[illustration: victor emmanuel] builders of united italy by rupert sargent holland with eight portraits [illustration printer's imprint] new york henry holt and company copyright, , by henry holt and company published, august, the quinn & boden co. press rahway, n. j. _to that spirit of italy which calls to men in all lands like the charmed voice of their own history_ there is no history more alternately desperate and hopeful than that of the scattered italian states in their efforts to form a united nation. many forces fuse in the progress of such a popular movement, and each force has its own particular spokesman or leader. the prophet and the soldier, the poet and the statesman, each gives his share of genius. those men who seemed to represent the most potent forces in this history are included here. contents page alfieri, the poet manzoni, the man of letters gioberti, the philosopher manin, the "father of venice" mazzini, the prophet cavour, the statesman garibaldi, the crusader victor emmanuel, the king [illustration: alfieri] alfieri, the poet alfieri was more than a great poet, he was the discoverer of a new national life in the scattered states of italy. putting aside consideration of his tragedies as literature, no student of the eighteenth century can fail to appreciate his influence over italian thought. it was as though a people who had forgotten their nationality suddenly heard anew the stories of their common folk-lore. the race of dante, of petrarch, and of tasso spoke again in the words of alfieri. it was high time that disunited italy should find a poet's voice. there was no vigor, no resolution, no originality from turin to naples, people of all classes were sunk in apathy. no wonder that foreign lovers of mediæval italy turned their eyes away from the seats of so much former glory; there seemed little hope in a people given over to trivial personal enjoyment. there was no liberty of speech or action--sentiment, reason, passion were all measured by the grand-ducal yard-stick. at about the middle of this artificial eighteenth century, in , vittorio alfieri was born at asti, in piedmont. his parents were of the upper rank in the close social order of the small kingdom, his father antonio alfieri, a man of independent means, who, as one biographer has it, "had never soiled his mind with ambition or his hands with labor." his mother was the widow of the marquis of cacherano, and had two daughters and a son before she married antonio alfieri. after the latter's death, which occurred when vittorio was scarcely a year old, she married again, and it was this stepfather, the chevalier giacinto alfieri di magliano, who stood in place of father to vittorio and his sister, as well as to their older half-brother and sisters. although these other children were near his own age the boy vittorio seems to have passed a lonely childhood, driven into unusual solitude by the waywardness of his nature. while still a child, alfieri was sent away to the academy of turin, the first of those journeys in which he was later to take such delight. he cared little for books or study of any sort, he was over-critical, and yet without the ambition to perfect himself. he spent his time, as he says, in his famous memoirs, in acquiring a profound ignorance of whatever he was meant to learn; and he left the academy not only with no knowledge of what were termed the humanities, but with no interest in any language, speaking a mixed jargon of french and piedmontese, and reading practically nothing. knowledge was held in small esteem by all classes at that particular time, and the priests, who formed the teaching class, were at small pains to spread a zeal for learning which they did not share. alfieri says, "we translated the lives of cornelius nepos; but none of us, perhaps not even the masters, knew who these men were whose lives we translated, nor where was their country, nor in what times they lived, nor under what government, nor what any government was!" in spite of the extraordinary incapacity of his teachers, alfieri did succeed in learning something, although he was always at great pains to decry his early education. he learned sufficient latin to translate the georgics of virgil into his italian dialect, and he was fond of reading goldoni and metastasio. a little later he passed into a more advanced grade, where he met many foreign youths who had been sent to turin to study, and where he was allowed some liberty in choosing his own course. he found as much fault with these new conditions as with the old. "the reading of many french romances," he says, "the constant association with foreigners, and the want of all occasion to speak italian, or to hear it spoken, drove from my head that small amount of wretched tuscan which i had contrived to put there in those two or three years of burlesque study of the humanities and asinine rhetoric." in place of it he learned and read much french, then the language of polite society. in such aimless desultory fashion alfieri passed his boyhood. he hated all restraint, and was continually getting into difficulties with the officers of the academy. he had more money than was good for him, and spent it in the wildest extravagances whenever the opportunity offered. he bade fair to become a more or less typical member of the piedmont nobility, perhaps a little more of a free-thinker than most, and considerably more restive. he chafed at the lack of freedom allowed him at the academy, and on the marriage of his sister to the count giacinto cumiana besought her and the count to use their influence to have his scholar's bonds loosened. they succeeded, and alfieri promptly took advantage of his liberty to join in all the dissipations of the capital, and to gratify his passion for riding. in about a year he became the owner of a stable of eight horses. when his older friends cautioned the boy against his extravagance he answered that he was his own master and intended to do as he chose. while still at the academy the youth had sought a position in the army, but very short service as ensign in a militia regiment proved to him that he was as little fond of military restraint as of scholastic. he traveled to genoa with two boy friends and fell in love with their sister-in-law, a vivacious brunette. he worshiped her from a distance, becoming, as he writes in his ardent italian, "a victim to all the feelings which petrarch has so inimitably depicted ... feelings which few can comprehend, and which fewer still ever experienced." on his return from genoa he considered himself a great traveler, and spoke as such, only to be laughed at by the english, french, and german boys who had been his classmates. immediately he was seized with a passion for travel. he was only seventeen years old, and knew that he would not be permitted to travel alone. fortunately an english teacher was about to set out with two scholars on a journey through italy, and was willing to have alfieri join his party. so strict was the court of that day that the king's consent had to be obtained before the youth could leave the country. through his brother-in-law's influence alfieri obtained the royal permission to go abroad. the travels had been looked forward to with the greatest excitement. when they were begun alfieri professed himself utterly bored by almost everything he saw. as one of his biographers says, "he was driven from place to place by a demon of unrest, and was mainly concerned, after reaching a city, in getting away from it as soon as he could. he gives anecdotes enough in proof of this, and he forgets nothing that can enhance the surprise of his future literary greatness." whether this desire to surprise his readers is really the keynote of the first years in his memoirs or not, it would appear that the youth was about as restless and turbulent-minded a creature as could be met with. the further he traveled in italy the less he liked it; he would not speak the language or read the literature, he looked at an autograph manuscript of petrarch with supreme indifference, and wished to be mistaken for a frenchman. yet this boy was to become, in time, the real reviver of italian letters. after a fortnight in milan the party traveled to florence by way of parma, modena, and bologna. neither people, buildings, views, pictures, nor sculpture interested vittorio; he no sooner reached a city than he was eager to be posting on. even florence, later to be his home, did not attract him; the only object he found to admire in the city was michael angelo's tomb at santa croce. he must have been the worst traveling companion possible; he hurried his friends from florence to rome, and finding nothing there to interest him except st. peter's, went on to naples. naples was in the midst of a carnival, and alfieri plunged into its extravagances as though to distract his thoughts from some brooding melancholy. he was presented to the king, went to all the balls and operas, rode, gamed, made one of the fastest set, and yet in the midst of it all was discontented. he wanted to be alone, and finally applied to the king of piedmont through his minister at naples for permission to travel by himself. his request was granted, and at nineteen he set out to make what was then the fashionable grand tour. he traveled in state, with plenty of money, and a body servant, and with letters of introduction to the various courts. it so happened that alfieri had met certain french actors during a summer holiday, and from talking with them he felt a desire to see something of the french stage. he had no wish to try his own skill at dramatic compositions--indeed his only thought of an occupation at this time was that he should some day enter the diplomatic service--but he was anxious to see something different from the absurdly conventional italian plays produced by the school which took its name from metastasio. he went first to marseilles, where he spent his time between the theater and solitary musing on the seashore. thence, after a short stay, he journeyed to paris, full of the keenest anticipations of finding pleasure in that famous city. his memoirs tell us his feelings there. he writes: "the mean and wretched buildings, the contemptible ostentation displayed in a few houses dignified with the pompous appellation of hotels and palaces, the filthiness of the gothic churches, the truly vandal-like construction of the public theaters at that time, besides innumerable other disagreeable objects, of which not the least disgusting to me was the painted countenances of many very ugly women, far outweighed in my mind the beauty and elegance of the public walks and gardens, the infinite variety of the carriages, the lofty façade of the louvre, as well as the number of spectacles and entertainments of every kind." verily the young alfieri was either the hardest of all travelers to suit, or the older man, looking back, wished to emphasize the perverseness of his youth. the piedmontese minister presented the young traveler to louis xv., concerning whom alfieri wrote, "he received with a cold and supercilious air those who were presented to him, surveying them from head to foot. it seemed as if on presenting a dwarf to a giant he should view him smiling, or perhaps say, 'ah! the little animal!' or if he remained silent his air and manner would express the same derision." he was not at all attracted by the french court, which he considered very pompous, and was anxious to be out on the highroads again, driving his post-horses. in january, , he crossed the channel and landed at dover. england delighted him, he found london far more to his taste than paris, he was charmed with the country, the large estates, the inns, the roads, the horses, the people, all pleased him. he was particularly struck with the absence of poverty. for a time he even thought of settling there permanently, and years afterwards when he had seen much of all the european countries he said that italy and england were the two he infinitely preferred as residences. but of the pleasures of london's fashionable life the young wanderer soon tired, and for variety turned coachman, and drove a friend with whom he was staying through all the city streets, leaving him wherever he wished, and waiting patiently on the box for his return. "my amusements through the course of the winter," he wrote, "consisted in being on horseback during five or six hours every morning, and in being seated on the coach-box for two or three hours every evening, whatever might be the state of the weather." his tastes at this time were closely akin to those of many of his english friends. finally he left london and went to holland. there he met don joseph d'acunha, the portuguese ambassador, a man of considerable literary taste, who induced him to read machiavelli, and first led him to think of trying his literary skill. at the hague he also fell deeply in love, and, quite according to the fashionable custom of the time, with a young married woman. for the moment his fits of morbidness and continual unrest left him, he contrived constantly to be with the woman he loved, and even followed her and her husband to spa. a short time afterwards the husband started for switzerland, and the young wife returned to the hague. for ten days alfieri was constantly in her society, then came a message from her husband bidding her follow him. she wrote alfieri a note saying farewell and sent it to him through d'acunha after she had left the city. the youth was prostrated and with the violence of his nature planned to kill himself. he complained of illness and had himself bled. when he was alone he tore off the bandages with the idea of bleeding to death. his faithful valet, however, knew the peculiar nature of his master, and entered alfieri's room. the bandages were replaced, and the incident ended, although it was long before the young man could recover from the parting with his fair lady. he passed through belgium to switzerland, and so on back to piedmont, still wrapped in recollections, and unable to awaken any lasting interest. living with his sister, first in the country, and later in turin, a short term of peace succeeded in alfieri's life. he set himself to reading, and studied with considerable care the popular french authors, montesquieu, rousseau, and voltaire. plutarch, however, became his chief companion. in one of the most characteristic pages of his memoirs we find him writing, "the book of all others which gave me most delight and beguiled many of the tedious hours of winter, was plutarch. i perused five or six times the lives of timoleon, cæsar, brutus, pelopidas, and some others. i wept, raved, and fell into such a transport of fury, that if any one had been in the adjoining chamber they must have pronounced me out of my senses. every time i came to any of the great actions of those celebrated individuals, my agitation was so extreme that i could not remain seated. i was like one beside himself, and shed tears of mingled grief and rage at having been born in piedmont and at a period and under a government where it was impossible to conceive or execute any great design." plutarch first set before him vividly the contrast between the italy of the past and of his own day. as a result he became dissatisfied with his own inability to win any high distinction. the winter of his twentieth year found alfieri still without any definite plans, now studying astronomy, now considering a diplomatic career. with spring he determined again to travel, and in may set off for vienna. the spirit of unrest had given place to a brooding melancholy. in this sense of the times being out of joint and himself without work to do was born the gradual desire to write something different from and in a more heroic strain than the rigorously conservative dramas of the day. he traveled with montaigne's essays in his pockets, and montaigne, he says, first taught him to think. he still found difficulty in reading italian and much preferred foreign authors to those of his own land. in vienna alfieri had a chance to meet the most eminent of then living italian authors, a man much admired in his generation. the opportunity he declined. "i had seen metastasio," he says, "in the gardens of schönbrunn, perform the customary genuflection to maria theresa in such a servile and adulatory manner, that i, who had my head stuffed with plutarch, and who embellished every theory, could not think of binding myself, either by the ties of familiarity or friendship, with a poet who had sold himself to a despotism which i so cordially detested." in berlin he was presented to frederick the great, and as he writes "mentally thanked heaven i was not born his slave. towards the middle of november i departed from this prussian encampment, which i regarded with detestation and horror." from berlin the young man went to denmark, thence to sweden, thence to russia. he says, "i approached petersburg with a mind wound up to an extraordinary pitch of anxiety and expectation. but alas! no sooner had i reached this asiatic assemblage of wooden huts, than rome, genoa, venice, and florence rose to my recollections, and i could not refrain from laughing. what i afterwards saw of this country tended still more strongly to confirm my first impression that it merited not to be seen. everything but their beards and their horses disgusted me so much, that during the six weeks i remained among these savages i wished not to become acquainted with any one, nor even to see the two or three youths with whom i had associated at turin, and who were descended from the first families of the country. i took no measure to be presented to the celebrated autocratrix catherine ii., nor did i even behold the countenance of a sovereign who in our days has out-stripped fame." a little later he was back in england, and now again he fell in love, this time also with a married woman of rank. with a truly byronic audacity he defied all the conventions, accompanied the woman everywhere, and became a subject of town scandal. finally confronted by the husband, he fought a duel with swords in a field near st. james's park, his left arm being in a sling at the time as the result of a bit of too daring horsemanship. alfieri was slightly wounded, and the husband declared himself satisfied. shortly after the latter sued for divorce, bringing the italian's name into the case. the newspapers took up the scandal, and the matter became a cause celèbre. alfieri was on the point of proposing marriage, when the woman, by her own confessions, told him that such a result was impossible. with his ardor completely cooled and his mind given to the bitterest thoughts he left london, and after short stays in the hague and paris journeyed into spain. in paris he had bought the best known italian authors and at this time commenced to read them, although it was not until much later that he began to appreciate them at their real worth. he did, however, carry them with him on his travels, and gradually learned something at first hand of that great galaxy, dante, tasso, petrarch, ariosto, boccaccio, and machiavelli. his mind was not yet ripe for any study, even as he traveled in spain he was still subject to those wild outbreaks of despondency and passion which alternately seemed to seize upon him. he became a creature of chance whims, now he was ready to yield to the quiet contentment of a suitable marriage, now burning with rage against all the customs of society. morbid ideas continually pressed his footsteps. the atmosphere of a malevolent passion seems almost always surrounding the great tragedies he later penned, and that atmosphere was generated by a nature which from earliest youth had been extraordinarily violent. his temper was wholly ungovernable. one evening in madrid, as alfieri's faithful valet, the companion of all his travels, was curling his hair, he accidentally pulled it so sharply with the tongs that alfieri winced. instantly he sprang from his chair, and seizing a heavy candlestick, hurled it at the servant. it struck the man on the temple, and instantly his face was covered with blood. he rushed at his master, but fortunately a young spaniard who was present came to the rescue, and separated them. immediately alfieri was covered with shame. "had you killed me," he said to the man, "you would have acted rightly. if you wish, kill me while i sleep to-night, for i deserve it." the valet took no such reprisal, he had been with his young master long enough to understand the sudden outbursts of his temper, and was content to keep the two blood-stained handkerchiefs that had bandaged his head and show them occasionally to alfieri as a reminder. in lisbon the traveler formed a close friendship with the abbot of caluso, whom he called a "true, living montaigne." the abbot tried to interest the young man in literature, induced him to write some verses, and gave him the benefit of his criticism. for a short time the interest in poetry lasted, then it flagged, and again alfieri felt himself without any purpose. he decided to return home, and in may, , arrived at turin. now he took a house for himself, furnished it elaborately, and made it the headquarters of a youthful society that sought amusement in various forms. some of them wrote, and alfieri tried his pen for their amusement, but soon tired of writing as a sport, and gave himself up to other occupations. continually searching for something to still his restlessness he again fell in love, this time with a woman of rank, some ten years his senior, and of a most unenviable reputation. he became absolutely her slave, worked himself into frenzies on her account, would consider nothing but the happiness of being with her. he fell very ill, but when he recovered found himself as much in love as ever. for two years he lived in this state of obsession, tormented by self-reproach, but unable to rid himself of his own yoke. finally he decided to quit turin and break his fetters. when he was only a short distance on the road to rome his resolution failed and he returned. again he resolved to leave the city for a year. the year lasted eight days. he was thoroughly ashamed, disliked being seen in turin, but could not keep away. he felt finally that he must take one last stand or lose all self-respect and control forever. he had his hair cut so short that he dared not appear in society, and shut himself into his house to read. he could not keep his thoughts on the books, and tried composition. he wrote a sonnet, and sent it to a friend, and received a reply highly praising it. then he remembered that a year before as he sat watching by the sick bed of the woman who had so charmed him he had lightly outlined a tragedy on the life of cleopatra, taking his subject from tapestries that hung in the room. he threw himself into the work of writing that tragedy now, and found that interest in it drove all other thoughts away. he wrote rapidly, continually, only stopping when he was completely tired. when those times came, still frightened with the possibility of leaving the house, he had himself tied into a chair. he only allowed himself freedom when he knew he had won self-control. by that time he had finished his tragedy in blank verse called "cleopatra," and a short farce called "the poets," the latter ridiculing the former. he sent them to a theater in turin, where they were produced on june , , and met with success. the author did not value either play highly himself, and sought to have them withdrawn. he wrote later, comparing these works with those of his contemporaries, "the sole difference which existed between their pieces and mine was that the former were productions of learned incapacity, whereas mine was the premature offspring of ignorance, which promised one day to become something." his battle against what he considered a highly unworthy infatuation had restored alfieri's self-respect and health, and out of this curious struggle sprang his first real and lasting ambition. "a devouring fire took possession of my soul," he says, "i thirsted one day to become a deserving candidate for theatrical fame." the date of that first performance marked a turning point, not only for alfieri, but for his country's literature. it was, said the italian critic, paravia, "a day and a year of eternal memory not only for the turinese, but for all italians; because it was, so to speak, the dawn of the magnificent day which, thanks to alfieri, was to rise upon italian tragedy." the restless energy which had driven alfieri across the various european countries now concentrated in an all-pervading determination to become a tragic poet. he launched into that effort with the same unbounded ardor with which he had so frequently before launched into love. he was twenty-seven years of age when he seriously set himself to work to acquire command of italian so that he might think in the language of his native land rather than in that of france. he described his resources as "a resolute, obstinate, and ungovernable character, susceptible of the warmest affections, among which, by an odd kind of a combination, predominated the most ardent love, and hatred approaching to madness against every species of tyranny; an imperfect and vague recollection of several french tragedies which i had seen represented several years before, but which i had then neither read nor studied; a total ignorance of dramatic rules, and an incapability of expressing myself with elegance and precision in my own language." to accomplish his purpose alfieri now began at the very beginning and took up the study of italian grammar, and thence made a first-hand acquaintance with all the best of the early italian writers. he would not allow himself any longer to read french, and tried to break himself of the habit of thinking in that tongue. he moved from town into a small country village in order that nothing might distract him. there he re-wrote for the third time his tragedy of "cleopatra," and practised turning into italian verses the outlines of two tragedies which he had recently written in french. he pored over tasso, ariosto, petrarch, and dante until he felt that he at last really caught the full spirit of each author's style, then he tried writing poetry of his own. his ignorance of latin continually vexed him, and now he employed a teacher to begin over those lessons he had so thoroughly disliked at school. it was very hard work at first, but he would learn what he now considered essential to his purpose, and after three months' study of horace he found that he could read latin. he took up the other classics and translated some of them into modern italian for practice in their varied styles. turin was too near france to satisfy his new passion for only the purest italian and so he went to pisa, and thence to florence. in the latter city he found that his ideas were at last shaping themselves in the rich and clear italian he was seeking, he wrote verses which critical friends pronounced at last worthy of the name of poetry, and planned several poetic tragedies. he had worked hard and felt that he needed a little rest. for this purpose he returned to turin and had the pleasure of entertaining his old friend the abbot of caluso there. he, as well as other friends, urged alfieri to make literature his field. he decided that it was best for him to live in tuscany, and as he hated to have to ask royal permission each year to allow him to remain away from piedmont--as was the custom with the nobility--he gave his estates at asti to his sister, and contented himself with half his former income. then he moved to florence, which, except for intervals spent at rome and naples, was for a considerable time to be his home. on his way to florence alfieri was obliged to stop at sarzana, where he chanced upon a copy of livy, and was so impressed with the story of virginia and icilius that he immediately planned a tragedy on the subject. soon after he reached pisa, but there he did not dare stay, fearful that he might be involved in a marriage with a young girl whom he had met there before and with whom he says that he had almost fallen in love. he himself contrasts his feelings at that time with those he had entertained when he had first thought of marriage. "eight years afterwards, my travels through europe, the love of glory, a passion for study, the necessity for preserving my freedom, in order to speak and write the truth without restraint--all these reasons powerfully warned me that under a despotic government it is sufficiently difficult even to live single, and that no one who reflects deeply will either become a husband or a father; thus i crossed the arno and arrived at siena." in siena he met a company of strongly intellectual people, and from one of these, a friend who became a close confidant, he gained the idea of writing a tragedy founded upon the conspiracy of the pazzi. here he also wrote the first two books of an essay upon tyranny, which was printed several years later. thoroughly absorbed in his literary work alfieri moved to florence at the beginning of the winter, and took up his residence there. at that time there were living in florence, under the titles of count and countess of albany, charles edward, "the young pretender" to the english throne, and his wife. the latter, who had been louisa, princess of stolbergh, had been married when nineteen to the stuart prince, who was considerably her elder. charles edward had an unsavory reputation and knew more drunk than sober moments. as a result the young countess, who was very beautiful and extremely fond of the fine arts and of society, was the object of much romantic pity. when alfieri came to florence he found the entire city at the feet of the countess. every one condemned the count's quarrelsome, tyrannical, libertine nature, every one praised the countess's sweet and sunny disposition. friends offered to introduce alfieri to the star of florence, but he declined on the ground that he always shunned women who were the most beautiful and most admired. he could not avoid, however, seeing her in the park and at the theater, and the first sight of her was destined never to be effaced. thus he writes of her: "the first impression she made on me was infinitely agreeable. large black eyes full of fire and gentleness, joined to a fair complexion and flaxen hair, gave to her beauty a brilliancy difficult to withstand. twenty-five years of age, possessing a taste for letters and the fine arts, an amiable character, an immense fortune, and placed in domestic circumstances of a very painful nature, how was it possible to escape where so many reasons existed for loving?" de stendhal gives an account of their first meeting, which if inaccurate (it does not appear in alfieri's memoirs) is at least characteristic of the man. according to this story alfieri was presented to the countess in one of the galleries of florence, and noticed at the time that the lady was much interested in a portrait on the walls of charles xii. she told the poet that she admired the costume exceedingly. two days later alfieri appeared in florence dressed exactly like the portrait of the swedish king, and so presented himself before the countess. the act was quite in keeping with the poet's nature. alfieri made a determined effort to fight against the passion he had cause to fear, and made a hurried journey to rome. he could not stay there, and returned to florence, stopping at siena to see his friend gandellini, to whom he spoke of the countess, and who did not counsel him against giving way to the fascination. on his return to florence he acknowledged that he was deeply in love. this love, however, he felt ennobled him, and instead of causing him to give up his work, continually inspired him to new literary heights. he wrote, "i soon perceived that the object of my present attachment, far from impeding my progress in the pursuit of useful knowledge, or deranging my studies, like the frivolous woman with whom i was formerly enamoured, urged me on by her example to everything dignified and praiseworthy. having once learned to know and appreciate so rare and valuable a friend, i yielded myself up entirely to her influence." from the commencement of this new affection, the best and most lasting of his life, date the finest works of his genius. there had been long delays in settling alfieri's estate in piedmont, and arranging that he might live in tuscany, but the presence of the countess urged him imperatively to remain in florence. when the business arrangements were finally at an end he found it would be necessary for him to curtail his former expensive style of living. this he did, giving up his horses, all his servants, except a valet and cook, and most of his personal luxuries. books were the only expense he indulged in, he acquired gradually a very large and choice library. he took a small house, and devoted himself to his dramas, seeing as much as he could in leisure moments of the beautiful countess. during these three quiet years he wrote his tragedies "virginia," "agemennone," "don garzia," "maria stuarda," and "oreste," a poem on the death of duke alexander, killed by lorenzino de' medici, had rewritten his drama of "filippo," and partly prepared the tragedies "timoleone," "ottavia," and "rosmunda." all of these works are built on the classic grecian model, and flame with hatred of tyranny, and burn with civic virtue. in that they show their kinship to the author's times. de sanctis, always a brilliant critic, says: "the situations that alfieri has chosen in his tragedies have a visible relation to the social state, to the fears, and to the hopes of his own time. it is always resistance to oppression, of man against man, of people against tyrant.... in the classicism of alfieri there is no positive side. it is an ideal rome and greece, outside of time and space, floating in the vague ... which his contemporaries filled up with their own life." at about the end of the dramatist's third year of residence in florence, the ill-treatment of the countess of albany by her husband caused her friends, and chief among them alfieri, to plan for her release from such servitude. to this end they secured her entrance first into a convent at florence, and then, with the consent of the grand duke of tuscany and the count's own brother the cardinal of york, her removal to rome. so afraid were her friends lest the count should effect a rescue that they surrounded her carriage with a body of horsemen as she left florence, and alfieri rode on the coach box until she was well on her road. while the countess had been in florence, alfieri had worked assiduously there; now that she was gone he found composition impossible, and after a very short interval went to naples, planning to wait there until he should learn what the countess would do. it was not long before it became apparent that the courts of europe had taken up the wife's cause against her husband. the pope gave her a pension and approved of her taking apartments in the house of her brother-in-law. the court of france gave her the pension which the count had previously indignantly declined as being insufficient for his position. alfieri learned at last that the countess was living in entire independence of her husband, and after a further stay of a month in naples in order to avoid possible scandal he moved to rome, and took up his residence there. with this new settled existence he began to write again, and produced at this time "saul," his fourteenth tragedy, and one of his finest works. he took infinite pains with all his dramas, planned them again and again, wrote version after version, and then selected the forms he preferred after careful judgment, polished them line by line and word by word until he was satisfied. he wished to try the effect of his characters upon an audience, and had himself acted, together with some of his friends, his play of "antigone." he found he had not mistaken his ability as a dramatist. at about the same time he published part of his works, sending four dramas to the printer. their publication excited immediate and flattering attention. his life in rome was the most delightful he had yet known. his house was a pleasant villa near the baths of diocletian. here he wrote and studied in the morning. later in the day he went for long rides through the neighboring country, and the evenings he spent with the woman who had become his chief inspiration. in time, however, the poet's visits to the countess became the subject of unfavorable comment, and the cardinal, her brother-in-law, brought the matter to the attention of the papal court. realizing the delicacy of the situation, alfieri reluctantly decided that he must quit rome, and in may, , he set out again as a wanderer, his ambition lost, his life offering him no further interests. as in early youth he now took to rapid traveling for solace, carrying on at the same time a continual correspondence with the countess. he wrote a few sonnets, but found that his mind was too unsettled to allow him to engage in any more lengthy labors. he went to france, and then to england, and in each country visited scenes which the impetuosity of his youth had neglected. horses again made their appeal to him in london, and he bought fourteen, "as many horses as he had written tragedies," he states. with these horses he soon returned to turin, and made a short visit to his mother, whom he had not seen for a long time. when he left her he went to piacenza, and here he heard that the countess had at last been released from the restraint under which she had lived at rome, and that as her health was delicate she had gone to baden. he was in two minds as to his course, the thought of possible calumny to her bade him refrain from going to baden at once, and he tried to content himself in siena with his old friend gandellini. the continual interchange of letters gradually wore away his resolution, and at last the time came when he could keep from her no longer. august , , he set out to join her and within a fortnight felt his old joy return. immediately his thoughts grew fertile, he began to write again as he had not done since he had quitted her in rome. there was no question but that her presence acted as a continual inspiration to his genius. to this period of new happiness belonged the dramas of "agide," "sofonisba," and "mirra." the plot of the latter came to him as he was reading the speech of mirra to her nurse in the "metamorphoses" of ovid, and was written in the first heat of his emotion at the woman's words. he was somewhat in doubt as to the success of a play written on such a subject, but it was hailed as a triumph at its first presentation some years later, and made a remarkable impression on byron and on madame de staël, and was considered by most critics as ristori's finest impersonation. after two months the countess had to return to italy, and alfieri's gloom at the separation was further increased by the news of the death of his friend gandellini. he went to siena, but found that city lonely without his friend, and passed the winter in pisa. he did a great amount of reading, repolished his later dramas, and prepared new volumes of them for the press. when winter ended he spent another two months of summer with the countess at colmar, and then again they separated. this time he resolved to work unremittingly, and did so until his health failed and he had to rest. at about the same time the countess decided to leave italy permanently, and at length alfieri, towards the close of , joined her and went with her to paris. he writes in his memoirs of this journey into france, "this country which had always proved extremely disagreeable to me, as much on account of my own character, as the manners of the people, now appeared a perfect elysium." there are many glimpses to be had of this new life in the french capital. montanari recounts how the marquis pindemonte, himself a dramatist, used each evening to take an omelette soufflé in the countess's room, while alfieri sat in the chimney corner sipping his chocolate. under such peaceful auspices the poet spent many months in a critical preparation of all his works for new publication. in february, , word reached the countess that her husband had died in rome, and it would appear that she was soon afterwards married to alfieri, although in the will of the latter she is referred to as the countess of albany and not as his wife. his memoirs do not once speak of her as his wife, but from the date of her husband's death their life together was uninterrupted. it is now generally assumed that they were privately married about this time. for three years the two lived quietly in paris, spending their summers and autumns at a new home alfieri had acquired in alsace. during these years he printed two editions of his works, supervised their sales, and wrote his remarkably entertaining memoirs, which were finished up to may, . the end of the three years found paris on the brink of the great revolution. alfieri saw the black clouds gathering on the french horizon, but stayed on in the desire to complete the printing of his works. he was in turn amazed, alarmed, and disgusted at the succeeding events in the establishment of a republic. the principles proclaimed by these so-called destroyers of tyrants were not the principles of his own freedom-loving heart, nor those of any of his heroic characters. he writes, "my heart was torn asunder on beholding the holy and sublime cause of liberty betrayed by self-called philosophers,--so much did i revolt at witnessing their ignorance, their folly, and their crimes; at beholding the military power, and the insolence and licentiousness of the civilians stupidly made the basis of what they termed political liberty, that i henceforth desired nothing more ardently than to leave a country which, like a lunatic hospital, contained only fools or incurables." circumstances, however, conspired to keep them in paris, the countess was dependent upon france for two-thirds of her income, alfieri was finishing the printing of his dramas. the hour came when alfieri determined that further delay would be more than foolhardy, and so, on august , , having obtained passports with great difficulty, he drove with the countess to the city barrier. a dramatic scene followed. the national guards found the passports correct, and would have let the travelers pass, but at the same moment a crowd of drunken revelers broke from a neighboring cabaret, and attracted by the well-laden carriage, proceeded to stop its passage, while they debated whether they should stone it or set it on fire. the guards remonstrated, but the revelers complained bitterly that people of wealth should leave the city. alfieri lost all prudence, and jumping from his carriage, seized the passports from the man who held them and, as he himself tells the incident, "full of disgust and rage, and not knowing at the moment, or in my passion despising the immense peril that attended us, i thrice shook my passport in my hand and shouted at the top of my voice, 'look! listen! alfieri is my name; italian and not french; tall, lean, pale, red hair; i am he; look at me; i have my passport, and i have had it legitimately from those who could give it; we wish to pass, and by heaven, we _will_ pass!'" the crowd was surprised, and before they had recovered alfieri and the countess had driven past the barriers and were safely on their way. they had left paris none too soon. two days later the same authorities that had granted the passports confiscated the horses, furniture, and books that alfieri had left behind in paris and declared both the countess and alfieri refugee aristocrats. the fact that they were both foreigners appeared to be of no importance. it was well that they had gone. the countess was too illustrious a personage to have escaped for long the fury of the fast-gathering mob, and had she been lost alfieri would have shared her fate. florence thenceforth became the home of the countess and of alfieri. he wrote desultorily, commenting upon what he had seen in france, but for the most part devoted himself to a study of the classics. in , when he was forty-six years of age, he started to learn greek, and was so fired with the desire that in a short time he had added an intimate knowledge of homer, Æschylus, sophocles, and euripides to that he already had of the latin authors. he was so much interested in the "alcestis" of euripides that he wrote an original drama based on the same theme. he was described at this time as of a tall and commanding figure, with a face of intelligence, and the look of one born to command, rather than obey. his forehead was broad and lofty; his red hair fell in thick masses around it. the restless youth had changed to a methodical, studious man, he arranged his day by rule, and followed that rule exactly. only one event disturbed him, and that was the occupation of florence by french troops. he had distrusted the french while he lived among them, now when they came to hold florence in subjection his hatred of tyranny bade him despise them. he refused to receive the call of the french general who, having read his works, was anxious to meet him. on the correspondence which passed between them in reference to this matter alfieri wrote, "dialogue between a lion in a cage, and his crocodile guardian." when he had fled from france he had been compelled to leave some of his printed works behind him, and he was now in fear lest their appearance and eager appeal for liberty should seem to ally him with the revolutionary cause. above all things he condemned the french revolution. to avoid this possibility he now advertised in the italian papers a disclaimer, warning the public against any edition of his writings except such as he himself issued. with this formal announcement he had to be content. alfieri had determined to write no more tragedies, and turned to composition of comedies, of which he had six nearly completed when his health failed. he rested for a time and then resumed his methodical life of study and work. he was advised to give himself more recreation, but was too obstinate to adopt any plan but his own. his health gave way again, and neglecting the physician's advice, he tried to minister to his own illness. gradually he grew weaker, and on october , , he died. he was buried in the florentine church of santa croce, and his monument, carved by canova, rises between the tombs of michael angelo and machiavelli. an inscription states by whom the memorial was erected. "louisa, princess of stolbergh, countess of albany, to vittorio alfieri of asti, ." in she was buried in santa croce. in his will alfieri left everything to the countess. their love had grown deeper with time. she wrote to a friend, "you know, by experience, what it is to lose a person with whom we have lived for twenty-six years, who has never given us a moment of displeasure, whom we have always adored, respected, and venerated." each, tormented alone, had found happiness finally in their united life. what was alfieri's part in the growth of that spirit which was preparing to set italy free? why did mazzini later point him out as one of the great sources of inspiration for his "young italy"? we must remember that literature and the drama are more closely related to italian public opinion than they are with us, that the appearance of a new book or play is often a vital subject to a ministry. what the people read they felt, and it was alfieri who first showed them the immorality of national servitude. one of his best critics has said that when alfieri first turned his glance toward the italian stage, it presented anything but a hopeful aspect. "the degradation of a people enslaved under a foreign yoke, and without political life, could not fail to make itself felt in the theater as in the more extended arena of public affairs. no high effort of mind could be born amid such circumstances. a stage without authors soon ceases to have actors. when actors and authors both are wanting an audience will not easily be found. thus it was, thus it had been in italy through many troubled years. the opera,--the seductive, but enervating opera,--carried to great perfection by metastasio, was almost alone in possession of the popular taste.... alfieri's first thought was to improve the taste of his countrymen, by blending the amusement they were accustomed to with something better.... instead of attempting reform by easy stages, he determined to attempt everything at once.... it was something more than an improvement of the stage that he attempted; it was the improvement of his countrymen; the regeneration of his country!... throughout nearly all his tragedies and his prose works, the leading idea by which he was animated stood plainly out. several pieces he specially calls tragedies of liberty. they well deserve the name. he never tired in his denunciations of tyranny, in his invectives against oppression. these were themes upon which the more he spoke, the more eloquent he became." the dramas themselves, built in strict accordance with the three unities of classic taste, may seem strangely stiff and unemotional to us, but they carried an immense appeal to the italian of the last century. they spoke a new voice and stirred a new spirit in their hearers. the voice once heard, the spirit once born, the new idea grew rapidly. within a few years after alfieri's death eighteen editions of his works had passed through the press. two great theaters, one at milan and one at bologna, were built by men eager to present his tragedies. the influence of his writings was tremendous; the minds of italians from piedmont to sicily were stirred to a higher pitch than they had been for many centuries. alfieri's character had many defects, at best his life was unmoral, but having regard to the society into which he was born and the early training he received, more was scarcely to be looked for. he was passionate, reckless, and untutored in all self-control, yet he harnessed himself to a work which possessed his fancy and in its service became the devotee of study and control. like his life his writings lack peace and broad philosophy, but on the other hand they gain from his peculiar nature a certain domineering force. giuseppe arnaud in his criticism on the patriotic poets of italy says, "whoever should say that alfieri's tragedies, in spite of many eminent merits, were constructed on a theory opposed to grand scenic effects and to one of the two bases of tragedy, namely, compassion, would certainly not say what was far from the truth. and yet, with all this, alfieri will still remain the dry, harsh blast which swept away the noxious miasmas with which the italian air was infected. he will still remain that poet who aroused his country from its dishonorable slumber, and inspired its heart with intolerance of servile conditions and with regard for its dignity. up to this time we had bleated and he roared." let me only add the striking words of his fellow countryman, the gifted poet-statesman massimo d'azeglio. "in fact," he wrote, "one of the merits of that proud heart was to have found italy metastasian and left it alfierian; and his first and greatest merit was, to my thinking, that he discovered italy, so to speak, as columbus discovered america, and initiated the idea of italy as a nation. i place this merit far beyond that of his verses and his tragedies." alfieri reminded italians that they had a native voice. [illustration: manzoni] manzoni, the man of letters the position of manzoni in modern italian life and literature is doubly interesting, both because his work in poetry and the drama marks the vital turning point in the historic battle of classicism with romanticism, and because his romance "i promessi sposi" is the greatest achievement in all italian letters in the field of the novel. walter scott gave the country north of tweed a history in the "waverley novels," and alessandro manzoni's writing a little later, at a time when scott's work was a great factor in european literature, gave italy a history in the same sense. the inestimable service that the waverley novels did scotland "i promessi sposi" did the disrupted states of italy. the spirit of the french revolution was all-engrossing, as subversive of the old religions, philosophies, and literatures, as it was of the old politics. it represented the actual thoughts of the men of that era, but it developed so rapidly and fell into such excesses that its downfall was sudden and complete. then the reaction set in, which, as de sanctis in his history of the movement says, was "as rapid and violent as the revolution.... the white terror succeeded to the red." the same critic goes on to show that there were at this period two great philosophic principles, materialism and skepticism, and that in opposition to them there rose a spirituality which was carried to the heights of idealism. this spirituality approached the mysticism of mediæval days. "to the right of nature," he says, "was opposed the divine right, to popular sovereignty legitimacy, to individual rights the state, to liberty authority and order. the middle ages returned in triumph.... christianity, hitherto the target of all offense, became the center of every philosophical investigation, the banner of all social and religious progress.... the criterions of art were changed. there was a pagan art and a christian art, where highest expression was sought in the gothic, in the glooms, the mysteries, the vague, the indefinite, in a beyond which was called the ideal, in an inspiration towards the infinite, incapable of fruition and therefore melancholy.... to voltaire and rousseau succeeded chateaubriand, de staël, lamartine, victor hugo, lamennais. and in appeared the sacred hymns of the young manzoni." this spirit of idealism became the incentive for the new school of romance in literature and the drama, in contrast to the drab materialism of the revolutionary age. this school of romance is not, however, to be considered as diametrically opposed to the classical school, for they had much in common, and the contrast between them lay not so much in the spirit which animated them as in the strict regard of classicism for the time-hallowed unities of time, place, and action, and the willingness of the romantic school to sacrifice all these for freedom of movement and effect. the new school wished to find its poems in the experiences of men of that day, to write its dramas about any comedy or tragedy without regard to their classic form, it wished freedom to grow as its own spirit might dictate. in germany and england great romanticists were ripening into power, goethe and burger, scott and byron were being widely read in italy, and the dramas of both schiller and shakespeare were continually translated and reproduced in italian verse. the restoration of the austrians and bourbons after the napoleonic downfall made any chance to speak political truths impossible, even in the half-veiled militant form used earlier by alfieri. the romantic school therefore, confined in its modern scope, turned backward, became retrospective, and sought its outlet in the glories of that mediæval world which had been so nearly akin in spirit to the modern sentiment. it turned from recent atheistic tendencies to a mood of great devotion, from lax morality to a high degree of upright conduct, from the regard of liberty as the greatest good to that of responsibility to mankind as the goal. only distantly and secondarily political, this romantic movement was first of all moral, and taught italians that in order to be good citizens they must be good men first. as in all literary history the movement had a deep philosophic meaning, and this sense of moral responsibility was at the base of all manzoni's great creative efforts. first of all, then, the literary movement which succeeded the revolutionary era in italy was idealistic as compared with the materialism of the days of the napoleonic occupation, and secondly, it was romantic in contradistinction to the classicism of the earlier times. greek and roman themes for artistic expression were abandoned for the stories of national mediævalism, the papacy became the center of its poetic aspiration, and its spirit, though highly ardent, was far more truly modern than that of classicism had been. our former critic, de sanctis, says that in this new movement religion "is no longer a creed, it is an artistic motive.... it is not enough that there are saints, they must be beautiful: the christian idea returns as art.... providence comes back to the world, the miracle reappears in story, hope and prayer revive, the heart softens, it opens itself to gentle influences.... manzoni reconstructs the ideal of the christian paradise and reconciles it with the modern spirit. mythology goes, the classic remains; the eighteenth century is denied, its ideas prevail." manzoni stood first for that new movement which opposed morality to license in national development, secondly for the temper which derided the classic limits of the three unities and held that a purely national event was as suitable for the purpose of artistic representation as the stories of classic history. in addition to this he first adopted that form of the romantic spirit which was rising so rapidly into use in england in the novels of walter scott, in france in the writings of victor hugo and lamennais, and in germany in those of goethe and schiller, and gave italy the result in his great novel of italian life and history. for each of these reasons manzoni represents a force potent in upbuilding italian character and strengthening it at the time of its great crisis. though he drew suggestions from abroad, he made his work italian, and thoroughly italian. "if," says de sanctis, "the romantic school, by its name, its ties, its studies, its impressions, was allied to german traditions and french fashions, it was at bottom italian in accent, aspiration, form, and motive.... every one felt our hopes palpitating under the mediæval robe; the least allusion, the remotest meanings, were caught by the public, which was in the closest accord with the writers. the middle ages were no longer treated with historical and positive intention; they became the garments of our ideals, the transparent expression of our hopes." alessandro manzoni was born in milan, march , , at about the time when alfieri was accomplishing his greatest work. his father, pietro manzoni, belonged to the nobility, and bore the title of count, a title which alessandro, when he inherited it at an early age, refused to adopt, and continued to refuse to use during his whole life. his mother was the daughter of beccaria, a man well known throughout europe for his studies of political economy and criminology, and whose treatise entitled "crimes and punishments" was greatly admired in the voltairean circles of france. alessandro's mother was a remarkably intelligent woman, with a fineness of nature which was inherited by her son, and which kept him unspoiled and simple through a life unusually acclaimed and applauded. his earliest youth was spent among the hills of galbiate, according to the custom of wealthy lombard families, to send their children to the mountains in order to give them rugged health. the boy was in care of a woman who was successively his nurse and governess, and who taught him to read and stirred his interest in the legends and history of the neighboring countryside. when still a small boy he was sent to the church college of the frati lomaschi, education being then entirely in charge of ecclesiastics. he seems to have been in no wise an apt student, the close confinement, the strict discipline, and the dry manner of teaching subjects which were all of an eminently classical nature combining to dull his spirits and interest. stories are current in milan of manzoni's inability to learn, almost bordering on stupidity, but such stories are popular of men who have later shown great ability, and deserve little credence. suffice it that he showed no great aptitude for learning at the school of the frati lomaschi, nor even later at the collegio dei nobili. at the latter he did, however, meet the poet vincenzo monti, a man well known throughout italy, who had had for patrons the cardinals borghese and braschi, a poet and dramatist whose pen was too apt to serve the political party in power, but who had achieved wide popularity, and whose poems were praised by critics as diverse-minded as byron and napoleon bonaparte. monti met the young manzoni when he was on a visit to the college, and took an interest in him. alessandro admired the poet, and it was perhaps this acquaintance which first actively interested him in literature as a pursuit. the meeting of the boy walter scott with robert burns is a parallel in scottish literary annals. in , when he was twenty, alessandro's father died and the youth left the collegio dei nobili, and returned for a time to his mother. after a period of home life he was sent to the university of pavia, the best-known of lombard universities. his stay here was short. his mother, now a widow for several years, was advised to go to france for her health, and the close bonds which united mother and son would not allow of such a distant separation. alessandro left the university and went with his mother to auteuil, which was then a fashionable watering place where the _beau monde_ of french art and letters gathered. here and at paris he met the leading thinkers of the time, volney, cabanis, de tracy, fauriel, and condorcet, all of whom were interested in the young man as the grandson of beccaria and because of his own originality of thought. these men called themselves idealogues, and claimed to have shaken off all the conventions of the previous centuries. as a student manzoni had been an extremely liberal catholic, and was usually considered by strict critics a follower of voltaire. at paris and auteuil, however, he met so many men of the then prevalent atheistic mode of thought that his own interest in his family religion was quickened and he emerged from his friendship with such men as cabanis and condorcet a more pronounced churchman than he had been before. it was characteristic of him to cling tenaciously to those precedents and standards which had so long survived in his own country. his religion, however, was soon to become more to him than a field for philosophic speculation, for in he married louise henriette blondel, daughter of a banker of geneva, who, herself a convert from protestantism to the church of rome, became most ardent in the church of her adoption. she soon brought alessandro to her own enthusiastic view, and from the date of his marriage his philosophy never varied. henriette manzoni possessed rare beauty, and was long remembered in milan "for her fresh blond head, and her blue eyes, her lovely eyes," and the young husband was ideally happy with his bride. he had by now determined to try his skill at composition, and set himself as models the three men whose fame was then at its height in italy, alfieri, vincenzo monti, and ugo foscolo. his bride had brought manzoni a country seat as well as considerable property, and so he settled in the country and studied to perfect his style in writing. his first works were a series of sacred hymns, written directly under the influence of the renewed religious faith attendant on his marriage. these were published in , and were at once noticed as poems alike remarkable for deep religious feeling and great beauty of expression. appearing as they did at a time when religion was being bitterly assailed, churchmen looked upon the young poet as a distinct acquisition to their forces. manzoni was not, however, even then a believer in the temporal power of the pope. he said to madame colet, the author of "l'italie des italiens," "i bow humbly to the pope, and the church has no more respectful son; but why confound the interests of earth and those of heaven? the roman people are right in asking their freedom--there are hours for nations, as for governments, in which they must occupy themselves, not with what is convenient, but with what is just. let us lay hands boldly upon the temporal power, but let us not touch the doctrine of the church. the one is as distinct from the other as the immortal soul from the frail and mortal body. to believe that the church is attacked in taking away its earthly possessions is a real heresy to every true christian." this was the same view which manzoni held throughout his life, and which, stated in his quoted words, gives the position taken by the most enlightened men of the nationalist party in those later days when the question of the temporal power of the pope became vital for italy. what the sacred hymns showed was that manzoni looked to the church as the center of all true aspiration and religion rather than to philosophic theories as the safeguard of morals. his next production carried him a step further in advance of his contemporaries, and marked him as the leader of the romantic school. in he wrote his first tragedy, published the following year under the title "il conte di carmagnola." the subject-matter was the career of carmagnola, a celebrated condottiere of the middle ages, and the dramatic form was entirely distinct from that classic construction which had so long tyrannized over the drama. in an introduction he explains his departure from the classic unities of time, place, and action, and gives his reasons for believing that the dramatist should be free to choose his own subject and to treat it in such fashion as shall seem to him best to express his idea. the elizabethan dramatists had long before discarded the law of the unities in england, and had carried their plots over such courses of time and place as they pleased, and so had schiller in germany, but in italy the law had been absolute from the time of tasso to that of alfieri. eight years after manzoni's "carmagnola" appeared, victor hugo brought on the great dramatic war in france with his "cromwell," and from the date of his ultimate triumph in paris dates the downfall of the classicists and the full glory of the romanticists. in italy manzoni's step was violently attacked and defended. conservatives opposed him, but the younger element immediately acclaimed him as their leader. the following year, , he wrote his great ode on the death of napoleon, which had occurred on may th, at st. helena, and the news of which had greatly affected all europe. the ode, entitled "il cinque maggio," was remarkable for great dignity, a deep and profound estimate of napoleon's genius, and a tribute to his colossal fame which even the french recognized as the fittest expression of poetic power. the ode was at once translated into german by goethe, and into english by gladstone and the earl of derby. it immediately placed him at the head of the new school of continental poets. very soon afterwards, in , manzoni wrote his second tragedy, "adelchi," a drama of the war between the lombards and charlemagne. it followed the lines of the carmagnola, repeating the break from classical precedents, and establishing the value of the romantic school. both dramas were acted, but without success. the carmagnola, when it was given at florence in , had the open support of the court to offset the attacks of the old school, and yet did not win even a mildly enthusiastic hearing. the adelchi was tried with a similar result at turin. in spite of their ill reception on the stage, both of manzoni's dramas were immensely popular with readers, and, although based on incidents remote in point of time, both thrilled with a patriotism that stirred the hearts of all italians. mr. howells says of the tragedies in his "modern italian poets," "the time of the carmagnola is the fifteenth century; that of the adelchi the eighth century; and however strongly marked are the characters,--and they are very strongly marked, and differ widely from most persons of italian classic tragedy in this respect,--one still feels that they are subordinate to the great contests of elements and principles for which the tragedy furnishes a scene. in the carmagnola the pathos is chiefly in the feeling embodied by the magnificent chorus lamenting the slaughter of italians by italians at the battle of maclodio; in the adelchi we are conscious of no emotion so strong as that we experience when we hear the wail of the italian people, to whom the overthrow of their longobard oppressors by the franks is but the signal of a new enslavement. this chorus is almost as fine as the more famous one in the carmagnola, both are incomparably finer than anything else in the tragedies and are much more dramatic than the dialogue. it is in the emotion of a spectator belonging to our own time rather than in that of an actor of those past times that the poet shows his dramatic strength, and whenever he speaks abstractly for country and humanity he moves us in a way that permits no doubt of his greatness." manzoni's greatest work, however, was yet to appear, for admirable as were his poems and inspiring as were his heroic dramas it was as a novelist that he was to reach his pinnacle of fame. it was also as a novelist that he was to become one of the men who directly created that national spirit which made modern italy. italy had had many poets, but no great novelist since boccaccio. fortunately manzoni had not been confined to the literature of his own land, but had studied goethe, shakespeare, voltaire, and scott, and drew his inspiration largely from them. he owed much to the english novel, and especially to the author of "waverley," a man whom he much admired, and who fully returned his admiration. "i promessi sposi" appeared in and created a tremendous impression. scott said that it was the greatest historical novel ever written, and goethe said, "it satisfies us like perfectly ripe fruit." it was the first and greatest italian romance, and it awakened an interest throughout europe in italian history. the scene is laid in milan under the harsh spanish rule of the seventeenth century, and the reader is carried through the story of war and famine, and the great plague. its merits are hard to exaggerate, the beauty of its descriptions and the accuracy of its history, the intense interest of its characters, a galaxy that embraces every walk of life, the truth of its philosophy are equally remarkable. the universal feelings of humanity pulse through its pages; as dr. garnett says of it, "as a picture of human nature the book is above criticism; it is just the fact, neither more nor less." victor hugo in "les miserables" wrote a book which appealed to the innate democracy of man, but manzoni in "i promessi sposi" made the same appeal without having recourse to the frenchman's use of the grotesque and gigantic. through the whole of the latter novel runs the note of a profound sympathy with the poor and the unfortunate, a note which is perhaps stronger in this book than in any romance ever written. it is the work of a great mind, fully alive to every sensibility and sympathy, accurate in its judgments, and to which, in the ancient words, nothing human is foreign. cardinal and priest, brigand and simple hero, grande dame and the lovely girl whose hand promised in marriage gives part title to the book, are each perfect in their way, and bring the characteristics of a past century vividly before the present. goethe pointed out the too great prominence of the historical element, but the very careful attention paid by manzoni to the accuracy of his setting must add to the sense of reality which he so completely gains. the novel was rapidly translated into all modern languages, and at once created a school of historical novelists in italy. to us who have seen the romantic movement give place in turn to that of realism, it is difficult to understand what scott and hugo, goethe and manzoni did for the men of the first quarter of the nineteenth century. they made people feel as they had not felt before the wide scope of existence and the importance of the individual. literature had been a matter of form and convention, of classic model, of purely aristocratic vision. the new movement was part of that same impulse which was demanding constitutions of kings and bringing the middle classes into political prominence. it was an awakening of public spirit which had slept soundly through several centuries. voltaire and rousseau, alfieri and foscolo had sounded the first notes of a new intellectual renaissance, and now hugo and manzoni went further and stepped boldly out from all classic restraints. although "i promessi sposi" is more widely known and more highly regarded than any italian book, except the divine comedy of dante, manzoni's personality impressed itself but little upon his age. he had not the fighting nature of victor hugo, nor the mental unrest of byron, two of his great contemporaries. he preferred the retirement of his farm to the excitements of milan, and although he was always an ardent advocate of italian unity and freedom he took but small part in the great events that soon delivered lombardy from austria. after the appearance of "i promessi sposi" he wrote little more. "formerly," he said, "the muse came after me, now i should have to go after her." his quiet life laid him open to the charge of an indifferent patriotism, but those who knew him best understood that such an accusation was bitterly untrue. when the austrian government returned to milan the members of the lombard nobility were required to write their names in an official register or forfeit their titles. manzoni preferred to lose his claim as a patrician, and later refused a decoration, saying that he had made a vow never to wear any order of knighthood. he afterwards offered the same excuse to victor emmanuel when the latter wished to decorate him. he was elected a senator in , when the first national assembly met, and went to turin to take his seat, but soon after retired to the privacy of his own home on lake maggiore. here he entertained many great guests, among them cavour and d'azeglio, to whom he was warmly attached. his life flowed on an even current, the existence of a philosophic spirit interested as an observer rather than as an actor. henriette manzoni died in , and in he married teresa borri, widow of count stampa. he saw his children grow up about him and go to take their places in the world. gradually he saw the cause of national freedom win its way, and the king to whom he was so devoted unite the scattered states under one crown. he saw the fall of the temporal power of the pope, and with it the consummation of his hopes. in , at the age of eighty-eight, he died, universally mourned and revered. a milanese journal said: "after the confessor left the room manzoni called his friends and said to them, 'when i am dead, do what i did every day; pray for italy--pray for the king and his family--so good to me!' his country was the last thought of this great man dying, as in his whole long life it had been his most vivid and constant affection." it was nearly fifty years since his last important work had appeared, but during that long half century of inactivity manzoni's fame had grown steadily. his romance had passed through one hundred and eighteen editions in italian alone. milan decreed him a state funeral, and representatives of all european countries appeared at the old lombard capital with addresses from their sovereigns. it has been said that manzoni's death evoked a greater unanimity of sentiment than has been called forth by that of any other great author of modern times, except possibly by that of sir walter scott. even those who had criticised manzoni had always spoken their opinions in a spirit of reverence. he was regarded as the great guiding figure in the course of the new national literature. a singularly uneventful life for one of the great builders of a nation, uneventful even for that of a scholar or poet. moreover the roll of his works is small numerically, comprising his sacred hymns, the two dramas, the ode on napoleon, the single novel, and in addition only a few essays, the "innominata" or column of infamy, an historical note to "i promessi sposi," an essay on the romantic school, called "letters on romanticism," and one entitled "letters on the unity of time and place," the purpose of which was to show that the unity of action is the only unity of importance to the dramatist. the bulk of his work was not great, but each expression of it was masterful in its way, the hymns true poetry as well as deep religious sentiment, the ode considered the finest ode in all italian poetry, the dramas pulsing with life and feeling, the novel unsurpassed. these were the literary values of his work, but these in themselves would not account for manzoni's influence on his times. he was a moral and political force, showing the men of his day that nations can only hope for liberty and peace when the citizens respect the law and virtue. a generation that had lived through the french revolution and the napoleonic era needed some one to lead them back to moral sanity, and this was the greatest of manzoni's works. like gioberti, like d'azeglio, like victor emmanuel, manzoni was a staunch catholic as well as a true italian. a close friend, signor bonghi, said of him: "he had two faiths, one in the future of catholicism, another in the future of italy, and the one, whatever was said, whatever happened, never disturbed the other. in anxious moments, when the harmony between the two was least visible, he expected it the most, and never allowed his faith in one or the other to be shaken. rome he wished to be the abode of the king; rome he wished also to be the abode of the pope. obedient to the divine authority of the pontificate, no one passed a more correct judgment upon its civil character, or defended with more firmness, when speaking upon the subject, the right of the state." that he was the poet of resignation, as monnier declared, is disproved by his dramas and his novel. the martial lyrics of the plays burn with a spirit only too evidently fired by the contemporary subjection of italy to austria and france. take for example the first and last verses of one of the lyrics in the adelchi, as rendered into english by miss ellen clarke: "from moss-covered ruin of edifice nameless, from forests, from