds to argue , That the Law mentioning the King , or those Commissionated by him , shews plainly that it designed only to secure him in the Executive Power , for the Word Commission necessarily imports this : Since if it is not according to Law it 's no Commission . From whence , I suppose , he infers that those who have it may be resisted . Now that this Inference is wide of the Mark appears , First , Because when this Law was made , the King was not restrained from Commissionating any Person whatever in the Field , and therefore the Legislators could have no such Design in their View as the Enquirer supposes . Secondly , The Test Act which was made several Years after the former , though it bars the King from granting Military Commands to those ▪ who refused to give the prescribed Satisfaction , that they were no Papists ; yet this Statute only declares their Commissions void , and subjects them to some other Penalty ; but it does by no means Authorise the People to rise up in Arms and suppress them , and therefore by undeniable Consequence it leaves the other Law of Non-resistance in full force . Thirdly , This Law which declares it Unlawful to take up Arms against those who are Commissionated by the King , was designed ( as may reasonably be collected from the Time ) to combat that pernicious distinction between the King's Person and his Authority , which has been always too prevalent ; though in reality it 's nothing but the King's Authority which makes his Person Sacred , and therefore the same inviolable Priviledge ought to extend to all those who Act under him : Yet notwithstanding this , it has often happened that those who pretend a great Reverence for his Person , make no scruple to seize his Forts , sight his Armies , and destroy those who adhere to him , under the pretence of taking him out of the Hands of Evil Counselors , which has been the most usual , and plausible Colour of subverting the Government . This Act therefore which was made soon after the Restauration , we may fairly conclude , was particularly levelled against this dangerous Maxim , which had so Fatal an Influence upon the late Distractions . Fourthly and Lastly , The Enquirer urges , That the King imports a Prince clothed by Law with the Regal Prerogative , but if he goes about to subvert the whole Foundation of the Government , he subverts that by which he has his Power , and by Consequence he Annuls his own Power , &c. First , To this it may be Reply'd , That bare endeavouring to do an Action , though the signs of Executing may be pretty broad , is not doing it in the Construction of humane Laws , E. G. Drawing a Sword upon a Man is not Murther . The intention of the Mind is often impossible to be known ; for when we imagine a Man is going to do one thing , he may be going to do another , for ought we can tell to the contrary ; or , at least , he may intend to stop far short of the Injury we are afraid of . And supposing we had an Authority to punish him , there is no reason that conjecture , and meer presumption should make him forfeit a Right , which is grounded upon clear and unquestionable Law. But , Secondly , If with reference to the present Case , our Author means that the Government is actually subverted , as he seems plainly to affirm pag. 7. Then I grant the King's Authority is destroy'd , and so is the Property of the Subject too . For if the Government is dissolv'd , no Man has any Right to Title or Estate , because the Laws upon which their Right is founded , are no longer in Being . But if the Government be so lucky as not to be dissolv'd , then the King's Authority remains entire by his own Argument , because it 's supported by the same Constitution which secures the Property of the Subject . In his Sixteenth Paragraph we have a mighty Stress lay'd upon the difference between Male Administration and striking at Fundamentals , as if it was Lawful to resist the Prince in the latter Case , though not in the former . But if this Distinction had been own'd by our Constitution , we may be assured we should have had a plain List of Fundamentals set down in the Body of our Laws ; particularly we have all imaginable reason to believe that these Fundamentals would have been mentioned , and saved by express Clauses and Provisoes in those Statutes which forbid Resistance . For without such a direction it would be impossible for the Subject to know how far his Submission was to extend , and when it was Lawful to make use of Force . Such an unregulated Liberty would put it into the Power of all popular , and aspiring Male Contents to corrupt the Loyalty of the unwary Multitude , as often as they thought fit to cry out Breach of Fundamentals . And at this rate it is easy to foresee what a tottering and unsettled condition the State must be in . And therefore according to the old Maxim , ( for which there was never more occasion ) Ubi Lex non Distinguit , non est Distinguendum . I have now gon through his Principles , and I think sufficiently shewn the Weakness , and Danger of them . And if so , his Catalogue of Grievances signify nothing to his purpose , though there was much more aggravation , and Truth in them than there is . But time has now Expounded the great Mystery , and made it evident to most Mens Understandings that our Authors Party has fail'd Remarkably in Matters of Fact , as well as in Point of Right . For they have not so much as attempted to make good the main and most invidious Part of the charge against his Majesty ; though ( to omit Justice ) Honour and Interest has so loudly called upon them to do it . Their giving no Proof after such Importunity of their own Affairs , is a Demonstration they never had any : For how defective soever they may be in other Respects ; we must be so just as to allow them Common Sence . THE END . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A33923-e180 * Letter to the Convent .