furnaces idle and flameless, from furrows bedewed with the sweat of the slave, a people dispersed doth arouse and awaken, with senses all straining and pulses all shaken, at a sound of strange clamor that swells like a wave. in visages pallid, and eyes dim and shrouded, as blinks the pale sun through a welkin beclouded, the might of their fathers a moment is seen; in eye and in countenance doubtfully blending; the shame of the present seems dumbly contending with pride in the thought of a past that hath been. * * * * * and deem ye, poor fools! that the need and the guerdon that lured from afar were to lighten your burden, your wrongs to abolish, your fate to reverse? go! back to the wrecks of your palaces stately, to the forges whose glow ye extinguished so lately, to the field ye have tilled in the sweat of your curse! the victor and vanquished in amity knitted, have doubled the yoke to your shoulders refitted; one tyrant had quelled you, and now ye have twain: they cast forth the lot for the serf and the cattle, they throne on the sods that yet bleed from their battle, and the soil and the hind are their servants again." could manzoni have meant such words to speak other than of the austrians and bourbons who were grinding italians into servitude? could his marvelous meter, which has been said in its "plunging" to suggest a charge of horses, have been meant other than to drive his countrymen to self assertion? manzoni was patriot as well as artist, and read his times with no unskilful eye. when victor emmanuel visited milan in he said that he should like to meet the poet, and, when told that the latter was ill, declared that he would go to him. manzoni, however, would not hear of this, and as soon as he was able called upon the king. the sovereign's marks of regard and respect overwhelmed the poet. later he said of the meeting, "i see in the character of the king the intervention of providence. he is exactly the sovereign that circumstances require to accomplish the resurrection of italy. he has rectitude, courage, incorruptible honesty, and disinterestedness; he seeks not glory or fortune for himself, but for his country. he is so simple, never caring to appear great, that he does not meet the admiration of those who seek to find in princes and heroes theatrical actions and grandiloquent words. he is natural because he is true, and this makes his enemies say that he is wanting in regal majesty. to found italian unity he has risked his throne, and his life." manzoni's prophecies came true and he himself had no small part in accomplishing that great end towards which so many men of diverse forces worked. as well as king and statesman, warrior and prophet, the man of letters taught his people how to find their independence. [illustration: gioberti] gioberti, the philosopher gioberti's signal gift to his countrymen was his great book, "ii primato d'italia," a statement of the causes of italy's early primacy among european nations, and a philosophic theory for her regeneration. like savonarola he flayed the vices of his time and preached redemption through christian living, but, unlike the great fra, he undertook to teach that the church was no less fitted to be the seat of statecraft than of religion. it was this that gained him the ear of rome as well as that of piedmont, and made it seem for a moment as though he had found the solution of italy's troubles. the effect of the "primato" was felt from turin to naples. "the book," said minghetti, the statesman of a later decade, "seemed to some an extravagance, to others a revelation. the truth is, that while many of its ideas were peculiar to the author, and partook of his character, his studies, and his profession, the substance of it responded to a sentiment still undefined, but which had been slowly developing in the minds of italians. the idea of nationality had, in the previous years, spread far and wide through many channels, open and secret, and the desire of a great and free country had taken possession of the majority of the younger men; but the methods hitherto employed had proved so inefficient that weariness and disgust had followed. experience had proved that conspiracies, secret societies, and partial insurrections were of no utility--that they made the governments more severe, retarded civil progress, arrested the increase of public prosperity, plunged many families into misery, and did not even win the approbation of civilized nations. "the rumors of wars and of european insurrections which were circulated every spring time, the mystic declamations of mazzini in the name of god and the people, ... all these things showed that the time had come to try another method, more serious, more practical, and surer.... gioberti, a piedmontese exile for the sake of liberty, had taken part in the earliest phases of the "giovine italia" or had been in relation with its chiefs, but had wearied of that pompous and impotent society. his intellect had anticipated that change which had been imperceptibly operating and now began to appear widely ... but obscurely in the consciousness of many men. this opportuneness and coincidence of the ideas of the author with the spirit of the day gave his book a special importance.... the purpose of the book was to prove that italy, although it had lost all political value for the outside world, contained all the conditions of moral and political revival, and that to effect this change there was no need of revolutions, invasions, or imitations of the foreigner, since political revival is limited to three heads--unity, independence, and liberty--the first two of which might be obtained by a confederation of the various states under the presidency of the pope, and the last by means of internal reforms in each state, effected by their respective princes without danger or diminution of their real power." vincenzo gioberti was born in turin april , , and was the only child of parents of very moderate means. at an early age it was decided that he should prepare for the priesthood, and his education was entrusted to the fathers of the oratory in turin. his nature was more conformable to the teaching of churchmen than was that of alfieri or manzoni, and whereas both the latter had chafed under the discipline and mental training of the church schools the young gioberti became a thoughtful student. he differed from mazzini, a contemporary studying at genoa, in that although he early learned that the condition of his country was wretched, his mind could only conceive of improvement by orderly and temperate steps. he was a brilliant scholar, and during the years of his training for the priesthood he delved deep into the history of philosophy, and studied closely the writings of the fathers and doctors of the roman church. in he was ordained a priest. the young priest, a man of a serious and reflective mind, turned his attention to the affairs of his country, and gradually entered upon a careful study of the literature of the day, and the political theories that were then agitating men's minds. he took part in scholastic discussions of religious and political subjects, and in time widened his acquaintance in turin so that he came in contact with the leaders of thought in the sardinian capital. as he met men and spoke his thoughts more freely it came to be seen that he was occupied above everything else with the problem of freeing italy from the foreign overlords, and this gradually marked him as a free-thinking priest. at first, however, he did not incur the enmity of the clerical party, for, although his conception of italian freedom consisted in emancipation not alone from the arms of foreign masters, but from all modes of thought which were alien to the nation's genius, and detrimental to its national authority, this authority was always associated in his mind with the idea of papal supremacy, but a supremacy intellectual rather than political. the reign of charles albert of piedmont was a continual battle between the conservative party and the enlightened liberals. the leaders of the conservatives were clerics, in large measure jesuits, who kept in close touch with the court of vienna, realizing to the full that their aims and those of austria were to all intents identical, the maintenance of the _status quo_ in italy. the young priest gioberti was not long in incurring the hostility of the jesuits, because, although he sought the ultimate supremacy of the papal see, he desired it as a moral rather than as a physical supremacy, and he most ardently hoped for the expulsion of the austrians from lombardy and the absolute independence of piedmont from viennese influence. his was, however, too brilliant a mind to be denied, and, despite the efforts of the court party, charles albert, who was always cognizant of the abilities of other men, soon after his accession to the throne in nominated the young priest to be one of the royal chaplains. as chaplain of the court gioberti quickly assumed prominence. his nature was open and frank, he made friends easily, he wrote on ecclesiastical and political subjects, and his patriotism was known to be unbounded. he soon had gathered a party about him, and his influence over the king grew rapidly. charles albert's own views on italian policy were at that time almost identical with gioberti's, he would have been glad to acknowledge a confederation of italian states under the presidency of the pope, provided the foreign princelings could be disposed of without bloodshed. this, however, the clerical party did not approve of, any change being to their view revolutionary, and the realization that the chaplain was gaining the private ear of the king finally compelled them to mark him for exile. aware of this disaffection in the church party at turin, gioberti in asked permission of charles albert to resign his chaplaincy, but, before his request was granted he was suddenly arrested one day while walking with a friend in the public gardens of the city, and placed in prison. the influence of the clerical party was so all-powerful in the piedmont of that day that no attempt to secure gioberti's release was effective, and no popular demonstration at such an outrage could take place. he was given no trial, and his case was the subject of no apparent judicial process. after four months' imprisonment he was informed that his banishment had been decreed, and he was at once conducted to the frontier in charge of a carabineer. at the same time his name was stricken off the roll of the theological doctors of the college of turin. driven into exile because of his political opinions, even as mazzini was exiled as a suspect rather than because of any proof against him, gioberti reached paris in october, . like so many other great italians of that day he was destined to spend many years away from his beloved country. without friends, family, or money, his career apparently ruined, his hopes shattered, gioberti was to sound the depths of a courageous man's despair. mazzini took himself to london to eke out a meager living as a teacher of italian, and with the same thought gioberti went to brussels. here he undertook to teach philosophy, and finally obtained employment in assisting his friend gaggia in the management of a small college. all his leisure time he devoted to studying and writing on philosophy, rising early, and working the better part of the night, and producing work after work of great value in philosophic inquiry, all of which bore especially upon the needs of his own countrymen. his stay in brussels, which lasted from to , saw the production of his greatest books, all deeply earnest, and each one causing in turn the greatest interest and emotion in italy. the volume of his work was most remarkable, treatises appearing at short intervals, each one of which would have sufficed to represent a lifetime's study. his first work was the result of a friendship formed in brussels with a young fellow-exile, paolo pallia, who on one occasion expressed to gioberti certain doubts as to the reality of revelations and a future life. gioberti at once commenced work upon his "la teorica del sovran-naturale," which was finished and published in . this was followed in and by his three volumes called "introduzione allo studio della filosofia." in all these writings he stands apart from his contemporary european philosophers. method of speculation is with him subjective and psychological. he adopts much from plato. throughout all his writings religion is synonomous with civilization, and he repeatedly states that religion is the true and only expression of the _idea_ in this life, and is one with the real civilization of history. civilization is the means to perfection, of which religion is the essence. these strictly philosophic works were followed by the essays "del bello" and "del buono," and after a short interval by a magnificent exposure of the jesuit order, "il gesuita moderno," and his "del primato morale e civile degli italiani," and "prolegomeni." it was the "primato" which gave the exiled gioberti his place as a great factor in the struggle for italian independence. his ideas seem strangely archaic now, but they were compelling in . he himself says: "i intend to show ... that italy alone has the qualities required to become the chief of nations, and that although to-day she has almost completely lost that chiefship, it is in her power to recover it, and i will state the most important conditions of that renovation.... as infant civilization was born between two rivers, so renewed and adult civilization arose between two seas; the former in fertile mesopotamia, whence it easily spread over asia, africa and the west; the latter in italy, which divides the tyrrhene and adriatic seas, thus forming the central promontory of europe and placed in a position to dominate the rest of the hemisphere.... in the church there is neither greek nor barbarian, and all nations form a cosmopolitan society, as all the tribes of israel a single nation. but as, in the jewish nation, genealogy determined the tenure of the hierarchy, and the sons of levi received the custody of the law and the service of the temple, so in the christian commonwealth the division of the nations is in a manner involved in the order of the catholic church. and, the church having a supreme head, we must recognize a moral pre-eminence where heaven has established its seat, and where nearer, quicker, more immediate and more uninterrupted are the in-breathings of its voice. this preeminence certainly does not transgress the natural order of divine intentions, real and efficient in their working and in the obligations they impose. so that the italians, humanly speaking, are the levites of christianity, having been chosen by providence to keep the christian pontificate, and to protect with love, with veneration, and if necessary by arms, the ark of the new covenant.... let the nations, then, turn their eyes to italy, their ancient and loving mother, who holds the seeds of their regeneration. italy is the organ of the supreme reason and the royal and ideal word; the fountain, rule and guardian of every other reason and eloquence; for there resides the head that rules, the arm that moves, the tongue that commands and the heart that animates christianity at large.... as rome is the seat of christian wisdom, piedmont is to-day the principal home of italian military strength. seated on the slopes of the alps, as a wedge between austria and france, and as a guard to the peninsula, of which it is the vestibule and peristyle, it is destined to watch from its mountains, and crush in its ravines, every foreign aggressor, compelling its powerful neighbors to respect the common independence of italy." such expression will suffice to show that gioberti was in no sense a reliable prophet, but a philosopher of deeply religious strain who was seeking to reconcile the political freedom of italy with the suzerainty of the pope. he discountenanced all plotting and conspiracy, both of which were being advocated by mazzini's appeals to "young italy," and built his country out of a confederation of states. mazzini, impractical as he was in many respects, did at least realize that no such loosely joined federation could stand six months, and insisted above all in actual political hegemony of the states. gioberti's "primato," deeply suggestive in itself to intellectual italy, was given a remarkable impetus by the election at about the same time as its appearance of a new pope. pius ix., elected to the papal chair in june, , seemed the very man to bring about the realization of gioberti's hopes. as cardinal mastai ferreti he had been immensely popular, and he was known as a man of great amiability, keenly interested in new ideas, and ardent in the cause of italian unity of action. his first act was to proclaim a general amnesty for political offenses, by which thousands of prisoners who had spent years in roman prisons, or abroad in exile, many ignorant of the charges brought against them, were allowed to return to family and friends. he visited the poor and superintended the relief of the sick, even working among the jewish quarters of rome. he favored the construction of railroads, modified the restrictions of the press, and organized an advisory council of leading citizens. small wonder that a world which had been used to the infinitely narrow-minded reactionaries leo xii. and gregory xvi. hailed pius ix. as the regenerator of both church and state. to a large degree pius and gioberti had both felt the same enthusiasms, and believed in the same principles, the cardinal one being that society was to be reformed by the roman church, and the government of society vested in the church as a court of highest appeal. different desires led the two men to this conclusion, gioberti hoping that reform would come by means of concessions by arbitrary powers to the rights of the people, and the pope believing that humanizing the form of church government would strengthen its actual power and increase the devotion of all nations to the holy see. history proved that neither gioberti nor pius ix. was correct, but the seeming coincidence of their views increased the power of each. gioberti gained the support of the liberal element in the church, and the pope gained the adhesion of intellectual men throughout italy. the new pope had read gioberti's political writings, and had been deeply influenced by them. the "primato," issued at brussels in , had been prohibited in all the italian states except piedmont, and this fact added immensely to its weight with patriots. charles albert read it and admired it greatly; with the advent of pius, he as well as men so diverse as mazzini, garibaldi, and d'azeglio, looked for regeneration. under the influence of this new spirit charles albert declared an amnesty for all exiles in , and the philosopher-priest, after thirteen years of exile, was free to return home. long exile had somewhat crushed the ardent nature of the churchman, and he waited in brussels until he was assured by friends that his return to turin would be popular. learning that his works, especially the "primato" and the "gesuita moderno," had made him a hero in the eyes of patriots, he finally returned to turin in . his entrance into the capital on april of that year was the occasion for the greatest outburst of enthusiasm, a welcome intensified by the thought that this man had been banished for no other cause than the resentment of the hated jesuits. the city was decorated and illuminated in his honor, deputations waited upon him, the king appointed him a senator, but, as he had been elected as deputy by both turin and genoa to the assembly of representatives now to meet for the first time under the new constitution, he chose to sit in the lower house for turin. invitations now poured in upon him from other cities, and before the assembly met he made a tour of the states, commencing with milan, and finally reaching rome. he had three interviews with the pope, and these meetings led him still further to believe that pius was the man who should put his political philosophy into practice. he found the romans, who of all italians had most cause to hate the jesuits, overjoyed with his work describing the modern abuses of that order, and anxious at all hazards that their new pontiff should follow the new spirit of liberality. while he was traveling and speaking publicly to all the peoples the assembly met in turin, and elected him its president. count balbo was prime minister, and in the same parliament sat many of the younger element, including cavour, and a large liberal section headed by d'azeglio. meanwhile there had occurred the memorable battle-days of , when the february revolution in paris set fire to the tinder that had been preparing throughout europe. the milanese arose and drove out the austrian garrison, venice proclaimed the republic under daniel manin, and the cry of "a free italy" rang from the alps to sicily. pius ix., who had already made serious protest to austria when in the preceding year that power had garrisoned ferrara, prepared to place himself actively at the head of the national movement, and in piedmont charles albert took the field and went to the aid of lombardy. at the close of count balbo resigned, and a new ministry was formed, in which gioberti held a seat. unfortunately pius ix. lacked the courage of his convictions, and when he heard that the austrians were winning back their lost fields in lombardy, his desire to send his troops to the aid of piedmont cooled. the conservative elements about him gained his ear, and he replaced mamiani, his prime minister, a man who wished him to give rome a constitution, with count rossi, the french ambassador, a man of great ability, but ultra conservative. in november, , rossi was assassinated, and shortly afterward the violence of the demands of the people convinced pius that his best course was temporary flight. acting upon this impulse on november , , he escaped from rome to gaeta. italy was beginning to see to what manner of man it had looked for deliverance. from gaeta the self-exiled pontiff issued a formal protest against the violence to which he stated his people had subjected him, and by which means alone his latest enactments had been extorted from him, and declared all measures passed in rome during his absence null and void. in rome the brief republic of mazzini held sway, and at gaeta france and austria sought to cheer the pope. charles albert, his hope of papal aid fading rapidly, attempted for a few months to stem the tide of french and austrian influence over pius. he tried to effect a reconciliation between the holy father and the romans, and gioberti wrote to the pope, saying: "i hope the court of gaeta is about to return to sentiments more evangelical, more worthy of pius ix. i am sorry to have to say that the court of gaeta, repudiating the doctrine of conciliation, and adopting that of vengeance and blood, does not seem to know that it is repudiating the maxims of christ, and putting in their stead those of mahomet." in addition gioberti did his best to gain the pope's concurrence in a plan for the formation of an italian federation of princes, but without success. the bolt was shot, pius had had his day as popular idol, and having proven that italy had nothing to hope politically from the pope, quickly retroceded to the plane of the bourbon princes and grand dukes. to gioberti, who had hoped so much from the spiritual and temporal power of rome, the disillusionment was terrific. that he was a theorist rather than a practical statesman he now showed conclusively by advocating as minister at turin that piedmont should anticipate the inevitable restoration of the rulers of central italy by the governments of austria and france by restoring them itself. had this plan been adopted the house of savoy would have been irretrievably ruined in the eyes of patriotic italy, and the country left without any champion of freedom. fortunately his proposal met with small favor. the battle of novara ended the struggles of charles albert, and victor emmanuel, a man of sterner make, came into control. a new ministry was formed for the new king by general delaunay, who included gioberti again in the cabinet, although he held no portfolio. he was not in touch, however, with the new elements of government, he could not appreciate a statecraft that was in essence radical, and after several disagreements he was appointed on a nominal mission to paris, which in reality removed him from any part in the government at turin. his best work had been done in the service of charles albert, he was not in touch with the coming policies of the adroit cavour. the stirring years of and passed, the dream of the pope's leadership vanished, and the yoke of the foreigner seemed to have settled as heavily as ever upon the states of italy. again exiles gathered in london and paris, mazzini returned to his english fogs, and we find gioberti the confidant in paris of many banished fellow-countrymen. the marquis pallavicino, friend of manin and many other patriots, became his bosom friend. he was offered a pension by his government, but declined it, and devoted himself to writing. in he published his great work, the "rinnovamento civile d'italia," in which he pointed out the mistakes made by italians in and , acknowledged his own blunders in political sagacity, and designated piedmont as the leader of a great national movement, which should ultimately end in a regenerated italy, with its capital in a lay and constitutional rome. he had met and talked with cavour in paris during the preparation of this book, and he had had the perspicacity to predict that cavour was the man who should unite his land. the statesman was half amused, half impressed by gioberti's words, he had always considered him a man who just failed of being a great statesman because he was a visionary, but he was profoundly impressed by the grasp and depth of his new work. the "rinnovamento" was indeed true prophecy, the philosopher had at last seen the futility of a political confederation of peoples under a religious head, he realized that princes supported by foreign powers would never unite for any common end. "except the young sovereign who rules piedmont," he says in the "rinnovamento," "i see no one in italy who could undertake our emancipation. instead of imitating pius, ferdinand, and leopold, who violated their sworn compacts, he maintains his with religious observance--vulgar praise in other times, but to-day not small, being contrary to example." victor emmanuel, reading the book, was as much impressed by it as cavour had been, and time and again repeated, "i will do what gioberti says." pius ix., still amiable, still suave, was kept in rome by french arms, and was solely occupied in proving his own insufficiency as a temporal ruler of any sort whatever. he had retracted all his liberal acts, made friends with all his old foes, and placed entire charge of state affairs in the hands of that most unsavory of men, cardinal antonelli. under him the jesuits resumed their former activity, and soon had closed completely about the pope. then it was that the works of gioberti, the "primato" and the "prolegomeni," which had once so greatly delighted the pope, were placed upon the index expurgatorius and publicly condemned by the church. the action had no other effect than to amuse the world; italy and all friends of italy had read and pondered the great treatises, and drawn their own conclusions from them irrespective of the wishes of the roman see. gioberti died in paris october , , just as the new era in italian affairs which he had predicted in his last book was actually commencing with the advent of cavour as prime minister of piedmont. when we review gioberti's work we find that it was chiefly important as a stimulus to italian patriotic thought, as a threshing out of theories and principles in preparation for a true realization of national needs and hopes. that the philosophy, in so far as it was political, of his "primato" failed to prove true when attempted in practice, and must inevitably so have failed as we see now, did not affect his influence over his own generation. that influence was one which contrasted sharply with mazzini's, gioberti always preaching orderly organization, mazzini daring attempts of many sorts, both alike in the ardor of their enthusiasm. while mazzini appealed to the mass, gioberti appealed to the scholars, the clergy, the thinking classes, and his appeal was patriotic as well as intellectual. in his "primato" he stirs his countrymen to consider their country's place among the nations. "while to the north," he says, "there is a people numbering only twenty-four millions who rule the sea, make europe tremble, own india, vanquish china and occupy the best parts of asia, africa, america and oceania, what great things have we italians done? what are our manual and intellectual exploits? where are our fleets and our colonies? what rank do our legates hold; what force do they wield; what wise or authoritative influence do they exert in foreign courts? what weight attaches to the italian name in the balance of european power? foreigners, indeed, know and still visit our country, but only for the purpose of enjoying the changeless beauty of our skies and of looking upon the ruins of our past. but what profits it to speak of glory, riches, and power? can italy say she has a place in the world? can she boast of a life of her own and of a political autonomy, when she is awed by the first insolent and ambitious upstart who tramples her under foot and galls her with his yoke? who is there who shudders not when he reflects that, disunited as we are, we must be the prey of any assailant whatever, and that we owe even that wretched fraction of independence which charters and protocols still allow us to the compassion of our neighbors?" then he concludes, "although all this has come upon us through our own fault; nevertheless, by the exercise of a little strength of will and determination, without upheavals or revolutions and without perpetrating injustice, we can still be one of the first races in the world." with consummate skill he arranged a national program in which the pope, the princes, the people, even austria, should have a part, and it was scarcely to be wondered that inasmuch as each interest was flattered each thought well of the program. the clergy were no less delighted with the eloquence of one of their own number than with his teaching that religion and patriotism should go hand in hand, those high in power felt that their power would be left them under his theory, and the people were stirred by his eloquence and dreams of what italy should become. as a result there arose what was known as the "neo-guelph" party, which, harking back to the middle ages, sought to place the pope at the head of the national movement. and, by a beautiful coincidence of history, just at that moment a new pontiff, one of that clergy which had so greatly admired gioberti's writings, ascended st. peter's throne. in these facts you have the cause of gioberti's commanding position in the early years of the great struggle. unfortunately gioberti's theories were dreams, not even so practical as the aspirations of mazzini's "young italy." he had failed utterly to grasp the need of absolute administrative concentration and did not accurately estimate the jealousies and prides of the petty princes and the churchmen. he believed that those forces which had so long destroyed italian unity could be made to unite to restore it, he believed that the roman church could exercise a wise temporal authority. he looked back to the middle ages, and spoke with some of savonarola's words. he appealed to his people's ancient love of art and letters, to the glories of the mediæval cities, to the world-wide authority of rome and st. peter's. the appeal stirred the imagination of the intellectual classes, and drew the attention of other countries to the fallen estate of italy. beyond that it could not be effective; the needs of state and church, of princes and people, had grown too unalterably opposed. mazzini was far nearer right, a truer teacher, a surer guide. the time came when gioberti recognized that italy's salvation lay in the strong hand, and this he acknowledged in his last book. it is the truest of all his political philosophies because he had then understood that the future belonged to men of such abilities as were possessed by cavour and victor emmanuel, and to a well-knit nation rather than to a confraternity of ill-assorted states. yet for all its fallacies gioberti's "primato" woke intellectual italy from a sleep which had lasted centuries, and made it consider the problem of its regeneration. [illustration: manin] manin, the "father of venice" the story of venetian glory seemed closed with the last years of the eighteenth century. the proud queen of the adriatic had seen her jewels stolen one by one, and had finally become the toy of wanton powers. venice was no longer self-reliant, no longer coldly virtuous, her grandeur had sunk into a memory, her civic honor been bedimmed by gross corruption. "venice was," said the world, and france, parceling out the conquests of the young napoleon, handed venetia and the city of the doges to austria. there was no opportunity for self-defense, napoleon had removed all military stores and confiscated the venetian fleet, the citizens buried the lion-banners of saint mark beneath their churches, and silently watched the austrians enter. the last doge, aged and bent with years, fell senseless as he opened his lips to swear allegiance to the house of hapsburg. europe considered the fate of venice sealed. napoleon came and went, and men as well as maps experienced gigantic changes, but still venice slept. she had become a part of the austrian empire, a new generation grew up who had never known venice free, who only learned their city's history by stealth. among this new generation was daniel manin, son of a jew who had embraced christianity and who had adopted the surname of his noble patron the last doge, according to venetian custom. so it happened that the last free ruler of venice and the man who was to raise her from sleep bore the same name. there was also transmitted to the boy the ancient hate of austria. born in daniel manin early showed a strong love of learning, which was eagerly tended by his father, a lawyer of some note. the father taught his son the history of his city, he brought him up to see the unjust practices of napoleon and of austria, he kindled in him the passion for liberty. the boy studied jurisprudence and the growth of venetian dialects, at fifteen he translated the apocryphal book of enoch from the hebrew, at seventeen he became a doctor of laws, and had translated pothier's great french work on roman law before he was twenty-one. the year he came of age he married, and a little later settled in the small town of maestra, which lies at the entrance to the lagoons, and started to practise his profession of advocate, which under austrian rule allowed him only to act in civil cases, and then merely in a consulting capacity and never as a pleader in the courts. even in early youth his health was poor; although his mind was unusually active and well-balanced he was subject to frequent visitations of great physical weariness which at times made it impossible for him to accomplish anything. later in life he wrote, "the act of living, in a healthy person, considered in itself, ought to be a pleasure; but to me from my very childhood, it has always been a painful effort. i always feel weary." he was frequently morbid just at the time when his growing family required all his energy for support. in person the young lawyer was rather striking, not tall, but spare, with unusually animated blue eyes, thick chestnut hair, and features full of changing expression, quick to show the temper of his mind. for all his underlying weariness and continued depression he often appeared gay and cheerful on the surface; it was his nature to be unselfish, and to turn a brave face towards the world. working as an advocate manin gave up his spare hours to studying venetian _patois_ and to planning how in time his city might loosen the bonds of austrian tyranny. as early as , when he was only twenty-six, he joined with three close friends in a plot to seize the venetian arsenal, and drew up a proclamation intended to excite the citizens. the movement throughout northern italy on which the friends relied failed to materialize, and the plan fell through. fortunately the authors of the proclamation were not discovered, and manin was permitted to continue his profession. he did not believe in secret societies, and would not join them; he devoted himself to studying austria's colonial weaknesses. the first step which brought him seriously to the notice of the government was his work on behalf of the italian bankers who were associated with some germans in building a railway between venice and milan. there had been a disagreement as to the route of the railway, and the austrian viceroy had sided with the germans. manin was engaged to represent the italian bankers, and conducted his side of the case with great skill. the austrian government finally concluded the matter by arbitrarily dissolving the italian railways association. the case had however shown manin a possible mode of attacking the foreign despotism, finding flaws in its laws and concentrating on such weaknesses until eventually its whole fabric was loosened. he did not believe that any sudden local revolution could succeed, he saw only the loss of valuable lives thereby, but he did believe that the way for some later far-sweeping rising might be paved by consecutive breaches in the enemy's legal walls. this opinion was the result of his evenly-balanced, deliberate judgment; he could at times, as he was to show later, throw himself passionately into a cause, without regard to consequences, but his nature was not that of the ardent revolutionary; he relied on cool, sober judgments, and was not readily led from them by illusions. in his notes we find him writing, "against disorder i feel a repulsion not only of reason but of instinct, the same as i feel against everything contrary to the laws of harmony, a deformed face, a discordant sound." his advocacy of the italian bankers brought manin before the venetian public, he was recognized as an able speaker with a deep knowledge of law. he spoke before the venetian athenæum on the obligation of thinkers to inspire and stimulate men of action. the subject gave him a chance to draw attention to the present lethargy of venice and to urge consideration of new ideas affecting trade and commerce. he hoped to unite northern italians through the new principle of free trade. fortunately cobden, the great english advocate of free trade, was traveling in italy; he visited venice and met manin and some of the other venetian leaders of opinion just as he had met cavour at turin and massimo d'azeglio at genoa. various small events gave the lawyer a chance to speak publicly to his fellow-citizens. at the scientific congress which met in september, , he was appointed a commissioner to investigate the charitable institutions of venice, and in doing this work he came upon the case of a poor infirm workman who had placed a placard upon a public wall complaining that the government had left him to starve, and for which action had been placed in a lunatic asylum. manin reported the case and wrote, "the physicians acknowledge the man is sane; but they dare not set him at liberty, fearing it would be contrary to the views of the police and government. for my part, i have a better opinion of the government and the police. i do not admit that they create madmen by decrees. if padovini is culpable there are the laws." count palffy, the governor, was very much vexed. "we must release padovini from the madhouse," he said, "and put manin in his place." about the same time count jablonski, a relation of the venetian governor, wrote a paper urging the italians to become resigned. in reply manin set down his thoughts in a page which seems to sum up his whole purpose, a wonderful expression of his philosophy. it was not published at that time, but was later found among his papers. it read: "it is the fashion to preach resignation. "i distinguish two kinds of resignation; the one virtuous and manly; the other cowardly, and worthy only of fools. "the strong man, when overcome by misfortune, seeks the means of remedying it. does he find any? in spite of difficulties, he applies himself to the task, excited, cheerful, and vigorous, full of energy and pertinacity. it is only when he is certain that no remedy exists, that he becomes resigned. this is manly resignation. "the coward, when misfortune overtakes him, allows himself to be cast down, and seeks no means of remedying it. however spontaneous and easy relief may present itself to his mind, he attempts nothing, he wishes neither to trouble nor expose himself--he is resigned: this is the resignation of the fool. "therefore, resignation is virtuous and manly under evils manifestly without remedy; it is cowardly and stupid when we can in any way free ourselves from these evils. "in the individual, resignation may often be virtuous; in a nation it is perhaps never so, for the misfortunes of a nation are seldom irremediable. "to overcome the misfortunes of a nation, we can employ the whole intellectual, moral, and physical power of all its citizens; and if the generation which commences the generous task does not succeed in accomplishing it, other generations follow, who will attain success; for nations never die. "this is the reason why those who advise resignation to nations, advise cowardice, and the nations which become resigned are cowards." therein lies the whole wisdom of manin's political philosophy, and also that of many of the earlier italian patriots. how could austria hope to keep such men forever in subjection? manin's avowed purpose was to show again and again that the austrians were not obeying the laws which they had themselves given to the subject provinces. one of the methods of austrian administrative rule was the use of supposedly representative councils called the central and provincial congregations, which were designed to communicate the wishes of the people of venice and lombardy in the form of petitions to the imperial council, and which had failed lamentably to use even that meager power. on december , , nazari, a deputy to the lombard congregation, moved that the grievances of the country be represented to the imperial government. not a single venetian deputy followed his lead, but manin, as a private individual, signed a petition to the venetian congregation calling upon them to speak for the people. his comments were brief but vigorous. "the congregations," he said, "have never been the interpreters of our wants or wishes--their silence has arisen from a fear of displeasing the government; but this fear is unjust, and injurious: for it is unjust and injurious to suppose that the government has granted to this kingdom a derisory national representation, that it deceived, and still deceives, this country and europe, in making laws which it does not wish to be observed, and in prosecuting and punishing those who intend observing them." the venetians were delighted with the petition, they were beginning to feel the first thrills of a new civic life. on december , manin and tommaseo, a brilliant poet and public-spirited citizen, drew up another address which in bold terms denounced the austrian censorship of the press contrary to a specific clause in the law of . all the members of the ateneo, the literary club of venice, signed the petition that went with the address. the austrians failed to see in the unrest that appeared throughout italy at the close of more than a series of local and widely-separated disturbances, and made small effort to appease any of the leaders. for their part in preparing the venetian petition manin and tommaseo were arrested and thrown into prison on january , , charged with high treason. the temper of the newly-aroused people was uncertain, on the morning after the arrest the streets of venice were seen blossoming with signs ominous to peace and austrian supremacy, "viva l'italia!" "viva manin e tommaseo!" and "morte ai tedeschi!" from the date of his imprisonment manin underwent many sufferings, one of the chief being his inability longer to help in nursing a daughter to whom he was passionately devoted and who was suffering from a tedious and most painful nervous disease. at almost the same time his younger sister, who was ill in trevisa, died from the shock of hearing of his imprisonment. he had been able to save very little for dark days, now that they were come he could do nothing to tide his little household through them. outwardly he was calm and strong of will, inwardly he was tormented by a hundred fears. yet he could write from prison to his brave wife, saying, "if you continue to be strong and courageous, these will be the happiest days of my life.... you will find a few pieces of gold in one drawer, a little silver in another.... if this affair lasts long, we must think of providing for you in some way. love one another, my angels: be resigned, that is sufficient." a valiant attempt was made by teresa manin to secure her husband's release on bail, the authorities put her off continually, and finally the director-general replied that he did not believe himself authorized to accede to her request. this final reply caused an outburst of popular indignation. the venetians dressed themselves in mourning, and with heads bared filed slowly before the windows of the prison on the riva dei schiavoni, where manin and tommaseo were confined. as long as he remained in prison the other advocates united in caring for manin's legal practice, and high-spirited friends among all classes insisted on providing his family with all necessities. he himself hoped to be able to support them by reprinting a small treatise on venetian jurisprudence, but permission to advertise its sale was denied him by the government. a little later, however, austrian permissions became no longer necessary, and manin's family lived on the proceeds of the sale of this work and on the small legacy left to him by his sister. he had little time to think of self-support when he became dictator. the ancient spirit of venice was slowly rising as day after day news came that men throughout italy were turning on their despots. the nicoletti and the castellani, the two historic factions of the people, the blacks and the reds, renounced their ancient feud and took a common secret oath to war only with austria until venice was free. the young nobles resigned their austrian offices and ranks, they had heard what the nobility of milan were accomplishing. the examination into the charges against manin and tommaseo continued, although nothing illegal could be proved against them there was a prospect of their arbitrary removal out of venice and to that prison of spielberg where the careers of so many gifted italian patriots had ended. manin heard that the french had driven their king from his throne, he wondered what effect the growing tumult of that revolution year would have on venice. he did not have to wait long to learn. the flames of revolt had spread across europe even to vienna, metternich had fled from the city in peril of his life, the austrian throne was tottering. manin saw what was coming, and made his plans even while he was in prison to secure venice against anarchy. on the morning of march , , the venetians hastened to the dock to learn the latest news of vienna from the trieste packet. a french merchant on board called to the gondoliers the news, "a constitution at vienna! the recognition of italian independence! a free press! a national guard!" the words were sufficient, the people rushed to the governor's palace and demanded the immediate release of manin and tommaseo. the governor wavered, declaimed, finally yielded, saying, "i do what i ought not to do." the people swept to the prison, and beating down the doors, discovered the two captives. "you are free!" the leaders shouted. manin still chose to follow the usage of law, and asked to see the warrant for his release. it was produced, and then he and his fellow captive were led forth from the dreary cells with loud acclaims of joy. manin was raised in a chair, and so carried to the great square of st. mark's, the scene of so many triumphs in venetian history. the yellow and black flag of austria had in some mysterious fashion fluttered down from the ancient flag-staves that guard the square and in its place floated the red, white, and green emblem. "speak!" cried the people, and manin, pale, infirm, and gaunt from prison life, rose and spoke with his remarkably persuasive voice. he said he did not know to what great events he owed his freedom, but could see clearly that nationality and patriotic fire had grown wonderfully during the past few months. "but forget not, i beg," he implored, "that true and lasting liberty can only rest on order, and that you must make yourselves the emulous guardians of order if you would show that you are worthy to be free." he paused a moment, then added, "yet there are times pointed out to us by providence when insurrection becomes not only a right, but a duty." manin returned home, already intent on plans to regulate the new order of things. towards night the great bell in the ducal chapel sounded the warning note, the people rushed to the piazza to find a battalion of croats tearing down the italian tricolor, the people resisted, the soldiers cleared the square with a bayonet charge, but the venetians had tasted triumph too fully to be dismayed. some of them went to manin and asked him to lead them against the croats. "this is not the way," he answered, "we must have a civic guard." he sent a messenger to the governor. "tell him that to-day his life was in my hands, and that i preached order, not vengeance; and now, in the interest of his own life as well as of order, he must at once organize a civic guard." again count palffy hesitated and put off the demand from day to day. he sent messengers to the viceroy at verona, and the latter telegraphed him permission to enroll two hundred citizens. three thousand at once took arms and called on manin to give them his commands. "let all who will not absolutely obey me depart," he said, but no one left. at last venice again had an army of her own. there was no immediate bloodshed. the leading citizens conferred as to what course venice should take if the revolution in vienna succeeded. some were for joining the kingdom of charles albert, some for uniting with lombardy, some for an austrian ruler under a constitution. manin scattered their diverse views, he told them that their immediate need was freedom, that their city must actually be in their own charge before considering her destiny. rumors came that the city was about to be bombarded, there was danger both from the arsenal and from the sea, and on the night of march manin laid his plans before the chief patriots and told them that they must seize the arsenal. "the people of venice," he said, "can only understand one cry, 'let the republic live!'" still the others hesitated; one said, "the people are incapable of sacrifices!" "you do not know them," cried manin. "i know them; that is my sole merit, you will see!" newcomers arrived, and still manin, worn with argument, pressed his opinion. he finished, saying, "we must have the republic, and join with it saint mark. the republic and saint mark will echo in dalmatia." "viva san marco!" came an answering cry. "it is the only one, the rallying cry of venice!" the conference agreed; manin sent for the commander-in-chief of the civic guard. "the city is threatened with bombardment," he said. "i wish to take the arsenal at all hazards. you must make me commander-in-chief for a day. form the six battalions into two brigades, and give me their captains for eight hours." the general, astounded at the advocate's demand, left without making a reply. manin sent to the other commanders making the same demand. one by one they refused, claiming that the project was too wild. meanwhile the soldiers at the arsenal were in mutiny and had killed the second officer in command; there was danger of the spirit of anarchy spreading. at the same time the last of the commanders, major olivieri, placed his single battalion at manin's command. the advocate seized his sword, called his son, a boy of sixteen, to follow him, and put himself at the head of the two hundred guards. the little band marched on the arsenal and forced the commander to surrender; almost before the austrian officers knew what had happened the venetians were distributing the military stores among the people. at the moment of taking the arsenal manin had sent word to call the whole people into st. mark's square. he found the ancient banner, the wingéd lion, and raising it from the dust where it had lain for fifty years he unfurled it before his company and led them back across the piazzetta into the great square. he had told the people he would meet them there at noon; now he stood before them, bearing the emblem that proclaimed that venice had risen from her lengthy slumbers. he spoke to the assembled city. "venetians, we are free! and we are so without the shedding of blood, either our own, or our brothers', for to me all men are brothers. but when the old government is overturned, the new must take its place; the best now seems to me to be the republic which speaks of our past glory and adds the liberty of modern times. but by this we shall not separate from our italian brothers, but rather form one of those centers destined to aid in fusing our italy into one people. live the republic! live liberty! live saint mark!" the civic guards swore to defend with their lives the new republic and its founder, the aged wept, the young embraced, all raised their hands in gratitude to heaven. the people reveled in noble delirium of joy. venice looked upon manin as its deliverer; the citizens did not know the physical anguish he had undergone. pathetic are the words of his little daughter emilia as she heard her father proclaimed. "i ought," she wrote, "to be filled with ineffable gladness, but a weight continually presses my heart." manin had scarcely closed his eyes for five days and nights. as soon as the people would release him now he went home utterly exhausted: he said to his friends, "leave me at least this night to rest, or i shall die." the austrian authorities saw that resistance would be of little avail, their own forces were too small and too much in sympathy with the people's cause to give them a sense of any real power on which to rely, and accordingly the governor acceded to the terms imposed upon him. all foreign troops were to be removed, the forts and all military stores surrendered, the government transferred to the charge of a committee of venetian citizens. the demands were sweeping, the austrian government later regarded the venetian capitulation as the most humiliating they suffered in the revolutionary year of . that same night the provisional government announced to the people the terms of the austrian capitulation, and the citizens were amazed to find that neither the name of manin nor of tommaseo was included in the new government. they made their dissatisfaction so apparent that friends went to see manin to beg him to send some message to the people. he dictated the following lines from his bed: "venetians! i know that you love me, and, in the name of that love, i ask you to conduct yourselves, during the legitimate manifestation of your joy, with that dignity which belongs to men worthy of being free. your friend, manin." the people heard the message and quietly dispersed. next day the provisional government found that the new republic would only have the one man at its head, and so they asked manin to form a government. he did so immediately, taking for himself the presidency of the council and foreign affairs. he composed his government of men of different classes and different religions, all venetians were assured of perfect equality in their new state. the patriarch blessed the standard of the republic, and the commander of the fleet read the list of the ministry to the people. the reading was broken by constant cries of "viva manin! president of the republic!" thus venice became free after fifty years of bondage. it was now manin's concern to see that she was kept free. he recognized how slight were her resources, and he became at once an eager adherent of french intervention in northern italy. charles albert of piedmont and mazzini were both acclaiming an italy won by the italians, but manin foresaw, what cavour was later to recognize, that foreign allies were absolutely essential. france, however, was in a most unsettled condition, her ministers did not wish to see a strong state of upper italy on their southern borders; they were already longing to annex savoy, and yet as good republicans they felt themselves bound to aid the revolted states against austrian tyranny. manin made overtures for an alliance, at first merely feeling his way, but as the summer progressed, and the need grew more and more apparent, by definite overtures. the french consul at venice was most hopeful. he said to manin, "it is well known that the sympathy of france, when she possesses liberty of action, is never without results." in reply manin said that he hoped "that the united efforts of the different italian states, the ardor which animates the people of the peninsula, will suffice to expel the enemy; if not, we shall have recourse to the generosity of france. meanwhile, we should be glad to see at once some french vessels in the adriatic, and i beg that you will lose no time in communicating our wishes to the foreign ministry." manin wished to convene a popular assembly as soon after he assumed office as possible, and on june such a deliberative body met, its members having been elected by universal suffrage from venice and the free districts of the dogado. their first important task was to decide whether they would join with lombardy in union under piedmont's king. manin believed that the decision as to such a step ought to be deferred until the war was ended, but a strong party opposed his opinion. his partisans entered into a bitter fight with the opposition, for a time it looked as though the split in the assembly would lead to civil war. manin rose and implored those who were his friends to place no further obstacles in the path of fusion. moved by his passionate appeal for harmony the assembly passed the act of fusion with few negative votes, and at the same time resolved that "daniel manin had deserved well of his country." he spoke again, saying, "while the foreigner is still in italy, for god's sake let there be no more talk of parties. when we are rid of him we will discuss these matters among ourselves as brothers. this is the only recompense i ask of you." the assembly elected manin head of the new ministry, but he declined on the ground that he had always been a republican and would feel out of place as a royal minister. in addition his health demanded that he seek some rest. the new venetian ministry lasted until august , when the royal commissioners assumed office. unfortunately charles albert was already being beaten back in lombardy, and on august signed the armistice of salasco, by which all claims to venice were renounced. when word came to the city the venetians were dumbfounded, then mad with indignation. finally they rushed to manin's house, calling for him and denouncing the royal commissioners. manin told the excited people that he would stake his head upon the commissioners' patriotism. he went to see them and then addressed the citizens again. "the day after tomorrow," he said, "the assembly will meet to appoint a new government. for these forty-eight hours i govern." the people dispersed, satisfied now that their idol was at their head again. the assembly when it met wished to make manin dictator, but he pleaded his ignorance of military matters, and a triumvirate was formed, made up of admiral graziani, colonel cavedalis, and himself. just when it seemed as though france was finally deciding to come to the aid of northern italy, england intervened and proposed a plan of joint mediation. to add to this obstacle charles albert declared that italy would act for herself, and the chances of venice winning a foreign ally were reduced to practically nothing. italians from naples to piedmont were showing themselves to be individual heroes, but their efforts were ineffectual without a general leader. the romans were hampered by the inaction of the pope. pius ix. had promised great things in the cause of national independence, but when the german cardinals told him that in case he declared war against austria he would forfeit their allegiance his enthusiasm waned. the austrian general, radetzky, was slowly winning back the fields lost in lombardy, vicenza fell, then milan, and austria felt herself strong enough to declare a blockade of venice. as the summer of ended it became clear that venice would be left to herself, that the tide of revolution in the other states was already ebbing, and that piedmont had shot her bolt. manin still hoped that some ally would succor the small city in her war against the great empire, but whether an ally should come or not he was determined that venice should set an example of resistance that would show europe how well freedom was deserved. the city, in its state of siege, stood in the greatest need of money. manin had only to ask, and all classes brought forth their savings, their heirlooms, whatever they had of value, to give to the cause. the old aristocracy, the boys in the street, every one who loved venice, made their sacrifices gladly, reverently. private citizens clothed many of the soldiers, palaces were given for public uses, manin gave all his family plate and would accept no salary; general pepe, the aged commander-in-chief, gave a picture by leonardo da vinci that was his dearest possession. no one thought of his own need, all thought solely of keeping venice free. if she returned to bondage they cared little what became of them. ugo bassi, the heroic priest who was later to fight with mazzini on the walls of rome, and still later to die at the hands of austrian executioners, preached daily to the venetians. there was no lack of noble spirits who recalled to them the great glories of the past. but above and beyond all the others the people loved manin, they had come to link his name indissolubly with that of their city, he was their father, they his devoted children. if ever a man merited such devotion it was manin. with the cares of his city weighing perpetually on his mind, planning, advising, encouraging, he fought the ravages of disease that crippled his resources, and spent the nights watching by the bedside of his sick child. at one time, in november, there was fear for his life, and venice shook with apprehension. he recovered and took up the burden of government with his marvelous stoic calm. in spite of the fact that the city was besieged and money scarce, venice was characteristically buoyant. the theater, the fenice, was crowded; fêtes and carnivals, always patriotically fervent, were of daily occurrence; processions, music, all that appealed to the eye and the ear and the imagination fed the venetian love of glory. their city was free, and the people awakened the echoes of that great life which had been theirs before captivity, they forgot so far as they could that they had ever slumbered. on the morning of november mass was celebrated in memory of all the martyrs to italian liberty, and that same night the entire city was thrilled by a wonderful display of the aurora borealis which set the snow-caps of the alps vividly before their eyes. they lived on faith, and hope, and trust in daniel manin, and found propitious omens with sea-dwellers' skill. in december some roman volunteers left venice to join their fellow citizens, and with them went ugo bassi. he bade manin a touching farewell, foreseeing what lay before both his own city and venice. he had venerated the pope who had held out such noble hopes to all italians, but he could do so no more, and in his place put the hero of venice. as he left the city he kissed the stone plate on manin's door, saying, "next to god and italy, before the pope--manin." the assembly which had voted for fusion with piedmont was dissolved, and a new one elected. manin was determined that his government should have the fullest power over the city. he deemed this essential to any hopes of ultimate success. some members of the assembly disagreed with him, and advocated restriction. "it is not a question of power," replied manin, "but of saving the country. if we are to be hampered on every turn by forms and limitations, we cannot act with the promptitude and vigor needful for the preservation of public order (i beg pardon of whoever the expression may offend), and our defense depends more upon that than upon the force of arms." the people got wind of the fact that certain of the assembly were jealous of manin's power, and they marched to the ducal palace. manin spoke and dispersed them, but again and again they gathered, making various demonstrations of their trust in him. at length he heard that they had devised a plan to march into the council hall and coerce the deputies who wanted to fetter their "caro manin." fearful of civic strife manin called his son, and standing alone with him, sword in hand, at the door of the palace, told the people that they could only enter after killing father and son. he bade them go quietly home, and they obeyed. that night he issued a proclamation. "brothers, you have caused me great pain to-day. to show your affection for me you have risen in tumult, yet you know how i hate tumult ... as you say you love me, i entreat you to show it by your actions.... to-morrow let there be no shouting, no meetings. remain at home. trust in the government and the assembly, who regard your welfare as dearer to them than life." he was always the father speaking to his children. the assembly listened to the advice of its wisest members, and abandoning all dissension, chose manin as president of the republic, giving him complete power both as to internal administration and as to relations with foreign states. manin spoke in reply: "in accepting the charge which this assembly has entrusted to me, i am conscious of committing an act of insensate boldness. i accept it. but in order that my good name, and, what is of more importance, your good name and that of venice, may not be tarnished through this transaction, it behooves that i should be seconded and sustained in my arduous undertaking by your co-operation, confidence, and affection. we have been strong, respected, eulogized, up till now, because we have been united. i ask of you virtues which, if they are not romantic, are at all events of great practical utility. i ask of you patience, prudence, perseverance. with these, and with concord, love, and faith, all things are overcome." charles albert again took the field and for a brief interval the austrians were repulsed. brescia made a heroic stand, and the venetians heard the news of the little city's courage with shouts of acclamation and an added determination to fight austria to the uttermost. the venetian fleet was kept in constant readiness, the troops slept with their arms, there was only the one thought, to keep the lion-flag of st. mark flying from the _pili_. then on march , , came letters from turin telling of the utter defeat of novara and of charles albert's abdication in favor of his son. the first effect of the news on venice was absolute stupefaction, then a wild rush to the square of st. mark's. a tremendous crowd called, as usual in its troubles, for its "father, manin!" said a foreigner who was a witness of the scene, "the faith of venice in this man was inconceivable, complete, and absolute. he had never deceived, never abused it. the people seemed to attribute to him omnipotence and omniscience, and believed him capable of guarding venice from every peril, and of rescuing her from every calamity." the president appeared on the palace balcony. he said that he had not yet received official confirmation of the news from turin, but his sad expression and his few words showed his belief that the news might prove only too true. venice passed a night of bitterest gloom, more hopeless even than in the later days when austrian bombs exploded in the streets. three similar days followed, and then came official confirmation of the news. lombardy was austrian once more. the city withstood the shock, and took up its life of outward cheer and hope. on april , st. mark's day, there was a grand _festa_, and manin spoke. "who holds out wins," he declared. "we have held out, and we shall win. long live st. mark! this cry, that the seas rang with in old days, we must raise again. europe looks on, and will praise. we must, we ought to win. to the sea! to the sea! to the sea!" there was tremendous thrill in his magnetic voice, in his deep blue eyes, in the glow of his pallid face; venice cried aloud with eager hope. with this spring of came the great days. when the assembly had voted to resist austria at all costs, the people adopted a red ribbon as their emblem. a historian of that time says: "from the top of the _campanile_ of st. mark, far above the domes, the roofs, and the spires of the palace and the basilica, beside the golden angel that seemed to watch over the city, they planted a huge red banner, which stood out like a spot of blood against the azure sky, which was seen by the enemy's fleet afar off in the adriatic, and by their army on the distant mainland. it defied them both, and announced to them that venice would fight to the last drop of blood." placards were fixed to every wall, at the corner of every street. they read: "venice resists! church plate, women's golden ornaments, bronze bells, copper cooking utensils, the iron of the enemy's cannon balls--all will be useful. anything rather than the croats!" night and day workmen had been building ships, now the little fleet fought through the lagunes as had the great fleets of the olden days. the land forces held the shore batteries, and these forces were composed of all the city. one artillery company, famous as the bandiera-moro, was made up of the patrician youth of venice, who, with their ancient love of splendor, wore velvet tunics, gray scarves, and caps with plumes. when the bitter fight came at fort malghera they held their guns heroically, fresh men leaping to replace the dead, cheering for venice as the bombs fell among them, firing and eating and carrying off the wounded under a devastating fusillade. venice thirsted for glory, and she won it; there are no more stirring tales in history than that of the brief defense of the new-born republic. in july came continual bombardment, and with it cholera, and the seeds of sedition spread by austrian spies. manin feared civil dissension, he heard grumblers in the streets. no one dared accuse the man, whom the assembly had chosen absolute dictator, of any wavering or treasonable thought, but some raised cries beneath his windows in the piazzetta. the dictator appeared suddenly before them. "venetians," he cried, "is this worthy of you? you are not the people, you are only an insignificant faction. never will i accede to the caprices of a mob! my acts shall be guided solely by the representatives of the people, assembled in their congress. i will always speak the truth to you, even should muskets be leveled at my breast, and daggers be pointed at my heart. and now go home, all of you--go home!" his words swayed even that rebellious crowd, and they cheered him. for the time sedition was silent, but the people were losing hope. they were a mere handful battling with the forces of an empire. manin saw that all he could do was to insure that his people died as heroes. the city was the prey of famine, pestilence, and fire when on august she held her last _festa_. the dictator spoke to the troops in the square of st. mark's. his words rang like a clarion call. "a people that have done and suffered as our people have done and suffered cannot die. the day shall come when a splendid destiny will be your guerdon. what time will bring that day? this rests with god. we have sown the good seed: it will take root in good soil.... if it be not ours to ward off these calamities, it is ours to maintain inviolate the honor of the city.... one single day that sees venice not worthy of herself, and all that she has done will be lost and forgotten." he asked them if they had still their confidence in him, if not he would resign the leadership to another. the square shook with the thunder of the soldiers' "yes!" he went on: "your indomitable love saddens me, and makes me feel yet more how this people suffer! on my mental and bodily faculties you must not count, but count always on my great, tender, undying affection. and come what may, say, 'this man was misled:' but do not ever say, 'this man misled us.' i have deceived no one. i have never spread illusions which were not my own. i have never said i hoped when i had no hope." as he finished speaking he staggered, and was barely able to get to the council chamber. there his physical weakness overmastered him. "such a people," he cried brokenly, "for such a people to be obliged to surrender!" nevertheless each hour now brought home the conviction that the strength of venice was ebbing rapidly. flames and the plague and the unremitting austrian attack were bringing the proud city to her knees. manin could only hope that he might at the last make honorable terms of surrender, he would not sacrifice all their heroic efforts to the desire for instant peace. on august the people gathered in st. mark's square, begging for some word of their president's plans. he came out before them. "venetians," he said, "i have already told you frankly that our situation is a grave one, but if it be grave it is not desperate to the degree of reducing us to cowardice ... it is an infamy to suppose that venice would ask of me to do what was infamous; and if she should ask it this one sacrifice i would not make--even for venice." some one in the throng cried, "we are hungry!" "let him who is hungry stand forth!" answered manin. "none of us," cried the devoted people. "we are italians! long live manin!" five days later the city was torn by conflicting rumors of mutiny and surrender. manin had not yet succeeded in winning the terms he wanted from the austrians. when the people called for him he came out on the balcony as he had so often done before. he spoke a few words, and then a sudden pain seized him and he fell fainting into a chair. a little later he reappeared and cried to the cheering people, "let those who are true venetians patrol the city to-night with me." then he took his sword, and at the head of a great concourse, marched to the section of the city where the mutineers had gathered. shots were fired. manin stepped forward. "if you wish my life, take it!" he said. the mutineers were silenced. the following day, august , , the city capitulated, the stock of provisions having been absolutely exhausted that same day. the terms were honorable, such venetian soldiers as had been in the austrian service were to leave venice. forty civilians, headed by manin, were to leave. the powers of government were temporarily lodged in the municipality. that same day manin left the doge's palace for his own small house. all day the people passed before the door, saying, "here lives our poor father! how much he has suffered for us!" he was too absolutely worn out to see any one. at midnight he with his wife and son and invalid small daughter went on board the french steamer _pluton_. all but one of them were taking their last farewell of venice. the municipality, knowing that their great leader was penniless, had gathered a small sum of money and forced him to accept it before he left. he felt that the other exiles were in as great need of it as he, and so quietly distributed it among them through friends on the various ships that were bearing the exiles away. he had thought of the people as his children for so long a time that he had still to take the care of them upon himself. the little family of four felt that it was farewell as they watched the palaces and churches, towers and pillars of the city of the lagunes drop beneath the horizon. the view of venice from the sea, incomparably beautiful, must have been unspeakably sad to manin's eyes. when they arrived at marseilles the devoted wife fell ill of cholera, and, worn out with the long siege, was powerless to resist. she had written on leaving venice, "all is over, all is lost save honor! i am going to a foreign land, where i shall hear a language not my own. my beautiful language, i shall never hear it again; never more!" she died soon after reaching marseilles. manin took his two children with him to paris, and gave himself up to nursing the little girl, who was the victim of a continual nervous disorder. the daughter and father were united by a bond of love that was wonderfully strong and spiritual, they seemed to understand each other always without words. he kept a little note-book record of her illness as an aid to the physicians, and after his death the book was found with the touching inscription on the cover, "alla mia santa martire." her desire to comfort her father sustained her for some years, she knew that she had become to him in a spiritual manner the living image of his unhappy country. she struggled with all the heroism of a remarkable character to hide her sufferings from him even as he sought to hide from her the anguish her illness caused him. daniel and emilia manin were worthy to be father and daughter, both were heroic souls. in emilia died, her last words, "my darling venice, i shall never see you again!" manin and his son stayed on in the french capital, the father giving lessons in italian for support. he had harbored no resentment against france for her failure to come to the aid of venice, he felt that the french people were near kin to his own. he welcomed all italians or sympathizers with italy, he predicted that eventually the entire peninsula would be one in freedom. he met cavour in paris and talked long about venice with him, he was gradually becoming convinced that piedmont could and would lead the other states to victory. his study was hung with portraits of the most dissimilar characters, all one in interest for his country, charles albert opposite to mazzini, garibaldi opposite gioberti, montanelli near d'azeglio. he wrote articles on italy for the papers and traveled in england to arouse british interest in his cause. it was a great day when he saw the italian tri-color flying beside the french and english flags to show that piedmont had joined the allies in the crimean war. "in serving under the tri-colored flag of italian redemption," he wrote, "the soldiers who fight in the crimea are not the soldiers of the piedmontese province, but the soldiers of italy." he understood the boldness of cavour's great diplomatic stroke and gave piedmont the credit she deserved in becoming the first envoy of a great nation. while his strength lasted manin worked in the cause, but finally he was overcome by physical sufferings. he wrote in june, , to his friend the marquis pallavicino, "a month's rest in the country has not calmed the fever of my poor brain. all work, all meditation, is utterly impossible to me. not only cannot i think about serious things, but i am not able to give my mind to the most unimportant matters. this will explain my silence. i lose patience and hope. my painful and useless life becomes intolerable. i ardently desire the end. farewell." the physical weariness with which he had battled all his life was at last overpowering him. he still believed that his principles would ultimately conquer, but knew that he should not see venice freed. september , , he died, at the age of fifty-three years. august , , radetzky and the austrians had entered venice, replaced the lion banner of st. mark with the yellow and black flag of austria, and had expected to see the pleasure-loving city sink back into its former quiescent indolence. what they expected did not come to pass. instead for seventeen years venice mourned its lost liberty and lived only in the thought of that day when it should rise again and finally. there was no shame in this subjection, no happy compromise. this was manin's achievement, he had made his people worthy to be free. that was the purpose of his heroic struggle, the lesson of his life. july , , the yellow and black flag of austria fell from the _pili_, and october of that same year the red, white, and green flag of united italy greeted a free venice. there was one wish in the people's heart, that only their "dear father manin" might have lived to see that glorious day. the remains of manin, his wife and daughter, lie now close to the church of st. mark, his statue looks down upon the people in the square before his house even as he so often stood on the palace balcony to speak to them in the days of . all through venice there are reminders of him, and he has taken his place among the great heroes of that historic city--himself her greatest hero, her sincerest patriot. the simple advocate, the great president, the "dear father" of the venetian people. [illustration: mazzini] mazzini, the prophet some men become legendary during their own lives. their personalities have a certain detachment from the rest of the world so that common standards have no value as applied to them. they are poets or seers or philosophers, and often their mystic quality is of little use to the great mass of men, and is only to be appreciated by the few. sometimes the whole world understands them. mazzini had become a legend to the people of europe long before his death, but a legend that carried the strongest personal appeal to every republican heart. you have only to dip into letters of the time to realize how close he came to millions of thinkers throughout europe. it would be interesting to consider the force of popular legend in a national movement, to weigh sentiment against statesmanship and military prowess. the land of dante and of savonarola would be an especially fertile field for such inquiry, among no people has the prophet been held of higher value than with the italians. to-day we find them turning to their dramatists and novelists for help in the solution of new social problems just as mazzini and the youth of his day looked to alfieri for political guidance. there is no doubt that mazzini believed it was his destiny to be a poet, and that throughout his whole life he looked forward to the day when italy should be united and free, and he could turn to the work of writing her dramas. literary feuds play so little part in anglo-saxon history that we find it difficult to understand the importance of their place in latin countries. italy a century ago was the battle-ground of the romanticists and classicists. the classicists believed in a certain smug cloistered virtue, a policy of non-resistance, and the contemplation of past glories. it was the ambition of the romanticists "to give italians an original national literature, not one that is as a sound of passing music to tickle the ear and die, but one that will interpret to them their aspirations, their ideas, their needs, their social movement." alfieri had been preaching resistance to austrian tyranny through his dramas, the boy mazzini first looked to him as a political saviour of italy. he wrote, "these literary disputes are bound up with all that is important in social and civil life," and again "the legislation and literature of a people always advance on parallel lines." "young italy" first hoped to win freedom through its literature. the ill-fated carbonari rebellion of sent many piedmontese patriots flying through genoa to spain. giuseppe mazzini, then sixteen years of age, walking from church one sunday morning in genoa in company with his mother, was stopped by a tall, gaunt-featured, black-eyed man who held out his hat asking alms for "the refugees of italy." the scene made a tremendous impression on the youth's mind, for the first time he felt that the cause of freedom was not a scholastic subject, but one demanding the height of sacrifice. he set himself to study the causes of the failure of past uprisings, and at the same time dedicated himself to the work of teaching his countrymen how they might succeed. the french revolution had failed because it had taught men only a knowledge of their rights, without any conception of their duties. men had not learned the law of self-restraint, and their ideal was the greatest personal liberty rather than the greatest personal obligation to their fellow-men. the revolutionists of europe had a philosophy, but no religion. the first great discovery that mazzini made was that if italy were ever to be united, his countrymen must be fired with faith in their own god-given destinies. they must make of their cause a religion, they must learn, in his words, that italy "had a strength within her, that was arbiter of facts, mightier than destiny itself." at the start he offered his countrymen two arguments for action, the one that this land of theirs had twice ruled the world, that she who had given christianity and the renaissance to europe had yet to send forth "the gospel of humanity." he wrote: "italy has been called a graveyard; but a graveyard peopled by our mighty dead is nearer life than a land that teems with living weaklings and braggarts;" he showed italians "the vision of their country, radiant, purified by suffering, moving as an angel of light among the nations that thought her dead." such words rang like an inspiration, but mazzini, studying the men with whom he had to work, knew that such inspiration was not enough. they struck the note of glory, but all revolutionists had heard that note; what was needed was the call to self-sacrifice. with this fundamental need firmly fixed in his mind mazzini gave what spare hours fell to the lot of a young italian lawyer to the work of writing to the independent journals. at first he leaned to the side of caution, realizing how strict was the censorship of the italian press, but gradually he contrived to slip bolder and more inflammatory messages into circulation under the censor's nose. he spoke of a new party that should arise in a short time, and called it "young italy," he expressed deep sympathy with political exiles, he turned his literary criticisms into studies of national development. ultimately one of the papers for which he wrote, the "indicatore livornese," became too daring, and was ended by the authorities. mazzini then aimed higher, and gained credit with the "antologia," the edinburgh review of italy, by a series of articles on the historical drama. meanwhile he was still studying the problem of giving a new religion to the youth of italy. he had joined the society of the carbonari, and was learning that the plots and counter-plots of an unwieldy secret society would accomplish no good end. there was too much ritual, too little effort. the carbonari had no definite plan, they were entirely at the mercy of any chance leader of disaffection, each member only knew one or two other members. of a sudden the revolution of july in france fired liberals throughout europe, mazzini and his young friends in genoa immediately began active preparations for a military uprising. lead was being cast into bullets when the police of genoa intervened and mazzini was placed under arrest. he had been suspected of revolutionary sentiments for some time. the governor of genoa told giuseppe's father that he considered the son "was gifted with some talent, and too fond of walking by himself at night absorbed in thought. what on earth has he at his age to think about? we don't like young people thinking without our knowing the subject of their thoughts." mazzini was taken to the fortress of savona, and there imprisoned to await his trial. the commander of the fortress allowed the young prisoner to keep his bible, tacitus, and byron. from these hours of solitary confinement sprang the youth's passionate regard for the english poet, a man whose writings he later vehemently held were only to be classed with dante as an inspiration to italians. the government could prove nothing definite against him, but he was thought too dangerous a man to be at large, and so was finally given his choice between nominal imprisonment in a small town and exile. france was throbbing with a new democracy, paris was the center of revolutionary propaganda, and so mazzini chose exile there. early in he parted from his family at savona and started north. he felt that he had come to the parting of the ways, and that henceforth his life was to be absolutely given to the cause. for the first time he saw the alps, and his nature, always strongly susceptible to heroic scenery, was deeply stirred. he watched the sunrise from mont cenis and wrote, "the first ray of light trembling on the horizon, vague and pale, like a timid, uncertain hope, then the long line of fire cutting the blue heaven, firm and decided as a promise;" here was the poet soul free at last to speak its message. with the date of this first exile begins mazzini's call to "young italy." he had recognized that his countrymen must waken to a new religion, that their souls must be touched rather than their ambitions. the youth of italy would feel the call more strongly than the middle-aged. "place," he said, "the young at the head of the insurgent masses; you do not know what strength is latent in those young bands, what magic influence the voice of the young has on the crowd; you will find in them a host of apostles for the new religion. but youth lives on movement, grows great in enthusiasm and faith. consecrate them with a lofty mission, inflame them with emulation and praise; spread through their ranks the word of fire, the word of inspiration; speak to them of country, of glory, of power, of great memories." "all great national movements," he wrote later, "begin with the unknown men of the people, without influence except for the faith and will that counts not time or difficulties." mazzini was not diffident with regard to his own youthful powers, nor was cavour, five years mazzini's junior, who wrote to a friend at this time prophesying that he would one morning wake up prime minister of italy. the most important feature of "young italy" was its religion, the carbonari had had none. men were now told that they had a mission given them by god, and that what had been before a mere personal right had become a sacred duty. the second feature was the liberation of the poor, a need which all former revolutionists had seemed to overlook. the french revolution had had no such substructure, the poets and dramatists had idealized national rather than social liberty, but mazzini saw that the time had come for a further step, that austria was not the only enemy his people had to fear. he wrote, "i see the people pass before my eyes in the livery of wretchedness and political subjection, ragged and hungry, painfully gathering the crumbs that wealth tosses insultingly to it, or lost and wandering in riot and the intoxication of a brutish, angry, savage joy; and i remember that these brutalized faces bear the finger-print of god, the mark of the same mission as my own. i lift myself to the vision of the future and behold the people rising in its majesty, brothers in one faith, one bond of equality and love, one ideal of citizen virtue that ever grows in beauty and might; the people of the future, unspoilt by luxury, ungoaded by wretchedness, awed by the consciousness of its rights and duties, and in the presence of that vision my heart beats with anguish for the present and glorying for the future." mazzini gave "young italy" as its watchword "god and the people." there can be no question but that "young italy" was strong where the carbonari had been weak, but both movements had of necessity many of the same defects. government espionage forced the new movement like its predecessors to choose the devious courses of a secret society. the restlessness of the age caused the new movement to take each fitful start as a momentous signal. the strength of austria was not underestimated, but the weakness of the disunited italian states was. diplomacy was disregarded; it was only many years later that mazzini the prophet learned the value of cavour the statesman. "young italy" was launched in a troublous sea, destined to encounter many storms, but fated ultimately to spread abroad the seeds of the hope that was to awaken republicans throughout all european countries. mazzini no sooner arrived in lyons than he found himself in the center of plots. the french government, still fresh from the days of july, was in two minds; first they aided a band of italian refugees who were planning a raid into savoy, then they faced about and scattered the conspirators. another plan was for a trip to corsica, there to gather arms to aid the insurgents in romagna, but the funds for this attempt were lacking. mazzini gave up immediate action for the moment, and locating at marseilles started with a few youthful friends to organize his great concerted movement. they had nothing but youth and audacity. a contemporary (probably enrico mayer) described mazzini at this time as "about feet inches high, and slightly made; he was dressed in black genoa velvet, with a large 'republican' hat; his long, curling black hair, which fell upon his shoulders, the extreme freshness of his clear olive complexion, the chiseled delicacy of his regular and beautiful features, aided by his very youthful look and sweetness and openness of expression, would have made his appearance almost too feminine, if it had not been for his noble forehead, the power of firmness and decision that was mingled with their gaiety and sweetness in the bright flashes of his dark eyes and in the varying expression of his mouth, together with his small and beautiful mustachios and beard. altogether he was at that time the most beautiful being, male or female, that i had ever seen, and i have not since seen his equal." mazzini was proud of these early days when he looked back upon them later. he wrote, "we had no office, no helpers. all day, and a great part of the night, we were buried in our work, writing articles and letters, getting information from travelers, enlisting seamen, folding papers, fastening envelopes, dividing our time between literary and manual work. la cecilia was compositor; lamberti corrected the proofs; another of us made himself literally porter, to save the expense of distributing papers. we lived as equals and brothers; we had but one thought, one hope, one ideal to reverence. the foreign republicans loved and admired us for our tenacity and unflagging industry; we were often in real want, but we were light-hearted in a way, and smiling because we believed in the future." it was mazzini's period of boundless hope. much of this hope throbbed through the literature that the small marseilles press scattered throughout europe, men were in such a state of unrest that the burning words became to them a prophetic writing on the wall. in a hundred ways the contraband pamphlets were smuggled across frontiers, all classes sent assurances of support and aid to the young men in marseilles, everywhere lodges of "young italy" were started, and local editors scattered mazzini's doctrines through their immediate territories. priests, attracted by the strong religious tenor, professional and business men, many of the nobility even joined the new movement. garibaldi, a young officer in the genoese merchant service, gioberti, then a teacher at vercelli, ruffini, and his fellow-conspirators working under the very shadow of destruction at genoa, enrolled under the new standard of "god and the people." the old members of the carbonari, the followers of buonarotti and his "veri italiani" joined the ranks, within two years "young italy" counted its members by the tens of thousands. not since the era of the great crusades had there been any simultaneous rising to compare with it. all men who hoped for the coming of a united italy looked towards piedmont as the state by which the first step must be taken. piedmont had great military traditions. it supported an efficient army, it was so situated that it held the key of entrance into lombardy, and had the alps and the apennines as a base of retreat. in piedmont there was moreover an intense national feeling, the house of savoy was deeply rooted in the affections of the people, and almost alone among the italian sovereignties that house was practically indigenous to the soil. in charles albert piedmont had just received a king who was an intense nationalist, to whom the name of "italia" was sacred, and who, at certain times, seems to have felt that he was destined to drive the foreigner beyond the alps. he was no liberal, both his nature and his priestly advisers counseled him against revolutionary measures, he had not the sanguine temper of the leader, he was more the theorist than the actor. yet with all his temperamental defects the men of the new generation looked on him as a possible saviour, he had given countenance to the carbonari in his youth, and had led the conspirators of to believe that he would side with them in any war for lombard independence. he had not given such aid as they expected, but he was still the one sovereign to whom "young italy" could look with any measure of hope. mazzini was never an ardent believer in monarchies, but now, when his new party was growing with tremendous leaps and bounds, he felt that even the leadership of a king was better than no leadership at all. he was ready at this time to sacrifice republicanism for nationalism; how far he would then have followed a monarchy, if successful, is a difficult question to decide. he was so much in earnest that he could not always critically balance the means and the end. early in mazzini published his famous letter to charles albert. it was the cry of a prophet to a later generation. he pointed out that the king of piedmont needed no aid from austria or france. "there is a crown more brilliant and sublime than that of piedmont, a crown that waits the man who dares to think of it, who dedicates his life to winning it, and scorns to dull the splendor with thoughts of petty tyranny. sire, have you ever cast an eagle glance upon this italy, so fair with nature's smile, crowned by twenty centuries of noble memory, the land of genius, strong in the infinite resources that only want a common purpose, girt round with barriers so impregnable, that it needs but a firm will and a few brave breasts to shelter it from foreign insult? place yourself at the head of the nation, write on your flag, 'union, liberty, independence.' free italy from the barbarian, build up the future, be the napoleon of italian freedom. do this and we will gather round you, we will give our lives for you, we will bring the little states of italy under your flag. your safety lies on the sword's point, draw it and throw away the scabbard. but remember, if you do it not, others will do it without you and against you." charles albert had moments of heroism, but they were only too often followed by moments of overwhelming caution. if he ever read mazzini's letter he must have thrilled at the call to save a country he loved with the whole ardor of his nature. after that first thrill had passed he must have realized that the time to take such a supreme step had not come, or that he had not the will to lead it. once harboring such a doubt the king became a battle-ground for advisers, and when the short fight for control of the king's mind was won, the reactionaries proved themselves the victors. the unfortunate king allowed others to act against his better judgment; when the fire of revolt next blazed up in piedmont the government turned a savage face towards the conspirators. the little band of revolutionists was hounded without mercy, terror reigned in genoa, and the only choice offered the rebels was between betrayal of their friends and execution. jacopo ruffini, one of mazzini's dearest boyhood friends, killed himself in prison when offered such an alternative. the pendulum swung back, gaining momentum thereby for its coming flight. "ideas," wrote mazzini, "ripen quickly when nourished by the blood of martyrs." at twenty-eight mazzini found himself an outcast, hunted at last from france as he had been before from italy, living in the closest concealment in switzerland, all his hopes tumbling about him. he tried to organize a band of raiders who should enter savoy from the swiss frontier; they were disrupted by treachery and distrust before the first shot was fired. mazzini's health broke under the endless strain, there were nights when he never went to bed, days when he had to lie concealed in a goatherd's hut. at times he seemed to find his only consolation in the white-capped mountains, them he passionately worshiped, the alps were always nearest to him after italy. he had very few friends, almost no books; there were no presses now to speak his words to the young hearts of europe, only occasionally word came to him that his great idea was growing in the outer world. in those dark days in switzerland mazzini suffered most from the thought that he had entailed all his family and friends in his vain sacrifice. his boyhood confidants were dead or in exile, families he loved were scattered over many countries, the few women he knew well were left solitary in their homes. the woman he loved he felt he could not ask to marry him, he had no home to give her, and scarcely knew whether his next day's food would be forthcoming. he wrote to a friend, "i wanted to do good, but i have always done harm to everybody, and the thought grows and grows until i think i shall go mad. sometimes i fancy i am hated by those i love most." in all his letters of this period we catch the note of a spirit torn between pity for sufferings he thinks himself to have caused, and the stern sense of a duty given him by god. they are wonderful letters, the thoughts of a man who could put no limits to his own self-sacrifice nor value too highly the sacrifices of others. in one letter he wrote: "i think over it from morning to night, and ask pardon of my god for having been a conspirator; not that i in the least repent the reasons for it, or recant a single one of my beliefs, which were and are and will be a religion to me, but because i ought to have seen that there are times when a believer should only sacrifice himself to his belief. i have sacrificed everybody." a great heroic spirit was trying to justify, not its own aims, but the sorrows it had brought upon others. mazzini could never have seemed hard and cold, but in those dark days in switzerland, and in those later to come in london, the gentle, humble spirit of him was pre-eminent. he loved friendship, home life, the arts; he had met his ideal woman; and yet each and every joy life had to offer him he gave up on the altar of his duty. "duty," he said, "an arid, bare religion, which does not save my heart a single atom of unhappiness, but still the only one that can save me from suicide;" and again he wrote, "when a man has once said to himself in all seriousness of thought and feeling, i believe in liberty and country and humanity, he is bound to fight for liberty and country and humanity--fight while life lasts, fight always, fight with every weapon, face all from death to ridicule, face hatred and contempt, work on because it is his duty, and for no other reason." in mazzini gave up the heights of switzerland for the fogs of london, moved largely to this change by the fact that in england he need no longer live in hiding. he did not look forward with any eagerness to life in england; if the english cared little what political beliefs refugees brought with them, they were not the people to flame with interest in a cause. byron, mazzini considered more italian than english; he could not conceive of poetry as stirring the british blood. he took cheap lodgings, and set himself to writing for support, finding time to keep up his correspondence with members of "young italy" scattered over europe, and also time to look after such italians in london as were in greater straits than he. the ruffini family were with him for a time, then misunderstandings separated them, and the last tie that bound him to genoa was gone. he lived the pathetic life of a literary hack, spending his days working in the british museum, and his nights writing in his own small room. the one charm he found about london was its fog. "the whole city," he wrote, "seems under a kind of spell, and reminds me of the witches' scene in macbeth or the brocksberg or the witch of endor. the passers-by look like ghosts--one feels almost a ghost oneself." the lack of money oppressed him sorely; he would give to every italian who begged of him on the score of universal brotherhood, gradually his few possessions went their way to the pawnshop. he said that he needed only a place to write and a few pennies to buy cigars. then by one of those curious chances of fate he met the carlyles, and his life became a little less cramped and lonely, although perhaps more tempestuous. there are a score of accounts of evenings mazzini spent with these new friends, the one of whom he admired as a great thinker, the other as a truly noble woman. in time carlyle tried the gentle italian sorely; the story goes that the philosopher would rage at all human institutions with the violence of a hurricane and then turn to his guest with the words, "you have not succeeded yet because you have talked too much." we can picture the boisterous, stormy englishman thundering at those ideals which the sensitive, passionate italian was trying to defend. it speaks well for mazzini that he said of carlyle, "he is good, good, good; and still, i think in spite of his great reputation, unhappy." carlyle's estimate of mazzini was that he was "by nature a little lyrical poet." this opposition of ideas did not, however, keep him from defending his italian friend when others attacked him. the london _times_ saw fit to speak slightingly of mazzini, and carlyle wrote the editors in noble indignation. "whatever i may think of his practical insight and skill in worldly affairs," he said, "i can with great freedom testify to all men that he, if i have ever seen such, is a man of genius and virtue, a man of sterling veracity, humanity, and nobleness of mind, one of those rare men, numerable, unfortunately, but as units in this world, who are worthy to be called martyr souls; who in silence, piously in their daily life, understand and practise what is meant by that." these were glowing words, and thrilled mazzini as he read them. they were a tribute to carlyle's justice, but it is doubtful if he ever really understood the italian. he would have found it difficult to discover a prophet living in lodgings so near to his own house. gradually mazzini made other english friends, and he worked his way into the pages of the best reviews. in time also his political efforts were revived; he never let any temporary interest dim his goal. he started a society of italian workmen in london, and edited a paper for them, and opened an evening school where poor italian boys were taught to read and write and learn something of italian history. this school was very near his heart, he was always devoted to children. during mazzini's exiled years in london, "young italy" had spread over europe, and through countless secret channels was gradually making its strength felt. outside circumstances were needed to bring its forces to a head, but there was no doubt that mazzini's words had called a power into being that must in time inevitably come to a life and death struggle with the austrians. it is difficult to point out the exact minor causes of each fluctuation in italian opinion, it is certain that the new popular literature called readers to take account of the words of dante, and that the more they read the great poet the more they longed for liberty from the foreigner. charles albert, it was felt, was again dreaming of heroic measures, and something of the old, almost legendary faith in the house of savoy as a national deliverer, re-awakened. manzoni and gioberti were prophesying a great catholic revival, and the election of pius the ninth seemed for the moment to justify the hope. the half-pitiful words of pius, "they want to make a napoleon of me who am only a poor country parson," was a more correct estimate of the pontiff than the glowing words of his contemporaries; he was no more in accord with the spirit of his time than was metternich. still his election marked the swing of the pendulum in the liberal direction, and "young italy" was quick to take notice of such a fact. the year was remarkable for concerted social movements throughout europe. in france the second republic overthrew the monarchy, and throughout the italian states an electric current shocked the people into revolution. leghorn revolted and made guerrazzi its chief, milan fell easy victim to the tobacco rioters, sicily sent its bourbon king flying, and naples wrested a popular constitution from the greedy hand of ferdinand. piedmont and tuscany followed soon, demanded and obtained constitutions, and the pope, alarmed at the sudden spread of liberalism, granted a constitution to rome. the moment seemed ripe to throw off the austrian overlords. there are few more tangled histories than the record of the next few months in italy. it is a drama filled with heroic figures, but one through which runs the current of continual misunderstandings. was italy to be a kingdom or a republic? was the pope a menace or a help? was french aid to be courted or rejected? these were only a few of the questions on which men split. the one glorious fact was the burning patriotic ardor of italians in each state from sicily to savoy, their actual belief in the religion of duty mazzini had been preaching to them. word came to milan that there was revolution in vienna, and the five days drove the austrian garrison from their stronghold. como, brescia, venice, all the northern cities that had so long loathed the white-coated overlords, won freedom; metternich's puppet-princes of modena and parma fled. piedmont declared war, tuscany declared war, volunteers of all ranks and ages poured from umbria to help the northern armies. mazzini, hearing the news in london, sped to milan, and was received as the prophet of the new day. italy had its prophet, but the statesman and the soldier were not yet recognized. the new provisional government in milan had no fixed policy, charles albert's advisers still clogged his steps, the volunteers were ready, but they had neither the arms nor the training to compete with the war-worn austrians. while there was discussion and dissension in lombardy, the enemy recuperated and returned to besiege the cities they had lost. by july the italian army was driven into milan, there the spirit of the earlier five days revived, but victory appeared hopeless, and finally charles albert, torn and distracted, surrendered the city. mazzini passed to lugano, thence to leghorn, thence to florence; in each city the situation was practically the same, the people were aflame with devotion to italy, the leaders had as many plans as there were men. rome had driven out the pope and proclaimed the republic. the call of rome was the call direct to mazzini's soul, he turned there to find a solution of all difficulties. simultaneously the newly formed roman assembly turned to him, and bade him welcome as a citizen of rome. he believed that dante's vision and his own were coming true, and hurried to the eternal city. his first work there was to raise ten thousand troops and send them north. they had scarcely started when the crushing news of the defeat at novara stunned all patriots. rome had to look to herself, and made mazzini triumvir and practically dictator of the city. the little roman republic of had an inspiring history. mazzini had written and spoken, now it became his turn to act. he was set at the head of a city from which its spiritual as well as its temporal head had fled. priests and protesting laymen were all about him, it would have been easy for him to scorn the power that scoffed at him. he did not, he himself doubted the strength of the catholic church to survive, he dreamed of a new church which should speak to the world from the seven hills of rome, but he would not take a single step to destroy one man's religion. more than that he made it his special duty to see that the priests were not disturbed in their work. he wanted the republic to be based on the love of god. he hoped that the church would aid the italian cause for the love of man. he would allow the pope to reign as spiritual prince, if he would only be content with his own noble sphere. rome won back something of its historic ardor under mazzini's call. the republic was planned on lines of great proportions, steps were actually taken to make it a republic wherein each man had a worthy share. the foundations were laid with the greatest patience and zeal, the triumvir gave the last ounce of his strength to building truly, he lived as he had always lived, for others, and took nothing for himself. margaret fuller said that at this time his face, haggard and worn, seemed to her "more divine than ever." the poorest citizen could find him as readily as the richest, he was the same to all, he gave away his small salary of office as entirely as in his london days he had dispersed his earnings. if ever man's rule was noble, if ever it was spiritual, that of rome's triumvir was, in the weeks when he faced treachery both from without and within. it is scarcely possible that mazzini could have expected his city to stand against the armies that were marching towards it. at most he could only hope to show the romans of what great self-sacrifice they were capable. he probably hoped that the republic would convince italians that the spirit of "young italy" was not a mere prophet's dream. that he did; he could not fight austria and france single-handed. louis napoleon had evolved one of his great ideas, he would win both the french army and the french clergy by a strategic move. he sent oudinot into italy, blinding the romans with various subtleties, waiting until the propitious hour to strike. the romans understood, the assembly voted to resist to the end, and garibaldi led the troops to their first victory. de lesseps was appointed peace negotiator for the french, and he and mazzini met, and for a time it seemed as though there might be a reconciliation. mazzini strove with the greatest tact and patience to win the french, but de lesseps was nothing more than napoleon's dupe, and as soon as garibaldi had advanced to meet the neapolitan king's army, napoleon removed his envoy and showed his hand. the truce had been virtually agreed on when oudinot suddenly attacked and placed rome in a state of siege. for almost a month the citizens fought with unfailing courage. mazzini, garibaldi, mameli, the martyr war-poet, bassi, the great preacher, republicans and royalists, princes and peasants, all within rome's walls fought for freedom from the foreigner. there could be but one end, and it came when starvation and losses had weakened the defenders so that they could no longer hold their posts. mazzini would have fought hand-to-hand in the streets, the army was with him, but the assembly voted to surrender. the besiegers entered, garibaldi led his three thousand in their great retreat, mazzini stayed on in rome uttering such protest as he could, unharmed by the french troops who dared not touch him, through knowledge of the people's love for him. the downfall of the republic must have been a terrible blow to mazzini, probable as it is that he foresaw the city could not long last by itself. physical force and treachery had overwhelmed the noblest concepts of government. temporary disappointment, however, could not dull his spirit, the prophet of united italy proved himself a true prophet. he went on with his work, at first in switzerland, then again driven away by foreign influence, in london. he took up his life there, much older, much more worn and scarred, but with the same indomitable spirit. "his face in repose," wrote a contemporary of this time, "was grave, even sad, but it lit up with a smile of wonderful sweetness as he greeted a friend with a pressure rather than a shake of the thin hand," and again his piercing black eyes were described as "of luminous depth, full of sadness, tenderness and courage, of purity and fire, readily flashing into indignation or humor, always with the latent expression of exhaustless resolution." his pictures are familiar, the high straight forehead, the strong nose, the curving lips, the scant gray, then almost white, mustache and beard, the high-buttoned frock coat and the silk handkerchief wound like a stock about his throat. london had grown kinder to him than at first, he had many good friends, and he could understand better the english point of view. he lodged as humbly as before, and again took up his writing, his correspondence, and his ceaseless care for his poor countrymen. one of his best biographers gives us this sketch of him, a picture that portrays the man, "in his small room, every piece of furniture littered with books and papers, the air thick with smoke of cheap swiss cigars (except when friends sent havanas), brightened only by his tame canaries and carefully-tended plants, he was generally writing at his desk until evening, always with more work in hand than he could cope with, carrying on the usual mass of correspondence, writing articles for his italian papers, raising public funds with infinite labor, stirring his english friends to help the cause, finding money and work for the poor refugees, or organizing concerts in their interest." with what infinite reverence must the men he helped have looked on him! the prophet is not a statesman; he can show the road, but rarely follow it. mazzini's life had reached its climax when as triumvir he had started to practise his own precepts, his work had been to scatter seed for the crop which other men should reap at harvest. he could not understand the dissimulations of diplomacy, he could not tolerate compromise, he could not now sacrifice his dreams of a republic for liberty and union. these qualities were not in his character; if they had been he could not have led men's minds by his words and actions; he could not be both a prophet and an opportunist; the need of the former was passing, and that of the latter at hand. few men understood the twists and turns of cavour's policy as prime minister of piedmont, and mazzini not at all. after the battle of novara charles albert had abdicated in favor of his son victor emmanuel, and a new order had come to pass in piedmont. cavour had a definite goal, the unity of italy under the leadership of his king; and he never forgot that goal. to win it, he realized that he needed more than the raw volunteer forces of , more than mere enthusiasm, no matter how heroic; he needed efficient troops, he needed a foreign ally, he needed a moment when austria should be at a disadvantage, above all he needed one leader instead of a dozen to determine on any action. to accomplish these ends he gave republicans little sympathy, and centered the national movement about his king, he treated with louis napoleon, and did his utmost to win his favor, he discountenanced secret half-prepared revolts against the austrians, he drilled and multiplied the troops, and harbored the finances. at all these measures mazzini instinctively revolted; he wanted a republic, he loathed napoleon as the betrayer of rome, he was ever eager for any sincere demonstration against austria. he only learned half-truths in london, but those half-truths did not inspire him to trust cavour. neither of these men understood the other; to cavour mazzini was the fanatic who would destroy any cause by lack of temperance, to mazzini cavour was the aristocrat who would inflict upon the poor of italy simply a new yoke in place of the old. they could not work together, and so mazzini publicly denounced cavour, and the latter declared mazzini an exile from his home. meantime, while piedmont was playing a wary game, and all the italian states were making ready for the next great attempt, mazzini took part in two small insurrections, one near como, and the other at genoa, both of which failed disastrously. the latter was the more serious, the government was tired of these perennial conspiracies, and denounced the revolt as anarchistic. mazzini and five other leaders were sentenced to death, and many to long terms of imprisonment. mazzini hid in the house of the marquis pareto, and was undiscovered, although the police made a prolonged search for him. it is said that mazzini himself, dressed as a footman, opened the door to the officer, who recognized him as an old schoolmate, and had mercy. some days later he escaped from the house, undisguised, walking arm-in-arm with a lady of genoa, and reaching a carriage, was driven to quarto, and thence went to england. there were many curious turns and twists in this conspiracy in which both conspirators and government were working for the same great end, but with widely different means, and with avowed enmity between them. it was not long until cavour and napoleon met at plombières and made their famous compact, after that events hastened forward. by the spring of cavour had prepared both royalists and republicans for war. with his ally he felt that the italian cause must now triumph, and at a given signal the conflict began. the princes were driven from tuscany, romagna, parma, and modena, and all those states declared for victor emmanuel. much as mazzini hated cavour's french ally, he could no longer stay his enthusiasm. he saw unity at last almost come, after solferino he declared that the austrian domination was at an end. without warning napoleon met the emperor francis joseph at villafranca and betrayed the cause. he abandoned venetia to austria, and central italy to the bourbon princes. cavour, wild with indignation, spoke his feelings and resigned, the italians were again left to their own divided efforts. mazzini, his fears of napoleon now justified, went to florence and declared that the people of central italy must stake all for their briefly-won freedom, he gave up his republican protests, and advocated annexation with piedmont so they might have unity. he wrote to friends in sicily and rome, he begged garibaldi to lead his troops into umbria. all this time he had to live virtually in hiding, the ban against him had not been raised, and the thought that he, whose every emotion was for italy, should not be trusted at all among his countrymen galled him to the quick. he wrote: "to be a prisoner among our own people is too much to bear." gradually the troubled situation cleared, cavour returned to power, and by temporizing held both the french support and the enthusiasm of the native troops. mazzini still advocated immediate warfare, cavour waited, and in the end the latter's policy was proved correct. in the interval the disheartened mazzini had gone back to england, and again, on hearing that garibaldi and his famous legion had started for sicily, returned in haste to genoa. there followed garibaldi's victories, then the piedmontese declaration of war against the pope, then only rome and venice were lacking to the cause. mazzini went to naples to be nearer the heart of the struggle; he urged the neapolitans to demand a constitution, and they, filled with the one thought of unity, berated him as a republican. his friends urged him to leave the city. "even against your wish," said one of them, "you divide us." he could not leave italy at that hour of her fate, but he felt that he was cruelly misunderstood. he wrote, "i am worn out morally and physically; for myself the only really good thing would be to have unity achieved quickly through garibaldi, and one year, before dying, of walham green or eastbourne, long silences, a few affectionate words to smooth the ways, plenty of sea-gulls, and sad dozing." some of those things he was to know, for during the next few years he lived again in england, writing and reading, and continually engaged in plans for the final capture of venetia and rome. victor emmanuel, garibaldi, and mazzini were each devising means to gain this long-hoped-for end, but the position and peculiar characteristics of each made co-operation almost impossible. the wise cavour had been succeeded by vacillating ministers who were a continual drag upon the king, garibaldi would not consent to adopting any of mazzini's suggestions (the latter once said that "if garibaldi has to choose between two proposals, he is sure to accept the one that isn't mine"), and mazzini found it ever difficult to sacrifice his republican ideals to the needs of the moment. ultimately, however, the italian troops, this time with the aid of prussia, recommenced war with austria to win venetia, istria, and the tyrol. the spirit of was not the spirit of , the mythical valor of the garibaldian army seemed to have evaporated in the passes of the tyrol. prussia won, but italy met defeat at custozza. again napoleon took a hand in the country's destiny. to the surprise of europe, he intervened and stated that austria had offered to cede venetia to him, and that he would give it to italy if the latter would come to an immediate agreement for peace. there seemed little else to be done, and mazzini saw the campaign, that had begun in the highest hopes of complete national independence, end in the acceptance of the gift of a single province from the foreigner. thenceforth mazzini's work lost all accord with that of the monarchy. he had not lost his faith in the great destiny of italy, but he despaired of seeing that destiny fulfilled as he might wish within his lifetime. forty thousand persons signed the petition for his amnesty, he was elected again and again by messina as its deputy, but the party of the moderates would not have him in the chamber. continued opposition made his fame only the greater among the people, he assumed the proportions of a national myth, to many he had become an actual demi-god. secretly he traveled about italy, working, with an energy altogether disproportionate to his strength, in the cause of a republic. he had many followers in genoa, and one of them has left a picture of mazzini's entrance to a meeting. "a low knock was heard at the door, and there he was in body and soul, the great magician, who struck the fancy of the people like a mythical hero. our hearts leaped, and we went reverently to meet that great soul. he advanced with a child's frank courtesy and a divine smile, shaking hands like an englishman, and addressing each of us by name, as if our names were written on our foreheads. he was not disguised; he wore cloth shoes, and a capote, and with his middle, upright stature, he looked like a philosopher straight from his study, who never dreamed of troubling any police in the world." he found time to write his remarkable treatise on religion, "from the council to god," while he prepared plans for a new revolution. this time he intended to land in sicily. the attempt was foolhardy, he was arrested at palermo, and confined at gaeta, where the bourbons had not long before made their last stand. almost forty years before, at the outset of his career, he had watched the mediterranean from his prison at savona, now he watched the same deep blue sea from gaeta. he wrote here, "the nights are very beautiful; the stars shine with a luster one sees only in italy. i love them like sisters, and link them to the future in a thousand ways. if i could choose i should like to live in almost absolute solitude, working at my historical book or at some other, just from a feeling of duty, and only wishing to see for a moment, now and then, some one i did not know, some poor woman that i could help, some workingmen i could advise, the doves of zurich, and nothing else." rome fell, and mazzini's captivity came to an end. he passed through the city where twenty-one years before he had been triumvir, and, seeking to avoid all popular demonstrations, went to genoa. there he fell ill, and his failing strength made successive attacks more and more frequent. he traveled a little more, and then in march, , died at a friend's house in pisa. he had lived to see italy united, but in a very different manner from that of which he had dreamed. to the republicans of europe, mazzini's voice was that of a great prophet for half the nineteenth century, to the italians he was the voice of italy itself. he was the precursor of unity, of independence, of courageous self-denial, without him cavour might have planned in vain, and garibaldi been no more than an inconspicuous lieutenant. he had the two greatest of gifts, an ideal and the faith that knows no defeat, yet he was not simply the idealist nor the devotee, for he could stir other men to action through his own belief. a friend, comparing him with kossuth, said: "now i write of him who seems to my judgment to be, like saul, above all his fellows ... the one man needed excitement to stir his spirit ... the soul of the other was as an inner lamp shining through him always. the strength of mazzini's personal influence lay here. you could not doubt his glance." there was a certain kinship between mazzini and lincoln, simplicity and a boundless love of the weak and the oppressed was the keynote of both lives. both were emancipators, but both were infinitely more, men whose whole lives bore eloquent testimony of their noble spirits. lincoln loved men as mazzini loved them, mazzini and lincoln both knew the suffering that comes from being continually misunderstood. when lincoln was assassinated, the great italian envied the man who had died knowing that his life's cause had been accomplished. throughout one of the most tangled and turbulent epochs of history, mazzini's ideals never changed; the principles of "young italy" were the principles of his triumvirate and of his prison life at gaeta. he was for a united italy and a republic. at times he could postpone the latter aim for the former, but never disregard it. and what he was for italy, he was for the whole world. he insisted on the brotherhood of nations, on the paramount duty of all nations toward humanity. whosoever, he believed, separates families from families, and nations from nations, divides what god meant to be indissoluble. he looked to italy to show the other nations how to live in freedom and equality, and to rome to pronounce a new and greater religion of majestic tolerance. had italy been freed early in his career, he must have become a great religious teacher; even as it was, his power was that of an apostle, and his appeal to the soul as well as to the mind. men who knew him loved him as something finer than themselves, a man closer to god, one of his disciples. his personal life was one long record of self-sacrifice, his home, his family, his love, his comfort, even the most meager necessities of life were given to the cause, nothing was too much for him to do, nothing too trivial for him to undertake, could he help his country or one of his countrymen an iota thereby. he could appreciate other men's happiness and in a way share it with them; he knew little or nothing of envy, vanity, or malice; he would let any leader have the glory of helping italy, so long as the result was gained. more than that, he could bear the continual undervaluation of the english among whom he lived, he could read what carlyle wrote, "of italian democracies and young italy's sorrows, of extraneous austrian emperors in milan, or poor old chimerical popes in bologna, i know nothing and desire to know nothing," and yet continue carlyle's friend; he could bear the sting of having his name coupled with every attempt at assassination, when there were few things he abhorred more than secret violence. his idea of duty was so high, and had so absorbed all the petty spirits of his nature, that he could endure anything for that cause, and indeed embraced eagerly whatever came to him under that banner. the great authority on heroes says of the hero as prophet: "the great man was always as lightning out of heaven; the rest of men waited for him like fuel, and then they too would flame." so the world had waited for giuseppe mazzini. other men bore much and labored much for the sake of a united fatherland, but none other gave such lightning to their world. the prophet may not actually lay the stones of history, but he breathes the spirit of life into the builders. he is mankind's greatest friend and hope, who points out the road human souls would take. mazzini stands with dante and savonarola as the third great prophet of italian history who spoke with a world voice. [illustration: cavour] cavour, the statesman cavour planned united italy; his career is a shining example of what may be done by a man with one definite purpose to which he adheres without digression. just as disraeli seems from his early manhood to have aimed at becoming prime minister of england so cavour appears to have aimed at the union of italy under the leadership of piedmont. there were a thousand and one points at which he could have turned aside, a dozen times when a brilliant temporary success was held before him, but he preferred to sacrifice no atom of energy or influence which might in time help in his fundamental purpose. he preferred obscurity to the danger of being too well known, and the coldness of contemporaries to the burden of relations with them which might tend to shackle his own independence. he read his time and countrymen with extraordinary accuracy, and foresaw that what was left of the old régime was tottering and that to attempt to bolster it up was absurd. he preferred to let the old conventions of a departed feudalism go their way in peace while he prepared himself for the day when the new statecraft should be recognized. the piedmont of , the year of cavour's birth, was singularly mediæval. the militant strength and daring of the small states of the middle ages had departed, but the point of view remained. the aristocracy was narrow, bigoted, and overbearing, they were intolerant of the new discoveries of science and the useful arts, they devoted themselves exclusively to the trivial entertainments of the eighteenth century. napoleon spread above them like a storm cloud; they wrapped themselves as well as they could in their ancestral cloaks and waited, confident that the gale could not last long. the majority of them could not believe that the french revolution was more than an accident, but there were a few, and those almost entirely men and women who had lived abroad, who saw further. one of these latter was cavour's grandmother, the marquise philippine di cavour, from whom he seems to have inherited his breadth of view. the family of benso belonged to the old nobility of piedmont, and in time came into possession of the fief of santena and the fastness of cavour in the province of pignerolo. a member of the family who became distinguished for military services was made marquis of cavour by charles emmanuel iii., and the eldest son of marquis benso di cavour married philippine, daughter of the marquis de sales, a girl brought up in a château on the lake of annecy. the marquise philippine immediately became the controlling factor in the cavour household; she strove to lighten the heavy somberness of her husband's family in turin, and at the trying time of the french occupation sold much of the family plate and furnishings, and finally certain priceless religious relics, in order to provide for her son, a boy of sixteen, when he was ordered to join general berthier's corps of the french army. later she was commanded to become one of the household of the princess camillo borghese, sister of napoleon, and wife of his governor of piedmont, who, better known as pauline bonaparte, figures as one of the most beautiful as well as one of the liveliest women of that age. the marquise philippine acquitted herself so well and so graciously that the princess became one of her staunchest friends, and with the prince acted as sponsor at the christening of the marquise's second grandchild, camille di cavour. the marquise's son, michele benso, had married adèle, daughter of the count de sellon of geneva, and had two sons, gustave and camille. michele benso had profited greatly by his mother's tact, but he was still the unbending reactionary in nature. so was his eldest son gustave. it was the younger boy who received the adaptable genius of the marquise philippine, and who seems to have been best able to appreciate her. on one occasion he said to her, "marina" (a piedmontese term for grandmother), "we get on capitally, you and i; you were always a little bit of a jacobin." when, as the boy grew older, his family and friends reproached him with being a fanatical liberal, he turned to the marquise, confident that she understood him. cavour had few confidants during his whole life, few friends from whom he drew inspiration, but his grandmother had so trained him in the light of her own self-reliant spirit that he rarely seems to have felt the need of any outside aid. the feudal system had scant respect for younger sons. gustave was carefully educated for his proud position, camille was largely left to grow up by chance. he was sent to the military academy at turin, and became a page at the court of charles albert. with both the social and military life about him he found himself out of temper, his views were too liberal for the narrowness he met on every hand, he was hoping for events which most of his companions could only have regarded at that time as tragedies. his restlessness was noted, and he was sent to the lonely alpine fortress of bard. there the soul-wearying inertia of the military life of a small state grew to typify to him the condition of his land. at the age of twenty-one, he wrote to the count de sellon, "the italians need regeneration; their morale, which was completely corrupted under the ignoble dominion of spaniards and austrians, regained a little energy under the french régime, and the ardent youth of the country sighs for a nationality, but to break entirely with the past, to be born anew to a better state, great efforts are necessary and sacrifices of all kinds must remould the italian character. an italian war would be a sure pledge that we were going to become again a nation, that we were rising from the mud in which we have been trampled for so many centuries." such ideas found no sympathy at the court of piedmont, and cavour, confident that the army could offer him no opportunity to use his talents, resigned his commission, and induced his father to buy him a small estate at leri. there, in the middle of the rice-fields of piedmont, cavour settled down to the life of a farmer, experimenting with new steam machinery, canal irrigation, artificial fertilizers, studying books on government and agriculture, seeing something of his country neighbors, waiting for the gradual breakdown of the old régime. his family were quite content to let him vegetate on his far-off estate, he had no position in the family household in turin, his father and brother were busy with details of court life, and after the death of his grandmother his combined family regarded him as lacking in normal balance. without becoming actually melancholy the youth was continually dejected, he saw no place waiting to be filled by him, he wished that he had been born into another nation, and sighed, "ah! if i were an englishman, by this time i should be something, and my name would not be wholly unknown!" yet, indifferent as he seemed to comradeship, he had at this time one strong friend, a woman of high birth, "l'inconnue," as he called her in his journal. she summoned him to her at turin, and he obeyed her call; she was unhappy and ardently patriotic, with the visions of mazzini, he admired her and was filled with remorse at the thought of a love so constant and disinterested. they corresponded for over a year, and then cavour's ardor faded. he had never been in love with her, but she had loved him devotedly. a few years later she died, and left him a last letter ending, "the woman who loved you is dead.... no one ever loved you as she did, no one! for, o camille, you never fathomed the extent of her love." she had at least succeeded in drawing him out of his lonely despair; platonic as his regard for her seems to have been, it was the nearest approach to love that entered his life. for fifteen years cavour lived as a farmer at leri, breaking the monotony of that existence by occasional visits to england and france. the former country always exerted great influence over him; he considered the life of the english country gentleman the ideal existence; he was a great admirer of pitt and sir robert peel (and said of peel that he was "the statesman who more than any other had the instinct of the necessity of the moment," words prophetic of his own career!), and was always a reader of shakespeare, who among all writers he held had the deepest insight into the human heart. in paris cavour saw much of society through the influence of his french relations, and made the most of his opportunity to study the young rising men. he was frequently blamed by the men and women he met for leading such an aimless life, and was urged to enter the fields of literature or diplomacy. for the former he said he had no taste, for the latter he was too much out of sympathy with the government of his own country, and he could not enter the service of any other. he had the reputation of being a man of great wit and intelligence, gifted with gay and winning manners, interested to a certain extent in all concerns of the day, but unwilling to sacrifice himself to a constant devotion to any one pursuit. the women of the leading salons found his light hair, blue eyes, and happy temper charming, the men of the time valued his keen insight into contemporary questions. he played cards frequently for high stakes, but never allowed himself to become an habitual gambler. later in life it is said that he indulged in playing for high stakes with politicians in order to gain an insight into their characters. his visits to paris undoubtedly taught him much concerning the men with whom he was later to have so much to do, and his stays in england showed him the strength of parliamentary government. he took vivid impressions back with him to leri, and used his mental energy in adapting english ideas on agriculture to the needs of his farm. with the governing world of piedmont cavour was undeniably unpopular. the antiquated leaders of public life considered him perilously liberal, and no party or clique found him really in accord with its views. he had written some articles for foreign newspapers, and had openly advocated the need of railways in italy, but such of his countrymen as undertook to learn his views held him a dangerous fanatic. singularly enough, without having made any attempt to place himself before the public, he was an object of popular distrust. he counted this rather an item in his favor, he was in no wise indebted to any man or any cause. he preferred to wait until the day of petty reactionaries should give place to serious popular movements, and by he saw that such a crisis was not far distant. charles albert, by nature always an enigma, was moving forward faster than his government, and was suspected of strong independent tendencies. charles albert would have loomed larger in history if he had been born into either an earlier or a later age. he was not the man to direct a political crisis, he would have done well as the magnanimous sovereign of an eighteenth century state or as the intellectual head of a constitutional nation, but it was his misfortune to lack those vigorous robust qualities which italians later found in his son. he was an ardent patriot, he earnestly desired to free the italian states from foreign rule, he was zealous that piedmont should lead in such a cause, but he was continually afraid that independence would lead directly to popular liberty under a constitution. "i desire as much as you do," he said to roberto d'azeglio, "the enfranchisement of italy, and it is for that reason, remember well, that i will never give a constitution to my people." his advisers, who were largely clericals, and almost always reactionaries, lost no chance to impress upon his mind the impossibility of the consummation he desired. start the new order, they said, and no man knows how far it will go. he was in fear of loosing a spirit which he could never cage. yet his honest desire for national independence made him hearken at times to more liberal voices. in one of these moments he revoked the censorship of the press. cavour, primed with the history of england, saw what a free press meant, and instantly left his retirement at leri to seize the golden opportunity. he founded a newspaper and gave it a name destined to stand for the whole movement towards nationalism, "_il risorgimento_." the prospectus of the paper stated its aims as independence, union between the princes and the people, and reforms. cavour was now prepared to speak his mind. he did not have long to wait. the people of genoa announced that they were preparing to send a committee to the capital to ask for the expulsion of the jesuits and the organization of a national guard. the principal editors of turin met to consider what stand they should take in reference to these demands. the suggestion to support the genoese petitions was meeting with general approval when cavour rose to speak. his words fell like a bomb, he said that the demands were far too small, that the only prudence lay in asking for much more. the statement was the keynote to all his later statecraft. "of what use," he asked, "are reforms which have nothing definite, and lead to nothing? where is the good of asking for that which, whether granted or not, equally disturbs the state, and weakens the moral authority of the government? since the government can no longer be maintained on its former basis, let us ask for a constitution, and substitute for that basis another more conformable to the spirit of the times, and to the progress of civilization. let us do this before it is too late, and before the authority which keeps society together is dissolved by popular clamor." cavour's proposal precipitated a violent contest. both moderates and liberals thought that he was asking far too much; valerio, the leader of the better element, declared that in asking for a constitution the meeting went far beyond the wishes of the people. the meeting broke up without reaching a decision, but the reports of it scattered with lightning-like rapidity. valerio ridiculed the proposal to his friends and called cavour an aper of english customs. he said, "don't you know my lord camille?--the greatest reactionist of the kingdom; the greatest enemy of the revolution, an anglomane of the purest breed." cavour was nicknamed "milord camillo" and "milord risorgimento," he was continually asked if he desired to erect an english house of lords. the ridicule passed, but the suggestion remained. charles albert heard of cavour's speech to the editors, and he had already lived through the first two months of that electrifying year of . constitution-making was in the air, louis philippe was falling, the little italian princes were throwing promises to their waking people. he hesitated, he was under a secret pledge to continue the government of his country in the same form in which it had come to him, he thought seriously of abdicating, but his son, victor emmanuel, opposed the idea vigorously. finally, after much anxious thought and many family consultations, he decided to grant a constitution, and the famous statute was given to the sardinian kingdom. it is interesting to note that fifty years later the king's grandson celebrated the date of the promulgation of what was to become the charter of italian independence. raised temporarily to a pinnacle of popular applause, the fickle gusts of an excitable public opinion soon blew cavour down to his former standing. no one really agreed with his opinions, to the moderates he was still alarmingly audacious, to the liberals too deeply imbued with the spirit of english aristocracy. he stood for election under the new constitution at turin, and was defeated; shortly afterwards, however, he was elected to fill an unexpected vacancy. count balbo, the first prime minister under the constitution, and cavour's co-editor of the _risorgimento_, did not ask him to join the cabinet, and openly expressed his disapproval of his fellow-journalist's ideas. the truth of the matter was that men were afraid of cavour, they distrusted him partly because they did not understand him, and partly because it was only too evident that if he were given the chance he would drive the car of state to suit himself. the new cabinet had no sooner assumed office than milan revolted against the austrians. charles albert hesitated, he was heart and soul with the milanese, but england and russia both warned him against war with austria. his cabinet was divided, half feared to stake too much, half were for wagering all. cavour printed hot words in the _risorgimento_: "we, men of calm minds, accustomed to listen more to the dictates of reason than to the impulses of the heart, after deliberately weighing each word we utter, are bound in conscience to declare that only one path is open to the nation, the government, the king: war, immediate war!" the evening of the day of publication the king decided on war, and piedmont rushed to the aid of newly-arisen lombardy. the story of that campaign is briefly told, great confidence, heroic sacrifices, a few victorious battles, and then the re-enforcement of radetsky's army and the retreat to milan. sardinia had brave soldiers, but no great generals, the victories were not followed up as napoleon had done on the same fields. at the battle of goito cavour's nephew, augusto di cavour, a boy of twenty, was killed. on his body was found a last letter from his uncle encouraging him to do his duty; the blow was a terrible one for cavour; he had predicted the noblest future for augusto. it is said that he ever afterward kept the shot-riddled uniform of the boy in a glass case in his bedroom, a relic and reminder of heroism. the war soon came to the tragic climax of novara, the ministers were perpetually undecided, men were thinking more of the possible results of independence than of the fact itself. there were a thousand theorists, a thousand phrase-makers, and in the midst of them all the king, alternately hopeful and despairing, heroic in his devotion, but confident that he should never weld italy together. cavour had not been re-elected to the parliament of this crucial time, he was outside the battle proper, striving to direct public sentiment through his paper, and watching and studying the strength and weakness of the cause. the battle of novara ended the war, charles albert abdicated, and victor emmanuel came to the sardinian throne. the natures of father and son were almost diametrically opposed, the new king was the born leader, his people could not doubt the temper of his resolution, and it was upon that implicit trust that cavour, determined on one and only one adviser, was to build a state that should be firm and enduring. in a sense failure had cleared the field for greater achievement as success could never have done. the new king, having sworn allegiance to the constitution, cast about him for a prime minister who could bring order out of seeming chaos, and chose massimo d'azeglio, then and for long afterwards the best beloved man in piedmont. d'azeglio was a painter, a poet, a warrior, and an accomplished man of the world, devoted to his country, liberal without being radical. he was the one man to restore popular confidence in the sardinian kingdom, cavour was glad that the king's favor had fallen on such a man, and, knowing that his own assistance at that time would only serve to embarrass the new premier, he retired to the leisure he enjoyed so thoroughly on his farm at leri. here he rested and recovered some of the confidence which had been shaken by the unfortunate trend of events. he was by nature optimistic, and knew the value of gradual development, the hours he spent in farming he considered most valuably employed. a friend described him about this time as having a very fresh-colored complexion, and blue eyes, which although still exceedingly bright, had a changeful expression. he was stout, but not ungainly as he became later. he stooped slightly, but when he stopped to speak to any one held himself erect in an attentive attitude. his forehead, large and solid, gave strength to a face which was not distinguished by striking features; on either side of his mouth, which was rather cold and contained, were two lines which, by trembling or contracting, gave the only sign of any emotion to an observer. his voice was low, and not remarkably inspiring, he never had the orator's fluent tongue with which to sway his auditors. he was always courteous and at his ease, easily approachable and interested in whatever might be said to him. he belonged to the class of statesmen who tell very little of their thoughts. when he visited manzoni on lake maggiore, and the latter poured out to him his dreams of a united italy, which as he said he usually kept to himself for secret fear of being thought a madman, cavour answered simply by rubbing his hands, and with a slow smile saying, "we shall do something." the act and the words bespoke his character. cavour's holiday in the country was not to last long, the king dissolved his first parliament, and in the second cavour was re-elected to his former seat. now for the first time he made his real power felt in the chamber, on the question of the abolition of those special courts which had formerly existed for the trial of ecclesiastic offenders against the common law. the struggle between the clericals and liberals was bitter. cavour spoke on march , , and advocated strong measures. he was not anxious to force the church into a position hostile to the state, but he feared peace purchased at a heavy sacrifice. he knew that reforms must be full and sweeping if they were to stem the rising tide of european discontent. the wisest statesmen were those who, like lord grey and sir robert peel in england, had granted fully when they recognized the temper of the time. revolutions were only to be stayed by real reforms. if real reforms were granted, the government of piedmont, he concluded, would not only be strong among its own people, but "gathering to itself all the living forces in italy, it would be in a position to lead our mother-country to those high destinies whereunto she is called." it was the first speech which had thrilled with hope since the lamentable downfall of novara. the audience in the galleries caught the prophetic note and cheered it to the echo. the ministers were eager to shake hands with the speaker. the people were stirred, although not yet convinced that cavour was what he seemed to be, but public men throughout italy recognized that here was a strong man with potent forces soon to be considered. soon after the passage of the bill cavour had advocated, one of d'azeglio's ministers, count pietro di santa rosa, died. immediate pressure was brought to bear to make cavour his successor, but for a long time d'azeglio, although friendly to cavour, hesitated to take such an extremist into his cabinet. finally he offered cavour the post of minister of agriculture and commerce. cavour accepted, but only after making certain terms, one of which was that a certain minister whom he considered over-timorous should be asked to resign. d'azeglio agreed, though with ill grace, and in consequence was shortly after told by the king, "don't you see that this man will turn you all out?" on taking office cavour gave up his connection with the _risorgimento_, a paper which he considered had helped the liberal projects immeasurably. as minister of commerce he negotiated trade treaties with england, france, and belgium. he took to work so readily that very shortly he was made minister of marine in addition to his original post. gradually he won his way to the leadership in parliament, speaking for himself rather than for the cabinet, and having small regard for the professed opinions of his own or any other party. when a deputy would ask him for information in the chamber he would state his own opinion, and where that differed from opinions already expressed by his colleagues he would make his favorite reply, that he spoke "less as a minister than as a politician." cavour's many-sided nature rapidly showed itself in his stand on religious and educational measures, on trade and commerce, on theories of government and practical applications. there seemed to be no field with which he was not conversant, and which he could not straighten of tangles less thoughtful ministers had made. in april, , he became minister of finance, having insisted that nigra, his predecessor, should resign if he were to remain. the minister of public instruction had a disagreement with cavour, and was replaced by one of the latter's friends, farini, the romagnol exile, a strong nationalist writer. these changes greatly strengthened cavour's position and were all in line with his policy of making piedmont a strong constitutional state, its people imbued with the thought of leadership in any struggle for italian unity. abroad he was endeavoring in every way to excite interest in italian conditions, he was an enthusiastic admirer of mr. gladstone, he studied louis napoleon's giant strides to power, not for their effect upon liberty, but in search of indications that the new french régime would listen to the voice of victor emmanuel. he had come to realize that foreign aid was essential to ultimate victory, and looked to france as the most probable ally. that this ally was likely to appear in the garb of a political adventurer did not disturb him; as he said, "franklin sought the help of the most despotic monarch in europe." to insure that when piedmont should succeed in enlisting foreign aid the country might be consolidated and ready, cavour planned a great stroke, to combine his own party in parliament with that of the moderate liberals, or left center, as it was called. none of the four parties was sufficiently strong in itself to insure any permanent success, but a combination of the two center parties would allow for plans of certain durability. rattazzi, probably the most brilliant speaker in the house, and a man of much popularity, was leader of the left center, and to him cavour broached his plans. the alliance was concluded in january, , and kept a secret for some time. finally, in a debate on a bill aimed to moderate newspaper attacks on foreign sovereigns, the ministry was violently attacked, and rattazzi announced his compact with cavour by stating that he intended generally to support the ministry in the present session unless there should be some decided change in its policy. cavour, speaking in reply, acknowledged the alliance between the two parties. d'azeglio and the other ministers had been kept in the dark, and were as much surprised as was the general public. cavour had feared that a discussion of the wisdom of such an alliance might have ended in disagreement, and he was determined that the plan should be put through. that seems to have been the only excuse for keeping the plan secret from his colleagues. the prime minister was highly indignant, but would not disown cavour's act; he merely intimated to him that he would never sit in the same cabinet with rattazzi. shortly afterward cavour lent his support to electing rattazzi president of the chamber. d'azeglio was again indignant, and cavour felt that it was best that he should leave the ministry. he resigned, and was followed by all the other ministers. their act, however, was purely a matter of sentiment, and the king commanded them to remain at their posts. cavour endorsed this command, he saw no reason why d'azeglio's ministry should not continue for a time without him. he parted on the best of terms with the premier, and in order that his presence might cause no embarrassment to the reconstructed ministry started on a journey to france and england. this trip abroad came at a most opportune time. it gave cavour a chance to meet french and english statesmen and learn their views of his policy of allying rattazzi's party with his own in order to obtain a working majority. he knew that rattazzi was generally regarded as a reckless revolutionary, but he found that the necessity of using his aid was generally acknowledged. cavour talked with the leaders of each party in england; he found lord palmerston then as always his ardent friend and admirer. palmerston saw that the overthrow of the italian tyrannies must depend upon the home strength of the sardinian government, and that if that government were once firmly established on a constitutional basis it could not be long before austria would be driven out of italy. palmerston promised cavour the moral support of england, and the italian left london delighted at what he had learned there. in paris cavour met thiers, who bade him be of good courage, and the prince president. to the latter he devoted much time, and succeeded in making a deep impression upon the astute napoleon. "whether we like it or not," the italian wrote from paris, "our destinies depend on france; we must be her partner in the great game which will be played sooner or later in europe." in the french capital cavour found several leaders of italian life who were living in exile; he visited daniel manin, the great venetian, the idol of his city, and learned from him something of venetian hopes. he also saw the many-sided gioberti, "the same child of genius, who would have been a great man had he had common-sense," said cavour, the man who had once dreamt of a free italy under the leadership of a great liberal pope, and who was now in a book about to be published to show his gift of prescience by fixing on cavour as the one man who understood the essentials of the new italian civilization. d'azeglio was facing a ministerial crisis when cavour returned to his home, and, ill with the wound he had received in the last war, besought the king to let him retire from office. he suggested that victor emmanuel summon cavour, "who," he wrote at this time, "you know is diabolically active, and fit in body and soul, and then, he enjoys it so much!" the king asked cavour to form a ministry, naming certain restrictions, the chief one being to come to a friendly agreement with the pope on the matter of civil marriage, but cavour felt that to do this would be to start his work under a handicap. he suggested count balbo as premier, but the latter had too small a following, and the king, judging that his country needed the strong hand of cavour at the helm more than the friendship of rome, asked him to form his cabinet without imposing any conditions whatever. so came into existence what was to be known in italian history as the "_gran ministero_," the first in which cavour was openly to proclaim his plans. it is curious to note that even now, when he had become the most considerable figure in piedmont, he was not generally popular. the king did not altogether like him, the public men could not even now understand him, the people scarcely knew the real man at all. what king, public men, and people did know was that cavour was a man of tremendous force, and a man destined to lead other men. at this time there commenced to grow up in piedmont that blind faith in cavour which later assumed such great proportions that the people felt that he must have his own way no matter what they might think of it, because cavour's way meant victory, no matter how little they might anticipate it. cavour chose to be president of the council and minister of finance, and at once set to work to increase the resources of the country. the history of his work at this time is that of an administrator preparing with scrupulous care each detail against a coming need. he strengthened fortifications, he allowed la marmora a free hand in the development of the army, he completed the railway system, he used all possible means to stimulate industry and increase agricultural output. he instituted new taxes, cut down the salt tax, and introduced certain free-trade measures. he followed a definite plan of preparation, regardless of popular opinion, which at one time turned so fiercely against him on the ground that he was a monopolist who was robbing the poor of bread, that his life was in danger at the hands of a mob. cavour had one concern, to strengthen the central government of his country, and he labored for that with little regard for other things. he was accused, particularly after rattazzi had joined his cabinet, of seeking to win certain constituencies by promises of local aid if they would return his candidate. he understood too well the uncertain temper of the people to take any unnecessary risks, he knew that the work he was doing was essential for italian independence, and he was willing to obtain his support as best he could. what concerned him was the fact of support, not the reason. his ultimate purpose required that the country be kept at peace until it should have reached full strength, and for this end cavour tried to make friends with austria, dissembling his real feelings as cleverly as he could, and sought confidence and friendly offices. to this end he discountenanced mazzini's attempt at revolution in milan in february, ; he knew that conditions were not ready for success; he regarded mazzini's faith in blind outbreaks of the people as a deterrent factor in his preparation for ultimate success. western europe was making ready for war in the crimea, england and france were aligning themselves against russia. cavour felt what was coming, and conceived a step of marvelous daring. with his old belief in the prudence of audacity he determined to join sardinia to france and england, to stake the future of his little kingdom on an alliance with the two great western powers. he felt that sardinia must now step forward as a nation or retire to the great group of little principalities. he could not tell what position austria would take, but he resolved no matter how that country might side, to cast his lot with the west. when one recalls the size of victor emmanuel's kingdom and its resources cavour's audacity becomes well-nigh inconceivable. when his intention was made known to the people they gaped in amazement, after these years of preparation why should they hazard all on a purely foreign war, why leave their borders unguarded to the austrians? cavour stood firm and unshaken, victor emmanuel, trusting to his minister's star of destiny, stood by him, the people stormed, protested, besought, but all without avail. cavour had decided that it was time to act, and so it must be time, the people had learned that there was no use in arguing with him, what he must do he must, they became fatalists under his colossal will. a demand of a guarantee of certain restrictions against austria was sought by cavour's ministry, but the western powers would not give it. england and france would both be glad to have sardinia as an ally, but would make no promises of future help. the sardinian foreign minister resigned when the attempt to obtain a guarantee failed. cavour offered the position to d'azeglio, but he declined it, and so, on january , , cavour assumed the portfolio of foreign affairs himself, and on the same day signed the agreement binding sardinia to an offensive and defensive alliance with france and england. it was the first step towards making italy again a world power. cavour had decided to show europe that an italian government could live under a liberal constitution, and that an italian army could fight. he believed that both lord palmerston and the french emperor were convinced of the former fact; he was now anxious to convince them of the latter. as matters fell out austria remained neutral, and the allies opposed russia alone. napoleon, thirsting for glory for french arms, was little disposed to give the sardinian forces a chance, and wished to keep them as a reserve at constantinople. it required the greatest diplomacy on cavour's part to obtain opportunities for his troops, but when he did they more than justified him. their spirit and powers of endurance were admirable, they seemed consciously to feel that they were being made ready for a greater and more sacred combat. in august the piedmontese troops won a victory on the tchernaia, turin was delighted, and cavour felt that his great step was being justified. the king wrote to general la marmora, "next year we shall have war where we had it before." it was at this time that victor emmanuel visited england and france. cavour accompanied him, and, as always, made a close study of opinions in both those countries. he found queen victoria and prince albert deeply interested in italian affairs, and strongly favorable to piedmont's hopes. napoleon, he found, was determined to end the war in the crimea. in february, , peace was declared. austria, which had remained neutral, was apparently the greatest gainer by the war. at home the sardinian government had been seriously disturbed over the question of suppression of the religious houses, a measure which cavour and a majority of the people favored, but which the king was very loath to accept. after the chamber of deputies had passed the measure by an overwhelming majority, and it was being considered by the senate, two ecclesiastics wrote to the king, promising to pay into the national treasury the sum the government expected to realize from the suppressions. victor emmanuel, who was an ardent churchman, conceived that this would be a most satisfactory settlement of the whole matter, and suggested to cavour that he agree. cavour saw the impossibility of compromise at that hour, and declined, offering at the same time his resignation. the king, who was never quite at his ease with cavour, and who thought he was now in a position to dispense with his services, accepted the resignation. when the people heard of the proposed compromise they were brought to an angry crisis, and for a moment it looked as though all the past careful efforts to establish a stable government might go for nothing. then d'azeglio, with rare courage, wrote to the king, and pointed out the dangers that lay in his new course. he entreated him not to align himself with the reactionaries, he pointed out how such a step had caused the downfall of both stuart and bourbon thrones. the people desired the measure, it was too late now to withdraw it from the senate. victor emmanuel heeded the words of his old counselor, recalled cavour to office, and allowed the bill, practically as at first presented, to become law. this was the next great step in the progress towards a united italy. at the time of his last visit to paris cavour had been asked by napoleon to submit a note of what france could do for italy. this cavour now prepared, asking little at this time, the main object being the austrian evacuation of bologna. cavour found himself in a very difficult position, the war had closed before austria had been drawn into it, and sardinia was not in a sufficiently strong position to make many requests. both the king and cavour had confidently hoped that austria would be forced to side with russia. now it was extremely doubtful what decisions the coming congress of paris would make, and cavour had been privately given to understand that the sardinian envoy to the congress would only be allowed to attend those sessions which concerned sardinia, and not to take his place with the envoys of the great powers. he was exceedingly anxious that d'azeglio should attend, but the latter refused point-blank when he learned of the subservient position he would in all probability have to take. under these circumstances cavour saw no alternative but to go himself, and so with considerable misgiving he set out for paris, intent on observing and planning rather than on asking favors that might be unceremoniously refused. the congress of paris of produced results far different from those the various plenipotentiaries intended. austria came to paris in the enviable position of the great european peace-maker, she left as tyrannical upholder of the old régime. cavour came as the representative of a small state with interests far inferior to those of the other nations, he left as the moral champion of the much abused peninsula of italy. austria actually conceded no territory and sardinia gained none, but austria was discredited in the eyes of england and france, and sardinia more than justified. cavour achieved a great moral victory, perhaps the greatest result any statesman can gain from a treaty of peace. he did not take a very prominent part in the actual meetings, he was very reserved, a good listener, a courteous and always affable companion. he was loyal to both his english and his french allies, he won over the russian count orloff, and contrived to keep on good terms with the austrian count buol, whom he had formerly known at turin. he waited with indomitable patience until the major matters of the congress had been discussed and disposed of, then he addressed a note to the english and french envoys inquiring into the rights of austria to remain in occupation of the roman legations. the question was most important, it struck at the discussion of the temporal power of the pope, inasmuch as that power in romagna was dependent upon austrian support. moreover it gave notice that sardinia was concerning itself with the affairs of the other italian states. cavour had other projects, he was anxious to reunite parma and modena with piedmont, he was eager to have their lombard estates returned to those italians concerned in the last revolt against austria. he planned and plotted to accomplish both these ends, and waited. the treaty of peace was signed on march , and then the french president of the congress, count walewski, called another session by order of the emperor. this session was to deal with the austrian and french occupation of naples. the difficulty with regard to cavour's original note was that in questioning austria's right to uphold the pope in romagna it also questioned france's right to occupy rome for the same purpose. cavour spoke on the austrian occupation, but passed over the french. it seems, however, that napoleon, who had originally taken rome to please the clerical party, was now willing to withdraw from rome if he could do so without offending that party, and at the same time cause austria to withdraw. lord clarendon, the british plenipotentiary, urged the withdrawal of both powers, which he claimed stood on the same footing. he objected to both occupations as disturbing to the balance of power, he denounced the government of the king of naples, he found occasion to say what the most ardent italian would have liked to say, and his unreserved ardor gained added force from the caution of cavour. the effect of the englishman's speech was striking, he put into words all cavour's contentions, and left the italian in the enviable position of having demanded nothing, but of having all the claims of justice on his side. the austrian envoy was indignant, and the session adjourned without tangible result. the impression left upon every one's mind, however, was that sardinia had championed italy against austria, and that it intended to prepare to make its championship more definite than by diplomatic notes. cavour returned to turin with the satisfaction of having placed italy's wrongs openly before the world. the redress of these wrongs was now matter for european consideration, no longer the mere object of secret society plots. patriots in all the italian states were quick to realize this, they saw that at last their national rights had been forced into attention, cavour's note had cemented all their local causes. there were still many in piedmont who did not understand his policy, and many who would have preferred his winning of a single duchy to sardinia rather than urging the withdrawal of austria from the papal states, but in spite of these doubters the great majority acclaimed his cause, and felt that, whether they understood him or not, he was the one man who could lead them to deliverance. on his return his policy became more clear, he was aiming at an italian nation under one king, he was looking far ahead, and the other great nationalists who had been puzzled by his conflicting declarations in the past saw that his goal was theirs. the goal had unquestionably been in his thoughts throughout all his political career, now he came out frankly, no longer simply prime minister of sardinia, but spokesman for italy. war must come as the next step. cavour now for the first time took account of the practical use to be made of those great waves of popular feeling that were continually recurring, those heroic forces mazzini had been calling into being. he met garibaldi, and found that he was a great practical man, likely to be of infinite value to the country. he went among the people and studied how their enthusiasms could be turned to best account, he planned with leaders of earlier revolts and convinced them that he was simply patient until the time came to strike, no more a reactionary than they. in addition to the foreign office cavour assumed the ministry of finance. he was unwilling to trust too much to other men, he was anxious to know exactly how all the affairs of the nation stood. the army he knew was rapidly improving, he studied how he might increase the finances without imposing too heavy taxes. he moved the arsenal from genoa to spezia, he insisted on completing the tunneling of mont cenis, and all these steps showed that he was concerned now with the affairs of the whole peninsula rather than with the guidance of one small state. as one of his political opponents said of him in detraction at this time, "the prime minister had all italy in view, and was preparing for the future kingdom." he had made himself practically the entire government, from king to peasant all classes followed him with a blind faith in his triumphant destiny as a leader. still he waited, preparing for the hour to strike. on the evening of january , , felice orsini, a romagnol revolutionist, attempted to assassinate the french emperor with a bomb as he was driving to the opera. it was expected that this act would cause a bitter estrangement between france and italy, but, although for a short time there was a considerable diplomatic interchange of notes, the ultimate result was quite the reverse. we must remember that the wrongs under which italy labored were in reality always on napoleon's mind, that he sincerely desired to free and reunite the italian nation, although at times his ideas of expediency made him appear more of an enemy than a friend. as a young man he had himself been a revolutionary, probably at one time a member of the carbonari, he had thrilled long ago at mazzini's call, and he was an ardent nationalist. when he heard orsini's last words to him, "free my country, and the blessings of twenty-five million italians will go with you!" he knew that it was not hatred of himself, but the desire in some way to bring about italian independence that had inspired the assassin. the words and acts of napoleon wind in and out of this story of italian liberation in a manner only too often difficult to reconcile, but it would seem that his interest was in reality sincere, and that he wished to help italy as much as he could without jeopardizing the interests of france. events began to march, certain ideas were exchanged between influential persons at paris and turin; in june dr. conneau, an intimate of the emperor, happened to visit turin, and saw victor emmanuel and cavour. it was stated that napoleon intended to make a private visit to plombières. shortly after cavour announced that his health required a change of scene and that he should go away into the mountains. by a strange coincidence he also went to plombières. napoleon saw him, they spent two days closeted together; when cavour left the two men understood each other. the details of what was known as the pact of plombières are not positive, the understanding appears to have been that a rising in massa and carrara should give a pretext for a war to expel the austrians. after such expulsion the country in the valley of the po, the roman legations, and the ancona marches were to be united in a kingdom of upper italy. savoy was to be given to france, possession of nice was left unsettled, victor emmanuel's daughter, the princess clotilde, was to be given in marriage to prince napoleon. napoleon had shown his interest in italy, but cavour left plombières fully alive to the fact that actual help was still far distant. austria would be hard to defeat, and cavour did not wish france to provide all the forces for war. he already foresaw that it might be difficult to insure france's withdrawal after victory. furthermore he realized that england, to which he was always looking, was well content with the present peaceful situation of affairs, and would regard any offensive step by france or sardinia as unwarrantable. he saw that prussia and russia held the same view. no country wanted war except his own, and possibly france, provided it could be made to appear that austria and not france was the attacking party. it seemed very certain that austria would stand much before putting herself in the false position of wantonly opening war. again cavour had to be patient and plan how austria might be made to take that step. while he waited cavour organized a volunteer italian army under the name of the hunters of the alps, he laid campaign plans with garibaldi, he knit all the patriots of italy into one common cause. even the old conservative leaders came over to him, d'azeglio wrote him, "to-day it is no longer a question of discussing your policy, but of making it succeed." the king supported him magnificently, cavour found that his hardest work now was to hold king and people back. still he would not open war, he knew too well that he must have the support of other countries than his own. at the new year's day reception in paris, , napoleon made his famous comment to the austrian ambassador, "i regret that relations between us are so strained; tell your sovereign, however, that my sentiments for him are still the same." the words created a sensation, no one was certain what lay back of them in the french emperor's mind. cavour heard them and they gave him hope. when the time came for victor emmanuel to open parliament cavour prepared the speech from the throne with the greatest care and had a copy submitted in advance to napoleon. napoleon strengthened it, and victor emmanuel changed it still further for the better. when the king read it the effect upon his hearers was that of a call to arms in an heroic cause. "if piedmont, small in territory, yet counts for something in the councils of europe, it is because it is great by reason of the ideas it represents and the sympathies it inspires. this position doubtless creates for us many dangers; nevertheless, while respecting treaties, we cannot remain insensible to the cry of grief that reaches us from so many parts of italy." the european powers saw that the old treaties of were in imminent danger. none of them realized who had in reality penned these words. cavour was now at one of the great crises of his life work, and bending every effort to secure napoleon's consent to a definite treaty. he succeeded in that the emperor, delighted at the marriage of prince napoleon to a princess of one of the oldest houses in europe, directed the bridegroom to sign an agreement obligating france to come to piedmont's aid should the latter nation be subjected to any overt act of aggression on the part of austria. this agreement was intended to be kept altogether secret, but rumors that a treaty had been signed crept abroad. cavour now waited for austria's aggressive act, and sought to gain national loans at home, and to arouse interest on piedmont's behalf abroad. the english government would not enthuse over italian wrongs, they were zealous to maintain the present footing, but cavour maintained his diplomatic suavity and kept the english friendship against the day when he might need it against france. the spring of saw the natural crisis rapidly approaching, mazzini's world forces again ready to break loose. into piedmont swarmed the youth of all northern italy, girt with sword and gun, palpitant for strife. the government could not hold the rising tide much longer. cavour exclaimed, "they may throw me into the po, but i will not stop it!" and yet he had to wait. austria must first act on the offensive. the last week of lent came and cavour stood face to face with the climax that was to make or mar his plans. the story of those two weeks is tremendously dramatic. the russian government proposed a congress of the powers at paris to adjust the disordered state of italy. england and prussia agreed, austria accepted subject to the two conditions that piedmont should disarm and that she should be excluded from the congress. the french minister, count walewski, said for napoleon that france could not plunge into war on piedmont's account, and that piedmont was not entitled to a voice in the congress. napoleon seemed to have listened to the counsels of the empress and his ministers, who were opposed to war, and cavour found himself without a spokesman. it was a black hour when he wrote to the emperor that italy was desperate; in reply he was called to paris. he saw napoleon, but obtained no promise of help. he threatened that victor emmanuel would abdicate, he himself go to america and publish all the correspondence between napoleon and himself. he used every entreaty, but to no effect. he returned to turin, where he was met with the wildest demonstrations of regard. now england made a suggestion, the government proposed that all the italian states should be admitted to the proposed congress, and that austria as well as piedmont should disarm. the french government considered this a happy proposal, and wrote to cavour strongly recommending consent. the minister understood what the disbanding of all his volunteers, the reduction of his army, would mean to italy, but he saw no choice but to submit. all the powers were against him, either course seemed to presage absolute defeat. on april he sent a note agreeing to the disarming, and gave himself up to despair. history says that he was on the point of committing suicide, and was only saved by a devoted friend who pleaded with him. at the end of a long stormy scene cavour controlled himself. "be tranquil; we will face it together," he said. fortune changed; the very day on which cavour submitted, the austrian government replied slightingly to the english proposal and stated that austria would itself call upon piedmont to disarm. it was an error of the first magnitude, the act of aggression for which cavour had so long waited. at the time austria was probably ignorant of napoleon's secret agreement with piedmont, and also that cavour had consented to disarm. the fact of piedmont's submission to the wishes of france and england, and austria's arbitrary note, revolutionized the situation. piedmont was saved by a marvelous turn of fortune. april , while the piedmont chamber was conferring absolute powers on the king, cavour was handed a note, on which was written: "they are here. i have seen them." "they" meant the austrian envoys. cavour left the chamber, saying, "it is the last piedmontese parliament which has just ended; next year we will open the first italian parliament." he met the envoys and read their message, the sardinian army to be put on a peace footing, the italian volunteers to be disbanded; an answer, yes or no, to be given within three days. if that answer is unsatisfactory to austria a resort to arms. cavour accepted the three days allowed him in order to push his preparations, then he replied to the austrian note, saying that piedmont had agreed to the english proposals with the assent of prussia, russia, and france, and that he had nothing further to add. he took leave of the austrian envoys courteously, and then, radiantly happy, joined his colleagues, saying, "the die is cast." fortune had stood by him and had placed piedmont in the most enviable position he could have wished. he had staked everything on his acquiescing, with scarcely one chance of success, but that chance had come and he had won. the war opened with the victory of the allies at magenta, milan was free, and at solferino the italians and french gained lombardy. the sardinian army won its spurs gloriously. cavour, who had sent la marmora to lead the troops, and had himself become minister of war, showed the greatest skill in attending to his army's commissariat. at the same time he was watching the rest of italy, parma and modena returned to the old alliance of , and cavour sent special commissioners to control them. he was anxious that all the states should unite. he was constantly afraid that one of the powers would step in and seize tuscany. he kept his eye on florence and supported the efficient dictatorship of ricasoli. mazzini had prophesied to cavour some months earlier: "you will be in the camp in some corner of lombardy when the peace which betrays venice will be signed without your knowledge." that was exactly what happened. on july napoleon opened negotiations at villafranca with austria for peace. perhaps he had learned that the french people were no longer enthusiastic over the war and wished to devote himself to his own defense, perhaps he saw that victories were building up a stronger italy than he cared to have, perhaps he feared a possible intervention by prussia. his whole conduct towards italy was one of most perplexing changes, certain it is that he now deliberately threw away all the advantages of victory and made every loyal italian his enemy. had he been more of a statesman he would have foreseen the consequences of his acts. the terms of the peace were that venice should be left to austria, modena, tuscany, and romagna given back to their petty princes, the pope made president of a league in which austria was to be a party. it was the basest betrayal of italian hopes. cavour was absolutely prostrated, he saw all his wonderful plans shattered beyond redemption, he saw himself totally dishonored in the sight of the people he had led into war. he rushed to the camp of victor emmanuel and advised him either to abdicate or fight on alone. in that moment the king rose superior to his great minister, he decided to sign the treaty and to wait. victor emmanuel, more bitterly disappointed than on the battlefield of novara, showed that he was as great a statesman as he was a leader of his people. cavour thought of plunging into battle in the hope of being killed, he thought of joining mazzini in extreme revolutionary measures, but meanwhile until a new ministry could be formed he was compelled to continue his government at turin. it became his duty to notify the commissioners he had appointed for florence, parma, and modena to abandon those charges, and he did so, but wrote them privately to stay where they were. farini wrote him from modena that he should treat the returning duke as an enemy of italy, and cavour replied, "the minister is dead; the friend applauds your decision." he had thrown off his old mask of diplomacy and become for the moment one with the revolutionaries. succeeded by rattazzi as prime minister, cavour went to stay for a short period of rest with his relatives in switzerland. he expected to see napoleon seize savoy and nice, although he had not performed his part in the pact of plombières. again napoleon surprised him, he returned to paris without pressing any claim to new territory. meanwhile the people of central italy were asking for union with piedmont, and all the powers were much concerned with their disposition, particularly england, which under the ministry of lord palmerston, an old and warm friend of cavour, was now commencing openly to champion italian independence. palmerston did not trust napoleon and regretted that the only italian statesman whom he considered able to cope with the french was out of office. the british premier wrote at this time, "they talk a great deal in paris of cavour's intrigues. this seems to me unjust. if they mean that he has worked for the aggrandisement and for the emancipation of italy from foreign yoke and austrian domination, this is true, and he will be called a patriot in history. the means he has employed may be good or bad. i do not know what they have been, but the object in view is, i am sure, the good of italy. the people of the duchies have as much right to change their sovereigns as the english people, or the french, or the belgian, or the swedish." napoleon still had five divisions of his army in lombardy and his attitude toward the annexation of the central states was most important. no one knew exactly what that attitude was. he told the piedmontese that he could not allow the union of tuscany, but at the same time he told austrian and papal sympathizers that he was too deeply attached to the principle of italian independence to allow him to make war on the nationalists. rattazzi did not know which course to adopt, although the king was quite willing to risk everything in succoring tuscany. then napoleon suddenly proposed another of his paris congresses to settle the difficulty, and piedmont turned to cavour to speak its claims. the congress never met, but cavour's appointment as envoy and the zealous support of the english government caused the downfall of the ministry, and in january, , cavour again took command of the state. his policy now was plain, "let the people of central italy declare themselves what they want," he said, "and we will stand by their decisions, come what may." the people of central italy wanted union and cavour turned again to see what napoleon would do. what he would do was gradually becoming plainer. he would only sell his assent to the annexation of the states in return for savoy and nice. they were the old stakes of the pact of plombières, and cavour had to decide whether they should go. his decision to sacrifice savoy and nice for the peaceful annexation of central italy has been the most bitterly criticised act in cavour's life. it can never be determined whether the sacrifice was absolutely essential, or whether in time italy might not have been united without that step. in that day the judgment of the best-informed was that napoleon would have sent his army into tuscany unless his desire was met. cavour had only agreed to consider the sacrifice at plombières because he was willing to go to any length to secure italy from foreign domination. he was willing to pay the same price now although he realized what the cost would be to his name. the king had given his daughter as the price of the french alliance. he sadly agreed to the further sacrifice. both victor emmanuel and cavour were looking towards their ultimate goal. it was a tremendous responsibility. napoleon insisted that the treaty should be secret and should not be submitted to the piedmont parliament. he knew that england would be indignant when the news became known. so cavour was forced to keep the decision secret and to prepare to shoulder by himself all the wrath of his people. on march , , after hours of consideration, cavour signed. then he prepared to summon a parliament which might as he foresaw indict him on a charge of high treason for his unconstitutional act. the parliament which for the first time represented piedmont, lombardy, parma, modena, and romagna, met on april . guerrazzi made a most bitter attack on the ministry, in which he likened cavour to the earl of clarendon under charles the second, "hard towards the king, truculent to parliament, who thought in his pride that he could do anything." cavour replied with a stinging description of the men with whom he had had to contend, and avowed his complete responsibility for the treaty. a large majority of the parliament voted with him, but it was a severe test of his power and popularity. garibaldi, born in nice, never forgave him, many of his countrymen considered his act absolutely unwarrantable, a monstrous piece of base ingratitude; he himself knew the price he had paid only too well, but he believed that it was a price he was forced to pay if italy were ever to be free. the next step in the dramatic history followed almost immediately, and although it took place without the open approval of cavour there is no question but that he was secretly hoping for its success. the king of naples and sicily was in hard straits, his people were now continually fomenting revolutions, austria no longer came to his aid as she had formerly. the feeling throughout europe was so general that francis ii. stood on the edge of the precipice that on april victor emmanuel wrote him and told him that his only hope of safety lay in granting his subjects an immediate constitution. francis, like a true bourbon, postponed action until it was too late. meantime northern revolutionists were waking to the idea of sending an expedition south to free sicily, and garibaldi's name was on every tongue. cavour did not wish garibaldi to go, he knew the tremendous odds against his succeeding, and he realized that in case of success serious difficulties must at once arise. he was tempted to keep garibaldi at home by force, but the king would not listen to such action. on may garibaldi and his famous legion sailed from quarto, and with their sailing an accomplished fact cavour gave them such help as he could. good fortune tended on garibaldi and the thousand, they made their landing on the sicilian coast and swept the royal troops before them. the english fleet did not actually aid them, but were not sorry for their happy progress. the rest of the world looked on and wondered if this sudden attack on southern italy was another of cavour's coups. most observers considered that it was. the king of naples said that garibaldi was a blind; behind him was ranged piedmont, intent on the fall of his dynasty. garibaldi was hailed at palermo as dictator and his victory over sicily was complete. he had always acted in victor emmanuel's name, but cavour feared that his followers were too deeply imbued with mazzini's republican ideas to be eager to join with piedmont. he was mistaken, he did not then altogether understand garibaldi, and he never did entire justice to mazzini's principles. if the european powers had protested, garibaldi could not have crossed to the mainland, but england would not accept napoleon's proposal to intervene, and naples was left to itself. cavour understood that the kingdom of francis must fall, and only hoped that it might be by diplomacy rather than at the hands of garibaldi's troops. his plans to this end failed, garibaldi reached calabria and began his triumphal march to naples. he had become a name with which to conjure all classes of the people, victory over every evil must follow his footsteps, the kingdom of naples, wretchedly weak, fell before him. garibaldi became a hero throughout europe, it was now cavour's task to treat diplomatically with such a victorious force. in order that garibaldi might not attempt to sweep north through papal territory cavour determined to send the army of northern italy down into umbria and the marches of ancona. it was a direct defiance of the temporal power of the pope, but all discerning men had seen that the step must soon come. moreover it was the desire now of practically all italy to be united, the flood had swept so far that they would be content with nothing but the whole peninsula. again europe made no effectual protest, napoleon was as usual undetermined, lord palmerston eager for italy's success. ancona fell, and victor emmanuel marched on into neapolitan territory, delivering the last central provinces from austrian influence. the austrian government did not declare war, perhaps they realized at last that the world was moving forward, not backward, and that they had had their day. garibaldi's last victory occurred on the volturno on october . the royal forces and the victorious legion had practically met. cavour was strongly tempted to declare victor emmanuel dictator, but his belief in constitutional methods triumphed. he would not bedim one ray of garibaldi's glory, but he wanted to cement the constitutional monarchy. disputes arose between the royal generals and the revolutionists, cavour insisted that the garibaldian troops should be honorably treated. he knew that garibaldi had not forgiven him for the sacrifice of nice, but he could place higher his own admiration for the hero. "garibaldi," he wrote to the king, "has become my most violent enemy, but i desire for the good of italy, and the honor of your majesty, that he should retire entirely satisfied." tremendous popular influences were at work to have a dictator appointed to govern southern italy for at least a year. cavour might have consented to the popular acclaim for garibaldi, or have compelled the appointment of one of his own party. he did neither, instead he appealed to the parliament. he introduced a bill authorizing the government to accept the immediate annexation of such provinces of central and southern italy as expressed by universal suffrage their desire to become a part of the constitutional kingdom of victor emmanuel. parliament passed this bill on october . it was still in doubt whether the garibaldians would agree. on october garibaldi called his followers together, and declared that if the people voted for annexation they should have it. then he issued the order that "the two sicilies form an integral part of italy, one and indivisible under the constitutional king, victor emmanuel, and his successors." he had made the king a present of his conquests. it is probable that cavour had truly estimated garibaldi's depths of patriotism. napoleon still kept his troops at gaeta, but was finally brought to see that the conflict could only end in the one way. the french fleet withdrew, and the city surrendered february , . francis ii. went into exile. rome still held out, but cavour was determined that the pope's temporal power must end and that city become the capital of the new kingdom. a general election to the new parliament took place, and the returns showed a large majority pledged to cavour's views. when the new chamber met their first act was to vote victor emmanuel's assumption of the title of king of italy. it had been proposed by some that the title be king of the italians, but cavour insisted that only king of italy spoke of the accomplished fact of the new nation. on march , , cavour stated in parliament that italy must have rome as its capital, but on the distinct understanding that this act should in no sense denote the servitude of the church. he proclaimed a free church in a free state as the solution of the historic problem, events had shown that a power which could only be sustained by means of foreign support was not destined to last. parliament voted for rome as the capital, and cavour opened negotiations with the vatican. he found argument there vain, and turned to france in the hope of securing an ally who could conciliate the pope. meanwhile he was busied with the disposition of garibaldi's troops, which were persistently disregarded by the regular army. garibaldi was indignant and stated in parliament that cavour was "driving the country into civil war." cavour, stung by the words, nevertheless held his peace and replied calmly. the breach between the two men was made up, they met as friends a little later at the king's desire. in may, , it was seen that cavour was ailing, he had worked too hard and given himself no chance to rest. the last day he sat in parliament he fell ill with fever, and from that he never recovered. unto the very end he was deep in plans for the new nation; on june he died. the tale of the birth of the italian nation reads like a romance, barrier after barrier, seemingly insurmountable, fell at the touch of a wand, and the wand was ever in cavour's hand. mazzini had breathed a new hope into italy, victor emmanuel had given a noble leader to the cause, garibaldi had fought and conquered, but it was cavour who had so fused their efforts that they led to the single goal. he was always the italian first, the minister of piedmont afterwards. in history he will figure as a great patriot, in his lifetime he was recognized throughout europe as the great statesman. it is reported that metternich in his old age said, "there is only one diplomatist in europe, but he is against us; it is m. de cavour." palmerston always recognized him as the one man who could unite his country and foil napoleon, bismarck studied him as a pattern for his own later efforts, and napoleon, his lifelong ally and opponent, conceded that cavour alone impressed him as a genius of the first rank in statecraft. his contemporaries could not always understand him, he had so often to give up the immediate advantage for the future gain, he had to wear his mask so frequently even among his own people that men grew to believe he preferred the circuitous to the straight path. from the vantage point of a later day it is possible to see how frail was the skiff he navigated and how perilous the seas. it was so easy for the powers of europe, secure themselves, to prefer peace to any fresh disturbance. what did the welfare of a few small states matter to them? italy was chronically misgoverned. cavour had to take each forward step in fear that he might call down upon piedmont the avalanche of europe; his one ally, the french emperor, was as stable as quicksilver, never two days the same. it almost passes belief that cavour did manage to sail his skiff into port, he could only have done it by alternate patience and audacity. cavour did not live to see rome or venice become part of the kingdom, but it was his work that made those later triumphs possible. he had foreseen their coming, he had a genius for foresight, even in the early days when he seemed speaking only for piedmont he was planning for italy. but in his planning for the great goal he never forgot to make certain of each step, his diplomacy was a logical sequence of accepted opportunities, he believed in taking the straight path if that were possible, if not in circling the obstacle that blocked his way. the story is told that when the wife of the russian minister at turin was shopping in that city the clerk suddenly left her and ran to the door. when he returned he said, "i saw count cavour passing, and wishing to know how our affairs are going on, i wanted to see how he looked. he looks in good spirits, so everything is going right." the story illustrates how, after cavour had once taken the helm, the people of piedmont trusted him, growing more and more confident that he would lead them aright although they could not always see the logic of his steps. few statesmen have received more complete allegiance from a people than cavour ultimately won, but no statesman ever deserved the gratitude of his countrymen more unreservedly. [illustration: garibaldi] garibaldi, the crusader when mazzini had stirred men's minds to fever-heat in the great cause of italian liberty, and cavour had so manipulated events that political progress was possible, came garibaldi, to lead with all the fire of a crusader the new race of italian patriots. he was a hero of legends as soon as he took the field. he cannot be compared to any modern general, nor his army to any other army of recent centuries; he was the personal hero whose red shirt and slouch hat became symbols of liberty, and whose name was sufficient to work miracles of faith. many a calabrian peasant confidently expected the millennium to follow in garibaldi's footsteps, and this faith, spreading as all great popular emotions do, swept him and his ragged volunteers to victory after victory that a less legendary but vastly more experienced general never would have known. he was always the pure-hearted crusader with the single goal. giuseppe garibaldi was born in nice in the year , two years the junior of mazzini, three years the senior of cavour. his parents, who were in very modest circumstances, wished him to enter the priesthood, but his nature was too adventurous to suit him for the religious life. even as a boy he craved action and wanted to share his father's life on the sea. father and grandfather had been sailors, and the boy giuseppe could not be kept from boats. realizing this inheritance, the father took him with him on his voyages. his second voyage was made to rome, and the sight of that city stirred the boy to the foundations of his nature. years later he wrote of this first boyhood impression, "rome, which i had before admired and thought of frequently, i ever since have loved. it has been dear to me beyond all things. i not only admired her for her former power and the remains of antiquity, but even the smallest thing connected with her was precious to me." very early, on a voyage to russia, a young ligurian mate told the youth something of the plans of the scattered italian patriots, and, once conscious that there was a movement on foot to liberate his beloved country, garibaldi sought all people and writings which could enlighten him on that score. thus he came almost immediately under the influence of mazzini's work and joined his new movement of "young italy." from the moment of this association his life held the single purpose, he was ready to make any sacrifice in this cause. in he joined in the ill-fated expedition to savoy, and as a consequence found himself on february , of that year, flying from genoa as a proscript. a few days later he learned from a newspaper that he had been condemned to death by the government. shortly afterwards he sailed from marseilles for brazil. for the next fourteen years garibaldi led the life of a guerilla leader, fighting the battles of montevideo, and taking a chief part in the innumerable wars for independence which served to keep the south american states in constant upheaval during the first half of the nineteenth century. the various states were full of french, spanish, and italian adventurers, and garibaldi contrived, with that intuitive insight into character which was one of the chief characteristics of his genius, to choose certain of the italians who were as intense partisans of liberty as he, and form them into a legion, destined to be the nucleus of that famous italian "legion" which was later to win its victories on the other side of the world. the south american adventures of the young general read like a story from the romantic pages of a novelist, they are a perpetual record of battles, sieges, and alarms. through their turbulent course garibaldi learned experience of rough, irregular fighting, which was later to prove invaluable. to add to the romance of these years garibaldi met at a small town in the district of laguna, in brazil, the woman who so charmed him at first sight that he immediately wooed her and won her for his wife, the dearly beloved anita who accompanied him afterwards on all his military expeditions, both by land and sea, and proved herself the equal of any of his men in devotion and the most intrepid courage in the face of extreme peril. in pius ix., the new pontiff, stirred all italian patriots with the brave words he uttered in behalf of a new and free italy. to men who had waited long for a leader who should unite all the small states the pope appeared as a real deliverer, and for a few short months he did indeed stand at the head of a movement closely allied to the guelphic policies of the middle ages. the news of the pope's call to all italians reached garibaldi and his friends in montevideo, and immediately the former and his friend, colonel anzani, wrote to pius ix. tendering him their allegiance, and offering the assistance of their swords. lines throughout the letter show the self-abnegating, single-hearted devotion of garibaldi to italy's cause, the one sacred service of his life. "if then to-day our arms, which are not strangers to fighting, are acceptable to your holiness, we need not say how willingly we shall offer them in the service of one who has done so much for our country and our church. we shall count ourselves happy if we can but come to aid pius ix. in his work of redemption.... we shall consider ourselves privileged if we are allowed to show our devotedness by offering our blood." unfortunately the pope was not made of the same heroic fiber as the south american soldier. no answer was made to the letter, but garibaldi was so eager to be on the scene of action and learn conditions for himself that he immediately sailed, although still under sentence of death, for italy with fifty members of his legion. they landed at nice on june , . already they had learned at alicante the stirring events of that memorable spring, and were burning to take the field against the austrians. the leader and his handful of men hastened to lombardy to offer their services to the sardinian king, charles albert. the king received the offer very coldly, but, his ardor undaunted, garibaldi pushed on to milan. the latter city had learned of his many battles in south america and hailed him with great enthusiasm. from the country volunteers came pouring to his standard, and in an incredibly short time at least , men had joined the remnant of the legion. they were most of them wild with the desire to drive the austrians from lombardy. charles albert was defeated and signed an armistice by which milan was given back to the empire, but the garibaldian army paid no heed to the formal terms of peace, and continued a guerilla warfare wherever white-coated austrians were to be found. an eye-witness, giulio dandolo, thus describes the appearance of garibaldi's troops: "picture to yourself," he says, "an incongruous assemblage of individuals of all descriptions, boys of twelve or fourteen, veteran soldiers attracted by the fame of the celebrated chieftain of montevideo, some stimulated by ambition, others seeking for impunity and license in the confusion of war, yet so restrained by the inflexible severity of their leader that courage and daring alone could find a vent, whilst more lawless passions were curbed beneath his will. the general and his staff all rode on american saddles, wore scarlet blouses, with hats of every possible form, without distinction of any kind, or pretension to military ornament.... garibaldi, if the encampment was far from the scene of danger, would stretch himself under his tent; if on the contrary the enemy were near at hand he remained constantly on horseback giving orders and visiting the outposts. often disguised as a peasant, he risked his own safety in daring reconnaissances, but most frequently, seated on some commanding elevation, he would pass whole hours examining the surrounding country with his telescope. when the general's trumpet gave the signal to prepare for departure lassoes secured the horses which had been left to graze in the meadows. the order of march was always arranged on the preceding day, and the corps set out without so much as knowing where the evening would find them. owing to this patriarchal simplicity, pushed sometimes too far, garibaldi appeared more like the chief of a tribe of indians than a general, but at the approach of danger and in the heat of combat, his presence of mind was admirable; and then by the astonishing rapidity of his movements he made up in a great measure for his deficiency in those qualities which are generally supposed to be absolutely essential to a military commander." speed and audacity constituted the two main elements of the leader's tactics. one day when on lake maggiore garibaldi managed to take two austrian steamers by surprise, and placing men upon them, suddenly appeared at luino. from there he planned an attack on , austrians encamped nearby, but news of his intentions reached the enemy, and he was obliged to scatter his small force in a skilfully contrived retreat. the actual result of such a campaign was small, but the extreme skill of his sudden advances and retreats won him a european prestige as a master of light warfare, and continually brought soldiers to his standard. when the regular armies ceased fighting ardent patriots turned to garibaldi as the last remaining hope. while in switzerland he was seized with marsh fever and became dangerously ill. when he recovered he joined his family at nice and there spent the autumn. charles albert had by now repented his cold treatment of the young man's offer of service and tendered him a high rank in the sardinian army. garibaldi, however, wished more immediate action than such a position offered, and had moreover been fired with hope at the reports of daniel manin's heroic defense of venice against the austrians. he determined to go to venice, and started with two hundred and fifty volunteer companions. at ravenna he learned of the revolution at rome, and then, as always in his life, could not resist the call of the eternal city. he changed his course towards rome, and as he traveled his followers increased to men. with this band he approached the city, which had been deserted by that pope of noble impulses but timid resolution to whom garibaldi had written offering his services the previous year. pius ix. executed a complete volte-face. terrified at the assassination of his prime minister rossi, and worked on by his clerical ministers of state and foreign diplomatists, he withdrew the liberal concessions he had just granted his roman subjects, declared the notoriously vicious king bomba of naples a model monarch and fled to gaeta, leaving rome to the revolutionists. at the same time mazzini the arch idealist appeared among them, and he and garibaldi, both hailed as pre-eminent leaders in their respective fields, were elected members of the new roman assembly. mazzini was in charge of the civil government, garibaldi of the army now rapidly gathering from all parts of italy. he took his position on the frontier menaced by the neapolitan army, and fortified the stronghold of rieti. meanwhile in northern italy charles albert had again taken the field, had lost the battle of novara, and had abdicated. the roman republic immediately found itself beset by great european powers, austria, spain, and naples, eager to restore the pontiff and teach his audacious subjects a salutary lesson. as manin in venice, so mazzini in rome looked to france for succor, or at least to uphold the policy of non-intervention. did not the constitution of the then existing french republic specifically state that that nation "would never employ her arms against the liberty of any people"? acting on this assumption the roman assembly voted for the perpetual abolition of the temporal power of the pope, and on april , , addressed a manifesto to the governments of england and france, setting forth "that the roman people had the right to give themselves the form of government which pleased them, that they had sanctioned the independence and free exercise of the spiritual authority of the pope, and that they trusted that england and france would not assist in restoring a government irreconcilable by its nature with liberty and civilization, and morally destitute of all authority for many years past, and materially so during the previous five months." nevertheless, louis napoleon, president of the french republic, sent an army under general oudinot to civita vecchia, declaring that his purpose was simply to maintain order. the triumvirs, mazzini, armellini, and saffi, thought it wisest to prepare rome for possible defense, and called garibaldi from the neapolitan frontier. the roman republic hailed him as its defender. "this mysterious conqueror," says miraglia, "surrounded by a brilliant halo of glory, who entered rome on the eve of the very day on which the republic was about to be attacked, was in the minds of the roman people the only man capable of maintaining the 'decree of resistance;' therefore the multitudes on the very instant united themselves with the man who personified the wants of the moment and who was the hope of all." april was the date of the first french attack, an assault so violently resisted that picked troops were disastrously routed by a much smaller number of garibaldi's volunteers. oudinot was amazed, and sought an armistice, while louis napoleon, in order to hurry re-enforcements to civita vecchia, sent de lesseps to open negotiations for peace. garibaldi desired no armistice, he feared delay, but the triumvirs still hoped to obtain france's assistance ultimately and so checked his pursuing the first advantage. it was a contest between the principles of diplomacy and warfare. the negotiations with the french envoy dragged, but meanwhile garibaldi was not idle. on may , with light troops, he secretly left rome. on the th they reached palestrina, and on the following day met the neapolitan army, some strong. three hours of fighting put the latter troops to ignominious flight. later their general attributed the overwhelming defeat to the superstitious terror inspired in his men by the very name of garibaldi, and the remarkable appearance of his red-shirted troops. they were convinced that garibaldi was the devil, for they found that even holy silver bullets failed to strike him down. fearing lest the french might attack rome in his absence garibaldi now returned there, making a rapid retreat and passing within two miles of the enemy. de lesseps and the triumvirs were still conferring. then for some unaccountable reason a colonel roselli was placed over garibaldi's head, and the famous commander, probably the victim of malicious envy, was only second in command. he did not complain. "some of my friends," he wrote characteristically, "urged me not to accept a secondary position, under a man who, only the day before, was my inferior, but i confess these questions of self-love never yet troubled me; whoever gives me a chance of fighting, if only as a common soldier, against the enemy of my country, him will i thank." the army of king bomba now rallied, and took certain strongholds on the road to rome. garibaldi was sent out to dislodge them, and met and put to flight a large neapolitan column near velletri. the latter took refuge in that city, but when the roman volunteers made a reconnaissance of the place in the morning they found the army had fled panic-stricken during the night. again the name of garibaldi and the magic of his red shirt, or famous "camicia rossa," had been too much for them. the only credit the neapolitan general could contrive to take to himself was a statement in the official report of the extraordinary rapidity and safety of his retreat. a few days later general roselli ordered garibaldi to carry the war into neapolitan territory, and he had proceeded along the ancient samnite road as far as the banks of the volturno when messengers called him in all haste back to rome to be present at the final negotiations with the french. he returned to rome on may , to be hailed again as the invincible defender of the republic. the french commissioner de lesseps signed certain agreements with the roman assembly and then referred these agreements to general oudinot for ratification. the general, however, had by this time received his long-desired re-enforcements, and, stating that de lesseps had exceeded his authority, prepared for an immediate attack. he said, however, that he would postpone the actual assault until monday, june , but did actually commence operations on sunday the d, taking the romans off their guard and capturing the outposts and the ponte molle. so soon as the treacherous attack was known the bells of the capitol gave the alarm, and garibaldi's legion, together with the lombard volunteers, rushed to the defense. the fighting in the entire circuit of the city's walls was desperate, but the soldiers of the legion were no longer opposed to austrians or superstitious neapolitans, but to veteran french troops, so numerous that losses meant little to them. nevertheless the city held out while de lesseps pleaded for the terms of his agreement at paris. garibaldi tried every device to dislodge the french batteries which were shattering the roman walls, but all to no avail. it was clear that the siege would be only a matter of days before news came that the french government disavowed any part in the agreement signed by de lesseps. mazzini still urged resistance to the end, but the disparity in forces was so overwhelming that garibaldi could not agree with him. this difference of opinion tended to widen still further the gulf which already existed between the theorist and the soldier. on june the french succeeded in planting a battery within the city walls, and from that time the work of destruction progressed more rapidly. the defense was intensely dramatic, demagogues mixing with the purest natured patriots, the popular orator ciceruacchio, with bloody shirt and sword, pouring forth his burning words on the spirit of ancient roman independence, ugo bassi, the monk, going about among the dying, holding the crucifix before their eyes, utterly regardless of the storm of bullets all around him. it was a noble defense, but it could have only one end, and so finally on june , at the advice of garibaldi, who appeared before the triumvirs, his clothing shot into ribbons, the government issued the order that "the roman republic in the name of god and the people gives up a defense which has become impossible." on that same day the triumvirs resigned, and the assembly appointed garibaldi dictator. for a few days negotiations looking to an armistice were conducted between the french and the roman lines. finally, on july , the negotiations came to an end. garibaldi called the troops into the great square before st. peter's. "soldiers!" he declared, "that which i have to offer you is this; hunger, thirst, cold, heat; no pay, no barracks, no rations, but frequent alarms, forced marches, charges at the point of the bayonet. whoever loves our country and glory may follow me!" about four thousand men instantly volunteered, and at almost the same hour when the french entered the city the little legion left, taking the road to tivoli, with the purpose of gaining the broken tuscan mountain country. the leader's devoted wife anita went with him, as patiently his companion in adventures in italy as in her native south america. the papal banner was flung from the castle of st. angelo, and the roman republic came to an end. its story is almost as eventful, almost as heroic as manin's defense of the venetian republic during practically the same time. in both cases the cities fell, but as manin at venice so mazzini and garibaldi at rome had taught their people that they were capable of the greatest sacrifices in the cause of that liberty of which all italy was dreaming. long pages would be needed to tell of the excitements and dangers which befell garibaldi and his army as they threaded their way northward, their ultimate destination venice, which had not yet surrendered. the french and austrians were always at their heels, and the troop must inevitably have been captured but for the masterly skill of the general in such guerilla warfare. swift night marches, daytime lying in wait, sudden attacks and equally sudden retreats, served to carry them gradually away from rome. they left orvieto one hour before the french troops entered. thence the route lay by arezzo and montepulciano to the little republic of san marino, close to rimini. by this time the army was sadly reduced in size and strength, the austrians were pressing close upon their heels, and garibaldi saw that escape could only lie in scattering his men. he released all the volunteers, bidding them farewell, reminding them that it was better to die than to live as slaves to the foreigner. the austrians threatened an immediate attack on san marino, and garibaldi with a few companions fled secretly at night. anita, although utterly worn out by illness, would not leave him. the little band reached the port of cesenatico and embarked on the adriatic in thirteen small boats. the austrian fire forced nine of the boats to surrender, the remaining four, in one of which was the general, his wife, ciceruacchio, the roman orator, and the priest ugo bassi, succeeded in escaping and landing near the mouth of the po. the fugitives had barely landed when they were surrounded by austrian scouts. anita became desperately ill, and was forced to hide with her husband in a cornfield, an old comrade of garibaldi's in south america keeping watch over them. the general was beside himself with grief as he tended his rapidly failing wife. ugo bassi, afraid to stay with them lest his presence should lead to their discovery, was shortly captured by austrians, and ciceruacchio and the nine others were soon after taken prisoners. all but the orator and the priest were immediately shot. bassi and ciceruacchio were taken to bologna, and there ordered executed by bedini, the papal legate, a man of infamous memory, who commanded that bassi be tortured before execution. the heroic priest must always stand forth as one of the rarest martyr-spirits produced by the great struggle for italian liberty. garibaldi succeeded in finding some kind-hearted peasants who carried anita to a cottage. not long after she reached its shelter she died. the general, broken-hearted, was forced by the approach of austrian soldiers to go to ravenna, thence in disguise he went to florence and finally to genoa. here he visited his mother and his three children, who had been left by anita with their grandmother. his presence in genoa was an embarrassment to the government at turin, and they courteously asked him to leave italy. instead of doing so he went to sardinia, much to the uneasiness of the french, who wished him farther away. in this mountain island he lived a life, half that of a hermit, and half of a bandit, continually hunted as an outlaw, and finding entire safety only on the small island rock of caprera. this tiny island, destined to become famous as his home, abounded in natural beauty of a wild and desolate type, and made a deep impression on the refugee, whose mind was always peculiarly open to the spell of majestic scenery. finally, to the great relief of both france and piedmont, garibaldi was induced to leave sardinian territory. he went to gibraltar, but was only allowed to stay twenty-four hours. no european country was anxious to harbor a man whose name had become a watchword for revolutionary zeal. finding this to be the case the general sailed for new york, and spent about a year and a half engaged in making tallow candles in a small back street. he was not alone in his exile, the disturbing years of and had sent many a revolutionary exile across the seas, and at one time in new york lamartine, louis blanc, ledru rollin, and three or four others almost equally prominent were supporting themselves there by manual labor. when he left new york garibaldi went again to south america, and became captain of a merchant vessel trading between peru and hong kong. again he returned to new york and commanded a trader flying the american flag but sailed by italians, who like himself were awaiting a new tide in affairs before returning home. the many ups and downs of these roving years abounded with adventures, but even here garibaldi's life was no more thrilling than when he was at the head of his irregular troops in italy. after four years of wandering he returned to genoa, stopping for a short stay at newcastle-on-tyne, where he was enthusiastically greeted by english admirers, and given a presentation sword. when he reached genoa he found that his mother had died, and that his three children were living with his cousins. a few short trips at sea succeeded in earning him sufficient money to buy part of the little island of caprera, of which he was so fond. here he established himself to await events. europe had grown more peaceful, but garibaldi, hot-headed as he was, could see that piedmont was slowly but surely widening the breach between herself and austria. he began to look to piedmont as the hope of italy, and little by little to understand, especially when the small kingdom allied itself with france and england against russia, that piedmont meant cavour, and that the latter was the match of any diplomatic strategist in europe. garibaldi purchased half of the island of caprera in , and immediately took possession. working with his own hands he built first a log hut and then a more pretentious villa, to which in time he brought his cousins, the deideris, and his children, theresita, who was rapidly becoming a very beautiful girl, and the boys menotti and ricciotti. the general called himself the "recluse of caprera," and worked hard to cultivate a soil naturally barren and difficult. he was glad of the opportunity to rest after so many years of stirring action, and day by day grew more enamoured of the wild vegetation of his island home and the steep cliffs that bordered it against the sea. often he had visitors from nearby sardinia, simple enthusiastic folk who were delighted to look upon him as a national hero, and confidently expected that some day he would lead an italian army to the greatest victories. in such patriarchal simplicity he spent the years until , hearing from time to time news of cavour's policies at turin, always eager in hope that his sword might soon be drawn in conjunction with that of a national army. ten years of patient waiting and subtle diplomacy mark the decade between the siege of rome and . in that time cavour, by the successive steps of the crimean war, the congress of paris, and the secret pact of plombières, had succeeded in isolating austria from the other powers, and in allying louis napoleon with piedmont. his next step was to prepare actively for war, and with this purpose he called garibaldi to see him at turin. garibaldi went to the minister's house, dressed in his usual campaign clothes, wearing a loose red blouse and broad-brimmed hat, and refused to give his name to the servant. on cavour's hearing of the presence of such a disreputable appearing stranger, he said, "let the poor devil in, he probably has some petition to ask of me." the meeting was most amicable, cavour asked garibaldi to command the new volunteer army known as the "hunters of the alps," and garibaldi was delighted to accept. immediately he began recruiting his forces, and so spontaneous was the rising throughout northern and central italy that by may of that year he was at the head of three regiments of infantry well-equipped for instant service. austria was dismayed, and demanded that cavour dismiss the men, but by what was probably the most fortunate coup in his whole career cavour was able to appear willing to have peace, and yet force austria to war. napoleon stood by piedmont, and in may, , the campaign that was to redeem the inglorious field of novara commenced. garibaldi's great reputation caused friction between him and the officers of the regular army, and he who had been used to the greatest freedom of action found himself seriously hampered by directions from headquarters. he hailed with delight king victor emmanuel's permission to separate from the regular army and fight as he pleased, accompanied as it was with the king's remark, "go where you like, do what you like; i feel only one regret, that i am not able to follow you." the resulting campaign showed the great guerilla warrior at his best. as with the neapolitans in , so with the croats in , garibaldi was credited with superhuman powers. at times the success attending his sheer effrontery seemed almost to justify such a conclusion. time and again he placed himself in positions so desperate that it was only his quickness of wit in seizing at a possible chance that saved him. had he failed he would have been rated as a bungler, but as he succeeded the desperation of each chance served only to magnify his strategy. he was a remarkable mathematician, able to estimate all possible combinations adroitly and quickly, he never despaired, and never hesitated when he had decided on a plan. as a result the "hunters of the alps," or _garibaldini_, as the volunteers were called, hung on the austrian troops all through lombardy and the lake country, driving them from town after town by sudden assaults, continually tricking much larger forces by clever misrepresentations of their own strength. garibaldi entered lombard territory and took varese. after defeating the austrians near there in the battle of malnate he swept up to cavallesca, near como, and, attacking a much larger force than his own, drove the enemy through como towards monza. como received the hunters with open arms, garibaldi telegraphed to milan, using the austrian general's name, and so gained information of the allies. soon afterwards he stationed his advance guard at the villa medici, looking down over lake after lake, and with a panoramic view of the alps. here the austrians thought to surround him, but by means of sending false messages planned to fall into the enemy's hands, and by taking advantage of a heavy storm at night, he succeeded in escaping them and regaining como. meanwhile the regular army was winning victories, montebello, magenta, solferino, and san martino were falling to the glory of french and italian arms. the austrians were steadily being driven back, garibaldi left como and took bergamo, then brescia. as he advanced the men of the land he crossed joined his army, brescia set to work to fortify its walls at his command. he was ordered to follow the austrians, and pursued them to tre ponti, which he won, although at such a cost he was obliged to fall back on the main army. napoleon the third had no intention of winning too many victories for italy, nor of allowing the garibaldian troops to gain unseemly power. the plans of the general were therefore interfered with, his recruits diverted into other channels, and the hunters sent into the passes of the stelvio on the pretext of preventing an attack from germany, but in reality to prevent garibaldi from crossing lake garda and gaining the valley of the adige and the veronese mountains. the general obeyed, and conducted a markedly successful campaign near sondrio and bormio, finding himself in his true element among the alps. then came the stupefying news that napoleon had made the peace of villafranca. the rage of the _garibaldini_ knew no bounds, their general hurried to victor emmanuel's camp to tender his resignation. the king would not accept it. "italy still requires the legions you command," he said, "you must remain!" garibaldi returned to his troops, his hatred for louis napoleon more intense than ever, but convinced that the peace only marked a short pause in the great forward movement. too much credit cannot be given victor emmanuel for his resolution at this time. bitterly disappointed as he must have been at such an abrupt end to a campaign that had promised to open italy from the alps to the adriatic, he yet managed to hide his chagrin, and held garibaldi, even as he a little later induced cavour to resume the post which he had in a burst of rage resigned. fortunately also the formal statement of the peace-makers that the princes should be restored to their thrones in florence, modena, and parma, and the pope's legates at bologna, ferrara, forli, and ravenna was simply a statement, the people of those cities had quite different views. they had tasted of liberty and of the victories of a national army, and one city after another announced that it would have no more of its foreign rulers, that its people wished to become citizens of italy and subjects of victor emmanuel. garibaldi heard this and was convinced that it no longer lay in the power of his arch enemy, louis napoleon, to keep italians separated. "whatever may be the march of existing circumstances," he said to his men, "italians must neither lay aside their arms, nor be discouraged. they ought on the contrary to increase in number in their ranks, to testify to europe that, guided by their king, victor emmanuel, they are ready to face again the vicissitudes of war, whatever they may be. perhaps at the moment we least expect it the signal of alarm may again be sounded!" he was sent into central italy, and at florence, at bologna, at rimini, he had only to appear to have volunteers crowd about him. napoleon learned of this and remonstrated to the government at turin, which attempted to check the ardor of its great general, and yet keep him for further use. it was a time when cavour's skill was taxed to the uttermost to avoid a break either with the french or with the garibaldians. the news of cavour's decision to cede savoy and nice to france, a decision only reached when it became evident that it was the price napoleon demanded for allowing central italy to unite with piedmont, came like a thunder clap to garibaldi. born in nice he declared that the act made him "a stranger in his own country." he was immediately returned to parliament for nice and bitterly attacked cavour's policy in the chamber. he spoke at length, claiming that the cession was both an infraction of the original charter by which nice had become a part of the sardinian kingdom, and a violation of the fundamental law of nationality. cavour, however, carried the parliament with him, and garibaldi left for nice to take farewell of it, for he refused to remain there and become a citizen of france. he was disgusted with the compromises of diplomacy. "i have nothing to do with men or political parties," he declared, "my country, and nothing but my country, is my object." two other incidents of the campaign of must be mentioned, the one garibaldi's visit to anita's grave near ravenna, the scene of those bitter days immediately after the fall of rome, to which he now returned as a conqueror. the other was his marriage at como during his fighting in the lakes to giuseppina raymondi, the adventurous daughter of the marquis raymondi, who persuaded the general that she was deeply in love with him, in order that marriage might shield her sadly tarnished name. garibaldi would not hear of the marriage at first, and declared that since anita's death his heart was withered. the marquis answered, "it is with freedom, and with italian unity that my daughter is enamoured, and with you as the embodiment of it in italy." the general could not withstand that appeal, and consented to the marriage. the depths of the treachery were revealed to him immediately afterwards, and he left his new wife at once. it was years, however, before he was granted a divorce from her. mazzini, cavour, and garibaldi each played an important part in the next act of the great drama of italy, but garibaldi unquestionably held the center of the stage. the act was the famous expedition of the thousand to sicily, a performance foolhardy and rash in the extreme, which was, however, destined to bring to a speedy fruition the long-deferred hopes of all italians patriots. mazzini's part was to prepare the field, he had early chosen sicily as a most favorable scene for revolutionary action, and had sent agents to smuggle arms into the island, to hold meetings and generally to arouse the people. cavour's part was to play the double game of protesting against the expedition in the eyes of the powers, and of aiding it as best he could secretly. he foresaw the risks that would beset it, and the even greater risk to his king of having such a dictator as garibaldi win many victories, yet he could not absolutely prevent a scheme devised in all patriotic fervor. he gave public orders to the sardinian admiral to capture garibaldi and bring him back, but with a secret message which the admiral rightly understood as meaning that cavour wished no such event to happen. in much the same manner the british ambassador at turin, sir james hudson, and the british fleet in the mediterranean, although ostensibly strictly neutral, contrived not to embarrass garibaldi, and the fleet even went so far as to appear inadvertently between the neapolitan ships and those that bore the thousand, thereby preventing what might have been an untimely cannonade. though few in official places therefore openly countenanced the expedition, many hoped that it would succeed. under such circumstances the general sailed from genoa on may , , with some picked men, many recruited from the "hunters of the alps," henceforth to be known as the "mille," and destined to make one of the greatest expeditions in history, and eventually to give two crowns to the house of savoy. it was an historic day when the "great filibuster," as garibaldi was called, sailed from genoa. parents, wives, and children bade the thousand a tearful farewell in the rocky bay of quarto, where to-day a marble star upon the cliff commemorates the event. at talamone they landed to seize some arms and to send a force of one hundred men into the papal states to incite rebellion. then they set sail fairly out to sea, and garibaldi and his chiefs planned the sicilian campaign. may the two shiploads reached marsala, hotly pursued by neapolitan cruisers. the thousand took possession of the town, the general issued glowing proclamations to the citizens, and quickly recruited a corps of over a thousand sicilian scouts. from marsala they went to salemi, a march triumphantly acclaimed by monks, priests, women, and children who lined the roads, and with sicilian impetuosity were carried away by the sudden appearance of an italian army. at salemi garibaldi issued this pronunciamento: "garibaldi, commander-in-chief of the national forces in sicily, on the invitation of the principal citizens, and on the deliberation of the free communes of the island, considering that in time of war it is necessary that the civil and military power should be united in one person, assumes, in the name of victor emmanuel, king of italy, the dictatorship in sicily." the first battle was fought in the heart of the mountains, at calatafimi, where numbers of ancient ruins gave garibaldi opportunity to use his skill in irregular fighting. the battle lasted three hours, both garibaldi's son menotti, and the son of daniel manin of venice, were wounded; in the end the conflict was a victory for the thousand. the neapolitans fell back on palermo, and garibaldi planned to take the sicilian capital. throughout the campaign the officers of the king of naples showed the same sublime incompetence which characterized their sovereign. palermo should have been easy to defend, and with this knowledge, and misled by garibaldi's tactics into believing him in retreat, the neapolitan general gave a great dinner at the capital and proceeded to forget the war altogether. as a result, by a remarkably swift march, garibaldi appeared at the gates of palermo, carried them, swept through street after street of the city, and drove the enemy into the castle and palace. for a few days the city was laid waste by bombs from the two latter positions, and from the fleet in the harbor, then the neapolitan general asked for an armistice, which eventually ended in the evacuation of sicily, except at messina and a few forts, by the army of the king of naples. as most of the soldiers were austrians, they left without any deep regret, in fact with almost as much rejoicing as though they had been victors. free from the foreigners, palermo gave itself up to rejoicing, men and women donned red shirts and acclaimed garibaldi as a second cincinnatus and new washington. all relics of the former rulers were destroyed, sicily felt itself at last free to join the other states of italy. immediately cavour sent agents to urge annexation to piedmont, but garibaldi was not yet ready for that step. he planned to win naples and rome before he gave over his independent dictatorship. the scene now changes to milazzo. thither garibaldi's army, composed of the thousand, of many palermitans, of an english brigade, and of hungarians, frenchmen, italians of all ranks, all drawn to the great general whose fame had now spread from end to end of europe, proceeded. there was hard fighting at milazzo, but in time the city fell, and messina lay practically open to the invaders. a few more days and garibaldi was encamped there, resting and recuperating after the entire liberation of sicily. it is no exaggeration to say that fortune had showered her richest gifts on garibaldi during this campaign. in a few short weeks he had driven all the neapolitan forces out of the island with little loss of life to his own men, had come into possession of money, arms, boats, stores of all kinds, had increased his army to some , men, had become the idol of all sicily, to whom the red shirt became the proudest badge of man or woman, had so thoroughly frightened king francis ii. that he was unwilling to join his own army of defense, and had so completely aroused italy that from each town young and old poured forth to make their way to his invincible standard. through it all, he, whom fortune was doing everything to spoil, remained as simple, as unmindful of personal comfort or aggrandizement, as in his early days. he was at his best when he won sicily and planned his march on naples, it was unfortunate that the warrior should ever have attempted to become the statesman. garibaldi's army remained at messina for twenty-three days. during part of that time the general was engaged in assuring the sardinian government that he had no interest in a revolutionary expedition which was attempting to march into the papal states. the rest of the time was given to perfecting his plans for a descent on calabria. august the first detachment of the army sailed from taormina in the _torino_ and the _franklin_. the neapolitan fleet was led into the belief that the embarkation would be at messina, and by this ruse the ships succeeded in crossing to the mainland unmolested. they landed at melito, and early the next morning garibaldi prepared to march on reggio. again speed stood him in good stead. the new army of the south, as the thousand with its recruits was now called, took the neapolitan general by surprise. at two in the morning garibaldi's army marched into the city to find the garrison asleep. the neapolitan soldiers, thoroughly alarmed at the appearance of the devil, as they named garibaldi, so suddenly among them, paid no heed to their officers and rushed to a nearby fortress. there severe fighting occurred during the afternoon and night, but finally the stronghold capitulated, and the garibaldians had won an important base on the mainland. he sent to messina for the remainder of his troops, and on august began that celebrated "promenade militaire" from reggio to naples, which bore little resemblance to warfare, as the enemy fled as fast as he approached, and the countrymen, as well as deserters from the army of naples, flocked to join his march. matters had now come to such a pass that it was only necessary for garibaldi to appear before a town for it to capitulate; at villa san giovanni, garibaldi with a few hundred men back of him, ordered , neapolitans to surrender, and they immediately did so. again at soveria he ordered of the enemy to surrender and was obeyed. it was enough for a red shirt to appear to cause the enemy to fly or surrender, at certain parts of the march the neapolitan soldiers walked side by side with the garibaldians. town after town welcomed the great general as the liberator, as a second john the baptist. both natives and austrians looked upon him with religious awe. he had only to appear to be surrounded with ecstatic multitudes, his scouts had merely to say that garibaldi was coming to send the enemy flying in all haste. in one case it was enough to telegraph he was near the town of salerno, the defenders immediately decamped. the road to naples lay open, the citizens of that easily-excited capital were fairly beside themselves in eagerness to welcome the liberator. the general left salerno by train on september , but as far as speed was concerned he might almost as well have walked. the people of all the towns on the route, torre del greco, resina, portici, turned out, covered the railroad tracks, boarded the train, climbed on the engine, shouting with joy, singing the garibaldi hymn, frantic with enthusiasm as they hailed the man who they believed brought with him the millennium. in naples it was the same, there was no end to the uproar, to the enthusiasm, to the adulation. every one wore red, every one cheered, even the troops of king francis, who had retired to the castle and fortress, could not resist the enthusiasm, and flung up their caps and cheered for garibaldi. naples had no government, garibaldi appointed a temporary governor, and issued a proclamation glowing with patriotic fervor. "people of naples-- "it is with feelings of the profoundest respect and love that i present myself before you in this center of a noble and long-suffering people, whom four centuries of tyranny have not been able to humiliate, and whose spirit could never be broken by a ruthless despotism. the first necessity of italy is harmony and social order, without which the unity of italy is impossible. this day providence has conferred that blessing upon you, and has made me its minister. the same providence has also given you victor emmanuel, whom from this moment i will designate the father of our country. "the model of all sovereigns, he will impress upon his posterity the duty that they owe to a people, who have with so much enthusiasm chosen him for their king. you are supported by the clergy, who, conscious of their true mission, have with patriotic ardor and truly christian conduct, braved the gravest dangers of battle at the head of our italian soldiers. the good monks of la gancia, and the noble-hearted priests of the neapolitan continent have one and all assisted us in the good fight. "i repeat that harmony is the one essential thing for italy, and let us freely forgive those who, having disagreed with us, are now repentant, and are willing to contribute their mite to build up the monument of our national glory. "lastly, we must make it apparent to all that, while we respect the houses of other people, we are determined to be masters in our own house, whether the powers of the earth like it or not.--g. garibaldi." no sooner was the need for actual warfare at an end than countless difficulties arose in the liberated city. garibaldi was no disciplinarian, he had always entrusted all harsh measures to others, he refused to harbor suspicion or ill-will, his nature was patient and simple and confiding. his sole concern was to drive the foreigners out of italy, beyond that he had few plans. but as soon as naples was free scores of theorists in government arose. mazzini appeared, and his followers tried to win garibaldi over to their ideal republic, the clerical party had another plan, the secret societies still another, and the brigands who infested the country about naples were already intriguing for the return of the bourbons, who had allowed them free sway. cavour sent his agents hurrying to naples to keep the people quiet and to urge them to advocate immediate annexation with piedmont. he had, however, a more difficult task on his hands at the same time. he feared that garibaldi would immediately march on rome, and cavour knew that the papal question could not be settled in any such summary fashion. napoleon would immediately intervene, and the army of the south would find itself fighting france. that was his great fear, and to prevent the event if possible he sent the army of piedmont, of lombardy, of tuscany south at the double quick. victor emmanuel must meet garibaldi before the latter crossed the volturno if trouble with france were to be avoided. garibaldi, however, cared very little for diplomacy, his object was to take rome with all speed, and he refused to heed cavour's agents. fortunately francis ii. of naples finally decided to make a stand, and so detained garibaldi until the northern army could arrive. mazzini had said to garibaldi, "if you are not on your way towards rome or venice before three weeks are over, your initiative will be at an end." the prophecy, like so many of mazzini's, proved true. garibaldi had to fight several battles on the volturno and besiege capua before he could turn towards rome, and by that time victor emmanuel had reached the scene of action. the last battles were the hardest fought of the campaign, but were ultimately won by the army of the south. capua held out a little longer, but finally fell, and francis ii. took himself safely to gaeta. on october garibaldi had called for a popular vote in the two sicilies for or against their annexation to piedmont. the vote was overwhelmingly for annexation. garibaldi issued a final proclamation, ending, "italy one (as the metropolis has wisely determined she shall be), under the king, _galantuomo_, who is the symbol of our regeneration, and the prosperity of our country." he met the king, and handed over to him his dictatorship of the kingdom of naples and sicily. this moment, which was the climax of his great expedition, was the proudest of his career. the general was still eager for an immediate march on rome, but the king would not have it. it was arranged that the army of the south should be incorporated with the royal army, and garibaldi left naples for caprera. he borrowed $ to pay certain debts, and in the same meager state in which he had set out he returned to his rock of caprera to wait until he should be needed. at caprera the general, now become the most romantic figure in europe, received countless deputations of admirers from all nations. for a short time he was content to resume his farm labors, but the thought of rome loomed ever larger in his mind. he had not the gift of patience now, he was convinced that his army of volunteers could fight and overcome both france and austria. the delays of cavour's policy irritated him, and finally he went in april, , to the parliament at turin to speak his mind. he made a violent attack on cavour, to which the latter would not reply in kind. a few days later the two men met at the king's request and pretended a reconciliation. garibaldi could not appreciate cavour's temperate statecraft, cavour realized that garibaldi was becoming the most difficult problem italy had to face. unfortunately for garibaldi, and doubly unfortunately for italy, cavour was failing in strength, and only a short time after the scene in turin the great minister died. if he had lived italy would have been spared much that followed. garibaldi returned to caprera and watched from afar the policies of the new premiers, first ricasoli, then rattazzi. the latter was always suspected of french leanings, and the extremists were bitterly opposed to him. he was a brilliant man, fated to meet disasters, as day after day passed he found that the garibaldian problem called ever louder for solution. he saw that genoa, sicily, and naples were hotbeds of turbulence, he knew that the people of the last-named city had made a god of garibaldi, had built altars to him, and were imploring him to lead them against the pope, he knew that even in the eternal city hundreds were calling to him to deliver them. yet rattazzi also knew that the problem of the temporal power of the pope was one of concern to all europe, and that italy was not ready to fight both france and austria. his final solution was this, one which must not be judged too harshly when all the circumstances are considered, to encourage garibaldi to start a popular campaign against the pope, and then send the royal army to arrest him as fomenting civil strife. the plan succeeded. in the spring of garibaldi could restrain his eagerness no longer. he announced to his delighted followers that he would lead them to rome. he was given to understand the government would not actively interfere. so, two years after his first expedition, we find him again arriving triumphantly in sicily, again we find men of all classes flocking to him, again by strategy he crossed the straits to calabria and took up his northward march. he had not gone far when he found that the royal army was marching against him. he became convinced of this when he bivouacked on the famous hill of aspromonte and saw the royal general, pallavicini, camped opposite him. the next day he tried to lead his soldiers past the other army, but they were stopped by the regular troops. both generals affirmed that they gave no orders to fire, but nevertheless shots were exchanged, and both garibaldi and his son menotti were wounded. a truce was agreed upon, and the volunteers were placed under the charge of the royal army. garibaldi became a state prisoner, perhaps the most difficult prisoner any government ever had to take upon its hands. all italy was devoted to him, but found that it could not control him. the government had been placed in the most embarrassing situation conceivable, it had been obliged to disarm the man who had just given the king two crowns. aspromonte remains one of the most unfortunate events in the great battle for italian unity, but it was in a large measure inevitable. cavour might have contrived an escape from it, but garibaldi was too big a problem for his successors to handle diplomatically. the wounded general was taken by slow conveyances to scylla, and thence to the fort of varignano in the gulf of spezia. the wound was painful, it was difficult to locate the bullet, for a long time he was obliged to keep to his bed and postpone further political action. his illness, however, gave his friends a golden opportunity to show their devotion; women of all ranks fought for the chance to nurse the hero, delegations from england, from germany, from all parts of italy made pilgrimages to his prison, the hotels at spezia, the nearest town to the fortress, were continually crowded by garibaldi worshipers. it seemed that what he had suffered at aspromonte had actually canonized him in the eyes of the world. his imprisonment could not last long; october , , the government declared an amnesty covering all participators in the late expedition against rome except those soldiers who had left the regular army to join the volunteers. garibaldi was now moved to spezia, thence after a time to pisa. each city he passed greeted him tumultuously; in pisa, the night of his arrival, the garibaldi hymn was cheered so loudly at the theater that the manager abandoned the play and had nothing but the hymn rendered all the evening, which pleased the audience greatly. at pisa the bullet was extracted from garibaldi's foot, and his recovery became more rapid. on december he started for caprera, giving a chance for leghorn to welcome him as he embarked for his island home. once there he found the rest of which he was so much in need, although visitors continually besieged his little farm. the kindly instincts of his nature showed in full flower, he gave whatever his children or his friends asked of him, sacrificing his own comforts continually for their sake, and continually being imposed upon. he wrote to the patriots suffering in poland and denmark, and wished that he might go to aid them. wherever men were in trouble he sympathized, he could even find it in his heart to contribute to the poor of austria. there were friends of the national cause who feared that the affair of aspromonte had injured garibaldi's prestige, and to revive it in full glory they planned his triumphal visit to england in the spring of . garibaldi had always admired the english, and there was no question but that the people of england had always zealously sided with italy against france and austria, no matter how strongly their government might feel that diplomacy required a middle course. the general went from caprera to southampton, and thence to london, acclaimed by thousands, who rivaled the warm-spirited neapolitans in their heights of enthusiasm. the modest, benign-faced warrior was fêted as a national deliverer, the streets of london rang with his hymn, women adopted the famous red garibaldi shirt as the latest fashion, aristocrats and working people fought for the opportunity of entertaining him. before he could take up his northern tour, however, it was announced that he was overtired and would have to leave the country for rest. his physicians denied this, and it appears as most probable that louis napoleon was so much displeased and even alarmed at the popular acclaim given the general that he made his wish known to lord palmerston that the guest leave english shores. again garibaldi proved a serious burden to diplomacy, his very fame made him the more difficult to deal with. so rather than cause further international trouble the general bade england an affectionate farewell and returned to caprera. the campaign of , which won venetia for the kingdom of victor emmanuel, is not a glorious page in italian history. venice was freed from austria's rule because the prussians won the battles of sadowa and königgratz. what victories italy won fell to the score of the volunteers fighting with garibaldi in the lakes rather than to the regular army of the new nation. from the date of the liberator's return from england up to the spring of he lived in comparative quiet, spending most of his time at caprera, and only making occasional visits to the mainland. meanwhile events were rapidly showing that prussia and austria must soon fight for the supremacy in germany, and victor emmanuel concluded an alliance with berlin. then, in may, , garibaldi was asked by the italian minister of war to take command of the volunteer forces. he accepted gladly, and, as so often before, the news that he was about to take the field was sufficient to gather innumerable patriots about him. unfortunately the generals of the regular army were again jealous of garibaldi, and continual obstacles were placed in his way, even his own officers speedily formed cliques and wrought dissension in his command. he was ordered to attack austria from como, and so through the lakes rather than from hungary as he would have preferred. yet, with all these obstacles the campaign started at como with much of the old spirit. again the veterans of and , many of the famous thousand, many who had fought at messala and on the volturno, gathered, clad in red shirts, on the banks of lake como, and raised the garibaldi hymn. scores of enthusiastic englishmen could not keep away from the lakes, an englishwoman and her husband followed the general all through the campaign, carrying a cooking-stove and store of provisions for their idol. but notwithstanding all the enthusiasm the efforts to dislodge the enemy were not very successful. the austrians were not as easily frightened or defeated as had been the soldiers of the king of naples, and the people of the tyrol did not rise and join garibaldi's ranks as had the sicilians and calabrians. the commissariat service was wretched, time and again the troops bivouacked without shelter or food, conflicting orders were given, and but for their remarkable light-heartedness and faith in their general the men would have been in very bad shape for any manner of combat. on the first day of real fighting, at rocca d'anfo, garibaldi was wounded in the thigh, and after that had to direct operations from a carriage. nevertheless, he lost nothing of his confidence, and planned his successive moves through the mountains and lakes with his old skill in this form of irregular warfare. the actual military operations were of no permanent importance, the volunteers were sent down the beautiful lake of como to lecco accompanied by a fleet of private boats filled with admiring friends. from lecco they went to bergamo and thence to brescia, and then for a time their headquarters were at salò, on the lake of garda. an eye-witness contrasts their informal style of marching with that of the regulars: "some of them were lying at full length on bullock wagons, with their rifles decorated with roses at their sides, others were trudging sturdily along in the loosest manner, smoking, with their shirts open, and their rugs rolled across their bodies." when garibaldi had completed his plans for marching north he received word from general la marmora to take lonato, and turned there from salò. the austrians withdrew before the italian advance, and the latter army was free to enter the trentino. their first step in this direction was to take the rocky fort of rocca d'anfo, and after that they marched on darzo, which was the scene of much fighting, and then on to the fort of ampola. on july the volunteers dragged their cannon into position on the mountains, and on the th the real attack began. ampola capitulated, and the march to riva began through the ledro valley. at a village near bizecca they were attacked early in the morning. the austrians opened fire from the village houses. chiassi, one of garibaldi's veterans, was killed, and for a time the volunteers made little headway. garibaldi's two sons and his son-in-law canzio did their utmost to encourage the men behind them, and gradually what had threatened to be a rout was turned into a victory. bizecca was immediately captured, and the troops had started their march to lardaro when news came that an armistice was being arranged, and orders were brought to garibaldi bidding him leave the trentino. the italian army had met with a reverse at the battle of custozza, but fortunately their prussian allies had already won the two great victories of königgratz and sadowa and were in a position to dictate terms to austria. the oft-fought-over venetian provinces became at last part of the kingdom of italy. venice was added to her sister cities, which now only lacked rome. the tyrol, however, was left with austria, and so garibaldi viewed the peace with disappointment. he was confident that his volunteers could have won it, and found this another instance of the mistakes of statesmanship. as after the expedition of the thousand, so after the campaign in the lakes, garibaldi found that he could not rest quietly with rome in papal hands. italy was bound by agreement with france to leave pius ix. in temporary possession of the eternal city, but garibaldi cared little or nothing for his country's obligations. he showed in a hundred ways that he was unwilling that the kingdom should have rest or a chance to recuperate until the city on the tiber was won, and so again in , as in , he became a tremendously difficult problem to the government, the seat of which had been moved from turin to florence, and of which rattazzi was again the head. as soon as the french left rome a number of revolutionary societies commenced operations in that city, and garibaldi was asked to act in conjunction with them. he made an electioneering tour in the spring of , and was received at venice, at verona, and at legnano with a veneration that partook of religious awe. he was elected deputy in the new parliament from four districts. he next appeared at the meeting of the universal peace congress at geneva, and spoke against the priesthood, denouncing the papacy with his accustomed ardor. he then returned to italy and in a fiery speech at the villa cairoli called on his countrymen to march on rome. he started for the papal frontier, and the volunteers collected about him so rapidly that rattazzi was again obliged to arrange for his arrest. at sinalunga he was taken prisoner, and conveyed to alessandria, and there arrangements were made to take him to his home at caprera and keep him virtually imprisoned there. unfortunately garibaldi could not be kept quiet; even when his island was guarded by four steamers and a frigate he managed to send appeals to the mainland and keep the revolutionary party alert. other leaders were attacking rome by now, nicotera was advancing from naples, menotti garibaldi was waging guerilla warfare near tivoli, the brothers cairoli--name famous in italian annals--made their daring attack at the vigna glori. pius ix. and his secretary of state, cardinal antonelli, were not having a pleasant time in rome. barracks were blown up, bombs were discovered, petitions were presented from his subjects urging him to call in the army of victor emmanuel. meanwhile garibaldi planned and executed his daring escape from caprera. he pretended to be ill, and then one dark night set off in a small boat for sardinia. he lay hidden until he could get horses to take him to porta prudenza, and from there sailed with his son-in-law canzio to the mainland. a day or two later he was brazenly haranguing the people from the loggia dei lanzi in florence. the government learned that they could not control him, and now concluded to repeat the tactics of aspromonte, and allow him to bring about his own destruction. at terni garibaldi began active campaigning. he met his troops, and planned an immediate attack on the town of monte rotondo, which crowns a hill overlooking the tiber and the roads to rome. the hill town was hotly defended, but the volunteers finally took it. from there, after a short stay, garibaldi moved his army, now numbering , men, on towards the ponte della mentana, some four and a half miles from rome. it is said that an agreement had been made by which the papal governor of the castle of st. angelo was to surrender his post for a sum of money, and that this sum was raised by garibaldi's english friends, but through treachery was not properly used. this occasioned some delay, and by that time french troops had been landed and were marching to the aid of their allies, the papal guards. the general was obliged to retreat temporarily to monte rotondo, and there he issued a public address. he relied on the fact that the roman republic of had made him a roman general. after rehearsing the facts of the italian government's position he said, "then will i let the world know that i alone, a roman general, with full power, elected by the universal suffrage of the only legal government in rome, the republic, have the right to maintain myself armed in this, the territory under my jurisdiction; and then if these my volunteers, champions of liberty and italian unity, wish to have rome as the capital of italy, fulfilling the vote of parliament and of the nation, they must not put down their arms until italy shall have acquired liberty of conscience and worship, built upon the ruin of jesuitism, and until the soldiers of tyrants shall be banished from our land." the french had now joined the papal army, and the italian troops were massing in garibaldi's rear. on november he started towards tivoli, but had to fall back on mentana, and there occurred the battle which decided the fate of the expedition. the volunteers fought with the greatest courage and enthusiasm, but their arms were no match for the new chassepots of the french. garibaldi had to fall back on monte rotondo, and there, on discovering that his men had scarcely a cartridge left, he was forced to order a further retreat. the expedition was at an end, the volunteers were disbanded, and garibaldi took train to florence. there he was arrested and conveyed a prisoner to the fort of varignano. the battle of mentana had cost many italian lives. victor emmanuel was deeply grieved and had a message sent to the french emperor: "the last events have suffocated every remembrance of gratitude in the heart of italy. it is no longer in the power of the government to maintain an alliance with france, the chassepot gun at mentana has given it a fatal blow." the battle therefore had the result of severing the tacit alliance between italy and france, and henceforth the problem of roman occupation became simpler to the king's government. in the outbreak of the franco-prussian war compelled napoleon to defend his own borders, and no longer to support a papal government in a foreign land. when the french and germans were fighting the question of the temporal power of the church was quietly settled, with almost no fighting and little outside attention, by the entrance of the king of italy into rome. at last italy was united. garibaldi had nothing to do with this final occupation, for which he had laid plans since his early south american days. when napoleon was eliminated from french politics garibaldi could no longer restrain his ardor for the republican government. he took sword, and left caprera to volunteer for service with france. he was given command of the army of the vosges, and his campaign against the prussians at autun and dijon was at least as successful as that of the regular french generals. the prussians were too strong, the army of the east gave way before them, and garibaldi's brief campaign was at an end. after the peace he was elected deputy from paris, dijon, and nice, but was not allowed to sit in the assembly on the ground that he was a foreigner. he received the official thanks of the french government and returned home. there remained a somewhat turbulent old age for garibaldi. italy was united and rapidly growing stronger under the happy influence of continued peace. garibaldi, however, could not remain quiet, and when he appeared in public he was publicly worshiped and privately feared. he became more and more ardently a republican as time went on, and his republicanism was only too apt to take the color of the last man with whom he had talked. he was not an able original thinker, and except in military manoeuvers had always been too much inclined to lean on the advice of others. in the elections of the general was chosen by several districts, among others the city of rome, to sit in the senate. he made a triumphal progress from caprera to the capital, and when he was sworn in as a senator the members forgot all past and present difficulties and cheered to the echo the man who had led the thousand from genoa to naples. he went to the quirinal to see the king, a sovereign whom he had ardently admired since the time when he had first seen him in battle. a little later we find him a member of a committee with the king and prince torlonia to divert the course of the tiber and improve the campagna. meanwhile at caprera francesca, the devoted woman who had first gone there to nurse garibaldi's daughter, had taken anita's position, and become the mother of the general's youngest children, manlio and clelia. in the court of appeal at rome declared garibaldi's marriage to giuseppina raymondi, the adventuress who had taken advantage of him long before, null and void. fortunately the marriage had been contracted under austrian and not italian jurisdiction. had it been otherwise the annulment would not have been allowed. immediately on receipt of the news garibaldi and francesca were married. at caprera garibaldi lived like an island prince, continually receiving visits and presents from admirers of all nations. yet, for all his domestic happiness, the old warrior would mix in public affairs, and almost always as an opponent of the existing government. even when his old friend and comrade-in-arms, benedetto cairoli, fourth of the famous brothers, became prime minister, he was not content with his policies. he embarrassed the government by continually writing ultra-radical letters to the newspapers. two or three times more he appeared in public, became again an active figure when his son-in-law canzio was arrested at a turbulent meeting in genoa, and resigned his seat in the national chambers. he was, however, too worn out physically to make further dangerous expeditions, and was persuaded to leave the more active part to younger men. in he died at caprera. neither the character nor the achievements of garibaldi are difficult to estimate. his character was simple, he was ingenuously frank and open-minded, absolutely sincere, warm-hearted, and forgiving to a fault. his whole career is filled with instances in which his generosity was traded on, notably the case of his second marriage. he was always frugal, unostentatious, unselfish, never did a breath of public scandal sully his name. although he had many opportunities to gain wealth he was always poor. during the last days of his life he enjoyed a pension from the government, but the most of that was given to his children or dispensed in charity. given this true, straightforward nature, we find that from his boyhood he had above everything desired a free united italy, with rome as its capital. the name rome never failed to thrill him. so long as the master-hand of cavour was ready to guide him garibaldi proceeded gloriously forward, the crusader who could lead men into battle and fill them with a great enthusiasm. cavour could fight against the mazzinian theories of a republic, he had to fight hard to keep the soldier in the straight path, particularly in those early days in naples, but he succeeded, and saw garibaldi proudly deliver naples and sicily into the care of his king. how great was cavour's steering hand we find in later years; without that powerful mind to control him, garibaldi fell under the influence of many different types of men, and his simple confiding nature found it easy to trust each seeming friend in turn. the very virtue of his nature acted against him then, he became a tool for men to use, his great name a flag for any new quixotic idea. it was only when he was fighting that he was his own commander, at other times he was ever ready to sink his own opinions in those of others. the latter part of his life was therefore continually stormy, he had not the art to weather varying changes in national sentiment. almost as easy to estimate as his character were his achievements. they were superlatively great for italy. nobody can tell whether cavour's diplomacy alone would ever have won the kingdom of the two sicilies. garibaldi started from genoa on an expedition that seemed doomed to disaster, but which, successfully begun, carried all opposition before it. it is true that the army of francis ii. was poor, and that the battles, with the exception of calatafimi in sicily, are not to be classed as great conflicts, but garibaldi did much more than win battles, he roused the people to a pitch of fighting spirit they had never known before. the fame of the thousand spread across europe, and with it rose european admiration and interest in the italian cause. foreigners joined his army, and when the great general met victor emmanuel and gave over the two crowns he had won the eyes of the whole world were focused on the sovereign and the hero. the glory of that expedition could not fade, whatever garibaldi did later could not efface the memory of those great days; even the governments that found him rebelling against the laws and treaties they had made could not but thrill at the recollection of the days of and . the red shirt became an oriflamme to lovers of liberty in all lands, the garibaldian hymn set hearts to dancing with pride and exultation, the simple soldier with his dramatic effects of life and bearing became an italian national hero with all the mythical charm of a cid campeador or a william tell. he will take a place in italian legendary history that was empty until his day. this atmosphere of romance that surrounded him was of his nature. he wrote two books, one, "the rule of the monk," which appeared after his imprisonment at varignano, the other, "the thousand," after the vosges campaign. they were both extravagant, artificial, as wildly eventful as any novels ever penned. yet in a sense they catch the flavor of his own career. when he describes the monks he pictures them as they actually seemed to him, agents of the power which had so hounded him after the siege of rome, and which had executed his friend ugo bassi. when he writes of "the thousand" he shows his followers as men capable of any heroism, and the expedition becomes one series of marvellous adventures. he saw that intensely dramatic side of the struggle, and he became the symbol of that dramatic element in the eyes of the world. his country needed that symbol, the glory of a crusader was as essential to italian redemption as the soul-stirring fanaticism of a mazzini, the statecraft of a cavour, or the kingship of a victor emmanuel. he was the living personification of the great fight for liberty; that was his contribution to the cause. victor emmanuel, the king few royal families in europe possess as proud a record as the house of savoy. legend carries their race as princes back to , when an exiled noble of saxon birth settled in burgundy, and ultimately built a family stronghold at the pass of moriana on the frontier of savoy. this prince was known as humbert of the white hand. he was followed by a series of fighting, ambitious, able descendants, who gradually carved for themselves the dukedom of savoy, and married into the most powerful of contemporary royal families. their small state was so centrally placed that it early became a storm-center, and for centuries the dukes were famous as warrior-adventurers, fighting now under the banner of the empire, now under that of spain or of france. happily the dukes of savoy shared little of the tyrannical natures of their neighbors, they were not altogether saintly, but they were surprisingly merciful and just in an age famous for cruel bigotry. emmanuel philibert, better known as "testa di ferro," or "head of iron," one of the most popular of piedmont's heroes, became a great favorite with the emperor charles v., was a general of renown, and secured firm possession of his savoy lands. from his time the position of the family became more assured. in , victor amadeus, fifteenth duke of savoy, assumed the title of king of sicily, as a result of a treaty following his defense of turin and overturning of the bourbon power in italy. shortly thereafter sicily was exchanged for sardinia and certain territories adjoining his frontiers, and the title of the head of the house of savoy became king of sardinia. victor emmanuel i. of sardinia, who succeeded his brother charles emmanuel iv., was a brave, thoroughly good-hearted man, whose nature was, however, absolutely mediæval. he was much under the influence of austria, to whose emperor he had given a promise that he would never grant his people a free constitution. he finally abdicated in favor of his brother charles felix, a man of a much narrower nature, who did all in his power to check the free-thinking sentiments rapidly spreading through his people as a result of the revolution in france. when he died in the elder branch of the house of savoy came to an end, but fortunately there was a distantly related younger branch, known as the princes of carignano and savoy. the seventh prince of this line, charles albert, born in , had married a daughter of the grand duke of tuscany, and had been a great favorite with victor emmanuel i. on the death of that king he had acted for a short time as regent for charles felix, and had then served in the war between france and spain, winning a great reputation for bravery. when charles felix died he succeeded him as king of sardinia in . charles albert was one of the most interesting characters of the early nineteenth century, a man of the noblest character, burning with the desire to free italy from the foreigner, but always suspicious that he was not the man to do it. this suspicion was continually played upon by the clerical party at the court of turin, and with the result that the king, as firm a roman catholic as his ancestors, and by nature devout almost to mysticism, was the continual battle-field of the warring sentiments of love of liberty and love of the church. during the reign of victor emmanuel i. the liberal party in piedmont looked upon charles albert as their natural leader. he often spoke of his desire to see italy united, and made little concealment of his hostility to austria and the bourbon princes. yet, when he was actually invited to lead the piedmont "federates" as they were called, whose object was simply the confederation of italy, he could not make up his mind to accept. as santa rosa, the leader of the party, said, "he both would, and would not." victor emmanuel i., bound by his promise to the house of austria, had yet seen that his people were bent on reforms, and rather than break his word and grant a constitution he had abdicated in favor of charles felix. immediately the liberals had besieged the regent, charles albert, with petitions and a show of force which could not be denied. he had then proclaimed the constitution, accompanying it with this declaration: "our respect and submission to his majesty charles felix, to whom the throne belongs, would have hindered us making any fundamental change in the laws of the realm until the sovereign's intentions were known; but as the force of circumstances is manifest, and we desire to render to the new king his people safe, uninjured, and happy, and not in a civil war, having maturely considered everything, and with the advice of our council, we have decided, in the hope that his majesty, moved by the same considerations, will give his approval, that the constitution of spain shall be promulgated." but charles felix, when he came to turin, would have none of this constitution, and charles albert left piedmont under the shadow of his kinsman's displeasure. when a few years later he himself ascended the throne the popular idea of him as an advocate of liberalism was still current, and it was this idea which led mazzini to write to the new sovereign that remarkable letter on behalf of "young italy," commencing, "all italy waits for one word--one only--to make herself yours." but charles albert was at that crucial moment under priestly influence, and he paid no heed to the letter, as a result of which the growing mazzinian party, which might have been attached to the interests of the house of savoy, became strongly republican. the jesuits at turin, secret agents of the austrian government, did their utmost to frighten the king with gross misrepresentations as to the liberals. when new conspiracies broke out in charles albert was influenced to punish the rebels severely. gradually the popular idea concerning the king changed, and those who had thought to find in him an emancipator became slowly convinced that he was as rigid a reactionary as any of his predecessors. so the poor king, really ardent in his country's cause, played upon by his courtiers and the insidious clericals, watched his chances of leading italy against austria gradually dwindle. some men, however, still believed that charles albert was the only present hope for italy, and chief among these men was massimo d'azeglio. he was a man of keen insight and high character, and had traveled through all the states of italy studying the forces making towards nationality. at the end of his travels he had an audience of charles albert at turin, and reported what he had found. his estimate of the king was justified by the reply charles albert made to him. "let those gentlemen know," said the king, "that for the present they must remain quiet; but when the time comes, let them be certain that my life, the lives of my sons, my arms, my treasures--all shall be freely spent in the italian cause." then came the election of pius ix. to the throne of saint peter, and a great wave of enthusiasm swept through the liberal party throughout italy. pius was a great advance on the narrow, mediæval-minded leo xii. and gregory xvi., who had preceded him. the romans felt new hope, and with each month the great enthusiasm spread until it culminated in the sudden lombard expulsion of the austrians from milan. charles albert must have seen the signs that preceded the eventful years of and . he had decided to grant a constitution to his people, whether austria liked it or not, and on february , , proclaimed the famous _statuto_. events hurried, a short time and lombardy and venice were in arms and piedmont determined on supporting them. charles albert, and his eldest son, victor emmanuel, threw themselves utterly into the national cause. on march , , the prince victor emmanuel was born in the carignano palace at turin, his father being then simply the prince of savoy-carignano. with the accession of charles felix the family moved to a villa near florence, and there the young prince spent his early boyhood. his younger brother, ferdinand, duke of genoa, was born in . after the reconciliation between charles felix and the prince of carignano the latter took up his residence in the castle of racconigi, in piedmont. when prince victor was eleven years old his father came to the throne, and thenceforth the young prince lived in turin. he and his brother were inseparable, although widely different in temperament, victor enthusiastic, impulsive, overflowing with animal spirits, ferdinand more prudent, calm, and thoughtful, strongly resembling his father. charles albert devoted the greatest care to the education and military training of his sons, and both fully repaid his care. victor emmanuel, duke of savoy, was not a great student, but he was keenly interested in everything that pertained to government, sympathetic, observant, deeply imbued with the desire to see italy free and piedmont the leader in that cause. his manners were essentially frank and cordial, his whole bearing inspired confidence. at twenty-one he was of middle height, powerfully built, with features strong, rather than handsome, a curling mustache adding to the military aspect of his face. at twenty-two he sought the hand of his first cousin, maria adelaide, daughter of the austrian archduke ranieri, viceroy of lombardy-venice, and of charles albert's only sister. the chief objection to the marriage was the fact that the princess adelaide was partly austrian, but victor overcame this objection, and the marriage took place in . it was not long before the young princess had become the idol of piedmont through her many gifts of charm. when the news of the rising of milan on march , , came to turin the duke of savoy was filled with joy. the king and his ministers were deliberating with deep concern the position that piedmont should adopt, but the young prince was concerned only with taking the field against austria. he had that pure love for the dangers of war which had been such a marked characteristic of his ancestors, and which had made the house of savoy famous during the middle ages. the biographer massari wrote of him later, "without using a profusion of words, it is enough to say that under the canvas or in the battle-field he showed himself worthy of his race. he who knows the story of the savoy dynasty knows that there is no higher eulogium than this." he was given a command in the troops that were hurried to the aid of lombardy, and fought his first battle at santa lucia on may th. he was conspicuous for courage, and in addition to his personal power of inspiring his soldiers with enthusiasm, proved himself a careful general. at goito, where the austrians took the troops of piedmont by surprise, the duke of savoy converted a retreat into a desperate attack by throwing himself before the troops and calling on them to save the honor of savoy. he was wounded in the thigh, but fought on, and at length had the satisfaction of reporting to his father that piedmont had won the day. he was awarded a medal for valor on the field of action, but he valued more the wound which he had won in fighting for italy. the fortunes of war soon brought a change. the other states of italy did not come to the aid of lombardy as charles albert had been given assurances that they would. pius ix. had placed an army in the field to prevent austrian outrages on his frontiers, but had given them orders not to attack the enemy. the king of naples had declared his intention of siding with the other italian states, but by deceit and treachery kept his army too far from the scene of action to be of any use. the venetians were fully occupied with their revolution at home, the lombards had already begun to determine what they would do when they were free, and piedmont was left practically alone to fight the rapidly reviving army of austria. one more victory was won at staffola, but the next day the piedmontese were attacked again and defeated at custozza. the king was advised to retreat across the po to piacenza, but instead felt that his duty called him to milan. he entered that city, but his army, worn out, and attacked by a much superior force, could not defend the lombard capital, and he was forced to capitulate. the milanese were not grateful, they bitterly assailed the king for what they called his treachery, and he escaped from the city through the aid of a young officer, later the general la marmora. still the unfortunate king would not abandon the war, although he saw the hopelessness of the situation, left as he was to fight single-handed. march , , the fighting recommenced, and lasted for three days. at martara the pick of the piedmontese army were destroyed. when charles albert heard the news he realized that he was destined to utter defeat. yet he took up the march to novara, stoical as became his race. the battle of novara, fought march , , marked the end. the piedmontese fought heroically, the duke of savoy led his men time and again to the attack, his younger brother, the duke of genoa, had three horses killed under him, but bravery could not overcome the disparity in strength. an armistice was asked for, but the terms of marshal radetsky were too hard to accept. the king said to his generals, "gentlemen, we cannot accept these conditions. is it possible that we can resume hostilities?" the answer was a unanimous "no." then the unfortunate king laid down the burdens of his too heavy office in these touching words: "from eighteen years till now i have always made every effort possible for the benefit of the people. i am deeply afflicted to see that my hopes have failed, not so much for my own sake as for the country's. i have not been able to find death on the field of battle, as i had desired; perhaps my existence is now the only obstacle to obtaining from the enemy reasonable terms, and since there remains no further means of continuing hostilities, i abdicate this moment, in favor of my son vittorio, in the hope that, renewing negotiations with radetsky, the new king may obtain better conditions, and procure for the country an advantageous peace. behold your king!" the entreaties of the son and the generals were useless, charles albert was determined. he knew that his dream of liberating italy was over, that he was not the man for the great work. that night he set out with one companion for oporto in portugal, there to live obscurely while his son took up the heavy burden of rebuilding piedmont's hopes. victor emmanuel came to the throne at a distressing moment, but from the first he showed the true metal of his nature. his father had been a dreamer, a theorist, alternating between eagerness to press forward and the desire to retain what he already had. his character, although fine, was not robust. the young king, however, was essentially robust-natured, the very type of man above all others needed at this particular crisis. he faced marshal radetsky fearlessly, and, when the austrian general insisted on the same terms demanded of his father, including the immediate expulsion of all italian exiles from the state of piedmont, replied, "sooner than subscribe to such conditions i would lose a hundred crowns. what my father has sworn i will maintain. if you wish a war to the death, be it so! i will call my nation to arms once more, and you will see what piedmont is capable of in a general rising. if i must fall, it shall be without shame. my house knows the road of exile, but not of dishonor." finally an armistice was concluded. the king of sardinia was to disband all the military corps composed of lombards, poles, hungarians, and other foreign peoples, retaining only those who chose to remain his subjects permanently; a heavy war indemnity was to be paid to austria, half the fortress of alessandria was to be given up to austria, and her troops were to be allowed to occupy piedmontese territory between the rivers po, sesia, and ticino. it was a hard bargain that austria drove. victor emmanuel returned to his capital to find many of its citizens disaffected by the appeals of the republican party. all turin was in despair over the sad termination of a campaign that had promised so much. the king, the queen, and their two sons, humbert, aged five, and amadeus, aged four, were received with the coldest regard as they appeared in public. the king issued this proclamation to his people: "citizens,--untoward events and the will of my most venerated parent have called me, long before my time, to the throne of my ancestors. the circumstances under which i hold the reins of government are such that nothing but the most perfect concord in all will enable me, and then with difficulty, to fulfil my only desire, the salvation of our common country. the destines of nations are matured in the designs of providence, but man owes to his country all the service he is capable of, and in this debt we have not failed. now all our efforts must be to maintain our honor untarnished, to heal the wounds of our country, to consolidate our constitutional institutions. to this undertaking i conjure all my people, to it i will pledge myself by a solemn oath, and i await from the nation the exchange of help, affection, and confidence.--victor emmanuel." on march the new king took the oath to the constitution which had so recently been granted by his father. general delaunay formed the new ministry, which almost immediately decided to dissolve parliament and call a general election. meanwhile victor emmanuel was wholly engaged with the peace negotiations, and tried to enlist the influence of england and france in sardinia's behalf. the delaunay ministry divided on the terms of peace, and the king was in despair as to whom he should call upon as steersman in such troubled seas. he finally turned to massimo d'azeglio, who was suffering from a wound he had received at vicenza, and who had little taste at any time for the burdens of premiership. he found it impossible, however, to refuse his young sovereign at this hour. he accepted the post, although reluctantly. fortunately the views of the king and those of d'azeglio coincided on almost all matters. the king was charmed with d'azeglio's polish and talents in so many diverse lines; the minister, much older than the king, was delighted with victor emmanuel's frank enthusiasms. it was he who gave the king his proudest title. one day he remarked, "there have been so few honest kings in the world that it would be a splendid thing to begin the series." "and am i to play the part of that honest king?" asked victor emmanuel. "your majesty has sworn to the constitution," was the answer, "and has taken thought not alone of piedmont, but of all italy. let us continue in this path, and hold that a king as well as a private individual has only one word, and must stand by that." "that," replied the king, "seems easy to me." "behold then," said d'azeglio, "we have the rè galantuomo!" and "rè galantuomo" was the name victor emmanuel wrote in the register of the turin census, and the title his people were most glad to give him. the first months were very troubled, the second assembly was captious, and continually in opposition to the king and his ministers. there were too many hot-headed representatives of mazzini's "young italy," which, as d'azeglio said, "being young cannot be expected to have much sense, and certainly has little." the king fell ill of a fever, and for a time it seemed possible he might not recover and that the country would have to endure a regency during his son's minority. most providentially for italy he did recover, and shortly after the national assembly was again dissolved, and a popular appeal made to the people. the king issued a royal proclamation which was heeded by the electors, and as a result of which more moderate men were sent to the succeeding parliament. the new government boldly took up the question of whether the clergy were entitled to special ecclesiastical tribunals under the constitution to which victor emmanuel had just sworn. the ministers proposed to do away with such courts as unconstitutional. immediately the bishops were up in arms, and a conflict between state and church began. the king was besought by his mother not to oppose the church, to be a true son of the church as his ancestors had been, but victor emmanuel, although always grieved at the need to oppose the clergy, stood by his ministers. the church courts were abolished, and the people, long tired of ecclesiastical overlorddom, acclaimed king and ministry as true lovers of liberty. this firm stand of the new government immediately caused the greatest ill-will on the part of the catholic church, an ill-will which was shown in a multitude of ways. a member of the ministry, the cavalier santa rosa, a devout roman catholic, became very ill, and asked his confessor to administer the sacrament to him. the priest was forbidden to do this at the express command of the bishop, and although every effort was made by santa rosa's friends to obtain for him what he wished, not only did the bishop remain obdurate, but the curate in attendance actually insulted the dying man until he was forced to leave the house. santa rosa died without having received the sacrament, and the history of the event inflamed the minds of piedmont more than ever against the narrowness of the church. the offending bishop was imprisoned, and an exchange of notes followed between victor emmanuel and the pope. the latter complained of the freedom of speech allowed by the sardinian king to his people, and in reply d'azeglio issued a pamphlet setting forth his views of the unwarranted assumption of civil authority by the church. the death of santa rosa left a vacancy in the ministry which d'azeglio filled by inviting the count camille cavour to take the portfolio of agriculture and commerce. it was known that the new man was bold and original, but not even d'azeglio realized what a commanding spirit he had invited into his official family. the king alone seems to have gauged cavour correctly. "take care," he said to d'azeglio, "this cavour will rule you all, he will dispose of you; he must become prime minister." fortunate it was for italy that the king's prediction was to be fulfilled. meanwhile victor emmanuel, the only constitutional sovereign in italy, was bitterly assailed by the bourbon rulers. ferdinand, king of naples, once more secure upon his throne, lost no opportunity to express his disapproval of a king who was both a nationalist and a liberal. there was continual friction between turin and vienna, largely because of the outspoken views of the piedmontese press with regard to the austrian treatment of lombardy. the european powers, with the exception of england, looked upon piedmont as an unruly child continually making trouble. england alone was sincerely friendly to the house of savoy, and keenly interested in victor emmanuel's hopes for a united country. new troubles arose between the papacy and piedmont over the latter's advocacy of a civil marriage law. d'azeglio and cavour disagreed, and the ministry resigned. the king asked d'azeglio to form a new cabinet, leaving out cavour, whom, he said, "we will want later, but not yet." the new ministry was formed, but only a few months later d'azeglio, harassed by the trouble with rome, and still suffering from his old wound, resigned, and advised the king to summon cavour. victor emmanuel hesitated, fearing that cavour would push matters forward too fast. when finally approached, cavour said that he could not take office in view of the church's exorbitant demands, but he at last consented. the king had relegated his personal desire not to antagonize the clergy farther, to his conviction that his country needed a strong hand at the helm, and, the decision once made, trusted his new minister completely. there were many difficulties to be met. austria accused piedmont of fostering the small revolts which were continually breaking out in lombardy, the war indemnity--eighty million francs--was heavy and had to be raised by new taxation which was of course universally unpopular. both at home and abroad the time was trying, but victor emmanuel found that in cavour he had a man who was not afraid of unpopularity, who knew the art of steering between the radicals and the conservatives, and who could make use of the politicians of all the different schools. in parliament he could more than hold his own with any opponent, in his management of foreign affairs he already showed that extraordinary diplomatic skill which at no late day was to win him the reputation of the first statesman in europe. both king and minister were imperious by nature, but both also wise enough to sink their individual wills when they realized that the cause which they had so much at heart required it of them. so events led to the outbreak of the crimean war. the steps which led up to sardinia's alliance with england and france against russia belong to the story of cavour's diplomacy. sufficient it is to say here that victor emmanuel was heartily in favor of the alliance, and would, if he could, have proceeded to it by more direct means than cavour deemed essential. the king was anxious to redeem the glory of piedmont's arms, but the minister, with his cabinet opposed to him on the ground that the war was a purely foreign one, had to consider popular sentiment. finally, however, cavour gave the word that the treaty might be signed in safety, and the king, his mind made up long in advance, set his name to the important document that was to send his army to foreign battle-fields. the instance was one in which victor emmanuel's firmness of purpose aided and abetted cavour's diplomacy. dabormida resigned as foreign minister, and cavour immediately took his post. at the same time the king had heavy burdens to bear in his immediate family. his mother, to whom he was devoted, died, bidding him stand fast by the conservative traditions of his father. his wife, the beautiful queen adelaide, died shortly afterwards, and the king lost an adviser who had always counseled him wisely and helpfully, and whom he had worshiped as an ideal wife and mother of his sons. less than a month later his brother ferdinand, duke of genoa, died, a man intensely high-spirited and brave, the constant companion of victor emmanuel's youth. no wonder that the king felt that he was left solitary. he had small time to give to his feelings, however. "they tell me," he said, "that god has struck me with a judgment, and has torn from me my mother, my wife, and my brother, because i consented to those laws, and they threaten me with greater punishments. but do they not know that a sovereign who wishes to secure his own happiness in the other world ought to labor for the happiness of his people on this earth?" there were more trials immediately in store. the church owned more than a tenth part of the landed property of piedmont, and the religious houses were extravagantly wealthy. the government, planning reforms, decided that some modification of this condition must be made, and so rattazzi, then minister of grace and justice, introduced his bill for the suppression of certain of the religious houses and other similar reforms. immediately the bishops and the conservatives were up in arms, and victor emmanuel had to bear the brunt of an attack which proclaimed him an infidel, an enemy of religion, and which predicted the direst punishments to him should he persist in his course. the ministry were firm, however, and the people were with them. certain bishops offered to pay over the amount which would be derived from the suppression of the religious houses, and the offer was tempting to the king, who could not forget his mother's wishes, and the close ties that bound his house to rome. a breach with his ministers followed, and the king sought counsel of his own subjects and of the french and english envoys. all advised him to trust the decision to cavour. finally he did so, and the rattazzi measure, somewhat modified, became law. the sardinian army meantime was winning victories in the crimea, and la marmora was proving himself a match for the great generals of the allied powers. the thought of his troops was the king's one solace at this time, which was so trying to him both personally and politically. he was passionately fond of military glory, and would have preferred the opportunity to lead his soldiers to any gift fortune could have bestowed. the soldiers knew this, the people were growing more and more attached to their "rè galantuomo," and the king, always quickly touched by the affection of his people, grew stronger in his resolve never to dim their hopes of him. he said of his uncle, the grand duke of tuscany, who was ruling according to the accepted code of an austrian prince, "how could he, by his own act, sacrifice the affections of his people? if i reigned over not a little state like piedmont, but over an empire vast as america, and had to do what he has done to preserve the little throne of tuscany, i would not hesitate a moment, i would renounce the empire." in order that france and england might learn to know the true victor emmanuel from the false one created by the slanders of the clerical party, the king, accompanied by cavour and d'azeglio, in december, , visited paris and london. in both cities he was warmly greeted, and made much of, and as he was about to leave the french capital napoleon asked the significant question, "what can i do for italy?" england gave the king the welcome she has always in store for the hero who is fighting despotic claims, and the brief visit gave the statesmen and people the opportunity to show openly the warmth of their regard for italy. victor emmanuel and cavour were both known to have great admiration for the english government, and a liking for english characteristics which was common to most leading italians of the time. december the king returned to turin, to be welcomed by his people with the warmest expressions of affectionate regard. the fall of sebastopol brought the war in the crimea to a close, and led to the congress at paris in . the result of that congress was one of the signal triumphs of cavour. he succeeded in introducing a general discussion of italian affairs, and in placing victor emmanuel in the position of champion of all the subject italian states, a position which, once so publicly assumed, he never afterwards gave over. the king showed the deepest gratitude to his great minister on the latter's return from the congress, and realized that through his diplomacy affairs were rapidly being shaped towards a new conclusion of strength with austria. soon afterwards the sardinian army returned from the crimea, and the king welcomed them home as heroes who had yet greater triumphs in store for them, and linked the general who had led them, alfonzo la marmora, with cavour as the two chief agents in his rising hopes. king and minister had many obstacles to overcome during those years of waiting that were more difficult to surmount successfully than actual battles of armies or statesmen. austria and the church lost no opportunity to direct public sentiment against sardinia, the revolutionary element, led by men whose fiery ardor never cooled, were continually urging the government at turin to attack the austrians in lombardy, the other states were turbulent and continually in trouble with their princes, and the people looked to victor emmanuel as their preserver and the princes upon him as their arch enemy. moreover at this time england, doubtful of french sincerity, entered into an alliance with austria, and shortly after the italian, felice orsini, made an attempt on the life of louis napoleon. fortunately neither event had as disastrous results to piedmont's hopes as many predicted, the anglo-austrian alliance proved lukewarm, and orsini's appeal to napoleon to succor italy touched a responsive chord in the french emperor's heart. as the ten years' armistice with austria drew to a close, victor emmanuel found reason to believe that the day was not far distant when he should have his chance to redeem novara. napoleon and cavour had reached a tacit agreement in july, , at plombières. when parliament opened in the king made his memorable speech from the throne, including in it the words long and carefully considered by cavour, "while we respect treaties, we are not insensible to the cry of anguish that comes up to us from many parts of italy." the words "_grido di dolore_," cry of anguish, became famous forthwith. an eye-witness of the scene, the neapolitan massari, thus describes it: "at every period the speech was interrupted by clamorous applause, and cries of 'viva il rè!' but when he came to the words _grido di dolore_, there was an enthusiasm quite indescribable. senators, deputies, spectators, all sprang to their feet with a bound, and broke into passionate acclamations. the ministers of france, russia, prussia, and england were utterly astonished and carried away by the marvelous spectacle. the face of the ambassador of naples was covered with a gloomy pallor. we poor exiles did not even attempt to wipe away the tears that flowed copiously, unrestrainedly from our eyes, as we frantically clapped our hands in applause of that king who had remembered our sorrows, who had promised us a country. before the victories, the plebiscites, and the annexations conferred on him the crown of italy, he reigned in our hearts; he was our king!" the speech was like a war-cry to patriots throughout italy, and no sooner were its tidings known than men of all ranks flocked to piedmont, weapons in hand, in order to be ready when the great hour should strike. meantime victor emmanuel had to make two sacrifices as the price of french alliance in case of an austrian war, he had to consent to the marriage of his daughter clotilde, then about sixteen, with the french emperor's cousin, prince napoleon jerome, a man more than twice her age. the king was very loath to agree to the marriage, it required the strongest of cavour's arguments to induce him to consent. finally, however, he did. "you have convinced me of the political reasons which render this marriage useful and necessary to our cause. i yield to your arguments, but i make a sacrifice in so doing. my consent is subject to the condition that my daughter gives hers freely." having won over the father, cavour succeeded in winning over the daughter, and the marriage was solemnized on january , . the second sacrifice to france, one which was considered at this time but not made until later, was the cession of nice and savoy. this was a hard concession for the king to make, for savoy was the first home of his family, and linked by the closest ties to the traditions of his house. he was willing, however, to make even this sacrifice for the liberation of northern italy, all he wanted now was the chance to loose his soldiers and place himself at their head. still his advisers counseled patience. "we must wait, sire," said general neil. "i have been waiting for ten years, general," was the king's reply. fortunately for the king's spirits, he was not to be forced to wait much longer. a european congress for the adjustment of italian difficulties was planned, and the notes of the various governments in reference thereto gave cavour the chance he wanted. he insisted that sardinia should be admitted to the congress on an equal footing with the powers, but this austria opposed. the court of vienna insisted that sardinia should only be allowed to treat of the question of disarmament. then austria insisted that sardinia be made to disarm immediately. this would have caused the gravest setback to piedmont's hopes, but when england came forward with the suggestion that austria as well as sardinia disarm, the king at turin and his minister felt that they must consent. fortune favored them, they had no sooner agreed to the english proposals than austrian envoys arrived at turin with an ultimatum, immediate disarmament or war, a decision to be given in three days. thus austria became the aggressor, and napoleon's promise to aid piedmont in such case fell due. a refusal to accept the austrian terms was given to the envoys, and on april the sardinian parliament ordered that the troops start for lombardy and confided the supreme command to victor emmanuel. he issued a royal proclamation, commencing, "austria assails us with a powerful army, which, while simulating a desire for peace, she had collected for our injury in the unhappy provinces subject to her domination," and concluding, "we confide in god and in our concord; we confide in the valor of the italian soldiers, in the alliance of the noble french nation; we confide in the justice of public opinion. i have no other ambition than to be the first soldier of italian independence. viva l' italia!--victor emmanuel." "italy shall be!" victor emmanuel had sworn on the field of novara ten years before; now, with all the ardor restrained during those long years of waiting, he flamed to make his promise true. he was an heroic figure as he reviewed his troops at alessandria, he was some king of the middle ages to whom horse and arms were incomparably dearer than pomp and ease at home. he said that he should lead his troops in battle, and he did, proving himself so absolutely reckless of safety that both generals and soldiers were constantly alarmed. yet it was that same wild recklessness of his which made his soldiers fight as they did; they saw that their king was never afraid to face what he commanded them to face. the french emperor landed at genoa may , , amid loud italian plaudits, and the two sovereigns set out together for the field of war. napoleon the third had many shortcomings, and italians scarcely knew whether to bless or curse him in those years when he played so large a part in their history, but he did have the art of inspiring warm and lasting friendships, and victor emmanuel, whose nature was always open to admiration for those about him, had known him but a short time before he gave him the deepest and sincerest personal trust. the war opened auspiciously for piedmont, the people of lombardy were all in arms, garibaldi was waging irregular warfare through the lakes with his band of volunteers called the "hunters of the alps," and the allied italian and french armies carried off their first battles with the austrians. may was fought the battle of montebello, and shortly afterwards the battle of palestro, long drawn out, but ultimately victorious for the allies. on the last day of the battle it seemed that the austrians must win; the italian troops, fighting desperately and falling in numbers, were almost outflanked and surrounded when the french zouaves suddenly appeared, and with terrific fire drove the austrians back and seized their cannon. victor emmanuel led the furious charge that followed, and was so impetuous that both italians and zouaves were continually alarmed lest he should be cut off from them. when the battle ended the zouaves elected king victor their captain, declaring that he was the first of all true zouaves because he would not listen to reason. on june the great battle of magenta was won by the allies, and the memory of novara was obliterated in this overwhelming triumph which freed lombardy from austria. immediately a lombard delegation came to the king of sardinia and offered him the fealty of their state and asked for its union with piedmont. thus came the first new state into united italy. on june the allies entered milan, the lombard capital, and celebrated their victories with a splendid service at the cathedral. meanwhile news arrived of a french victory at melegnano, and of garibaldi's daring movements among the alps. the lombards were beside themselves with delight, the austrians, so long their overlords, had at last withdrawn across the mincio into venetia. victor emmanuel issued a proclamation in milan on june in which occurred the stirring words of praise for his ally so often quoted, "the emperor of the french, our generous ally, worthy of the name and genius of napoleon, putting himself at the head of the heroic army of that great nation, wishes _to liberate italy from the alps to the adriatic_. in a rivalry of sacrifices you will second these magnanimous proposals on the field of battle, you will show yourselves worthy of the destinies to which italy is now called after so many centuries of suffering." in milan the king first met garibaldi, whose reputation for striking audacity and no less remarkable simplicity had made a strong appeal to a sovereign who could appreciate those qualities. here their friendship began, a mutual admiration which was to be the strongest link to bind the general, growing yearly more and more a republican, to the future kingdom of italy. austria was now ready for a new attack, and appeared suddenly in front of the allied armies. the latter met them, and fought on june the great battle called solferino by the french, and san martino by the italians. san martino is the name of a hill which commands the roads to the lake of garda. the piedmontese had held it at first, but were dislodged by the austrians. then re-enforcements arrived, and the height was retaken, but at great cost. the king sent an officer to the general in command, saying, "our allies are winning a great battle at solferino; it is the king's wish that his soldiers should win one at san martino." "say to the king that his orders shall be executed," replied general mollard. the king succeeded in capturing sonato, and then went to the defense of san martino, which was finally won after most desperate fighting. the italians had equaled the proud record of their allies on that day. between them the two armies had driven the austrians completely out of lombardy. that night it did not seem unlikely that a few more weeks would indeed see italy free from the alps to the adriatic, and venice united to her sister cities of the north. napoleon, having met with the most unqualified success in italy, suddenly stopped short, and proceeded, almost as though panic-stricken, to ask austria for an armistice, as though he were the vanquished, not the victor. both italians and frenchmen heard of this determination of the emperor first with incredulity, then with amazement, then with indignation. victor emmanuel did his utmost to induce his ally to change his intention, but napoleon was obdurate. then the king, who realized to the full what a crushing blow this step would be to the soaring hopes of the italian cities, resigned himself to the situation as best he could. "poor italy!" he said to the french emperor. "whatever shall be your majesty's decision i shall always feel grateful for what you have done for italian independence, and you may count on me as a friend." it must have been hard for a king who saw his victorious army checked in mid-career to have spoken such dignified words. other men did not take napoleon's action with any such restraint. the men of the provinces who had seen themselves almost free of the yoke they so deeply hated were indescribably bitter at this outcome, garibaldi and his volunteers felt themselves confirmed in that antipathy to napoleon they had been at small pains to conceal, and the general was only calmed by the personal appeal of his king. but the effect was most disastrous upon cavour, who had labored to bring about this war as no other man in italy had done, and who now believed that the tremendous efforts of his life had gone for nothing. he had shouldered tremendous responsibility, now he felt the disaster overwhelmingly. he hurried to the king's camp, and making small effort to conceal his anger, denounced the emperor and counseled the king to refuse to accept lombardy under the terms of peace. positions were reversed, for the moment victor emmanuel was the calm statesman looking to the future, cavour the man of fiery impulse who would accept no compromise. the meeting was long and difficult, and when cavour left, having placed his resignation in the king's hands, there was a deep breach between the two men. cavour returned to turin, "in the space of three days grown older by many years." the treaty of villafranca was signed july , , and by it lombardy was joined to piedmont. the cavour ministry only held office until their successors could be appointed. rattazzi at last agreed to accept the helm. the high contracting parties to the treaty had thought that they could dispose of the small italian states as they pleased, and return them to the dominion of their grand dukes and princes by a stroke of the pen. it proved, however, quite otherwise. modena, parma, the provinces of bologna, ferrara, umbria, perugia, and the marches, had been too near freedom to suffer the peaceful return of their old overlords. state after state had sent deputations to the sardinian king during the war asking for annexation to piedmont, and some of them had provisional governments with piedmontese deputies at their head. the ministry at turin gave orders in pursuance of the terms of peace withdrawing the royal commissioners, but the men in charge felt that they could not abandon their posts and leave the people in a state bordering on anarchy, and the people stated decisively that they would not allow their fugitive princes to return. so the treaty of villafranca was not as effective as its makers had intended it to be. the central italian states proceeded to take affairs into their own hands, and sent envoys to the different courts of europe to represent the true conditions in their respective cities and their ardent desire for annexation to piedmont. in florence ricasoli, in modena farini took positive stands, and led in the calling of an assembly of all the smaller states, which resolved that they would become subjects of the sardinian king. deputation after deputation came to the king at turin, composed of the best known men of the states, and besought him to accept their allegiance. it was a difficult position for the king. he could not refuse requests so ardently made, and which represented the dearest wish of people he had so often declared he would protect, yet he could not easily accept in view of the position of austria and france. he welcomed the envoys warmly, entertained them at his capital, and spoke to them freely, assuring them of the warmth of his desires and asking them to be patient only a little time longer. in november, , the powers saw that a conference must meet to consider this problem of italy. piedmont looked about for the man to speak her voice, and only one man was thought of. the king had felt cavour's anger deeply, and could hardly find it in him to call him out of his retirement. he saw, however, that any congress would be useless without the great statesman, and so he finally consented, and nominated him as first sardinian plenipotentiary. although the king could bring himself to appoint cavour, the rattazzi ministry were unwilling to have him act, and it seemed as though no compromise could be effected. cavour was asked to put his conditions of acceptance in writing, and by chance happened to dictate them to sir james hudson, the british minister at turin, with whom he was staying. when the conditions were received by the cabinet the ministers did not favor them, and la marmora, discovering them to be in sir james hudson's handwriting, was offended at what he chose to consider foreign interference, and resigned. the cabinet, never very strong, could not stand, and the king at once pocketed his last dislike, and summoned cavour to form a new ministry. this the count consented to do. the pope was much alarmed at the condition of the papal states and began publicly to denounce victor emmanuel for encouraging both those and the other states in their desire for annexation. the correspondence between pope and king was most remarkable, always dignified, and on the king's part breathing the desire for reconciliation, but on the pope's indignant and alarming. the proposed european congress did not meet, and as month after month passed events showed that the central states would have their way. at length these states took a formal vote in popular assemblies, and declared unanimously for annexation with piedmont. the king could withstand them no longer, and the annexation was agreed to. immediately pius ix. issued a bull of excommunication against victor emmanuel, his ministers, soldiers, and subjects, and proclaimed him no better than a sacrilegious robber. this act, formerly so terrifying, had no effect, the people had made up their minds, and in the spring of the king received farini, dictator of emilia, and ricasoli, dictator of tuscany, and accepted from them the allegiance of central italy. that france might take no untoward step at sight of a kingdom growing so rapidly on her southern border victor emmanuel had to make the second concession to napoleon, and cede savoy and nice. it was a bitter step for the head of the house of savoy to take, but he felt that the need of italy required it of him, and, as with every other sacrifice that need required of him, he met it resolutely. not so garibaldi, who saw his birthplace given to a foreign power; he never forgave cavour that act, and it widened the gulf already separating them. the new parliament met on april , , numbering among its members the greatest names of piedmont, lombardy, tuscany, and emilia. ricasoli, farini, capponi, manzoni, mamiani, poerio, all had seats. the king, in his speech from the throne, dwelt upon the accession of central italy, and briefly but with infinite pathos stated that he had made a treaty for the reunion of savoy and nice to france. then he called his hearers' minds to the work that lay before them. "in turning our attention," he concluded, "to the new ordering of affairs, not seeking in old parties other than the memory of the services rendered to the common cause, we invite all sincere opinions to a noble emulation that we may attain the grand end of the greatness of the country. it is no longer the italy of the romans, nor that of the middle ages; it must no longer be the battle-field of ambitious foreigners, but it must be rather the italy of the italians." how many patriots had voiced that cry "the italy of the italians" through the long centuries when goth and vandal, guelph and ghibelline, pope and emperor, france and austria, had striven to gain the upper hand in the peninsula! soon after parliament opened the king made a tour of his new possessions, and was hailed in each city as deliverer. the joy of the people in the thought that at last they had an italian prince in place of the fickle, foreign-bred bourbons, was wonderful to behold: "at last we are eleven million italians!" was their proud cry. florence received the king with decorations of every fashion, arches of triumph, houses draped with the tricolor and rich brocades, streets carpeted with laurels, a rain of roses as he rode from the railway station to the palazzo vecchio. the greatest men of tuscany, poets, artists, musicians, scholars, came to greet him, and with one accord proclaimed him the hero who had brought to fruition the dreams of their lives. his visit to florence was a memorable one. we must now glance for a moment at the remarkable events which general garibaldi was bringing to pass in sicily and calabria. the expedition of the thousand had started from genoa, openly disavowed by that astute diplomat cavour, secretly encouraged by him. the hero of the magic red shirt had swept over sicily and crossed thence to the mainland. men of all classes were speeding from every part of italy to fight under such a glorious leader, the triumphal march from reggio to naples had begun, and the troops of francis ii. of naples were proving how very little they had the interest of their sovereign's cause at heart. but with garibaldi in possession of naples serious questions arose. the victorious general wished to march immediately on rome, and to hold the dictatorship of southern italy until he could unite it in one gift to victor emmanuel. it was an heroic desire, worthy of its great inventor, but victor emmanuel and cavour both realized that a march on rome at that time meant the active intervention of french troops, and that a prolonged dictatorship might give the republican element an opportunity to change garibaldi's plans and destroy the hope of national unity. there were numbers of mazzinians in naples and cavour feared their influence over the great crusader. he appealed to parliament, and it voted for the immediate annexation of naples and sicily. then the royal army was sent at the double quick to meet garibaldi before he should start for rome. when the army was well on its march cavour gave this note to the foreign ambassadors in explanation: "if we do not arrive on the volturno before garibaldi arrives at cattolica, the monarchy is lost--italy remains a prey to revolution." the king led the royal army south and the progress through the papal states was one continual triumph; general cialdini met the papal army at castelfidardo and defeated them, soon after he took ancona, and victor emmanuel was in possession of umbria, the marches, and perugia, all taken as cavour diplomatically explained, to save italy from revolution. garibaldi generously acquiesced in the decision of the parliament at turin, and prepared to surrender his conquests to the king. as victor emmanuel started from ancona on the last stage of his progress to naples he issued an address to the people of southern italy, which concluded, "my troops advance among you to maintain order; i do not come to impose my will upon you, but to see that yours is respected. you will be able to manifest it freely. that providence which protects just causes will guide the vote which you will place upon the urn. whatever be the gravity of the events which may arise, i await tranquilly the judgment of civilized europe and of history, because i have the consciousness of having fulfilled my duty as king and as an italian. in europe my policy perhaps will not be without effect in helping to reconcile the progress of the people with the stability of the monarchy. in italy i know that i close the era of revolutions." outside of naples the king at the head of his troops was met by garibaldi, riding with some of his red-shirted officers. garibaldi saluted victor emmanuel as "king of italy," and the king thanked him with simple words. then they clasped hands and rode side by side towards the capital, which the general was giving to the king. each of the men was then and always, even in the dismal days of aspromonte and mentana, a warm admirer of the other. november , , victor emmanuel entered naples, which was given over to triumphal acclamations of king and general. they reigned side by side as popular idols for some days, and then garibaldi, refusing all gifts and honors, returned to his island of caprera, and victor emmanuel soon afterwards returned to his capital of turin. the last strongholds of the bourbons in italy fell early in the new year, and the nation lacked only rome and venetia for completion. a new parliament was called at turin to mark the transition from the kingdom of sardinia to the kingdom of italy. representatives of all the new provinces appeared, and parliament was opened on february , . the king, in his speech from the throne, reviewed the great events of the past year, and declared that the valor of the great mediæval cities of italy had been shown to survive in the sons of the modern kingdom. he was proclaimed the sovereign by the title of victor emmanuel ii., by the grace of god and by the will of the nation, king of italy. he chose that his predecessor of the same name should bear the title of the first victor emmanuel, but he was only king of sardinia, and this sovereign was in fact victor emmanuel the first of italy. cavour decided to resign and so allow the new king the opportunity to appoint a new premier. the will of the king had occasionally clashed with the will of the statesman, and the former now hesitated in the matter of choosing his new prime minister. he conferred with the leaders of the various provinces, and found them all in one accord, cavour must be the first minister of italy. he was invited to form a new ministry, and agreed to do so. attacked at home by garibaldi and those who wished to take rome by the sword, and vilified abroad by papal emissaries, the great minister heeded neither party, but proceeded quietly to lay his plans for the ultimate acquisition of rome as the national capital. as always, he believed in alternating audacity with patience, and believed that this was the time for the exercise of the latter virtue. unfortunately for the course of italian history, cavour's labors to induce the catholic world to have faith in his belief that a free church in a free state was best for civilization were brought to a close that spring. he died june , , having worked so hard in parliament that he had brought upon himself a violent fever. the king had visited him on june , and the sick man had roused sufficiently to speak to him. "ah, maestà!" murmured the man, to whom victor emmanuel represented the central figure of his career. at cavour's death victor emmanuel was prostrated. "better for italy if it were i who had died!" he exclaimed, with full consciousness that it had been cavour who alone of all italians had possessed the greatness of intellect to raise the throne of piedmont to an equality among the powers. all italians felt that their greatest guide was lost to them in cavour's death. only at this time did they fully realize how monumental had been his force of character, how simple and endearing his nature. for years he had silently shouldered burdens of inestimable weight, and followed his course in the face of attack both at home and abroad. massimo d'azeglio wrote to farini, "poor cavour. it is only now i know how much i loved him. i am no longer good for anything, but i have prayed to heaven for our country, and a gleam of comfort has come to me. if god _will_ he _can_ save italy even without cavour." there were many men in italy who felt that only by miracle now could their fragile ship be brought safely into port. from the date of cavour's death victor emmanuel gave more personal concern to the foreign affairs of his country, he felt that his responsibilities had tremendously increased. ricasoli, who had been dictator of florence, became prime minister. england and france had acknowledged the new kingdom of italy, and now prussia and russia did likewise. a marriage was arranged between victor emmanuel's youngest daughter maria pia and the king of portugal, and the various countries of europe all turned with a new interest to the romantic history of the fast-spreading house of savoy. the burdens that cavour had borne so long soon proved too heavy for his successor ricasoli, and after nine months' service he resigned his office. rattazzi, cavour's old ally in the early days of victor emmanuel's reign, succeeded him as prime minister. he it was who now had to face the increasing complications of the roman question brought about by the determination of garibaldi and the ardent spirits of "young italy" to take the papal capital by storm. cavour had been able, in part at least, to prevent friction between the regular army and the garibaldians, and to guide the impulsive general. whether he could have prevented garibaldi from embarking again from sicily, this time headed for rome, no one can say. rattazzi found the task beyond him. in midsummer of garibaldi and his volunteers crossed from sicily and took up their march through calabria with the motto of their endeavor, "rome or death." the italian government felt that the advance must be stopped at all costs, or they would be involved in foreign warfare. general cialdini was sent to oppose garibaldi, and did so at aspromonte, where, after a very short resistance, the volunteers surrendered. unfortunately garibaldi was wounded in the foot, and the illness that followed was long and trying both to the general and to the italian government. the wounded hero was lionized and acclaimed, and treated more like a martyr than an insurgent. the king was bitterly grieved at the tragedy of aspromonte, and the necessity of taking prisoner a man who had labored so valiantly for italian freedom. the rattazzi ministry could not withstand the loss of popular support after aspromonte, and resigned. farini, who had been dictator of emilia in the days following the last austrian war, succeeded rattazzi as premier, but he in turn was soon forced by ill-health to surrender the control. minghetti then became prime minister. meantime the roman question was as far from being settled as ever; napoleon, protesting that he was the friend of italian independence, yet in the same breath insisting on the temporal dominion of the pope, proving an insurmountable obstacle. fortunately for italy the time was to come when napoleon's attention would be wholly directed elsewhere. in these days of indecision and waiting victor emmanuel traveled extensively through all parts of the kingdom, and was everywhere greeted with the warmest evidence of gratitude and affection. italians were not used to a sovereign who was glad to meet all classes of his people, and not afraid to hear their views of his government. his fearlessness, his devotion, his bonhomie all endeared him to the people, and the rè galantuomo became indeed a very honest king to all men who had only known austrian and clerical governors. victor emmanuel expected that venice would be added to the kingdom of italy before rome was, but the immediate annexation of neither seemed probable. the french government became gradually more conciliatory, but the changes were very gradual. napoleon foresaw that rome must inevitably become italy's capital, and the french minister, druyn de lhuys, said, "of course in the end you will go to rome. but it is important that between our evacuation and your going there, such an interval of time elapse as to prevent people establishing any connection between the two facts; france must not have any responsibility." napoleon proposed that the italian capital be moved from turin to a southern and more central city, and the minghetti ministry accepted the suggestion and proposed to the king that the seat of government be transferred to florence. the thought of leaving turin, for so many centuries the home of his family, caused victor emmanuel the greatest distress. "you know i am a true turinese," he said, "and no one can understand what a wrench it is to my heart to think that i must abandon this city where i have so many affections, where there is such a feeling of fidelity to my family, where the bones of my fathers and all my dear ones repose." it appeared, however, that the change must be made if the advantages of the new agreement with france, according to which the french troops were to evacuate rome in two years, were to be obtained. "since the cession of savoy and nice," said the king, "no public event has cost me such bitter regret. if i were not persuaded that this sacrifice is necessary to the unity of italy i would refuse." turin, when it heard of the determination of the government, gave itself over to consternation of the wildest type. the minghetti ministry had to resign, and even the beloved king was not spared open demonstration of his people's disapproval. he summoned general la marmora to become premier, and the new minister carried the change through in spite of turinese disapproval. the change was made early in , and florence welcomed the king with every tribute of honor. it was some time, however, before victor emmanuel could forget the injustice done him by the people of his own city, although they later proved their regret for their unkind treatment by asking forgiveness and celebrating his visits to them with unwonted joy. early in the king's third son, otto, duke of monferrat, who had long been an invalid, died, and at very nearly the same time died that remarkable man, massimo d'azeglio. from the days of his early youth the king had relied on the counsels and wise judgment of this man, who was alternately artist, poet, statesman, soldier, and who had the gift of making friends to a greater degree than any italian in public life. he had sacrificed his own interests time and again at the request of his king or of cavour, he had traveled throughout italy studying conditions in the days of charles albert, and recording them in his books, he had been honored by almost all the sovereigns of europe as a man of the noblest character and highest talents. his death was a great loss to italy. the clouds of war were gathering abroad in that same year. prussia and austria were quarreling, and the italian government concluded an alliance with prussia on april , . austria, realizing that she would have sufficient difficulty in holding her own against prussia without having to guard against her southern neighbor also, made overtures through napoleon agreeing to cede venetia to italy if that country would dissolve its alliance with prussia. the temptation was strong, but the king and his prime minister refused to break their engagements, and on june , , declared war against austria. victor emmanuel appointed his cousin regent, and took command of his troops. the two young princes, humbert and amadeus, went with him. on that same field of custozza, where the italians had lost in , the armies met, and after a long and bloody battle the army of italy was again worsted. at the same time the italian fleet was beaten at lissa in the adriatic. even garibaldi's volunteers in the lakes were not meeting with their former successes, and the campaign would have been disastrous to italian hopes had not their ally, prussia, forced austria to immediate terms by the two great victories of königgratz and sadowa. an armistice followed, and napoleon, to whom austria ceded venetia, gave that province to italy with the approval of prussia. the italians were dejected by their losses, but at least venice was finally free from the foreigner. the beautiful city of the adriatic was no sooner free than she sent her foremost citizens to victor emmanuel to ask for immediate annexation to the italian kingdom. it was a glorious day when the red, white, and green flag was raised in saint mark's square, and the venetian heroes, exiled with their great leader, daniel manin, almost two decades earlier, could return to breathe the air of their beloved home. victor emmanuel received the citizens of venice at turin, and answered their eager desire with stirring words. "citizens of venice," so ran his answer, "this is the most beautiful day of my life. it is now nineteen years since my father proclaimed from this city the war of national independence. to-day, his birthday, you, gentlemen, bring me the evidence of the popular will of the venetian provinces, which we now unite to the great italian nation, declaring as an accomplished fact the desire of my august parent. you confirm by this solemn act that which venetia did in , and which she maintained with such admirable constancy and self-abnegation. let me here pay a tribute to those brave men who with their blood, and with sacrifices of every sort, kept undiminished faith to their country and to her destinies. with this day shall disappear from the peninsula every vestige of foreign domination. italy is made, if not completed; it now rests with the italians to make her great and prosperous. "gentlemen, the iron crown is also restored in this solemn day to italy. but above this crown i place that which to me is dearer--the crown of my people's love." november , , the king made his formal entry into that most beautiful of the rare group of italy's cities, and the one which had belonged most absolutely to the foreigner. rome alone now remained outside the nation, and it was plainly only a matter of time before pius ix. would have to submit to his evident destiny. the french had kept their agreement, and were leaving rome, the call of the romans to victor emmanuel to come and free them grew ever louder, and the wish of the italian people grew daily more pronounced. it was victor emmanuel himself who would not force the church's hand, he was content to wait, knowing how events were gradually shaping, and this patience of his in the end proved its wisdom. there were others, however, who would not wait, and these were the garibaldians. when the romans found that the king would not draw sword to free them, they turned to the crusader whose hand was always on his sword hilt at the call of rome. he heard the call now, took the field again, and placed his king a second time in the same unenviable position. one ministry resigned, no statesman seemed competent to cope with the situation which garibaldi was bringing on his country, the king saw italy on the brink of civil war, and was at the same time fearful lest the french troops return and destroy the volunteers. it was the most trying time in his career as king of italy. garibaldi was arrested, imprisoned at caprera, escaped, and joined the now rapidly increasing volunteers in the country about rome. he met with success at the battle of monte rotondo, but a few days later found his army opposed at mentana by french troops which napoleon had hurriedly sent to protect the papal temporal power. the french were armed with the new chassepot gun, and the garibaldians were defeated with terrible loss. they could not renew the unequal struggle, and the brief campaign came to an untimely end. victor emmanuel was heart-broken at the news of the frightful havoc at mentana and the garibaldian losses. "ah, those chassepots!" he exclaimed. "they have mortally wounded my heart as father and king. i feel as if the balls had torn my flesh. it is one of the greatest griefs that i have ever known in all my life." after the short campaign the reckless patriot garibaldi was again imprisoned, but soon released. he had proved a tremendous problem to all the successors of cavour. he returned to caprera, and gradually the agitation of the roman question subsided into its former slow and diplomatic course. the crown prince humbert, who was twenty-four years old, was now married to his first cousin the princess margherita, daughter of the duke of genoa, and the marriage proved immensely popular, for the princess possessed unusual charm, and as soon as she was known, was beloved by the people. the king's second son, amadeus, soon to be offered the crown of spain, had already married the daughter of the prince della cisterna, the head of an old and devotedly loyal piedmont family. in the year victor emmanuel, who had been seized with a severe fever in his villa near pisa, married the countess mirafiore, according to the rites of the church. the year saw napoleon drawn into the war with prussia which was to cost him his crown. the french troops could no longer remain abroad to support the pope and were withdrawn from italy. although napoleon had sacrificed his alliance with victor emmanuel the latter would even now have gone to his aid, but his ministers would not permit him to take such a step. the rapid disasters that befell french arms and the surrender of the emperor at sedan caused the romans to make another appeal to victor emmanuel to come to their aid before they should be altogether abandoned. the time was now ripe when the appeal could be answered. a message containing the king's resolution was sent to the provisional government at paris, which replied that it had no power now to oppose italy. yet, even now, before sending his troops to rome, the king tried again to effect some pacific adjustment with the pope, and it was only when the latter showed again his unaltered determination to insist on the temporal power of the church that the italian army crossed the papal frontier. september , , is the date on which the temporal power of the roman church, after many centuries of vicissitudes, came to an end. the pope, although eighty years old, determined on final resistance, and the invading army was met at the leonine gate with fire from the city bastions. the fight did not last long, the foreign ambassadors in rome entreated the pope to capitulate, but he would not do so until he heard that the royal army was actually within the city. then a white flag was raised on saint peter's, and an hour later the last papal zouaves were surrendering their arms. all rome rushed to the capitol and burst into ecstatic acclaim as the italian tri-color was flung out to the breezes from the palace. the fortress of saint angelo was opened and scores of political prisoners released. meanwhile the pope and the cardinals withdrew into the vatican, and proclaimed to the world that they were kept there as prisoners against their will. a popular vote of the romans was taken and resulted overwhelmingly in favor of union with the kingdom. the long struggle which had begun for victor emmanuel on that far-off day of novara, was ended. to piedmont had been added lombardy, tuscany, emilia, the papal states, sicily, naples, venetia, and now rome. the vow of the king was accomplished, italy was complete. the last parliament in florence met december , , and the king in opening it said, "with rome the capital of italy i have fulfilled my promise, and crowned the undertaking which twenty-three years ago was initiated by my great father. as a king and as a son, i feel in my heart a solemn joy in saluting here assembled the representatives of our beloved country, and in pronouncing these words--italy is free and one. now it depends on us to make her free and happy." florence had rejoiced at being the capital of italy, but now she surrendered that proud position to rome, which all italians felt must be the capital of the new nation. the king had no wish to offend the pope, indeed he and his ministers were untiring in their efforts to effect a reconciliation with the head of the church, and the public entry into rome was delayed for almost nine months. meanwhile the king had entered the city privately at a time when the tiber had flooded its banks and caused much distress, and had done all that he could to relieve the needs of the poor and homeless. on june , , victor emmanuel made his formal entry into his new capital, and took possession of the quirinal. on november of that same year the first parliament representing united italy met. a little earlier spain, rid of isabella, and in the hands of a provisional government, sought a king from italy, and found one in victor emmanuel's son, amadeus, who went to madrid, and reigned there for a few troubled years, until another revolution released him from a position which he had never sought or desired. for seven years victor emmanuel reigned in rome, and they were years of great strides in progress and in national unity. he visited foreign sovereigns, and they in turn visited him; in he went to vienna as the guest of the austrian emperor francis joseph, and in the latter visited him at venice. the king of italy, always open-hearted and simple by nature, was glad to forget the days when austria had ruled in italy, and to form ties of friendship between the houses of savoy and of hapsburg, ties which francis joseph was equally glad to make. the pope continued publicly to resent the presence of the king in rome, but privately he stated his admiration for him. pius ix. was two men in one, delightful as a private character, but narrow and bigoted in his public views. he still held to his claim to temporal power over the states of the church, but gradually the claim ceased to be other than an echo of history. in those seven years between and the king knit his people together, met garibaldi, now the arch republican, and brought him to terms of reason, concerned himself with scores of plans for bettering the material welfare of his people, draining the campagna, tunneling mont cenis and the st. gothard, and building up commerce with the east. he was always the idol of his people, the rè galantuomo, in whatever part of the country he visited. on january , , he died, being fifty-eight years of age, and having reigned twenty-nine years. thousands of stories are told of victor emmanuel's frankness and independence, of his love of mixing with his people, and doing little acts of kindness and charity. he was a great hunter, never happier than when in the alps, free as the meanest goatherd, and forgetful of all his cares. he had a most magnetic personality, a certain ruggedness of character that led men to trust him implicitly and follow him without debate. he was the very man for his time, a leader who could accomplish what charles albert could never have done, because he was first and foremost a fighter and never the scholastic theorist. grouped about him were men of the greatest ability and devotion, such patriots as d'azeglio, cavour, la marmora, who could do for him what they could never have done for his father, because victor emmanuel knew when to give others a free rein, and having once given them that rein, did not immediately jerk them back. he understood the delicate position of a constitutional sovereign almost by instinct, time and again he might have forced his wish upon his country, but he understood that it was parliament and not he that should be supreme. yet, on the other hand, he did not shirk responsibility, he was ready to assume any burden which would aid in delivering italy from foreign domination. events in the lives of nations, such as the union of the disordered states of italy, are greater than any man, but often such events seem to await the coming of a certain man who shall collect within himself the spirit of his time, and personify its impulse in his nature. reading this history, one feels as though the men of the peninsula had waited the coming of a king of piedmont who should throw everything he had into the common cause, and, without counting any cost or pain, fight to the goal. when such a man came, then and then only, could the forces that were preparing reach their full growth and opportunity, then and then only could mazzini, garibaldi, and cavour put into operation the energies for which they severally stood. in italy to-day the memory of victor emmanuel meets one on every hand, it was his fortunate fate to rise to every opportunity, and to grow in his people's affection with each step he took. index "adelchi," appearance of, ; stanzas from, , albany, count and countess of, alfieri, vittorio, - ; birth and parentage, , ; education, , ; early travels, - ; opinion of paris, ; travels in england, , ; travels in holland, ; in vienna and berlin, , ; travels in russia, ; in spain, , ; first plays, , ; moves to florence, - ; meeting with the countess of albany, , ; "virginia," "agemennone," "don garzia," "maria stuarda," "oreste," "filippo," "timoleone," "ottavia," "rosmunda," ; in rome, , ; "saul," "antigone," ; later travels, ; "agide," "sofonisba," "mirra," ; life in paris, , ; memoirs, ; french revolution, - ; french occupation of florence, ; comedies, ; death, ; influence on italy, - amadeus, king of spain, america, garibaldi in, , arnaud, giuseppe, quoted (of alfieri), aspromonte, , balbo, count, bandiera-moro, the, bassi, ugo, in venice, , ; tribute to manin, ; at siege of rome, ; death of, beccaria, treatise on "crimes and punishments," benso, family of, bonghi, quoted (of manzoni), caprera, island of, , carbonari, the, , , carlyle, thomas, and mazzini, , castellani, the nicoletti and, cavour, camille di, - ; birth, youth, and education, - ; life as a farmer at leri, ; travels in england and france, , ; founds "il risorgimento," ; speech to the editors, , ; election to parliament, ; campaign of - , - ; personal appearance, ; member of d'azeglio's cabinet, ; the "connubio" with rattazzi, , ; the "gran ministero," ; policies, ; alliance with england and france, , ; resignation as premier and recall, , ; congress of paris of , - ; pact of plombières, ; crisis of , - ; war of , ; treaty of villafranca, , ; cession of savoy and nice, - ; views on garibaldi's expedition, ; sends royal army south, ; "a free church in a free state," ; death, ; his statesmanship, - ; reliance of the people, ; relations with mazzini, , , cavour, marquise philippine di, - charles albert, character of, - , - , ; as regent, ; reign of, , - ; abdication of, , ; and gioberti, , ; mazzini's letter to, , charles felix, king of sardinia, , ciceruacchio, , , clarendon, lord, at congress of paris, classicists and romanticists, - , cobden, visit to venice, congregations, central and provincial, "connubio," the, , crimean war, - dandolo, giulio, quoted (of garibaldi's troops), , d'azeglio, massimo, ; and charles albert, , ; ministry of, , , , ; character of, ; death of, ; quoted (of alfieri), de lesseps, ferdinand, at rome, , de sanctis, quoted (of alfieri), ; (of the reaction from the french revolution), ; (of the romantic movement), , , emmanuel philibert, of savoy, farini, , , , "father of venice, the," - "five days of milan, the," french revolution, failure of, , ; alfieri and the, - gaeta, mazzini at, garibaldi, giuseppe, - ; birth and boyhood, , ; life in south america, , ; offer to serve pius ix., , ; campaign of , - ; defense of rome, - ; retreat of the legion, - ; death of anita, ; leaves italy, ; purchase of caprera, ; commands the "hunters of the alps," ; campaign of , - ; attacks cavour, ; expedition to sicily, - , - ; victories in calabria, ; capture of naples, , ; returns to caprera, ; march on rome, and aspromonte, ; triumphal visit to england, , ; campaign of , - ; plans to take rome, mentana, - ; serves france against prussia, ; old age and death, - ; estimate of character and achievements, - garibaldi, anita, , , garibaldi, francesca, garibaldi, menotti, , , garibaldian army, description of, , , gioberti, vincenzo, - ; birth and education, , ; priesthood, ; chaplain to charles albert, ; arrest and exile, , ; life in brussels, , ; "la teorica del sovran-naturale," ; "introduzione della filosofia," ; other writings, ; "il gesuita moderno," ; "il primato d'italia," - , , ; returns to piedmont, ; revolutions of , , ; letter to pius ix., ; "rinnovamento civile d'italia," , ; death, ; comparison of, with mazzini, "gran ministero," the, guerrazzi, attack on cavour, howells, william dean, quoted (of manzoni's dramas), , hugo, victor, and the romantic movement, humbert, prince, marriage of, "hunters of the alps," the, , "i promessi sposi," appearance of, ; opinions of, ; compared with "les miserables," "il risorgimento," the newspaper, , kossuth, mazzini compared with, la marmora, alfonso, , , lincoln, mazzini compared with, magenta, battle of, manin, daniel, - ; birth and education, ; professional work, , ; views on national resignation, - ; arrest and imprisonment, - ; triumphal release, , ; forms a venetian government, ; member of the triumvirate, ; president of the republic, ; dictator, ; departure from venice, ; life in paris, , ; death, ; results of his work, manin, emilia, , , manzoni, alessandro, - ; birth and parentage, ; youth and education, - ; stay in france, ; religious views, , ; marriage, ; "sacred hymns," ; view of pope's temporal power, ; "il conte di carmagnola," ; "il cinque maggio," ; "adelchi," ; "i promessi sposi," - ; personality, ; old age and death, ; position, , ; miscellaneous writings, , manzoni, henriette, mazzini, giuseppe, - ; youth, ; early writings, , ; arrest and imprisonment, , ; "young italy," - ; life in switzerland and london, - ; returns to italy, ; triumvir of rome, - ; in london, , ; personal appearance, ; in italy, ; disagreement with the monarchy, - ; appearance in genoa, ; plans to take sicily, ; confinement at gaeta, , ; death, ; position in his century, ; spirit of self-sacrifice, mentana, , "mille," expedition of the, - minghetti, ; quoted (of gioberti), - monti, vincenzo, naples, welcome to garibaldi, napoleon, manzoni's ode on death of, napoleon iii, , , , nazari, neo-guelph party, nice, cession of, - , , , nicoletti and castellani, the, novara, battle of, , orsini, felice, palermo, capture of, , palffy, count, , , palmerston, lord, views on italy, , , paravia, quoted (of alfieri), , paris, congress of, in , - piedmont, its mediævalism, pius ix., accession of, , ; garibaldi's letter to, , ; flight from rome of, plombières, pact of, "primato d'italia, ii," - , , ; quoted from, - , , "promessi sposi, i," , rattazzi, , , , , , raymondi, giuseppina, ricasoli, , , "risorgimento, il," the newspaper, , roman republic, the, - , - ; garibaldi's part in, - ; manifesto of, romanticists and classicists, - , rome, taken by victor emmanuel, , ; capital moved to, salasco, armistice of, san martino, battle of, , santa rosa, sardinia, kingdom of, savoy, history of house of, , ; cession of, - , , sicily, garibaldi's campaign in, - solferino, battle of, , statute, the sardinian, tommaseo, turin, removal of capital from, , unities, law of the three, valerio, attacks on cavour, venice, the "father of venice," - ; under austrian rule, ; siege of, - ; capitulation of, ; union with italian kingdom, , victor amadeus, duke of savoy, victor emmanuel i., of italy, - ; ancestry, , ; birth, youth, and education, ; marriage, ; first battles, ; becomes king, , ; difficulties with the church, , ; marriage of his daughter, ; speech from the throne in , ; war with austria in , - ; treaty of villafranca, - ; union of northern and central states, - ; marches to meet garibaldi, - ; naples and sicily united to his crown, , ; proclaimed king of italy, ; moves his capital to florence, ; campaign of , , ; venetia united to the kingdom, , ; entry into rome, - ; king of united italy, ; death, ; fitness for his work, - ; gioberti's opinion of, ; manzoni's opinion of, , villafranca, treaty of, , "young italy," , , - , , , , _a great italian romance_ the gadfly by e. l. voynich. mo. $ . an intense romance of the italian rising against the austrians early in the nineteenth century. it has gone through over twenty impressions. "she shows us the veritable conspirator of history, who plotted like a human being, and not like an operatic bandit, ... it is a thrilling book and absolutely sober.... 'the gadfly' is an original and impressive being; ... a story to remember. it is nothing more or less than one of the most powerful novels of the decade."--_new york tribune._ "one of the most interesting phases of the history of nineteenth-century europe. the story of the italian revolutionary movement ... is full of such incidents as the novelist most desires.... this novel is one of the strongest of the year, vivid in conception and dramatic in execution, filled with intense human feeling, and worked up to a tremendously impressive climax."--_dial._ "paradox worked up with intense dramatic effect is the salient feature of 'the gadfly'; shows a wonderfully strong hand, and descriptive powers which are rare; ... a very remarkable romance."--_new york times._ "an historical novel permeated with a deep religious interest in which from first to last the story is dominant and absorbing.... 'the gadfly' is a figure to live in the imagination."--_critic._ if the reader will send his name and address the publishers will send information about their new books as issued. henry holt and company w. d st. new york standard works on italy symonds, john addington the renaissance in italy. vo age of despots. $ . the revival of learning. $ . the fine arts. $ . italian literature. vols. $ . the catholic reaction. vols. $ . short history of the renaissance. mo. $ . italian byways, mo. $ . taine, h. a. italy; rome and naples. translated by john durand. large mo. $ . italy; florence and venice. translated by john durand. large mo. $ . lectures on art. containing the philosophy of art in italy. large mo. $ . if the reader will send his name and address the publishers will send information about their new books as issued. henry holt and company w. d st. new york transcriber's note obvious printer errors, inconsistent hyphenation, spelling and punctuation have been fixed. content has been left as found. some examples of incosistencies are noted below. radetsky versus radetzky tricolor versus tri-color d'acunha versus d'acunha d'azeglio versus d'azeglio preeminence versus pre-eminence out with garibaldi mr. henty's historical tales. the cat of bubastes: a story of ancient egypt.... _s._ the young carthaginian: a story of the times of hannibal. ... _s._ for the temple: a tale of the fall of jerusalem.... _s._ beric the briton: a story of the roman invasion.... _s._ the dragon and the raven: or, the days of king alfred.... _s._ wulf the saxon: a story of the norman conquest.... _s._ a knight of the white cross: the siege of rhodes.... _s._ in freedom's cause: a story of wallace and bruce.... _s._ the lion of st. mark: a story of venice in the th century.... _s._ st. george for england: a tale of cressy and poitiers.... _s._ a march on london: a story of wat tyler.... _s._ both sides the border: a tale of hotspur and glendower.... _s._ at agincourt: a tale of the white hoods of paris.... _s._ by right of conquest: or, with cortez in mexico.... _s._ st. bartholomew's eve: a tale of the huguenot wars.... _s._ by pike and dyke: a tale of the rise of the dutch republic.... _s._ by england's aid: or, the freeing of the netherlands.... _s._ under drake's flag: a tale of the spanish main.... _s._ the lion of the north: a tale of gustavus adolphus.... _s._ won by the sword: a tale of the thirty years' war.... _s._ when london burned: a story of the great fire.... _s._ orange and green: a tale of the boyne and limerick.... _s._ a jacobite exile: in the service of charles xii.... _s._ the bravest of the brave: or, with peterborough in spain.... _s._ bonnie prince charlie: a tale of fontenoy and culloden.... _s._ with clive in india: or, the beginnings of an empire.... _s._ with frederick the great: the seven years' war.... _s._ with wolfe in canada: or, the winning of a continent.... _s._ true to the old flag: the american war of independence.... _s._ held fast for england: a tale of the siege of gibraltar.... _s._ in the reign of terror: the french revolution.... _s._ no surrender! a tale of the rising in la vendée.... _s._ a roving commission: a story of the hayti insurrection.... _s._ the tiger of mysore: the war with tippoo saib.... _s._ at aboukir and acre: napoleon's invasion of egypt.... _s._ with moore at corunna: a tale of the peninsular war.... _s._ under wellington's command: the peninsular war.... _s._ with cochrane the dauntless: a tale of his exploits.... _s._ through the fray: a story of the luddite riots.... _s._ through russian snows: the retreat from moscow.... _s._ one of the th: a story of waterloo.... _s._ in greek waters: a story of the grecian war ( ).... _s._ on the irrawaddy: a story of the first burmese war.... _s._ through the sikh war: a tale of the punjaub.... _s._ maori and settler: a story of the new zealand war.... _s._ with lee in virginia: a story of the american civil war.... _s._ by sheer pluck: a tale of the ashanti war.... _s._ for name and fame: or, through afghan passes.... _s._ the dash for khartoum: a tale of the nile expedition.... _s._ condemned as a nihilist: a story of escape from siberia.... _s._ london: blackie & son, limited; glasgow and dublin. [illustration: "frank engaged in a tough fight with the officer who held the flag"] out with garibaldi a story of the liberation of italy by g. a. henty author of "the lion of st. mark" "no surrender!" "st. george for england" "under wellington's command" &c. _with eight illustrations by w. rainey, r.i._ london blackie & son, limited, old bailey, e.c glasgow and dublin preface the invasion of the kingdom of the two sicilies by garibaldi with a force of but a thousand irregular troops is one of the most romantic episodes ever recorded in military history. in many respects it rivals the conquest of mexico by cortez. the latter won, not by the greater bravery of his troops, but by their immense superiority in weapons and defensive armour. upon the contrary, garibaldi's force were ill-armed and practically without artillery, and were opposed by an army of a hundred and twenty thousand men carrying the best weapons of the time, and possessing numerous and powerful artillery. in both cases the invaders were supported by a portion of the population who had been reduced to a state of servitude, and who joined them against their oppressors. there is another point of resemblance between these remarkable expeditions, inasmuch as the leaders of both were treated with the grossest ingratitude by the monarchs for whom they had gained such large acquisitions of territory. for the leading incidents in the campaign i have relied chiefly upon garibaldi's autobiography and the personal narrative of the campaign by captain forbes, r.n. g. a. henty. contents chap. page i. awaiting the attack ii. a desperate defence iii. troubles iv. a sudden summons v. on the way vi. the villa spinola vii. the expedition sails viii. palermo ix. hard fighting x. with bixio xi. a hazardous expedition xii. an ambuscade xiii. across the straits xiv. a discovery xv. the advance from reggio xvi. naples xvii. the battle of the volturno xviii. capua illustrations page "frank engaged in a tough fight with the officer who held the flag" _frontis._ "walking up and down the room like a caged lion" "his assailant fell back and disappeared" "the hinges of the door were broken off" "in her excitement she fell on her knees" "'silence, signors!' he said in a loud voice" "it was not until nullo ordered four men to load ... that he would answer" "he went up to percival and put his hand on his shoulder" map showing position of the opposing forces round capua plan of the battle of the volturno out with garibaldi. chapter i. awaiting the attack. on april th, , two men were seated in a room whose open windows commanded a view down the tiber. a sound of confused uproar rose from the city. "i am afraid, leonard," the elder of the two men said, "that the crisis is at hand. the news that the french are landing to-day at civita vecchia is ominous indeed. it is true that oudïnot has sent a message saying that the flag he has hoisted is that of peace and order. the people will not believe that he comes as an enemy; but, for my part, i have no doubt of it." "nor have i," the other replied. "it was bad enough that we had austria against us, sardinia powerless, and all the princelings of italy hostile; but that france, having proclaimed herself a republic, should now interfere to crush us and to put the pope back upon his throne is nothing short of monstrous. i feared that it would be so, but mazzini had so much faith in his influence with members of the french assembly that he has buoyed up the hopes of the populace, and even now the people generally believe that the french come as friends." "it is doubtless the influence of their new president, napoleon, that has turned the scale against us," the other said gloomily. "i do not suppose that he cares about the pope one way or the other, but it is his interest to pose as his champion. by so doing he will gain the good opinion of austria, of naples, and the ducal rulers of the italian states. even prussia, protestant as she is, would view with satisfaction the suppression of a rising like ours, for her throne well-nigh tottered in last year's explosion. russia, too, which perhaps more than any other power has reason to fear a popular rising, would feel grateful to napoleon for undertaking to crush free thought in rome. it is evident that the french president's move is a politic one. do you think that we shall fight, leonard?" "i fancy so. i have no belief in mazzini's courage, president though he may be. garibaldi is the popular hero, and i know him well enough to be sure that if he has but a handful of men to back him he will fight till the end. we had the odds as heavily against us when we were comrades-in-arms at rio, with but the susie and a merchantman with three or four guns against the whole brazilian navy, or when, with the italian volunteers, two hundred strong, we several times withstood the assault of five times our number. you will see we shall fight; but there can be no question what the end must be. we may repulse oudïnot's attack; but france could send any amount of reinforcements to him, while we have no friends to go to. it is well that your wife, muriel, and the boy were sent off a month since to leghorn, where, if we escape from what must happen here, we can join them and take ship for england." "i am sorry that you should be involved in this affair, leonard." "i am not sorry," the other said. "in the first place, after being here more than ten years, i have come to hate the tyranny and oppression, i don't say of the pope himself, but of his underlings, as much as you do. in the second place, i would fight by the side of garibaldi in almost any quarrel. i do not agree with him in his love for republics, but he has infected me with his hatred of tyrants and his burning patriotism. he is a glorious man; and after having been his comrade, i may almost say his brother, in adventures, hardships, and battles for two years, it would be strange indeed if i hesitated to join him in his crusade to rid italy of her tyrants. i am a soldier, and i own to a fondness for fighting when convinced that the cause is a just one. i know your opinions on the subject; but i suppose you do not propose to fight yourself?" "i do indeed, leonard. i do not say that i should be a match for a strong and active man in a bout with swords, though of course i learned the use of the rapier when a student, but at fifty i can at least use a musket as well as a younger man, and if rome fights i fight with her. ah, here comes garibaldi!" the door opened, and a man entered, whose appearance, even had he not been dressed in a red shirt, blue trousers of rough cloth, and a soft, broad-brimmed wide-awake, would have been remarked wherever he went. of middle height, he was exceptionally wide across the shoulders and deep in the chest; he wore his hair and beard long--both were of a golden yellow, giving a remarkably leonine look to his face; his eyes were blue, and the general expression of his face, when not angered, was pleasant and good-tempered, although marked also by resolution and firmness. at that time his name was comparatively little known in europe, although the extraordinary bravery and enterprise that he had shown at rio and monte video had marked him as a leader of guerilla warfare, possessing many characteristics that recalled the exploits of lord cochrane. it was only when, after his services had been declined by carlo alberto, king of sardinia, he was, with a few hundred followers, making his way to aid in the defence of venice against the austrians, that, on hearing that rome had risen, he hurried to aid the movement, and on his arrival there was greeted with enthusiasm by the populace, who had been informed by mazzini of his exploits. "you have heard the news?" he said as he entered. "yes; we were just talking it over," leonard percival said, "and conclude, as i suppose you do, that the french come as enemies." "there can be no doubt about it, my friend," garibaldi said. "if they had said that they came as enemies i might have doubted them; but after the evasive answer their general gave to the deputation mazzini sent them this morning, i have no question whatever that they will attack us to-morrow." "and you will fight?" "of course. we shall beat them, i think; in the end rome must fall, but our resistance will not have been in vain. the stand we shall make against tyranny will touch every heart throughout italy. it will show that, ground down as the people have been for centuries, the old fire of the romans is not extinct. this will be but the beginning. when it is seen that the despots cannot maintain their authority save by the aid of foreign powers, there will be revolt after revolt until italy is free. there were some grand lines you once told me as we sat round a camp fire, percival, that exactly express my thoughts." "i know what you mean," the englishman said. "they were byron's: for freedom's battle once begun, bequeath'd by bleeding sire to son, though baffled oft, is ever won." "they are splendid and true," garibaldi said enthusiastically. "so shall it be with us. this is our first battle--we cannot hope to win it; but our guns will tell italy and europe that we have awoke at last, that, after being slaves so long that we had come to be looked upon as a people content to be ruled by despots, we are still men, and that, having once begun the fight for freedom, we will maintain it until freedom is won." "and now, what are your plans for to-morrow?" "as soon as the french are seen approaching the city the church bells will ring and the alarm be beaten in the streets. the word has been passed round that all are to assemble instantly. the troops that have been organised will first pour out; the rest will follow with such arms as they have. we shall simply rush upon the french. in such a fight there is no need for manoeuvring; and it is well that it is so, for there the french would be our superiors. we shall simply attack and drive them back. we may take it for granted that, being boastful creatures and believing that they have but to show themselves and we shall lay down our arms and implore their mercy, they will be wholly taken by surprise and disconcerted by our onslaught. can you recommend anything better, my friend?" "no. with such a force as yours, newly raised and wholly unused to discipline, it is probable that at the first engagement, and with the advantage of surprise, they will, as you say, drive back the french; but you will have to adopt different tactics afterwards: to stand on the defensive and prevent their entering the city as long as possible, and to defend every street and lane, as the spaniards did at saragossa. they may take the city at last, but at so terrible a cost of blood that we may be sure that when you rise again the french people will not allow another expedition to be undertaken for a cause in which they have no concern, and which would entail such heavy sacrifices." "will you have a separate command, percival? you have but to choose one, and it is yours." "i will fight by your side," the englishman said briefly. "i know that i shall get my full share of the work then." "and you, professor?" "i shall go out with the rest. the students have elected me their captain, and i shall, of course, lead them. it is a simple matter. i see the enemy in front, and i go at them. even i, a man of peace all my life, understand that. i shall have with me at least a dozen of my colleagues, and if i am shot they can direct our boys as well as i can." "good!" garibaldi said. "if i thought that you could keep the students in hand, and then dash into the thick of it if you see our men wavering anywhere, i should say do so; but i know that it would be impossible. they will long to be in the front rank and to set an example to others, and i shall feel confident that, wherever they may be, there will be no faltering. your chief difficulty will be in restraining their ardour. well, my friends, i have many things to arrange, so must be going. you will find me in my quarters at nine o'clock this evening, percival. the officers and the heads of the various quarters of the town are to meet me there at that hour, to arrange where the assembling-places are to be when the alarm is given, and the streets through which they must move when we see at which point the french are going to attack us." "i will come down with him," the professor said. "i will send word to my colleagues where to meet me an hour later, so that i can inform them of the arrangements." and with a nod garibaldi, who had been unanimously elected general of the roman forces, strolled away. leonard percival had been a captain in the british army, but having become tired of garrison life during the long peace, had sold out in , and sailed for south america, where there were always opportunities for a man of action to distinguish himself. he took part in the struggle of rio grande for separation from brazil. here he first made the acquaintance of garibaldi, and shared with him in the many perilous adventures and desperate fights of that war. becoming disgusted with the factions and intrigues that were rampant at rio, he left the service of the little republic and returned to england. he was the second son of a wealthy english gentleman, who had viewed with much disapproval his leaving the army and undertaking the life of a soldier of fortune when there was no occasion for his doing so, as he had an allowance amply sufficient for him to live upon. his father was not much surprised when, after staying for a month at home, leonard told him that, having a taste for art, he had made up his mind to adopt it as a profession, and should go out to rome to study. this seemed to him better than wandering about the world fighting in quarrels in which he had no concern, and he had no valid reply to his son when the latter said,-- "you see, father, you cannot expect me to spend my life in absolute laziness. i must be doing something. the life of a club lounger is the last i should choose. i have no liking for a country life--if i had i would go out to australia or canada and settle; but i know that in a few months i should be home again, for i could not stand a life of solitude. if you can suggest anything better i shall be ready, as far as possible, to be guided by your wishes." "you may as well have your own way, leonard. i suppose it will come to that in the end, and therefore you may as well do it first as last; and at any rate, a few months in rome will be a change for you, and i shall not be expecting by every post a communication saying that you have been killed." so captain percival went to rome, without any idea of staying there more than a year. his plans, however, were changed when he met and fell in love with muriel, the only child of professor forli, a man of almost european reputation for his learning and attainments. his wooing had been an uneventful one. his income was amply sufficient, in the professor's eyes, to keep his daughter in comfort, and, moreover, the master under whom leonard was studying gave an excellent account of his ability and industry, and in the marriage took place. previous to this leonard had obtained his father's consent to his intended marriage, although not his approval. "i consider that it is one more piece of folly," he wrote. "there was no reason in the world why you should not have settled at home and made a good marriage. i had specially hoped that this would have been the case, as tom still remains a bachelor. however, there are some redeeming points in the matter. i have, through a friend, who is a member of the athenæum, learned that professor forli's name is well known, and that he is considered one of the most learned men in italy. in the next place, the young lady's mother is, as you have told me, an englishwoman of good family, and her daughter is therefore only half an italian. from your description of her, allowing for the usual exaggeration in such cases, she takes after her mother, and might pass anywhere as of unmixed english blood, so i may hope that i shall not have black-haired, swarthy little grandchildren running about. i shall add a couple of hundred a year to your allowance, as i always intended to do when you married." a year later captain percival brought his wife home to england, and stayed there for some time; and here a son was born, who was christened frank, after his grandfather. whatever objections the latter might at first have felt to his son's marriage, they were altogether removed by this visit; neither in appearance nor in speech did his wife betray her foreign origin, for her mother had always conversed with her in english, and she spoke it without the slightest accent. she was now twenty, was strikingly handsome, and very graceful in her movements. he would gladly have kept her and his son with him; but when they had consented to her marriage, her parents had bargained that she should, at any rate, spend a large portion of her time with them, as they had no other children. moreover, her husband was now devoted to art, and although he had only been working for two years, his pictures were already beginning to attract attention. mr. percival was, therefore, obliged to content himself with the promise that they would come over every year for at least four months. the arrangement, however, was not carried out, for, a few months after their return to italy, mr. percival died suddenly. his death made no difference pecuniarily to his son, as he had settled upon him a sum sufficient to produce an income equal to that which he had before been allowed. his elder brother came out a year later, and stayed for a few weeks with him. "you must send this little chap over to england to be educated, leonard," he had said, "if you will persist in sticking in this rotten old city. i don't suppose i shall ever marry; and if not, of course some day he will come in for the property." "but why on earth shouldn't you marry, tom? you know what a trouble it was to our father that you did not do so--it was a real grievance to him." "well, i should really have been glad to oblige him; but somehow or other i never saw any girl whom i earnestly desired to make my wife, or, as i suppose you would call it, fell in love with. i very much prefer knocking about in my yacht, or travelling, to settling down. of course i always spent a month or two, twice a year, at my father's, and was in town three months in the season--that is to say, when i did not get sick of it. then i either went up the mediterranean or to the west indies, or knocked about round england for three or four months, and finished the year with a run up the nile, or out to india or china. now i feel even less inclined to marry than i did before, for if i did, it would simply mean eight months in the year down in the country, and four in london. of course, if i ever do fall in love--and at forty it is hardly likely--i shall marry; i don't bind myself in any way to remain single. anyhow, i am glad that you are married, and that, when i go, there will be another frank percival, who we must hope will be of a more settled disposition than either of us, to reign in the old place." so things had gone on quietly until, in , the revolution in paris was followed by an upheaval all over europe. the ascent of pius ix. to the papal chair was hailed by the liberal party in italy as the commencement of a new era. he was accredited, and not unjustly, with liberal views, and it was believed that he would introduce reforms into the papal states, and act as a centre round which patriots could rally. unfortunately, the party of reform in italy was divided into two classes; of one of these the marquis d'azeglio was the leading spirit; he was a moderate reformer, and looked to a union of italy under a constitutional monarch. carlo alberto, the king of sardinia, seemed to him the only man who could assume that position, and for years d'azeglio had worked quietly to this end. a more violent spirit was however working with as much zeal and energy in another direction. mazzini was an extreme republican of the narrowest kind; he was in communication with men of the same type in france, and had formed secret societies all over italy. he and those with him were anxious to obtain the countenance and prestige which a pope of advanced liberal opinions would give to their party, and pius ix. was received with enthusiastic acclamations by the republican party of rome. but, liberally inclined as he was, he shrank from committing himself wholly to the reformers. he was a weak man; and although his vanity was gratified by his reception, and although he had sincerely desired to introduce broad reforms, he hesitated when called upon to carry those reforms into action. the king of sardinia had been pushed forward by the mazzinians, until he compromised himself, and made advances to the pope, when in austria violated the papal territories at ferrara. but the pope hesitated. his army was already near the frontier; but he declared that he had no intention of making war, and desired only to protect his territory. the news of the movement had reached monte video; and garibaldi, believing that the pope would stand forth as the champion for the freedom of italy, wrote, offering his services and those of his followers, the greater part of whom were italians who had been exiled for their political opinions. no answer was received from him; and garibaldi took the matter into his own hands, and with eighty-five italians sailed for europe. on arriving at alicante he learned that a revolution had broken out in paris, that carlo alberto had given his people a constitution, that lombardy and venice had risen, that the milanese had driven the austrians out of the city, that there were insurrections in vienna and berlin, that tuscany and rome were sending thousands of volunteers to fight in the national cause, and that even ferdinand of naples had promised his people a constitution. garibaldi was unavoidably detained for some time at nice, his native town, and before he was able to move a change had set in. the lombards and venetians had both quarrelled among themselves. mazzini's party were struggling against those who would have made carlo alberto king of italy. the piedmontese, after brilliant successes at first, were obliged to retreat. the roman volunteers had been forced to capitulate. garibaldi went to see the king, and offer to act with his volunteers in his service; but his application was slighted, and this threw him into the hands of the revolutionary party. it was a grievous mistake on the part of the king; but the latter could not forget that garibaldi had been a rebel against him, nor could garibaldi forget that it was the king who had sentenced him to death and had sent him into exile. he therefore hurried to milan, where he was received with enthusiasm. the king moved to the aid of milan, against which the austrians were advancing; but in that city the party of mazzini was predominant, and they refused to open the gates to him; and early in august the king came to terms with the austrians, and milan surrendered. for a time garibaldi's following alone maintained the war. carrying on a guerilla warfare, he, with fifteen hundred men, was surrounded by five thousand austrians, but he effected a marvellous retreat, and retired into switzerland. here he was taken ill, and was forced to rest for some months. he then went to genoa. the extraordinary skill and bravery which he had shown during the campaign induced the king of sardinia to offer him the rank of general in his army, that being the grade that he had held in monte video. but garibaldi refused, and with two hundred and fifty volunteers started for venice, which was besieged by the austrians. on hearing, however, of the rising in rome and the flight of the pope--who had now abandoned his liberal professions, and had thrown himself into the hands of austria--garibaldi changed his course, and his ranks being swollen as he marched along, he arrived at rome at the head of fifteen hundred men. here he met his comrade in the struggle at rio and monte video. during his six years' residence in rome captain percival had imbibed that hatred of the austrians and detestation of the despotisms under which the italian states groaned, that was felt by all with whom he came in contact, his father-in-law, professor forli, being one of the leaders of the liberal party in rome. his wife, too, was an enthusiast in the cause; and although he felt no sympathy whatever with mazzini and the revolutionary party, he was, even before the arrival of garibaldi, resolved to take up arms should rome be attacked. the presence of garibaldi still further confirmed this resolution; but as soon as he heard that a french expedition had set sail, he had insisted that his wife and child should leave the city, for he by no means shared the general belief that the french were coming as allies. her mother accompanied her to leghorn, for the professor was as anxious as percival that his wife and daughter should be in a place of safety. they were most reluctant to go, and only yielded when signor forli and captain percival declared that their presence in rome would hamper their movements and render it impossible for them to make their escape if the city should be taken, which both foresaw would be the case. they promised that when they found all was lost they would leave the city and join them at leghorn. madame forli was to take her maiden name again; and as two english ladies staying at an hotel at leghorn they would be safe from annoyance even if a french or austrian army marched through the town. the professor spoke english well, and once out of the city he and leonard would be able to pass as two english tourists travelling from naples to florence. had the pope sought refuge in capua or malta, events might have taken a very different turn; but he threw himself into the hands of the king of naples, and went the length of pronouncing him to be a model monarch, a pattern to the rest of europe, and this at a time when the disclosures that had been made respecting the horrible dungeons into which all neapolitans suspected of entertaining liberal views were thrown, were filling europe with horror. this change of front extinguished the hopes of those who had imagined that the pope would become the centre of liberal thought in italy, rendered the people of the papal dominions desperate, and vastly increased the party of mazzini and the extreme republicans. on february th a constituent assembly was held in rome, and the republic was proclaimed. garibaldi was appointed to defend the frontier. volunteers poured in from all parts of italy, and as the king of sardinia had again taken up arms, a force was moving forward to support him, when the news came of his defeat at novara, followed by his abdication and the succession of victor emmanuel to the throne. austria, naples, and spain were now eager to crush the revolution in rome; but the resolution of the romans was unshaken, and they still hoped to be able to maintain themselves with, as they expected, the aid of france. the terrible blow that had been inflicted on finding that the french were coming as enemies, instead of as friends, did not shake their determination, although it was now with a courage of despair rather than of hope that they prepared for the conflict. rome must fall; but at least it would prove itself worthy of its best traditions, and set an example that would not be lost upon the peoples of italy. anything, they felt, would be better than the reign of a pope in close alliance with the tyrant of naples; and the evening after the french landing saw rome tranquil and grimly determined. doubtless many of those who were resolved to fight till the last were buoyed up with the hope that in any case they would be able to make their escape when the action was over. rome covered a great extent of ground, and the french army was not of sufficient strength to form a cordon round it. captain percival had, a fortnight before, sent his finished and unfinished canvases and all his most valuable belongings down to civita vecchia, and had shipped them for england. he knew the reckless destruction carried out by an army after a successful assault, and that possibly, if it came to street to street fighting, a considerable portion of the city might be burnt. the professor had similarly sent away his very valuable collection of coins, books, and manuscripts. at nine o'clock they went down to the mansion that garibaldi occupied. a long discussion took place, and routes were decided upon for the various contingents to follow when the alarm was given. news had been brought in from time to time during the day as to the movements of the french, and the point at which they would probably assault was therefore now known. it would be either at the porta cavalleggieri or at the porta san pancrazio. captain percival and the professor returned to the former's house, where the professor had taken up his residence since his wife had gone to leghorn, and sat talking until a late hour. they were roused early the next morning by the ringing of the great bells of the cathedral, which were joined almost immediately by those of all the other churches in the city. captain percival had lain down fully dressed, and springing to his feet, he buckled on a sword, placed a brace of pistols in his belt, and then ran down to the porta san pancrazio, where, as he knew, garibaldi would take up his post. the general, indeed, had not slept at all, but, fearful that the french might attempt an assault under cover of darkness, kept watch round the western wall, along which he had posted the men he could most depend upon. even before the englishman joined garibaldi the roar of the guns on the wall told that the french were already advancing. "it is like old times, comrade," garibaldi said, with a strong grip of his hand, "only it is on a larger scale than we were accustomed to in south america. oudïnot is beginning with a blunder, for he is making for the porta cavalleggieri, which is flanked by the walls of the vatican. he is over-confident, and i do not imagine that he expects anything like a serious resistance. i think we shall certainly beat him back there, and that then he will attack us here. will you go to the other gate? all my old comrades know you, and, indeed, all the volunteers, as you have assisted to drill them." oudïnot, indeed, had believed that the force of regular troops he had with him would easily brush aside the resistance of a half-armed mob. captain percival hurried away. the volunteers were already gathered on the walls, and in every street the townspeople were hurrying out, armed with weapons of all kinds. on the roofs and at the windows of the houses women were clustered thickly, waving their handkerchiefs and scarves, and shouting words of encouragement and applause to the men. to the roar of cannon was now added the rattle of musketry. when he reached the gate he found a heavy column of volunteers drawn up there, while behind them was a dense crowd of excited citizens. from the wall he saw the french advancing; the leading regiment was but a few hundred yards away. they were moving steadily forward, apparently heedless of the cannon that thundered on their flank and face. the musketry they could afford to despise, for they were beyond the distance at which any accurate shooting was possible; and, indeed, the firing was of the wildest description, as comparatively few of the men had ever handled a gun until a few weeks previously. captain percival went up to the officer who was in command, and with whom he was well acquainted. although the massive walls still stood, the gates had long since disappeared, their places being occupied simply by barriers, where the duty on provisions and goods coming into the city was collected. "the men are clamouring to be let out," he said. "what do you think, captain percival?" "i should let them go soon. they are full of dash and enthusiasm at present, and would fight far better on the offensive than they would if they are kept stationary. i should keep them in hand till the french are within seventy or eighty yards of the gate. by that time they will be answering the fire from the walls, and even those in the front lines, whose muskets are still loaded, will only have time for one shot before our men are upon them. i should place three or four hundred of your steadiest men on the wall here, so that if the sortie is repulsed, they can cover the retreat by their fire." "i think that is good advice," the other said. "will you come down with me, and tell them that they shall go, but that they must not move till i give the order, and that no man is to fire until he is within ten yards of the enemy's line." it was difficult to make their voices heard above the crack of musketry and the shouts of the excited crowd; however, their words were passed from man to man, and so back among the people behind. now that they knew that they were to have their way, and that the critical movement was at hand, the shouting abated, and a stern look of determination settled on their faces. leonard percival joined a group of officers who were at the head of the volunteers, and the officer in command resumed his place on the wall, as it was all-important that, if the sortie were repulsed, he should lead his men down and oppose the entrance of the enemy until the retiring force had rallied. it was not long before a roll of musketry broke out, showing that the assailants were now returning the fire of the garibaldians on the wall. it grew louder and louder; and then, when the head of the french column was some eighty yards away, the officer on the wall gave the order, and the volunteers followed by the citizens poured out with a mighty shout. the french halted for a moment in surprise, not having dreamt that the defenders of the town would venture upon sallying out to attack them. then there was a scattered fire of musketry; but most of the barrels were already empty, and few of the balls took effect. without replying, the volunteers rushed forward, opening out as they ran to something like order. when within ten yards of the french bayonets every man delivered his fire, and then hurled himself upon the broken ranks. the struggle was a short one. the weight and impetuosity of the attack, supported as it was by a surging crowd of excited citizens, was irresistible, and the regiment broke and fled hastily to the shelter of the troops following it, leaving the ground strewn with dead and wounded. then the bugles at the gate rang out the order to the exulting crowd to retire. the officers threw themselves in front of the men, and with great difficulty checked the pursuit, and caused them to withdraw to their original position behind the wall. chapter ii. a desperate defence. after a short halt the french, having re-formed, changed their course and marched along parallel to the fortifications. captain percival had, on returning from the sortie, joined the officer on the wall, and watched alternately the movements of the french and the scene in the city. this was one of wild excitement--the men cheering and shouting, shaking each other by the hand, placing their hats on their bayonets, and waving them in answer to the wild applause of the women on the housetops. some, however, were not content at being called back, instead of being allowed to complete what they considered their partial victory; forgetting that they would have been met in a very different manner by the troops in support, who would have been prepared for the attack and would have reserved their fire until the last moment. as soon as it became evident that the french intended to make their next move against the gate of san pancrazio, the greater portion of the volunteers marched in that direction, captain percival accompanying them. "you have done well so far," garibaldi said, as he joined them. "now it will be our turn, and we shall have tougher work than you had, for they will be prepared. i suppose your loss was not heavy?" "very trifling indeed; there were but three dead brought in, and there were some ten or twelve wounded." "it was just the sort of action to raise the spirits of the men, and they are all in the humour for fighting. i shall therefore lead them out here. but we cannot hope to succeed with a rush as you did--they will be prepared for us this time; the best men would be killed before we reached them, and the mass behind, but few of whom have guns, would be simply massacred." the volunteers, who had undergone a rough sort of drill, were assembled before the french had concluded their preparations for an assault. garibaldi appointed captain percival to take charge of the gate, having with him two hundred of the volunteers, behind whom were the armed citizens. these clamoured to go out as before; but garibaldi raised his hand for silence, and then told them that he would not lead them to a useless massacre against an army of well-armed soldiers. "your duty," he said, "is to remain here. if we have to fall back, you will open to let us pass. we shall be ready to do our share when necessary; but the defence of the gate will be for a while entrusted to you. if the enemy force an entrance, fall upon them as you would upon wild beasts; their discipline and their arms would be of no great advantage in a hand-to-hand fight. each man must fight as he would were he protecting his family from a band of wolves--hatchet and pike must meet musket and bayonet, those who have knives must dive among the throng and use them fearlessly. it is a great charge that we entrust to you: we go out to fight; you will guard the city and all you hold dear." a loud cheer showed that he had struck the right chord, and the mob drew back as he led out some five thousand volunteers. these advanced to within musket-shot of the enemy, and then scattering, took shelter behind houses and cottages, walls and ruins. the french cannon opened fire as the movement was going on. these were answered by the guns on the walls, and as the french advanced a murderous fire was opened by their hidden foes. the battle raged for several hours. sometimes the french advanced close up to the position held by the garibaldians, but as soon as they did so, they were exposed also to the fire from the men on the walls; and in spite of captain percival's efforts, groups of men made their way down the road and joined the firing line, lying down until the moment should come when they could spring like wild cats upon the french. once or twice, when the assailants pressed back the garibaldians in spite of their efforts, they found themselves presently opposed by a crowd that seemed to leap from the ground, and who, with wild shouts, rushed upon them so furiously that they recoiled almost panic-struck before so unaccustomed an enemy. men were pulled down, and as garibaldi had given strict orders that no french soldier should be killed except when fighting, these were carried back triumphantly into the city. at last general oudïnot, seeing that his troops were making no progress, and that, even if they could force their way into the city, they would suffer terribly in street-fighting with such assailants, gave the order for his men to retire. this they did sullenly, while a roar of triumphant shouting rose from the volunteers, the men on the walls, and the crowd that covered every house and vantage-ground, from which a view of what was passing outside could be obtained. the italian loss was only about a hundred men killed and wounded, whereas the french lost three hundred killed and wounded and five hundred prisoners. so unprepared was the french general for such a resistance, that he had to undergo the humiliation of sending in to garibaldi to ask him to supply him with surgeons to dress the wounds of the french soldiers. during the fighting the french artillery had done far more injury to works of art in rome than they had inflicted upon the defenders, as the artillery played principally upon the dome of st. peter's and the vatican, both of which buildings were much damaged. the joy caused in rome by this victory was prodigious. fires blazed that night on all the hills, every house was illuminated, the people thronged the streets, shouting and cheering. they had, indeed, much to be proud of: five thousand almost undrilled volunteers had defeated seven thousand of the best troops of france. [illustration: "walking up and down the room like a caged lion"] the french retired at once to palo, on the road to civita vecchia. garibaldi gave his troops a few hours' rest, and then moved out to attack the french, and took up a most advantageous position. his troops were flushed with victory, while the french were cowed and dispirited; and he was on the point of attacking, when general oudïnot sent a messenger to treat for an armistice, and as a proof of his sincerity offered to give up ugo bassi, a priest who had remained by the side of a wounded man when the garibaldians had for a moment retired. garibaldi would peremptorily have refused the request, for he was confident that he should defeat and capture the whole of the french. mazzini, however, with his two associates in the triumvirate, still clung to the hope that the french would aid them, and determined to accept the armistice, fearing that were the whole french army destroyed, the national feeling would be so embittered that there would no longer be any hope whatever of an alliance. garibaldi protested, declaring that the armistice would but enable the french reinforcements to arrive. mazzini, however, persisted in the decision, and actually released the five hundred prisoners in exchange for the priest. the folly of this violent democrat sealed the fate of rome. had garibaldi been permitted to carry out his plans, the french army would have been destroyed or made prisoners to a man, and the enthusiasm that such a glorious victory would have excited throughout all italy would have aroused the whole population to burst their bonds. furious at this act of folly, garibaldi and his troops re-entered rome. he was greeted with enthusiasm by the people, but disliking such ovations, he slipped away with captain percival to the latter's house. professor forli had taken no part in the fighting outside the walls, but stationing himself with the troops that manned them, had kept up a vigorous fire whenever the enemy were within gunshot. after the repulse of the second attack he had returned home. "the stupidity of these people is incredible," garibaldi, who had scarcely spoken a word since he had turned back towards rome, burst out, waving aside the chair that the professor offered him, and walking up and down the room like a caged lion. "we held the french in the palms of our hands, and they have allowed them to escape. a fortnight, and we shall have three times their number to face, and you know what the result will be. i regard the cause as lost, thrown away by mazzini--a man who has never taken part in a battle, who kept himself shut up in the capital when the fighting was going on, a man of the tongue and not of action. it is too disgusting. i am a republican; but if a republic is to be in the hands of men like these, they will drive me to become a monarchist again. carlo alberto was weak, but he was at least a man; he staked his throne for the cause, and when it was lost, retired. mazzini stakes nothing, for he has a safe-conduct; if he loses, he will set to to intrigue again, careless who may fall or what may come to italy, if his own wild ideas cannot prevail; he desires a republic, but it is a republic that he himself shall manipulate. well, if it must be, it must. i am no statesman, but simply a fighting man. i shall fight till the last; and the failure must rest upon the head of him who has brought it about." "it is a bad business," captain percival said quietly. "i thoroughly agree with you, garibaldi, in all you say; but as you know of old, i am not much given to words. i began this thing, and shall go through with it. i think, as you do, the cause is lost; but every blow we strike will find an echo in italy, and a harvest will grow from the seeds some day. as to mazzini and his two companions, i am not surprised. when you stir up muddy water, the scum will at first rise to the top. so it was in the first throes of the french revolution, so it is here; the mob orators, the schemers, come to power, and there they remain until overthrown by men of heart and action. after robespierre and marat came napoleon, a great man whom i acknowledge i admire heartily, enemy though he was of england; after mazzini italy may find her great men. i know you do not like cavour; i admire him immensely. he is obliged to be prudent and cautious now; but when the time comes he will be regarded as the champion of free italy; and from what i have heard of him, the young king victor emmanuel will be a sovereign worthy of him." "i hope it may prove so," garibaldi said shortly; "at present the prospect does not seem to me a fair one. and you, professor?" "i shall carry out my plans, and when rome falls, as fall it doubtless will, i shall, if i escape, join my wife at leghorn, and go and establish myself in england. i have friends and correspondents there, and i have my son-in-law, who has promised me a home. here i could not stay--i am a marked man; and the day that the pope enters in triumph i should be consigned to a dungeon under st. angelo." "there should be no difficulty in escaping," garibaldi said. "with fifteen miles of wall it would need fifty thousand men to surround them; and the french will want all their strength at the point where they attack us." it was evident that some time must elapse before there would be any change in the situation at rome. mazzini was sending despatches to ledru rollin and the french assembly, imploring them to abstain from interference that would lead to the destruction of the roman republic; and until these could be acted upon, or, on the other hand, fresh troops arrived from france, matters would be at a standstill. in the meantime, danger threatened from another quarter; for the king of naples was preparing to move with ten thousand men to reinstate the pope. this force, with twenty pieces of cannon, had advanced as far as albano. three days after the battle, garibaldi told captain percival that he was about to start that evening with four thousand men to meet the neapolitan army, and asked him to accompany him. "the troops will not be warned till an hour before we set out. it is important that no whisper shall reach the enemy as to our intentions or strength." "i shall be glad to go with you," the englishman said. "after the way your men fought against the french, i have no doubt that they will make short work of the neapolitans, however great the odds against them. bomba is hated by his own subjects; and it is hardly likely that they will fight with any zeal in his cause. they are very different foes from the french." accordingly, at eight o'clock on the evening of may th, captain percival mounted and joined garibaldi and his staff, and they rode to tivoli, halting among the ruins of adrian's villa. the next morning scouts were sent off towards albano, and returned in the evening with the news that the neapolitans were still there, and showed no signs of any intention to advance, the news of the defeat of the french having, no doubt, greatly quenched king ferdinand's ardour. on the th the garibaldians moved to palestrina, and the general despatched a body of men to drive back the scattered parties of neapolitans who were raiding the country. this was done with little loss, the neapolitans in all cases retiring hastily when approached. garibaldi had information that evening that orders had been given for the main body of the enemy to advance and attack him on the following day. the information proved correct; and before noon the neapolitan force was seen approaching, seven thousand strong. garibaldi had no cannon with him, having set out in the lightest marching order. he distributed a portion of his force as skirmishers, keeping the rest in hand for the decisive moment. the neapolitan artillery opened fire, and the main body advanced in good order; but as soon as a heavy fire was opened by the skirmishers, much confusion was observed in their ranks. two other parties were at once sent out; and these, taking every advantage of cover, soon joined in the fray, opening a galling fire upon each flank. several times the neapolitans attempted to advance, urged on by their officers; but the skirmishing line in their front was strengthened from the reserves whenever they did so, until the whole of the garibaldians, with the exception of a thousand of the steadiest troops, were engaged, and an incessant fire was maintained against the heavy ranks of the enemy, whose artillery produced but little effect against their almost unseen foes. for three hours the conflict continued; then, as the garibaldian reserve advanced, the confusion among the enemy reached a point at which it could no longer be controlled, and ferdinand's army fled like a flock of sheep. garibaldi and his staff had exposed themselves recklessly during the fight, riding about among their troops, encouraging them, and warning them not to be carried away by their impetuosity into making an attack, until the enemy were thoroughly shaken and the orders issued for a general charge. a heavy fire was maintained upon the staff by the neapolitans; and it seemed to them that garibaldi had a charmed life, for although several of the staff fell, he continued to ride up and down as if altogether oblivious of the rain of bullets. he did not, however, escape unscathed, being wounded both in the hand and foot. the fugitives did not halt until they had crossed the frontier into neapolitan territory. the garibaldians remained for two or three days at palestrina; and seeing that the neapolitans showed no signs of an intention to advance again, returned by a rapid march to rome. mazzini's efforts had been to some extent successful. the french assembly declared that for france to aid in suppressing a people determined to obtain their freedom was altogether in contradiction with the condition on which the republic had been instituted, and sent m. de lesseps as an envoy to rome. napoleon, however, was of opinion that the reverse to the french arms must be wiped out, and on his own authority despatched large reinforcements to oudïnot. to the indignation of garibaldi's friends and of the greater part of the population of rome, it was found, on the return of the force to the capital, that, in spite of the brilliant successes that had been gained, mazzini and the demagogues had superseded him in his command, and had appointed colonel roselli over his head. this step was the result of their jealousy of the popularity that garibaldi had gained. his friends advised him not to submit to so extraordinary a slight; but the general simply replied that a question of this kind had never troubled him, and that he was ready to serve, even as a common soldier, under any one who would give him a chance of fighting the enemy of his country. on the th the neapolitan army again advanced and occupied palestrina; and the roman army, now ten thousand strong, marched out on the th. garibaldi, with two thousand men, moved in advance. although roselli was nominally in command of the army, he was conscious of garibaldi's greater abilities, and deferred, on all points, to the opinion of the man who was regarded by all as being still their commander-in-chief. when within two miles of velletri garibaldi met a strong column of neapolitans; these, however, after but a slight resistance, took to flight, and shut themselves up in the town. garibaldi sent back for reinforcements, but none arrived until too late in the day for the attack to be made; and in the morning it was found that the enemy had evacuated the place, the soldiers being so cowed by their superstitious fear of garibaldi that the officers in vain attempted to rally them, and they fled in a disorderly mob. the panic reached the other portion of the army, and before morning the whole had again crossed the frontier. garibaldi, at the head of his division, followed them up; and receiving authority to carry the war into the enemy's country, was marching upon naples, when he was recalled in all haste to aid in the defence of rome, oudïnot having given notice, in spite of a treaty agreed upon between m. de lesseps, on the part of the french assembly, and mazzini, that he would attack rome on monday, june th. oudïnot was, however, guilty of an act of gross treachery, for, relying upon his intimation, the city was lulled into a sense of security that no attack would be made until the day named, whereas before daybreak on the rd his troops stole up and took possession of the buildings just outside the gate of san pancrazio, and, before the roman troops could assemble, captured the porta molle, after a desperate resistance by a few men who had gathered together on the alarm being given. the firing was the first intimation that rome received of the treacherous manoeuvre of oudïnot. again the church bells pealed out, and the populace rushed to defend their walls. garibaldi felt that the occupation by the enemy of two great villas, a short distance from the wall, would enable them to place their batteries in such close proximity to the san pancrazio gate that it was necessary at all hazards to recapture them; and, with his brave lombard volunteers, he sallied out and attacked the french desperately. all day long the fight continued, both parties being strongly reinforced from time to time; but in fighting of this kind the discipline of the french soldiers, and the military knowledge of their officers, gave them a great advantage over the italians, who fought with desperate bravery, but without that order and community of effort essential in such a struggle. in vain did garibaldi and colonel medici, the best of his officers, expose themselves recklessly in their endeavours to get their men to attack in military order and to concentrate their efforts at the given point; in vain did the soldiers show a contempt for death beyond all praise. when night fell the french still held possession of the outposts they had gained, and the italians fell back within the walls. that night garibaldi held a council of war, at which captain percival was present. the latter and colonel medici were strongly of opinion that a renewal of the fighting of that day would be disastrous. the loss had already been very great, and it had been proved that, however valiantly they fought, the volunteers were unable to wrest the strong positions held by a superior force of well-disciplined men; for the french army now numbered forty thousand, while that of the defenders was but twelve thousand, and of these more than half had joined within the last three weeks. a series of such failures as those they had encountered would very quickly break the spirit of the young troops, and would but precipitate the end. these opinions prevailed, and it was decided that for the present they should remain on the defensive, maintaining a heavy cannonade from the walls, and making occasional sorties to harass the besiegers. in the meantime, the bridge across the tiber should be destroyed, and, if possible, mines should be driven to blow up the batteries that would be erected by the french under cover of the positions they held. these tactics were followed out. the french engaged upon the erection of the batteries were harassed by a continuous cannonade. sorties were frequently made, but these were ere long abandoned; the loss suffered on each occasion being so heavy that the troops no longer fought with the courage and enthusiasm that had so animated them during the first day's fighting. the attempt to blow up the bridge across the river by means of a barge loaded with explosives failed, and none of the defenders possessed the knowledge that would have enabled them to blow in the centres of the arches. the mines were equally unsuccessful, as the french countermined, and by letting in the water formed a streamlet that ran into the tiber, filled the italian works, and compelled the defenders to desist from their labours. nevertheless, the progress of the siege was hindered; and although it was certain that the city, if unaided, must fall ere long, mazzini still clung to the hope that the treaty made by lesseps and carried by him to paris would be recognised. this last hope was crushed by the arrival of a french envoy with the declaration that the french government disavowed any participation in the convention signed by m. de lesseps. even garibaldi now admitted that further resistance would only bring disaster upon the city, and cause an absolutely useless loss of life. mazzini and his two colleagues persisted in their resolution to defend the town to the last, even if the french laid it in ashes, and they even reproached garibaldi with cowardice. on the night of the st the french gained possession of the san pancrazio gate, having driven a passage up to it unnoticed by the defenders. they at once seized the wall and captured two bastions, after a desperate defence by garibaldi. they then planted cannon upon these and began to bombard the city. twelve guns were also planted in a breach that had been effected in the wall, and terrible havoc was made among the villas and palaces in the western part of the city. roselli proposed that the whole defending force should join in an attack on the french batteries; but to that garibaldi would not consent, on the grounds that these could not be carried without immense loss, and that, even if captured, they could not be held against the force the french would bring up to retake them. gradually the assailants pushed their way forward, encountering a determined resistance at the capture of the villa savorelli. on the evening of the th no fewer than four hundred of its defenders fell by bayonet wounds, showing how desperately they had contested every foot of the advance. on the morning of the th three heavy columns of french advanced simultaneously, and carried the barricades the romans had erected. garibaldi, with the most determined of his men, flung himself upon the enemy; and for a time the desperation with which they fought arrested the advance. but it was a last effort, and garibaldi sent to mazzini to say that further resistance was impossible. he was summoned before the triumvirate, and there stated that, unless they were resolved to make rome a second saragossa, there was no possible course but to surrender. in the end the triumvirate resigned, issuing a proclamation that the republic gave up a defence which had become impossible. the assembly then appointed garibaldi as dictator, and he opened negotiations with the french. so enthusiastic were the citizens that, in spite of the disasters that had befallen them, many were still in favour of erecting barricades in every street and defending every house. the majority, however, acquiesced in garibaldi's decision that further resistance would be a crime, since it would only entail immense loss of life and the destruction of the city. for three days negotiations were carried on, and then garibaldi, with four thousand men, left the city and marched for tuscany, while the french occupied rome. but in tuscany the patriots met with but a poor reception, for the people, though favourable, dared not receive them. the french had followed in hot pursuit; the austrians in tuscany were on the look-out for them; and at last, exhausted and starving, they took refuge in the little republic of san marino. here they were kindly received; but an austrian army was advancing, and the authorities of the republic were constrained to petition that the garibaldians, now reduced to but fifteen hundred men, should be allowed to capitulate, and that they themselves should not be punished for having given them refuge. these terms were granted, but the archduke insisted upon garibaldi himself surrendering. the general, however, effected his escape with his wife and twelve followers, embarking on board a fishing-boat, and they reached the mouth of the po; the rest of the band were permitted by the austrians to return to their homes. garibaldi, alone, with his dying wife, was able to conceal himself among some bushes near the river; his companions were all taken by the austrians and shot. nine other boats, laden with his followers, could not get off before the pursuing austrians arrived; and a heavy fire being directed upon them, they were forced to surrender. garibaldi's faithful wife, who had been his companion throughout all his trials, died a few days later. the austrian pursuit was so hot that he was forced to leave her body; and after many dangers, he reached genoa. he was not allowed to remain in sardinia; and from thence took ship to liverpool, and there embarked for new york. fortunately for captain percival, he and professor forli had, when on june th garibaldi himself recognised that all further resistance was useless, determined to leave the city. when he stated his decision to garibaldi, the latter warmly approved. "you have done all that could be done, comrade," he said; "it would be worse than folly for you to remain here, and throw away your life. would that all my countrymen had fought as nobly for freedom as you have done, for a cause that is not yours!" "i have a right to consider it so, having made rome my home for years, and being married to the daughter of a roman. however, we may again fight side by side, for assuredly this will not be the last time that an attempt will be made to drive out the despots; and i feel sure that italy will yet be free. i trust that you do not mean to stay here until it is too late to retire. you must remember that your life is of the greatest value to the cause, and that it is your duty, above all things, to preserve it for your country." "i mean to do so," garibaldi said. "as soon as all see that further resistance is useless, i shall leave rome. if i find that any spark of life yet remains in the movement, i shall try to fan it into flame; if not, i shall again cross the atlantic until my country calls for me." that evening captain percival and the professor left the town. there was no difficulty in doing so, as the whole french force was concentrated at the point of attack. the professor had exchanged his ordinary clothes for some of his companion's, and their appearance was that of two english tourists, when in the morning they entered ostia, at the mouth of the tiber, by the road leading from albano. as many fugitives from rome had, during the past month, embarked from the little port, and it was no unusual thing for english tourists to find their way down there, they had no difficulty in chartering a fishing-craft to take them to leghorn, it being agreed that they should be landed a mile or two from the town, so that they could walk into it without attracting any attention, as they would assuredly be asked for passports were they to land at the port. the voyage was altogether unattended by incident; and on landing they made a detour and entered the town from the west, sauntering quietly along, as if they had merely been taking a walk in the country. ten minutes later they entered the lodging that madame forli had taken, after staying for a few days at an hotel. great indeed was the joy which their arrival excited. the two ladies had been suffering terrible anxiety since the fighting began at rome, and especially since it was known that the french had obtained possession of one of the gates, and that a fierce struggle was going on. they were sure their husbands would keep their promise to leave the city when the situation became desperate; but it was too likely that captain percival might have fallen, for it was certain that he would be in the thick of the fighting by the side of garibaldi. it was, then, with rapturous delight that they were greeted, and it was found that both were unharmed. it was at once decided to start by a steamer that would leave the next day. both the ladies possessed passports: muriel that which had been made out for her husband and herself on their return from their visit to england; while her mother had one which the professor had obtained for both of them when the troubles first began, and he foresaw that it was probable he might have to leave the country. therefore no difficulty was experienced on this score; and when the party went on board the next day the documents were stamped without any questions being asked. not the least delighted among them to quit leghorn was frank, who was now four years old. he had found it dull indeed in their quiet lodging at leghorn, and missed his father greatly, and his grandfather also, for the professor was almost as fond of the child as its parents. there were but few passengers besides themselves, for in the disturbed state of italy, and, indeed, of all europe, there were very few english tourists in ; and even those who permanently resided in italy had for the most part left. the passengers, therefore, were, with the exception of the two ladies and captain percival, all italians, who were, like signor forli, leaving because they feared that the liberal opinions they had ventured to express--when it seemed that with the accession of a liberal pontiff to the papal chair better times were dawning for italy--would bring them into trouble now it was but too evident that the reign of despotism was more firmly established than ever. the steamer touched at genoa, and here the greater portion of her passengers left, among them professor forli's party. they took train to milan, where they stopped for a few days, crossed the alps by the st. gothard's pass, spent a fortnight in switzerland, and then journeyed through bâle, down the rhine to cologne, and thence to england. they were in no hurry, for time was no object to any of them, as they were well supplied with money; and after the excitement and trouble of the last few months, the quiet and absence of all cause for uneasiness was very pleasant to them. on their arrival at tom percival's town residence in cadogan place sad news awaited them. only a fortnight before, his yacht had been run down at sea, and he and the greater part of the crew had perished. chapter iii. troubles. the death of tom percival naturally made a great difference to his brother's position. he was now a large land-owner, with a fine place in the country and a house in town. the next nine years of his life were unmarked by any particular incident. signor forli and his wife were permanently established in cadogan place. the professor had never been accustomed to a country life, and in london he was able to indulge in all his former pursuits. he had always laid by a certain amount of his income, and could have lived in some comfort in london, as until the troubles began he had received, in addition to his modest salary as a professor, the rents of a property he possessed near naples, of which place he was a native. but neither captain percival nor his wife would hear of his setting up an establishment of his own. "we shall not be up in town above three months of the year at the outside," the former said; "and of course muriel will always want to have you with us for that time, for i know very well that you will seldom tear yourself from your work and come down and stay with us in the country. it will be far better for us that the house shall be always used, instead of being left for nine months in the year to caretakers. you can fit up the library with cases for your coins and manuscripts. you have already made the acquaintance of many of the scientific and learned men you formerly corresponded with, and will soon get a very pleasant society of your own. it will be better in all respects. you can shut up the rooms you don't use, while the servants whom i keep to look after the house must in any case be told to consider you as their master; and you can, if you choose, get a couple of italian servants as your own special domestics." and so, after much argument, it was settled, and for some years things went on to the satisfaction of all. when ten years old frank was sent to a preparatory school for harrow, and three years later to the great school itself. just at this time the professor determined to pay a visit to italy. since the fall of rome everything had gone on quietly there; and although persons suspected of liberal ideas had been seized and thrown into prison without any public inquiry, he considered that now that he had been settled in england for years, and had become a naturalised british subject, he could without any risk go over to make an effort to obtain a reversal of the confiscation of his property in the neapolitan territory. before starting he had called upon the official representative of the neapolitan government, and had been assured by him that his passport as a british subject would be respected, and that if he refrained from taking any part in politics he could travel in king ferdinand's territories without any fear of his movements being in any way interfered with. up to this time captain percival and his wife had been strongly against the proposed visit, but after the professor had received this official assurance they believed with him that he could in perfect safety undertake the journey. he wrote on his arrival at naples, stating that he had, as soon as he landed, called upon one of the ministers, and reported to him the assurance that the envoy in london had given him, and had been told that, while expressing no opinion upon the probability of his obtaining a reversal of the confiscation of his estate, there could be no objection whatever to his endeavouring to do so, but that he did not think the government would authorise his establishing himself permanently in the kingdom, as his well-known political opinions would naturally render him obnoxious. he had given his assurance that he had no intention whatever of remaining beyond the time necessary for the purpose for which he had come; that he had now permanently settled in england, and had only come over for the purpose that he had specified; and that on no account would he hold any political discussions with such personal friends as he had in italy, or give any expression whatever of his own views. he wrote that, as he had said before starting, he did not intend to call upon any of his former acquaintances, as, if he did so, it might bring them into discredit with the government. no other letter was received from him. after waiting for three weeks, captain percival wrote to the proprietor of the hotel from which the previous letter was dated, asking if he was still there, and if not, if he was aware of his present address. the answer was received in due time, saying that professor forli had gone out one morning, a week after his arrival, with the intention, he believed, of visiting his former estate, but that he had not returned. two days later a person had arrived bearing a letter from him, saying that he had changed his plans and should not return to naples, and requesting that his luggage and all personal effects should be handed over to the bearer, who would discharge the amount owing for his bill. he had complied with the request, and had since received no communication from professor forli. captain percival went at once to call upon the minister for foreign affairs, stated the whole circumstances to him, and the assurance that the professor had received from the neapolitan envoy before starting, and said that he felt sure that, in spite of his assurance and the protection of his passport as a british subject, his father-in-law had been seized and thrown into prison. "if that is the case, a serious wrong has been committed," the minister said. "but we cannot assume that without some proof. he may have been seized by some brigands, who by a ruse have obtained possession of his effects; possibly the person now in possession of the estate, fearing that he might be ousted from it, has taken these means for suppressing a claimant who might be dangerous. however, what you have told me is sufficient for me to commence action, by making a complaint to the neapolitan government that a british subject, duly furnished with a passport, is missing, and requesting that measures shall at once be taken to ascertain what has become of him." correspondence went on for three or four months, the neapolitan government protesting that they had made inquiries in every direction, but had obtained no clue whatever as to professor forli's movements from the time when he left his hotel, and disclaiming any knowledge whatever of him. it was now january , and lord palmerston, who was then prime minister, took the case up warmly, and captain percival had several interviews with him. "i quite agree with you, sir," the minister said, "that he is probably in a neapolitan dungeon; but at present we have no absolute proof of it; if we had i should summon ferdinand to release him under a threat of war." "i am quite ready to go out, sir, to make personal inquiries; and if you could obtain for me an order to visit the various jails and fortresses in the neapolitan territories, i may succeed in finding him." "i will obtain for you such an order," lord palmerston said decidedly. "if they refuse my request, i shall be forced to the conclusion that they are afraid of your finding him there--not that i think it is likely you will do so. indeed i regard it as certain that he would be removed from any prison before you arrived there, or if still there, that his dungeon would not be shown to you. at the same time, you would be doing good work. already there have been some terrible disclosures as to the state of the neapolitan prisons. these, however, have chiefly been made by men who have been confined there, and have been denounced as calumnies by the neapolitan government; but coming from you, armed with the authority of our foreign office, they could not but make a profound impression. they might force the authorities to ameliorate the present state of things, and would certainly enlist the sympathy of the british public with the cause with which professor forli was associated, and for which i am aware you yourself fought." a fortnight later captain percival was again sent for by the foreign minister. "here," the latter said, "is a royal order from the king of naples for you to view any or all the prisons in his dominions without let or hindrance, in order to assure yourself that professor forli is not an inmate of any of them." two days later captain percival started. on arriving at naples, he first called upon the neapolitan minister, who expressed himself with some indignation on the fact that the assurance of the government that they knew nothing of professor forli's disappearance had been doubted; but stated that they were ready to offer him any facility in his search. before commencing this, captain percival went out to the professor's estate, near capua, and saw the proprietor, who assured him that he had neither seen nor heard anything of its late owner; and although his assertions would have weighed but little if unsupported, captain percival's investigations in the town and of several persons upon the estate all tended to show that the professor had not been seen there. his appearance was familiar to many, and he could hardly have visited the place without being recognised. captain percival went to see several of signor forli's old friends, upon whom he would almost certainly have called before going to the estate, and from whom, indeed, he would have received far more information as to its condition than he would have obtained by direct application to a man who could not but have regarded him with hostility; none of them, however, had heard of his return to italy. after stopping two or three days there, he returned to naples and began his inspection of the prisons. the royal order being presented, he was everywhere received courteously, allowed to inspect them from the lowest dungeons to the attics under the roofs, and also to hold conversations with the prisoners. he had no idea that he would actually find the professor; his great hope was that he should learn from prisoners that he had been confined there, as this would enable the british government to demand his instant release. terrible as had been the descriptions he had heard of the treatment of the prisoners and the state of the jails, they fell far short of the reality; and he not only sent detailed reports to the government, but also to _the times_, which published them in full. they were copied into every paper in the kingdom, and created a general feeling of indignation and disgust. failing to obtain the smallest information as to the professor at naples, captain percival then went down to salerno, and left there with the intention of visiting the prisons in calabria and at reggio, and afterwards of crossing into sicily and trying the gaols there. four days after he left salerno, the servant he had engaged in naples returned to the town with the news that the carriage had been attacked by brigands, and that his master, who always carried a brace of pistols, had offered a desperate resistance, but had been killed. the horses had been taken out of the carriage, and they and captain percival's luggage had been carried off to the hills. he himself had been allowed to return. the governor of salerno at once sent the man to naples; the news was officially communicated to the british envoy, who telegraphed at once to london. a message was returned, saying that an official communication would be addressed to the government, and in the meantime he was to send down one of the officers of the embassy to inquire into the whole matter. he was to request the neapolitan government to furnish an escort from salerno, and was also to demand that steps should be taken to pursue and bring the brigands to justice. the secretary of the legation had no difficulty in obtaining the order for an escort; and taking with him the servant who had brought the news, proceeded to the place where the affair had occurred. the carriage was found overthrown by the roadside. there were two or three bullet-holes in it; there was a dark patch evidently caused by blood in the road close by; and a few yards away was a bloodstained cap, which the servant recognised as being that of captain percival. following up a track which led off the main road from here, they came upon some fragments of letters, among them one on which were the words, "your loving wife, muriel." for two or three days the hills on each side of the track were searched, but no sign whatever was found of captain percival's body. in the meantime, a strong force of carabinieri searched the mountains, and three weeks after the return to naples of the search party from the legation, came the news that they had surprised and killed a notorious brigand leader with three of his followers, and had taken prisoner a fourth. this man was sent to naples, and there questioned by a judicial official in the presence of the secretary of the legation. he acknowledged that he had been one of the party, consisting of their leader and seven followers, who had attacked the englishman's carriage. they had not intended to kill him, but to carry him off for ransom; he, however, resisted so desperately that he was shot. although very seriously wounded, they had carried him up to the mountains, believing that he would recover, and that they might still make money out of him. the man himself had been sent down to salerno to ascertain whether the authorities were taking any steps to hunt down his capturers. as soon as he learned that a strong force of carabinieri had been ordered out in pursuit, he had returned to the hut occupied by his chief. he found that during his absence the prisoner had died. he had never asked where he had been buried, for it was a matter that did not concern him. the contents of the portmanteau had been divided among the party; he was himself now wearing the boots and one of the shirts of the dead man. that was all he knew. the captain of the carabinieri testified that he had found an english portmanteau and many articles, some of which bore the initials "l. p." upon them; there was a brace of handsome pistols of english make, which were used by the chief of the brigands in the fight; and in a cupboard among other things was the royal order for captain percival to visit his majesty's prisons. a diligent search had been made in the neighbourhood of the hut, but the grave of the english gentleman had not been discovered. in due time the brigand was placed on trial, and was sentenced to imprisonment for life; and so the matter ended, save for the two widowed women and frank. it had been a heavy blow indeed for the lad, who was passionately attached to his father, and had also loved the professor, who had always been extremely fond of him. he was at home for easter when the terrible news arrived. neither his mother nor grandmother expressed a doubt that his father had been murdered; and when the news of the confession of one of the band and the discovery of captain percival's belongings in the hut of the brigands arrived, they gave up all hope of ever seeing him again. madame forli, however, while not doubting that captain percival had been killed, believed that the neapolitan government were at the bottom of the matter. "i know what the methods of the neapolitans are," she said; "and the sensation caused by leonard's letters to the papers here may have decided them to put an end by any method to further revelations, and they may very well have employed these brigands to carry out their purpose. every one knows that in many cases these men are in alliance with the officers of the police; and the latter are well paid to wink at their doings, and even to furnish them with information of the persons worth robbing, and to put them on their guard when, as occasionally happens, a raid is made by the carabinieri in the mountains. a capture is hardly ever effected; and while there is little chance of a political prisoner once shut up in their dungeons making his escape, notorious brigands frequently succeed in doing so. nobody dares to speak of their suspicions; but there can be little doubt that the prison officials are bribed to connive at their escape, knowing well enough that the government will not trouble over the matter, while on the other hand the escape of a political prisoner brings disgrace and punishment upon all the prison officials." "i cannot think--i will not think so, mother," muriel exclaimed; "for were it so, the same treatment might be given to him that has, we have no doubt, befallen my father. a thousand times better that leonard should have been killed, than that he should drag out his existence in such utter misery as that which he has described as being the lot of prisoners in the dungeons of bomba. the brigands may have been set on by their government. that is possible--i can believe that iniquitous government to be guilty of anything--but whether leonard was attacked merely for plunder, or for ransom, or by the connivance of the government, i cannot and will not doubt that he is dead; the story of one of the band can leave no doubt of this, and it is confirmed by his servant, who saw him fall. never try to shake my confidence in that, mother. it was almost more than i could bear to think of my father as confined in one of those dungeons; if i thought for a moment that leonard could be there too, i believe that i should lose my reason." frank returned to school after the short holidays. his mother thought that it would be better so, as the routine of work and play would give him little time for moping over his loss. he worked harder than he had ever done at school before; but obtained leave off cricket, and spent his time out of school in long walks with one or other of his chums. after the summer holiday he was himself again. he was quieter than he had been, and held aloof from fun and mischief, but joined in the sports vigorously, and regained the ground he had lost, and came to be regarded as likely some day to be one of the representatives of the school. when it seemed that the search for the body of captain percival had failed, mrs. percival wrote to the secretary of the legation in naples, saying that she would be glad if her husband's courier would come over to see her. "i naturally wish to know," she said, "as much as i can of the last movements of my husband from the only person who was with him; and i would willingly bear the expenses of his journey both ways, and pay him fifty pounds. i did not receive any letter from my husband during the fortnight preceding his death, and want to learn as much as possible about him." the secretary, on receiving the letter, sent the note to the chief of the police, in whose charge the man had been while the investigations were proceeding; an answer was returned saying that the man beppo paracini was not now in his charge, but that perhaps he could find him in the course of a few hours, and would, on doing so, send him to the legation at once. instead of seeing the man himself, however, the officer went to the director of the secret police. "as this affair has been in your department rather than in mine, signor, i thought it best to bring you this note i have just received from the british legation before taking any steps in the matter." the official read the note through. "you have done quite right," he said. "the affair has been a very troublesome one, and now that it has practically come to an end, it would not do to take any false step in the matter. you shall hear from me in the course of the day." he sat thinking deeply for some minutes after the other had left him, then he touched a bell. "luigi," he said, when a man entered, "go and fetch beppo paracini; if he is not in, find where he has gone and follow him." half an hour later the courier entered. when before the court he had been dressed in the fashion affected by his class; now he was in dark, quiet clothes, and might have been taken for an advocate or notary. "beppo," he said, "i thought that we had finished with that troublesome affair of the englishman; but there is again occasion for your services in the same direction. here is a letter from the secretary of the british legation saying that he wishes to see you, for that the signora percival has written to him to say that she is anxious to learn more of the last days of her husband, and is willing to pay your expenses to england and to give you fifty pounds for your services, if you would be willing to go to her for a few days. i regard this as a fortunate circumstance. the woman's husband and her father have been constant enemies of the kingdom. percival was a bosom friend of garibaldi; her father was also his friend, though not to the same degree. ever since they established themselves in england his family, who are unfortunately rich, have befriended italian exiles. "forli was acquainted with all his compatriots in london, who, like himself, were men of education and position, and had escaped from justice. in that house any plot that was on foot, especially if garibaldi was a leading spirit in it, would certainly be known. no doubt the loss of her husband will make this woman more inveterate against us than ever. i have often wished that i could establish an agent in her house, to keep me informed of what was going on there, who visited it, whether any meetings and consultations were held there, from whom they received letters, and the purport of them, but i have never before seen my way to it. the woman forli is herself english, and consequently since her husband's death no italian servants have been kept in the house. this letter gives me the opportunity i have desired. i wish you to go to the british legation, and to express your willingness to accept the offer that is made, and if possible to obtain a situation in the house. "you could represent that you were anxious to obtain a place of any kind in england, for that, owing to the part that you have taken in the search for percival's body--a search which brought about the death of the brigand rapini and the breaking up of his band--your life was no longer safe there from the vengeance of his associates. you can say that before you became a courier you were in the service of several noble families--of course you will be provided with excellent testimonials--and as it was your zeal in her late husband's behalf that had brought you into this strait, it is quite possible that she may offer you a post in the household. you can declare that you do not desire high wages, but simply a shelter. you will, of course, report yourself on arriving in london to the head of our secret agents there, and will act generally under his directions. i need not say that you will be well paid." "i will gladly accept the mission, signor, for, to say the truth, i am not without some apprehensions such as you suggest. i have changed my appearance a good deal; still, i cannot flatter myself that i could not be detected by any one on the search for me, and i do think that some of rapini's band, knowing that i was with the carabinieri, may have vowed vengeance on me; and, as you know, signor, a man so threatened cannot calculate on a very long life." "that is so, beppo. then we may consider the matter settled. if you cannot succeed in obtaining a position in the house of this family, i shall instruct my agent in london to utilise your services there, at any rate for the next six months. after that time you may return without much risk, for when it is found that you have disappeared from all your former haunts, the search for you is not likely to last long. at any rate, you might as well mention to those who have known you as a courier, that you intend to establish yourself either in paris or berlin. for as you speak both french and german as well as english, that would in any case be the course that a prudent man would adopt, after being mixed up in an affair that ended badly for the brigands. well, in the first place, you had better go at once to the legation and accept their terms. come here at eleven o'clock to-morrow, and i will give you further instructions." thus it happened that when frank came home next time from school, he was surprised at having the door opened to him by a grave-looking servant in plain clothes, who said in english, with a very slight foreign accent: "the signora percival is in the drawing-room, sir. i will see to your baggage and settle with the cabman." "whom have you got hold of now, mother?" he said, after the first greeting--"an italian? isn't he a fearfully respectable-looking man? looks like a clergyman got up as a valet." "he was your dear father's courier, frank. i sent for him to come over here, as i wished to learn all about your father's last days. the poor fellow was in fear of his life, owing to the evidence that he had given against the brigands. william had given me notice that he was going to leave only the day before; and as beppo had served in several noble families, who had given him splendid testimonials, and was afraid to return to italy, i was very glad to take him in william's place, especially as he only asked the same wages i paid before. i congratulate myself on the change, for he is quite the beau-ideal of a servant--very quiet in the house, ready to do anything, gets on well with the other servants, and is able to talk in their own language to any of his countrymen who come here, either as visitors or as exiles in need of assistance. he has, indeed, saved me more than once from impostors; he has listened to their stories, and having been a courier, and knowing every town in italy, on questioning them he found out that their whole story was a lie." "that is all right, mother; if you like him, that is everything. i own that i liked william; i am sorry that he has gone. i shall be some time getting accustomed to this chap, for he certainly is fearfully grave and respectable." chapter iv. a sudden summons. one saturday early in march, , frank, now sixteen years of age, on starting for the football ground, was told that the house-master wished to see him, and he at once went into his study. "percival, i have received a note from your mother, asking me to let you out till monday morning. she says that she particularly wants to see you, and will be glad if you will start at once. of course i will do so; you had better catch the next train, if you can." "what in the world can the mater want to see me in such a hurry for?" frank said to himself in a rather discontented tone as he left the master's study. "it is a frightful nuisance missing the match this afternoon! i don't know what hawtrey will say when i tell him that i cannot play. ah! here he is." "what is up, percival?" "i am awfully sorry to say that i have just received a message from my mater calling me up to town at once. i have no idea what it is about; but it must be something particular, for i told her when i wrote to her last that this was going to be the toughest match of the season; still, of course i must go." "i see that, percival. it is a terrible nuisance; you are certainly the third best in the house, and now i shall have to put fincham in, i suppose, and i am afraid that will mean the loss of the match." "he is as strong as i am, hawtrey." "yes; he is strong enough and heavy enough, but he is desperately slow. however, i must make the best of him." frank hurried upstairs, and in ten minutes came down again, dressed. he ran the greater part of the way to the station, and just caught the up train. the disappointment over the football match was forgotten now. thinking it over, he had come to the conclusion that either his mother or grandmother must have been taken seriously ill. it could hardly be his mother, for it was she who had written; still, she might have managed to do that, even if she had met with some sort of accident, if it was not too serious. if not she, it must be the signora, as he generally called her, and as he was very fond of her, he felt that her loss would be a heavy one indeed. his anxiety increased as he neared london; and as soon as the train stopped at euston he jumped out, seized the first hansom, and told the cabman to drive fast to cadogan place. he leaped out, handed his fare to the cabman, ran up the steps, and knocked at the door. "is every one well, beppo?" he asked breathlessly, as the servant opened it. "yes, sir," the footman replied, in his usual calm and even voice. "thank god for that!" he exclaimed. "where is my mother?" "in the dining-room, sir, with the signora." frank ran upstairs. "mother, you have given me quite a fright," he said. "from your message i thought that some one must have been suddenly taken ill, or you would never have sent for me when you knew that we played in the final ties for the house championship to-day. i have been worrying horribly all the way up to town." "i forgot all about your match, frank," his mother said. "i have had a letter that put it out of my head entirely." "a letter, mother?" "yes, frank; from your hero, garibaldi." "what is it about, mother?" frank exclaimed excitedly, for he had heard so much of the italian patriot from his father, and of their doings together in south america and the siege of rome, that his admiration for him was unbounded. "sit down, frank, and i will tell you all about it. the letter was addressed to your dear father. garibaldi, being in caprera, probably has but little news of what is passing at naples. he had heard of my father's disappearance, but was apparently in ignorance of what has happened since." she took out the letter and read: "'my dear comrade and friend,-- "'when i last wrote to you it was to condole with you on the disappearance of that true patriot and my good friend, professor forli. i hope that long ere this he has been restored to you; but if, as i fear, he has fallen into the clutches of the rascally government of naples, i am afraid that you will never hear of him again. several times, when you have written to me, you have told me that you were prepared to join me when i again raised the flag of italian independence, though you held aloof when france joined us against austria. you did rightly, for we were betrayed by the french as we were at rome, and my birthplace, nice, has been handed over to them. you also said that you would help us with money; and, as you know, money is one of our chief requisites. the time has come. i am convinced that the population of the neapolitan territories are now reduced to such a state of despair by the tyranny of their government that they will be ready to hail us as deliverers. "'my plan is this: i am sure a thousand or so of the men who fought with me in the alps will flock to my standard, and with these i intend to effect a landing in sicily. if i capture palermo and messina i think i can rely upon being joined by no small number of men there, and by volunteers from all parts of italy; five thousand men in all will be sufficient, i think--at any rate, that number collected, i shall cross to the mainland and march upon naples. you may think that the adventure is a desperate one, but that is by no means my opinion; you know how easily we defeated the neapolitan troops in . i believe that we shall do so still more easily now, for certainly very many of them must share in the general hatred of the tyrant. come, dear friend, and join us; the meeting-place is called the villa spinola, which is a few miles from genoa. "'i do not anticipate any great interference from cavour; he will run with the hare and hunt with the hounds, as your proverb has it. he dare not stop us; for i am convinced that such is the state of public opinion in italy, that it might cost his master his crown were he to do so. on the other hand, he would be obliged to assume an attitude of hostility, or he would incur the anger of austria, of the papacy, and possibly of france; therefore i think that he will remain neutral, although professing to do all in his power to prevent our moving. i am promised some assistance in money, but i am sure that this will fall short of the needs. we must buy arms not only for ourselves, but to arm those who join us; we must charter or buy steamers to carry us to sicily. once there, i regard the rest as certain. come to me with empty hands, and you will receive the heartiest welcome as my dear friend and comrade; but if you can aid us also with money, not only i, but all italy, will be grateful to you. i know that you need no inducement, for your heart is wholly with us, and all the more so from this disappearance of madame's father, doubtless the work of the tyrants. need i say that our first step in every town and fortress we capture will be to release all political prisoners confined there?--and it may be that among these we will find professor forli. turr will be with me, baron stocco of calabria, bixio, and tuckory; and madame carroli has written to tell me that she places her three sons at my disposal in the place of their brave brother, and will, moreover, supply me with money to the utmost of her power. come, then, dear friend, aid me with your arm and counsel, and let us again fight side by side in the cause of liberty.'" frank leapt to his feet. "you will let me go in my father's place, mother, will you not? many of those who will follow garibaldi will be no older than myself, and probably not half so strong; none can hate the tyranny of naples more than i do. it is the cause for which my father and grandfather fought; and we now have greater wrongs than they had to avenge." "that is what i thought you would say, frank," his mother said sadly. "'tis hard indeed to part with a son after having lost father and husband; but my father was an italian patriot, my husband fought for italy; in giving you up i give up my all; yet i will not say you nay. so fierce is the indignation in england at the horrors of the tyrants' prisons that i doubt not many english will, when they hear of garibaldi's landing in sicily, go out to join him; and if they are ready in the cause only of humanity to risk their lives, surely we cannot grudge you in the cause not only of humanity, but of the land of our birth." "i feel sure that father would have taken me, had he been here," frank said earnestly. "i believe he would, frank. i know that he shared to the full my father's hatred of the despots who grind italy under their heel; and besides the feeling that animated him, one cannot but cherish the hope that my father may still be found alive in one of those ghastly prisons. of course my mother and i have talked the matter over. we both lament that your studies should be interrupted; but it can be for a few months only, and probably you will be able to return to harrow when the school meets again after the long holiday--so that, in fact, you will only lose three months or so." "that makes no odds one way or another, mother. in any case, i am not likely to be a shining light in the way of learning." "no--i suppose not, frank; and with a fine estate awaiting you, there is no occasion that you should be, though of course you will go through oxford or cambridge. however, we need not think of that now." "and will you be sending him any money, mother?" "certainly. your father put by a certain sum every year in order that he might assist garibaldi when the latter again raised the flag of freedom in italy--a cause which was sacred in his eyes. at the time he left england, this fund amounted to £ , ; and as he never knew when the summons from garibaldi might arrive, he transferred it to my name, so that he need not come back to england, should a rising occur before his return. so you will not go empty-handed." "that will be a splendid gift, mother. i suppose i shall not go back to school before i start?" "no, frank. since you are to go on this expedition, the sooner you start the better. i shall write to your headmaster, and tell him that i am most reluctantly obliged to take you away from school for a few months; but that it is a matter of the greatest importance, and that i hope he will retain your name on the books and permit you to return when you come back to england." "if he won't, mother, it will not matter very much. of course i should like to go back again; but if they won't let me, i shall only have to go to a coach for a year or two." "that is of little consequence," his mother agreed; "and perhaps, after going through such an exciting time, you will not yourself care about returning to school again. you must not look upon this matter as a mere adventure, frank; it is a very, very perilous enterprise, in which your life will be risked daily. were we differently situated, i should not have dreamt of allowing you to go out; but we have identified ourselves with the cause of freedom in italy. your grandfather lost everything--his home, his country, and maybe his life; and your father, living as he did in rome, and married to the daughter of an italian, felt as burning a hatred for the oppression he saw everywhere round him as did the italians themselves; perhaps more so, for being accustomed to the freedom englishmen enjoy, these things appeared to him a good deal more monstrous than they did to those who had been used to them all their lives. he risked death a score of times in the defence of rome; and he finally lost his life while endeavouring to discover whether my father was a prisoner in one of the tyrants' dungeons. thus, although in all other respects an english boy--or italian only through your grandfather--you have been constantly hearing of italy and its wrongs, and on that point feel as keenly and strongly as the son of an italian patriot would do. i consider that it is a holy war in which you are about to take part--a war that, if successful, will open the doors of dungeons in which thousands, among whom may be my father, are lingering out their lives for no other cause than that they dared to think, and will free a noble people who have for centuries been under the yoke of foreigners. therefore, as, if this country were in danger, i should not baulk your desire to enter the army, so now i say to you, join garibaldi; and even should you be taken from me, i shall at least have the consolation of feeling that it was in a noble cause you fell, and that i sent you, knowing that my happiness as well as your life hung upon the issue. i want you to view the matter then, my boy, not in the light of an exciting adventure, but in the spirit in which the crusaders went out to free the holy sepulchre, in which the huguenots of france fought and died for their religion." "i will try to do so, mother," frank said gravely; "at any rate, if the cause was good enough for my father and grandfather to risk their lives for, it is good enough for me. but you know, mother," he went on, in a changed voice, "you can't put an old head on to young shoulders; and though i shall try to regard it as you say, i am afraid that i shan't be able to help enjoying it as a splendid adventure." his mother smiled faintly. "i suppose that is boy nature. at any rate, i am sure that you will do your duty, and there is certainly no occasion for your doing it with a sad face; and bear in mind always, frank, that you are going out not so much to fight, as to search every prison and fortress that may be captured, to question every prisoner whether he has heard or known any one answering the description of your grandfather, or--or----" and her lip quivered, and her voice broke. "or, mother?"--and he stood surprised as mrs. percival burst suddenly into tears, and the signora, rising from her seat, went hastily to her, and put her arm round her neck. it was a minute or two before mrs. percival took her hands from her face, and went on,-- "i was going to say, frank, or of your father." frank started, as if he had been suddenly struck. "my father," he repeated, in a low tone. "do you think, mother--do you think it possible? i thought there was no doubt as to how he was killed." "i have never let myself doubt," mrs. percival went on. "whenever the thought has come into my mind during the past two years i have resolutely put it aside. it would have been an agony more than i could bear to think it possible that he could be alive and lingering in a dungeon beyond human aid. never have i spoken on the subject, except to my mother, when she first suggested the possibility; but now that there is a chance of the prison doors being opened, i may let myself not hope--it can hardly be that--but pray that in god's mercy i may yet see him again." and as she again broke down altogether, frank, with a sudden cry, threw himself on his knees beside her, and buried his face in his arms on her lap, his whole figure shaken by deep sobs. mrs. percival was the first to recover her composure, and gently stroked his hair, saying: "you must not permit yourself to hope, my boy; you must shut that out from your mind as i have done, thinking of it only as a vague, a very vague and distant possibility." "but how, mother, could it be?" he asked presently, raising his head. "did we not hear all about his being killed, how beppo saw him shot, and how one of the band testified that he was dead and buried?" "so it seemed to me, frank, when my mother first pointed out to me that all this might be false, and that just as the government of naples declared they were absolutely ignorant as to your grandfather's disappearance when it appeared to us a certainty that it was due to their own act, so they would not hesitate a moment to get rid of your father, whose letters as to the state of their prisons were exciting an intense feeling against them in every free country. she said it would be easy for them to bribe or threaten his servant into telling any tale they thought fit; he or some other agent might have informed the banditti that a rich englishman would be passing along the road at a certain time, and that the government would be ready to pay for his capture and delivery to them. the prisoner taken may have been promised a large sum to repeat the story of the englishman having died and been buried. it was all possible, and though i was determined not to think of him as a prisoner, my mother, who knew more of these things than i did, and how matters like this were managed in italy, thought that it was so. still to my mind there were, and still are, reasons against hope, for surely the neapolitan government would have preferred that the brigands should kill him, rather than that they themselves should have the trouble of keeping him in prison." "possibly they would have preferred that," signora forli said, speaking for the first time. "they knew that he was an englishman, and doubtless learned that he carried loaded pistols, and may have reckoned confidently upon his resisting and being killed, and may have been disappointed because the brigands, hoping for a large ransom, carried him off wounded." "but even then," mrs. percival said, "they could have sent up their agents to the brigands and paid them to finish their work." "yes, possibly that is what they did do; but though i have never spoken to you on the subject since you told me not to, i have thought it over many and many times, and it seems to me that they would scarcely do so, for they might thus put themselves into the power of these bandits. any one of the band might make his way to naples, go to the british legation, and under the promise of a large sum of money and protection denounce the whole plot. it seems to me more likely that they would send an agent to the chief brigand, and pay him a sum of money to deliver the captive up to men who would meet him at a certain place. it is probable that the chief would, on some excuse or other, get rid of all his band but two or three, hand over the prisoner, and share the money only with those with him, and when the others returned, tell them that the prisoner had died and that they had buried him. then the carabinieri would use every effort to kill those who were in the secret, and being in earnest for once, they probably did kill the chief and those with him. "probably the man who gave his evidence was not one of the party at all, but some prisoner charged with a minor offence, who was promised his liberty as the price of telling the story that he was taught. if leonard had been killed and buried, as they stated, his grave must surely have been found--the earth must still have been fresh; and, indeed, nothing is more unlikely than that the brigands should have taken any extraordinary trouble to hide the body, as they could not have anticipated that any vigorous search would be made for it. for these reasons i have all along believed that leonard did not come to his end as was supposed. he may have been killed afterwards by those into whose hands he was delivered; but even this does not seem likely, for one of them might betray the secret for a large reward. he may have died in a dungeon, as so many thousands have done; but i believe firmly that he did not, as reported, die in the brigands' hut. i have never since spoken on the subject to your mother, frank, for i agreed with what she said, that it would be better to think of him as dead than in a dungeon, from which, as was shown in the case of your grandfather, there was no chance of releasing him. now, however, if garibaldi is successful, as every prison will be searched, and every political prisoner freed, there is a prospect that, if he is still alive, he may be restored to us." frank, with the natural hope of youth, at once adopted the signora's view; but his mother, although she admitted that it might possibly be true, still insisted that she would not permit herself to hope. "it may be that god in his mercy will send him back to me; but, though i shall pray night and day that he will do so, it will be almost without hope that my prayer will be granted,--were i to hope, it would be like losing him again if he were not found. now let us talk of other matters. the sooner you start the better, frank; you will not have many preparations to make. the garibaldian outfit is a simple one--a red shirt, trousers of any colour, but generally blue, a pair of gaiters and one of thick, serviceable boots, a wide-awake, or, in fact, any sort of cap with perhaps a red feather, a well-made blanket wound up and strapped over one shoulder like a scarf, a red sash for the waist, a cloak or great-coat strapped up and worn like a knapsack, and a spare shirt and a pair of trousers are all the outfit that you require. you had better take a good rifle with you, and of course a pair of pistols. all the clothes you can buy out there, and also a sword, for no doubt garibaldi will put you on his staff." "in that case i shall not want the rifle, mother." "no; and if you do you can buy one there. in a town like genoa there are sure to be shops where english rifles can be bought, and you might have difficulty in passing one through the customs--luggage is rigorously examined on the frontier and at the ports. a brace of pistols, however, would be natural enough, as any english traveller might take them for protection against brigands if he intended to go at all out of beaten tracks. as to the money, i shall go to the bank on monday, and request them to give me bills on some firm in genoa or turin. garibaldi will find no difficulty in getting them cashed. i should say that your best course will be to go through paris and as far as the railway is made, then on by diligence over mont cenis to turin, and after that by railway to genoa. in that way you will get there in three or four days, whereas it would take you a fortnight by sea." "then it seems to me, mother, that there is nothing at all for me to get before i start, except a brace of pistols; but of course i must have my clothes up from harrow." "i will write for them at once, frank. it would be better that you should not go down--you would find it difficult to answer questions put to you as to why you are leaving; and of course this enterprise of garibaldi must be kept a profound secret. one cannot be too prudent in a case like this, for if a whisper got abroad the italian government would be compelled to stop him." "you will not see beppo here when you come back," mrs. percival said to frank on monday evening. "i gave him notice this afternoon." "what for, mother? anyhow, i am not sorry, for i have never liked him." "i know that you have not, frank, and i begin to think that you were right. my maid said to me this morning that, though she did not like to speak against a fellow-servant, she thought it right to tell me that when i am out of the house and before i get up of a morning he is often in the drawing-room and dining-room, in neither of which he has any business; and that when she went up yesterday evening--you know that she is a very quiet walker--she came upon him standing outside the drawing-room door when we were chatting together, and she thought, though of this she was not quite sure, that he had his ear at the keyhole. he knocked and came in the instant he saw her, as if he had only that moment arrived there; but she had caught sight of him before he saw her, and was certain that he was listening. "of course, she might have been mistaken; but thinking it over, it seems to me that she was probably right, for once or twice since he has been here, it has struck me that the papers in my cabinet were not in precisely the same order as i had left them. you know that i am very methodical about such matters; still, i might each time, when i took them out, have omitted to return them in exactly the same order as before, though i do not think it likely that i could have done so. however, i thought nothing of it at the time; but now that i hear that he has been spying about the rooms and listening at the door, i cannot but connect the two things together, and it may be that the man has been acting as an agent for the neapolitan government. you know, when we were talking the matter over on saturday, my mother suggested that it was possible that the courier had been in league with the brigands. possibly he may also be an agent of the government; and there was so great a stir made at that time that i cannot regard it as impossible, knowing how she and i are heart and soul with the italian patriots, that he was sent over to watch us." "i think it not only possible but probable," signora forli put in. "i know that in italy the police have spies in every household where they suspect the owner of holding liberal opinions; and knowing that our house was frequented by so many exiles, they may have very well placed this man here. i regret now that at the time this man came over at your mother's request, we listened to his plausible tale and took him into our service, but i had not at that time any strong suspicions that the attack on your father was a preconcerted one, and i should hardly have mentioned the idea to your mother had it occurred to me. however, it is of no use thinking over that now; the great point is to consider how it will affect your plan." "in what way, signora?" frank asked in surprise; and mrs. percival added, "i don't see what you mean, mother." "i mean this, dear: if this man is a spy, you may be quite sure that he has had false keys made, by which he can open your cabinet, your drawers, and your writing-desk. it is quite probable that he knows garibaldi's handwriting, for, knowing that the general was a great friend of your father, he would almost certainly be furnished with a specimen of it; and, if that was the case, we may take it for granted that wherever you put any letter from garibaldi, he would get at it and read it. that in itself can do comparatively little harm, for rumours of the general's proposed expedition are already current. but he will know that, immediately on receipt of that letter, you sent for frank. doubtless there are other neapolitan spies over here, and every movement you have made since will, in that case, have been watched, and you will have been seen to go to the bank to-day. it is not likely that they would know how much we have drawn out, for your conversation was with the manager in his private room; but knowing your devotion to garibaldi's cause, they might well suppose that the amount would be a considerable one. we have made no secret of the fact that frank will start the day after to-morrow to travel in italy for a time; and he will guess that frank is the bearer of this money to garibaldi--possibly, as it seems that he listened at the doors, he may even have heard you tell frank how much you were going to send. yesterday evening we were talking over how the bills had best be concealed, and he may have heard that also; if he did, you may be pretty sure that they will never reach garibaldi, unless our plans for their concealment are changed." "you frighten me, mother." "i don't know that there is anything to be frightened about," the signora said. "i do not for a moment suppose that he contemplates any actual attack upon frank; though he will, i am convinced, try to get the money--partly, no doubt, for its own sake, partly because its loss would be a serious blow to garibaldi. after the disappearance of his grandfather, and the commotion there was over the death or disappearance of his father, an attack upon frank would appear to be a sequel of these affairs, and would cause such general indignation that the ministry would take the matter up in earnest, and the result would be far more disastrous for the government of naples than could be caused by any amount of money reaching garibaldi, whom they must regard as an adventurer who could give them some trouble, but who could not hope for success. therefore, i do not think that there is any danger whatever of personal injury to frank; but i do think there is grave fear that the money will be stolen on the way. if our suspicions are well founded as to beppo, no doubt two or three of these agents will travel with him. if he stops to sleep at an hotel, his room would be entered and his coat carried off; he may be chloroformed when in a train and searched from head to foot; his baggage may be stolen on the way, but that would only be the case if they do not find the bills on his person or where we agreed last night to hide them." "i dare not let him go," mrs. percival said, in a trembling voice. "why, mother," frank said almost indignantly, "you don't suppose, now that i am warned, i shall be fool enough to let these fellows get the best of me? i will carry a loaded pistol in each pocket; i will not sleep in an hotel from the time i start till i have handed the bills to garibaldi, and will take care always to get into a carriage with several other passengers. if i hadn't had fair warning, i dare say i should have been robbed; but i have no fear whatever on the subject now that we have a suspicion of what may occur. but if you think it would be safer, i do not see why you could not send the bills by post to an hotel at genoa." signora forli shook her head. "that would not do," she said. "you do not know what these neapolitan spies are capable of. if they find that you have not the money with you, they would follow you to your hotel at genoa, bribe the concierge there to hand over any letter that came addressed to you, or steal it from the rack where it would be placed, while his attention was turned elsewhere. however, i have an old friend at genoa, the countess of mongolfiere; we exchange letters two or three times a year. she is, of course, a patriot. i will, if your mother agrees with me, enclose the bills in an envelope addressed to you, put that in another with a letter saying that you will call at her house when you arrive at genoa, and request her to hand the letter to you. i will say that it vitally concerns the cause, and beg her to place it under lock and key in some safe receptacle until you arrive." "that is an excellent idea, mother," mrs. percival said, "and would seem to meet the difficulty." frank rose from his seat quietly, stepped noiselessly to the door, and suddenly threw it open. to his surprise his mother's maid was sitting in a chair against it, knitting. "it is all right, hannah," he said, as she started to her feet. "i did not know you were there. i thought that fellow might be listening again," and he closed the door. "i asked her to sit there this evening, frank," mrs. percival said. "i knew that we should be talking this matter over, and thought it better to take the precaution to ensure our not being overheard." "quite right, mother; i am glad you did so. then you think that that plan will answer?" "yes, i think so; but you must be sure and take care of yourself, just as if you had the money about you." "that i will, mother; you can rely upon that." "and above all," signora forli said, "you must beware, when you go to the countess for the money, that you take every possible precaution. call in the daytime, go in a carriage and drive straight from her place to the villa spinola; better still, go first to garibaldi, tell him where the money is, and ask him to send three of his officers to your hotel on the following morning. then take a carriage, drive to the countess's, and take it to the general with four of you in the carriage. they would not dare to attack you in broad daylight." "that is an excellent plan," mrs. percival said, in a tone of great relief. "certainly, if they do manage to search him on the way, and find that he has not got the bills upon him, they will watch him closely at genoa, where, no doubt, they will get the assistance of some of francisco's agents. there are sure to be plenty of them in genoa at present; but however many of them there may be, they would not venture to attack in daylight four men driving along what is no doubt a frequented road, more especially as they would know that three of them were garibaldi's men, which is as much as to say desperate fellows, and who would, no doubt, like yourself, be armed with pistols." "we had better take one more precaution," signora forli said. "it is believed that you are going to start on thursday morning. your packing can be done in five minutes; and i think that it would be a good plan for you to have everything ready to-night, and send mary out for a hansom to-morrow morning, so that you could, when it comes up to the door, go straight down, get into it, and drive to the station. i don't say that they might not be prepared for any sudden change of our plans; but at least it would give you a chance of getting a start of them that they can never recover--at any rate, not until you get to paris." "how could they catch me there?" frank said. "francisco's agents here might telegraph to his agents in paris, and they might be on the look-out for you when you arrived, and take the matter up. you were going _viâ_ calais. let me look at the bradshaw." "yes," she said, after examining its pages; "the train for the tidal boat leaves at the same time as the dover train. if, when you get into the cab, you say out loud, 'victoria,' so that beppo may hear it, you can then, when once on your way, tell the cabman to take you to charing cross. in that way, if there is any one on the look-out when the calais train comes in, they will be thrown altogether off the scent." "it seems ridiculous, all these precautions," frank said, with a laugh. "my dear, no precautions are ridiculous when you have francisco's agents to deal with. now, i will write my letter to the countess at once, so that she may get it before your arrival there. you will, of course, go out and post it yourself." chapter v on the way. after posting the letter, frank made several small purchases, and was more than an hour away. on his return he saw a cab standing at the door. as he approached, beppo came out with a portmanteau, handed it up to the driver, jumped in, and was driven off. "so beppo has gone, mother," he said, as he joined her in the drawing-room. "yes. he came in directly you had left. he said that his feelings had been outraged by a servant being placed at the door. he could not say why she was there, but thought it seemed as if he was doubted. he could not but entertain a suspicion that she was placed there to prevent any one listening at the keyhole; after such an insult as that he could not remain any longer in the house. i said that he was at liberty to leave instantly, as his wages had been paid only three days ago. he made no reply, but bowed and left. mary came up and told me ten minutes later that he had brought his portmanteau down, left it in the hall, and gone out, she supposed, to fetch a cab. i heard the vehicle drive up just now, and the front door closed half a minute ago." signora forli came into the room as she was speaking. "mary tells me that beppo has gone. it is a comfort that he is out of the house. when you once begin to suspect a man, the sooner he is away the better. at the same time, frank, there can be no doubt that his going will not increase your chances of reaching genoa without being searched. i should say that he had made up his mind to leave before you did, and he was glad that the fact of mary being at the door gave him a pretext for his sudden departure. in the first place, he could conduct the affair better than any one else could do, as he knows your face and figure so well. then, too, he would naturally wish to get the credit of the matter himself, after being so long engaged in it. of course, you may as well carry out the plan we arranged, to start in the morning; but you may feel absolutely certain that, whatever you may do, you will not throw him off your track. he must know now that he is suspected of being a neapolitan agent, and that you will very likely change your route and your time of starting. "i regard it as certain that the house will be watched night and day, beginning from to-morrow morning, an hour or so before the trains leave. there will be a vehicle with a fast horse close at hand, possibly two, so that one will follow your cab, and the other drive at once to some place where beppo is waiting. as likely as not he will go viâ calais. if you go that way, so much the better; if not, he will only have to post himself at the station at paris. it is likely enough that during the last day or two he has had one or two men hanging about here to watch you going in and out, and so to get to know you well, and will have one at each of the railway stations. he may also have written to the agents in paris to have a look-out kept for you there." "but how could they know me?" "he would describe you closely enough for that; possibly he may have sent them over a photograph." frank got up and went to a side table, on which a framed photograph that had been taken when he was at home at christmas, usually stood. "you are right," he said; "it has gone." then he opened an album. "the one here has gone, too, mother. are there any more of them about?" "there is one in my bedroom; you know where it hangs. it was there this morning." "that has gone, too, mother," he said, when he returned to the room. "so you see, muriel, i was right. the one from the album may have been taken yesterday, and a dozen copies made of it; so that, even if you give them the slip here, frank, you will be recognised as soon as you reach paris." "well, mother, it is of no use bothering any more about it. i have only to travel in carriages with other people, and they cannot molest me; at worst they can but search me, and they will find nothing. they cannot even feel sure that i have anything on me; for now that beppo knows he is suspected of listening at doors, he will consider it possible that we may have changed our plans about where we shall hide the money. it is not as if they wanted to put me out of the way, you know; you and the signora agreed that that is certainly the last thing they would do, because there would be a tremendous row about it, and they would gain no advantage by it; so i should not worry any further, mother. i do not think there is the slightest occasion for uneasiness. i will just go by calais, as i had intended, and by the train i had fixed on; that in itself will shake beppo's belief that i have the money with me, for he would think that if i had it i should naturally try some other way." "at any rate," mrs. percival said, "you shall not go by the line that we had intended. you would be obliged to travel by diligence from dole to geneva, thence to chambery, and again by the same method over the alps to susa. you shall go straight from paris to marseilles; boats go from there every two or three days to genoa." "very well, mother; i don't care which it is. certainly there are far fewer changes by that line; and to make your mind easy, i will promise you that at marseilles, if i have to stop there a night, i will keep my bedroom door locked, and shove something heavy against it; in that way i can't be caught asleep." "well, i shall certainly feel more comfortable, my dear boy, than i should if you were going over the alps. of course, the diligence stops sometimes and the people get out, and there would be many opportunities for your being suddenly seized and gagged and carried off." "they would have to be very sudden about it," frank laughed. "i do think, mother, that you have been building mountains out of molehills. beppo may not be a spy, after all; he may have heard you talking of this ten thousand pounds, and the temptation of trying to get it may be too much for him. he will know now that i shall be on my guard, and that, even if i have the money on my person, his chance of getting it is small indeed. i believe that you and the signora have talked the matter over till you have frightened yourselves, and built up a wonderful story, based only on the fact that mary thought that she caught beppo listening at the door." "how about the photographs?" mrs. percival asked. "possibly he has a hidden affection for me," frank laughed, "and has taken these as mementos of his stay here. well, don't say anything more about it, mother; i am not in the least nervous, and with a brace of loaded pistols in my pocket and the fair warning that i have had, i do not think i need be afraid of two or three of these miserable neapolitan spies." accordingly, frank started by the morning mail, as they had arranged. the carriage was full to dover; and at calais he waited on the platform until he saw an english gentleman with two ladies enter a compartment, and in this he took a vacant corner seat. on his arrival at paris he drove across at once to the terminus of the railway to marseilles, breakfasted there, and sat in the waiting-room reading till the door on to the platform opened, and an official shouted, "passengers for melun, sens, dijon, macon, lyons, and marseilles." there was a general movement among those in the waiting-room. frank found that there was no fear of his being in a compartment by himself, for only one carriage door was opened at a time, and not until the compartment was full was the next unlocked. he waited until he saw his opportunity, and was the first to enter and secure a corner seat. in a short time it filled up. he had slept most of the way between calais and paris, feeling absolutely certain that he would not be interfered with in a carriage with three english fellow-passengers. it was twelve o'clock now, and he would not arrive at marseilles until seven the next morning, and he wondered where all his fellow-passengers, who were packed as closely as possible, were going, for although he did not wish to be alone, it was not a pleasant prospect to be for eighteen hours wedged in so tightly that he could scarcely move. then he wondered whether any of the men who might be following were also in the train. he had quite come to the conclusion that his mother and grandmother had frightened themselves most unnecessarily; but he admitted that this was natural enough, after the losses they had had. at dijon several passengers got out, but others took their places; and so the journey continued throughout the day. the carriage was generally full, though once or twice there were for a time but five besides himself. he read most of the way, for although he spoke italian as fluently as english, he could not converse in french. when tired of reading he had several times dozed off to sleep, though he had determined that he would keep awake all night. at ten o'clock in the evening the train arrived at lyons. here there was a stop of twenty minutes, and he got out and ate a hearty meal, and drank two or three cups of strong coffee. he was not surprised to find, on returning to his carriage, that all the passengers with two exceptions had left it. these had got in at macon, and were evidently men of good circumstances and intimate with each other; he had no suspicions whatever of them, for it was certain that men who had any intention of attacking him would appear as strangers to each other. at vienne both left the carriage. frank was not sorry to see them do so. "if there are really fellows watching me," he said to himself, "the sooner they show themselves and get it over the better; it is a nuisance to keep on expecting something to take place when as likely as not nothing will happen at all." he examined his pistols. they were loaded but not capped, and he now put caps on the nipples, and replaced them in his pocket. just before they had left vienne a man had come to the window as if intending to enter, but after glancing in for a moment had gone to another carriage. [illustration: "his assailant fell back and disappeared"] "that is rather queer," frank thought. "as i am alone here, there was plenty of room for him. perhaps he had made a mistake in the carriage. at any rate, they won't catch me napping." the strong coffee that he had taken at lyons had sharpened his faculties, and he never felt more awake than he did after leaving vienne. he sat with his eyes apparently closed, as if asleep, with a warm rug wrapped round his legs. an hour later he saw a face appear at the opposite window. at first it was but for an instant; a few seconds later it appeared again and watched him steadily; then the man moved along to the door and another joined him. frank without moving cocked the pistol in his right-hand pocket, and took a firm hold of the butt with his finger on the trigger. the door opened noiselessly, and the second man thrust in an arm holding a pistol; so it remained for half a minute. frank was convinced that there was no intention of shooting if it could be avoided, and remained perfectly still; then the arm was withdrawn, and another man, holding a knife in one hand and a roll of something in the other, entered. in a moment frank's right arm flew up and his pistol cracked out: his assailant fell back and disappeared through the open door. frank sprang to his feet as he fired, and stood with his pistol levelled towards the window, where the head of the second man had disappeared as his comrade fell backwards. "he knows i have the best of him now," frank muttered to himself; "i don't think that he will have another try." advancing cautiously, he pulled the door to, lowered the window, and putting a hand out without exposing his head, turned the handle, and then drew up the window again. his foot struck against something as he backed to his seat in the corner. as he still kept his eyes fixed on the window, he paid no attention to this for a minute or two; then he became conscious of a faint odour. "i expect that is chloroform or ether or something of that sort," he said, as he lowered the window next to him; and then, still keeping an eye on the door opposite, moved a step forward and picked up a large handkerchief, steeped in a liquid of some sort or other. he was about to open the window and throw it out, when an idea struck him. "i had better keep it," he said: "there may be a beastly row over the business, and this handkerchief may be useful in confirming my story." he therefore put it up on the rack, lowered the window a few inches, and did the same to the one opposite to it. then wrapping the handkerchief up in two or three newspapers he had bought by the way, to prevent the liquid from evaporating, he sat down in his corner again. he felt confident that the attack would not be renewed, now he was found to be on the watch and armed. it was probable that the two men were alone, and the one remaining would hardly venture single-handed to take any steps whatever against one who was certain to continue to be vigilant. he had no doubt that he had killed the man he fired at, and that, even if the wound had not been instantly fatal, he would have been killed by his fall from the train. "it seems horrid," he muttered, "to have shot a man; but it was just as much his life or mine as it would have been in battle. i hope no one heard the shot fired. i expect that most of the passengers were asleep; and if any one did hear it, he might suppose that a door had come open, or had been opened by a guard, and had been slammed to. of course, the man's body will be found on the line in the morning, and i expect there will be some fuss over it; but i hope we shall all be out of the train and scattered through the town before any inquiries are set on foot. if they traced it to me, i might be kept at marseilles for weeks. of course, i should be all right; but the delay would be a frightful nuisance. there is one thing,--the guard looked at my ticket just before the train started from the last station, and would know that i was alone in the carriage." in a few minutes the speed of the train began to slacken. he knew that the next station was valence. he closed his eyes and listened as the train stopped. as soon as it did so, he heard a voice from the next carriage shouting for the guard. then he heard an animated conversation, of which he was able to gather the import. "the sound of a gun," the guard said. "nonsense; you must have been dreaming!" "i am sure i was not," a voice said indignantly. "it seemed to me as if it was in the next carriage." the guard came to frank's window. "ah, bah!" he said. "there is only one passenger there, an englishman. he was alone when we left vienne, and he is sound asleep now." "perhaps he is dead." it was possible, and therefore the guard opened the door. "are you asleep, monsieur?" frank opened his eyes. "my ticket?" he asked drowsily. "why, i showed it you at vienne." "pardon, monsieur," the guard said. "i am sorry that i disturbed you. it was a mistake," and he closed the door, and said angrily to the man who had called him: "it is as i said. you have been asleep; and i have woke the english gentleman up for nothing." a minute later the train moved on again. "so far so good," frank said. "i should think that i am all right now. we shall be in at seven, and it will not be daylight till half-past six; and as i fancy that we must have been about midway between vienne and vallence when that fellow fell out, it is not likely that his body will be found for some time. they are sure to have chosen some point a good way from any station to get out of their own carriage and come to mine. even when they find him, they are not likely to make out that he has been shot for some time afterwards. i hit him in the body, somewhere near the heart, i fancy; i did not feel sure of hitting him if i fired at his head, for the carriage was shaking about a good deal. it will probably be thought at first that he has either fallen or jumped out of his carriage. i suppose, when he is found, he will be carried to the nearest station, and put in somewhere till a doctor and some functionaries come, and an inquiry is held; and as he probably has been badly cut about the head and face, his death will be put down to that cause at first. indeed, the fact that he was shot may not be found out till they prepare him for burial. i suppose they will take off his clothes then, as they will want to keep them for his identification, if any inquiries should ever be made about him. at any rate, i may hope to have got fairly away from marseilles before the matter is taken up by the police, and even then the evidence of the guard that i was alone will prevent any suspicion falling especially on me." he had no inclination for sleep, and although he felt certain that he would not again be disturbed, he maintained a vigilant watch upon both windows until, a few minutes after the appointed time, the train arrived at marseilles. having only the small portmanteau he carried with him, he was not detained more than two or three minutes there, took a _fiacre_ and drove to the hôtel de marseilles, which his bradshaw told him was close to the steamboat offices. after going upstairs and having a wash, he went down again, carefully locking the door after him and putting the key in his pocket. he then had some coffee and rolls, and while taking these, obtained from the waiter a time-table of the departures of the various steamers from the port, and found, to his great satisfaction, that one of the rubattino vessels would leave for genoa at twelve o'clock. as soon as the steamboat offices were open he engaged a berth, walked about marseilles for an hour, returned at ten to the hotel, took a hearty lunch, and then drove down to the port. on questioning the steward he found that there were not many passengers going, and with a tip of five francs secured a cabin to himself; having done this, he went on deck again and watched the passengers arriving. they were principally italians; but among them he could not recognise the face of the agent who had levelled a pistol at him. both men had, indeed, worn black handkerchiefs tied across their faces below their eyes and covering their chins, and the broad-brimmed hats they wore kept their foreheads and eyes in shadow; and although he watched his fellow-passengers with the faint hope of discovering by some evil expression on his face his last night's assailant, he had no real belief that he should, even under the most favourable circumstances, recognise him again. two or three of the men wore beards, and seemed to belong to the sailor class--probably men who had landed from a french ship, after perhaps a distant voyage, and were now returning home. he saw no more of these, as they at once went forward. there were only eight other passengers in the saloon; seven of these were italians, of whom three were evidently friends. two of the others had, frank gathered from their talk, just returned from brazil; the sixth was an old man, and the seventh a traveller for a firm of silk or velvet manufacturers in genoa. the three friends talked gaily on all sorts of subjects; but nothing that frank gathered, either from their conversation on deck or at dinner, gave any clue as to their occupation. they had evidently met at marseilles for the first time after being separated for a considerable period--one had been in england, one at paris, and one at bordeaux; their ages were from twenty-three to twenty-six. their names were, as he learned from their talk, maffio, sarto, and rubini. before the steamer had left the port half an hour, one of them, seeing that frank was alone, said to him as he passed, in broken english,-- "it is warmer and pleasanter here, monsieur, than it is in london." "it is indeed," frank replied, in italian; "it was miserable weather there, when i left the day before yesterday." "_per bacco!_" the young man said, with a laugh, "i took you to be english. allow me to congratulate you on your admirable imitation of----" "i am english, signor--that is, i was born of english parents; but i first saw light in rome, and my grandfather was an italian." this broke the ice, and they chatted together pleasantly. "we are going to genoa. and you?" "i also am going to genoa, and perhaps"--for he had by this time quite come to a conclusion on the subject--"on the same errand as yourselves." the others looked at him in some little surprise, and then glanced at one another. that this young englishman should be going upon such an expedition as that upon which they were bound, seemed to be out of the question. "you mean on pleasure, signor?" one of them said, after a pause. "if excitement is pleasure, which no doubt it is--yes. i am going to visit an old friend of my father's; he is living a little way out of the town at the villa spinola." the others gave a simultaneous exclamation of surprise. "that is enough, signor," the one called rubini said, holding out his hand; "we are comrades. though how a young english gentleman should come to be of our party, i cannot say." the others shook hands as warmly with frank; and he then replied,-- "no doubt you are surprised. my father fought side by side with the man i am now going to see, in the siege of rome, so also did my grandfather; and both have since paid by their lives for their love of italy. my name is percival." "the son of the captain percival who was murdered while searching in naples for signor forli?" one of them exclaimed. "the same. so, gentlemen, you can perhaps understand why i am going to the villa spinola, and why, young as i am, i am as eager to take part in this business as you yourselves can be." "yes, indeed; your father's name is honoured among us as one of our general's friends and companions in south america, and as one of his comrades at rome; still more, perhaps, for his fearless exposure of the horrors of the tyrants' dungeons. however, it were best that we should say no more on the subject at present. it is certain that the general's presence at genoa is causing uneasiness both at rome and naples. rumours that he intends to carry out some daring enterprise have appeared in newspapers, and no doubt neapolitan spies are already watching his movements, and it may be there are some on board this ship. our great fear is that victor emmanuel's government may interfere to stop it; but we doubt whether he will venture to do so--public opinion will be too strong for him." "no one can overhear us just at present," frank said. "certainly the neapolitan spies are active. my mother's house is frequented by many leading exiles; and we have reason to believe that it has been watched by a spy for some time past. i know that i have been followed, under the idea, perhaps, that i am carrying important papers or documents from the general's friends there. an attempt was made last night to enter the carriage, in which i was alone, by two men, one of whom was armed with a pistol, and the other had a handkerchief soaked with chloroform. fortunately, i was on my guard, and shot the fellow who was entering with the handkerchief; he fell backwards out of the carriage; i heard nothing more of the other one, and for aught i know he may be on board now." "you did well indeed!" sarto said warmly. "i was in the next carriage to you. i did not hear the sound of your pistol-shot--i was fast asleep; but we were all woke up by a fellow-passenger who declared he heard a gunshot. when we reached valence he called the guard, who said that he must have been dreaming, for there was only a young englishman in the next carriage, and he knew that when it left the last station he was alone. when the train went on we all abused the fellow soundly for waking us with his ridiculous fancies; but it seems that he was right after all. you say there was another. what became of him?" "i saw nothing more of him. he may be on board, for aught i know, for they had black handkerchiefs tied over their faces up to the eyes, and as their hats were pulled well down, i should not know him if i saw him." "well, you have struck the first blow in the war, and i regard it as a good omen; but you must be careful to-night, for if the fellow is on board he is likely to make another attempt; and this time, i should say, he would begin by stabbing you. are you in a cabin by yourself?" "yes." "then one of us will sit up by turns. you must have had a bad night indeed, while we slept without waking, except when i was aroused by that fellow making such a row." "oh, i could not think of that!" "it must be done," rubini said earnestly. "however, i will lay the mattress of the spare bed of your cabin against the door, and lie down on it--that will do just as well. it will be impossible then to open the door; and if any one tries to do so, i shall be on my feet in a moment. i shall sleep just as well like that as in my berth. i have slept in much more uncomfortable places, and am sure to do so again before this business is over." "thank you very much. i will not refuse so kind an offer, for i doubt greatly whether i could keep awake to-night." "now let us say no more about it, for we may be quite sure that the man is still on your track, and there may be other neapolitan agents on board. we cannot be too careful. it may be that old man who was sitting facing us at the table, it may be that little fellow who looks like the agent of a commercial house, and it may be one of the two men who say they come from south america; there is no telling. but at any rate, let us drop the subject altogether. we have said nothing at present that even a spy could lay hold of, beyond the fact that you are going to the villa spinola, which means to garibaldi." they did not go up on deck again after dinner, but sat chatting in the saloon until nine o'clock, when frank said that he could keep his eyes open no longer. after allowing him time to get into his berth, rubini came in, took off his coat and waistcoat, pulled the mattress and bedding from the other bunk, and lay down on it with his head close to the door. "will you take one of my pistols, rubini?" for by this time they called each other simply by their surnames. "no, thank you; if the scoundrel tries to open the door and finds that he cannot do so, you may be sure that he will move off at once. he has been taught that you are handy with your weapons." frank was sleeping soundly when he was woke by rubini's sharp challenge, "who goes there?" it was pitch dark, and he was about to leap from his bunk, when rubini said,-- "it is no use getting up. by the time i got this bed away and opened the door, the fellow would be at the other end of the boat. we may as well lie quiet. he is not likely to try again; and, indeed, i should not care about going outside the door, for it is pitch dark, and he might at the present moment be crouching outside in readiness to stab you as you came out. however, he is more likely to be gone now, for directly he heard us talking he would know that his game was up." he struck a match. "it is just two o'clock," he said; "we may as well have four hours' more sleep." in a few minutes frank was sound asleep again, and when he awoke it was daylight. looking at the watch, he found that it was seven o'clock. "seven o'clock, rubini!" he said. the italian sat up and stretched his arms and yawned. "i have had a capital night. however, it is time to get up; we must turn out at once. we can't be far from genoa now; we are due there at eight o'clock, so we shall just have comfortable time for a wash and a cup of coffee before going ashore." frank dressed hastily, and then ran up on deck, where he stood admiring the splendid coast, and the town of genoa climbing up the hill, with its churches, campaniles, and its suburbs embedded in foliage. they were just entering the port when maffio came up to him. "coffee is ready," he said. "you had better come down and take it while it is hot. we shall have the custom-house officers off before we land, so there is no hurry." after making a meal on coffee with an abundance of milk, rolls and butter, frank went up again. he then, at the advice of rubini, drew the charges of his pistols and placed them in his portmanteau. "we must go ashore in a boat," sarto said. "i have just heard the captain say that the wharves are so full that he may not be able to take the vessel alongside for a couple of hours." "are you going anywhere in particular when you land?" frank asked. "we all belong to genoa, and have friends here. why do you ask?" "could you spare me an hour of your time to-day? i should not ask you, but it is rather important." "certainly; we are all at your service," rubini said in some surprise. "at what hour shall we meet you, and where?" "i am going to the hotel europa. any time will suit me, so that it is a couple of hours before dusk. i will tell you what it is when you meet me; it is better not to speak of it here." the young men consulted together. "we will go to our friends," rubini said, "take our things there and spend an hour, and will call upon you, if convenient, at eleven o'clock." "thank you; and you will see, when i have explained my reason for troubling you, that i have not done so wantonly." they landed at the step of the customs. "have you anything to declare?" the official asked frank, after his passport had been examined and stamped. "i have nothing but this small portmanteau, which contains only clothes and a brace of pistols. i suppose one can land with them on payment of duty." "certainly, monsieur; but why should an englishman want them?" "i intend to make a walking tour through italy"--speaking as before in english; "and there are parts of the country where, after dark, i should feel more comfortable for having them in my pockets." "you are strange people, you englishmen," the officer said; "but, after all, you are not far wrong, though it seems to me that it would be wiser to give up what you carry about you than to make a show of resistance which would end in getting your throat cut." he glanced at the pistols, named the amount of duty chargeable; and when this was paid, frank nodded to his companions, who were being much more rigorously examined, took one of the vehicles standing outside the custom-house, and drove to the hotel europa. chapter vi. the villa spinola after taking a room and seeing his portmanteau carried up there, frank went out for an hour and looked at the shops in the principal street; then he returned to the hotel, and stood at the entrance until his three friends arrived. he had again loaded his pistols and placed them in his pocket, and had engaged an open vehicle that was now standing at the door. "let us start at once," he said; "gentlemen, if you will take your places with me, i will explain the matter to you as we drive along." they took their seats. "drive to the strada de livourno," he said to the coachman; "i will tell you the house when we get there. now, my friends," he went on, as the carriage started, "i will explain what may seem singular to you. my mother has sent out a letter which contained, i may say, a considerable sum to be used by the general for the purposes of this expedition. it had been intended that i should bring it; but when we discovered that there was a spy in the house, and that our cabinets had been ransacked and our conversation overheard, it was thought almost certain that an attempt would be made to rob me of the letter on the way. finally, after much discussion, it was agreed to send the letter by post to the care of the countess of mongolfiere, who is an old friend of signora forli, my grandmother; she was convinced that i should be watched from the moment i landed, and advised me not to go to see the countess until i could take three of garibaldi's followers with me, and that after accompanying me to her house, they should drive with me to the villa spinola. now you will understand why i have asked you to give up a portion of your first day to come to aid me." "i think your friends were very right in giving you the advice, percival. after the two attempts that have been made--i will not say to kill you--but to search you and your luggage, it is certain that francisco's agents must have obtained information that you were carrying money, and perhaps documents of importance, and that they would not take their eyes off you until either they had gained their object or discovered that you had handed the parcel over to the general. i have no doubt that they are following you now in some vehicle or other." on arrival at the villa of the countess of mongolfiere, frank sent in his card, and on this being taken in, was at once invited to enter. the countess was a lady of about the same age as signora forli. "i am glad to see you, signor percival," she said. "i have received the letter from madame forli with its enclosure." "i have brought you another note from her, madame la contessa," he said, presenting it, "as a proof of my identity; for the matter is of importance, as you may well suppose, from the manner in which this letter was sent to you, instead of by the post direct to me." "so i supposed, signor. signora forli said that it concerned the good of the cause; and the manner in which she begged me to lock it up at once on my receiving it, was sufficient to show that it either contained money for the cause or secrets that the agents of the foes of freedom would be glad to discover. the mere fact that she gave no particulars convinced me that she considered it best that i should be in the dark, so that, should the letter fall into other hands, i could say truly that i had not expected its arrival, and knew nothing whatever of the matter to which it related." "it contains drafts for a considerable sum of money, signora, for the use of garibaldi. the general, being ignorant of my father's death, had written to him, asking him to join him, and recalling his promise to assist with money. my father, unfortunately, could no longer give personal service, but as he had for years put by a certain portion of his income for this purpose, my mother had it in her power to send this money. it was intended that i should bring it; but we found that all our doings were watched, and that, therefore, there was considerable danger of my being followed and robbed upon the way; and signora forli then suggested that she should send it direct to you, as possibly a letter addressed to me here might fall into the hands of the neapolitan agents." "it was a very good plan," the countess said. "and have you been molested on the way?" "attempts have been made on two occasions--once in the train on my way to marseilles, and once on board the steamer coming here." "you must be careful even now, signor. if you are watched as closely as it would seem, you may be robbed before you can hand this letter over to the general. there is nothing at which these men will hesitate in order to carry out their instructions. you might be arrested in the streets by two or three men disguised as policemen, and carried away and confined in some lonely place; you might be accused of a theft and given in charge on some trumped-up accusation, in order that your luggage and every article belonging to you might be thoroughly searched, before you could prove your entire innocence. i can quite understand that, when you first started, the object was simply to search for any papers you might be carrying, and if this could be done without violence it would be so effected, although, if murder was necessary, they would not have hesitated at it; and even now, guessing as they will that you have come here, directly you have landed, to obtain some important document, they would, if they could find an opportunity, do anything to obtain it, before you can deliver it to garibaldi." "i quite feel that, signora, and have three young garibaldian officers waiting in a carriage below for me, and they will drive with me to the villa spinola." "that will make you perfectly safe," and she then rose from her seat, opened a secret drawer in an antique cabinet, and handed him the letter. "now, signor percival," she said, "this has been a visit of business, but i hope that when you have this charge off your mind you will, as the grandson of my old friend signora forli, come often to see me while you are here. i am always at home in the evening, and it will be a great pleasure to me to hear more of her than she tells me in her letters." thanking the countess for her invitation, and saying that he should certainly avail himself of it, he went down and again took his place in the carriage. "have you found all as you wished?" sarto asked. "yes; i have the letter in my pocket." "that is good news. knowing what these secret agents are able to accomplish, i did not feel at all sure that they might not in some way have learned how the money was to be sent, and have managed to intercept the letter." having given instructions to the driver where to go, they chatted as they drove along of the proposed expedition. "none of us know yet," rubini said, "whether it is against the papal states or naples. we all received the telegram we had for some time been hoping for, with the simple word 'come.' however, it matters not a bit to us whether we first free the pope's dominions or francisco's." "will you go in with me to see garibaldi?" "no; we have already received orders that, until we are called upon, it is best that we should remain quietly with our families. were a large number of persons to pay visits to him, the authorities would know that the time was close at hand when he intended to start on an expedition of some kind. the mere fact that we have come here to stay for a time with our friends is natural enough; but we may be sure that everything that passes at the villa is closely watched. it is known, i have no doubt, that an expedition is intended, and cavour may wait to prevent it from starting, until the last moment; therefore i should say that it is important that no one should know on what date garibaldi intends to sail until the hour actually arrives. how we are to get ships to carry us, how many are going, and how we are to obtain arms, are matters that don't concern us. we are quite content to wait until word comes to us, 'be at such a place, at such an hour.'" "i would give something to know which among the men we are passing are those who have been on your track," sarto remarked. "it would be such a satisfaction to laugh in their faces and to shout, 'have you had a pleasant journey?' or, 'we congratulate you,' or something of that sort." "they feel sore enough without that," maffio said. "they are unscrupulous villains; but to do them justice, they are shrewd ones, and work their hardest for their employers, and it is not very often that they fail; and you have a right to congratulate yourself that for once they have been foiled. it is certainly a feather in your cap, percival, that you and your friends have succeeded in outwitting them." they had now left the city and were driving along the coast road towards the villa spinola. there were only a few people on the road. "you see, it is well that we came in force," sarto remarked; "for had you been alone, the carriage might very well have been stopped, and yourself seized and carried off, without there being any one to notice the affair. i have no doubt that even now there is a party somewhere behind a wall or a hedge, in waiting for you; they would probably be sent here as soon as you landed, and would not be recalled, as, until you left the house of the countess, all hope that you would drive along this road alone would not be at an end." "we shall call and see you this evening, and we all hope that you will use our homes as your own while you are staying here," rubini said. "we can introduce you to numbers of our friends, all of our way of thinking, and will do our best to make your stay at genoa as pleasant as possible. it may be some time before all is ready for a start, and until that is the case you will have nothing to do, and certainly garibaldi will not want visitors." "i shall be pleased indeed to avail myself of your kindness," frank said. "it will be a great pleasure to me to see something of italian society, and i should find time hang very heavy on my hands at the hotel, where there are, i know, very few visitors staying at present." "that is the villa," rubini said, pointing to a large house surrounded by a high wall. "will you take my vehicle back?" "no; we shall walk. i should advise you to keep the carriage, however long you may stay here. these fellows will be very sore at finding they have failed, after all the trouble they have taken in the matter. i don't say that they will be watching for you; but if they should come across you in a lonely spot, i think it is very probable that they would not hesitate to get even with you with the stab of a knife between your shoulders." alighting, frank rang at the bell. his friends stood chatting with him until a man, after looking through a grill in the gate, came out; and then, feeling that their mission was safely accomplished, they started for their walk back in high spirits. "i do not know whether the general is in at present, signor," the man said, as frank was about to enter. "may i ask your business?" "if you will take this card to him, i am sure that he will see me." in three minutes the gates were opened. frank entered on foot, and would have left the carriage outside; but the porter said,-- "it had better come in, signor; carriages standing at a gate attract attention." garibaldi was seated in a room with two men, who were, as frank afterwards learned, bixio and crispi. garibaldi had risen from his seat and was looking inquiringly at the door as the lad entered. "welcome, signor percival! you have come, doubtless, on the part of my dear friend your father. has he not come with you? i trust that he is but delayed." "i come on the part of my mother, general," frank replied. "i lost my father more than a year ago." "and i had not heard of it!" the general exclaimed. "alas! alas! for my friend and comrade; this is indeed a heavy blow to me. i looked forward so much to seeing him. oh, how many friends have i lost in the past two years! and so your mother has sent you to me?" "she bade me give you this letter, general." the letter was not a long one. mrs. percival briefly told how her husband had set out to endeavour to find where professor forli was imprisoned, how he had been attacked and killed by brigands, and how she, knowing what her husband's wishes would have been, had sent her son. "he is young," she said, "but not so young as many of those who have fought under you. he is as eager and enthusiastic in the cause of italian liberty as was his father, having, as you may well suppose, learned the tale from my husband and myself, and my father and mother. as you will see, he speaks italian as well as english, and i pray you, for the sake of my husband, to take him on your staff; or, if that cannot be, he will shoulder a musket and march with you. he does not come empty-handed. my husband has for years laid by a certain amount to be used in the good cause when the time came. he will tell you where it is to be obtained, and how. i wish you success with all my heart, and if the prayers of two widowed women will avail aught, you will have them daily. it is my only son i give you, and a widow cannot give more. the money is from my husband; the boy is from me." garibaldi's eyes filled with tears as he read the letter. "your mother is a noble woman indeed! how could she be otherwise, as the daughter of forli and the wife of my brave comrade? surely you will be most welcome to me, young man--welcome if you came only as your mother's gift to italy." frank opened the envelope, which was directed to himself, and took out five slips of thin paper. "these are bills, general," he said, handing them to him. "they are drawn upon a bank at genoa, and are each for two thousand pounds." "francs, you must mean, surely?" garibaldi said. "no, general; they are english pounds." exclamations of surprise and gratification broke from garibaldi and his two companions. "this is a royal gift!" the former cried. "my brave comrade is not here to help us; but he has sent us a wonderful proof of his love for the cause. it is noble!--it is superb! this will indeed be aid to us," he went on, holding out his two hands to frank. "we are strong in men, we are strong in brave hearts, but money is scarce with us, though many have given all that they possess. i know, lad, how you english object to be embraced,--were it not for that, i would take you to my heart; but a hand-clasp will say as much." the two officers were almost as much excited as garibaldi himself, for this gift would remove one of the obstacles that lay in their way. by means of a subscription contributed in small amounts by patriots all over italy for the purchase of arms, twelve thousand good muskets had been bought and stored at milan, together with ammunition. when, a few days before frank's arrival, crispi, with some other of garibaldi's officers, had gone to fetch them, they found that cavour had placed a guard of royal troops over the magazine, with orders that nothing whatever was to be taken out. heavy though the blow had been, the garibaldian agents were already at work buying arms, but with no hope of collecting more than sufficient for the comparatively small force that would sail for sicily. even this addition of funds would not avail to supply that deficiency, as it was very difficult for the general's agents, closely watched as they now were, to purchase military weapons. for some time the conversation turned entirely upon the steps to be taken, now that the war-chest had been so unexpectedly replenished. then garibaldi put aside the papers on which he had been taking notes, and said,-- "enough for the time, signor percival. i shall, of course, write myself to your good mother, expressing my heartfelt thanks, and telling her that if success attends us, she can be happy in the knowledge that it will be largely due to her. you will, naturally, yourself write home and tell her what joy her gift occasioned, how much it added to our hopes and relieved us of our difficulties. tell her that i have appointed you as a lieutenant on my staff, and that i shall trust you as i trusted your noble father." "i thank you greatly, general; i hope to prove myself worthy of your confidence." "and now, sir, will you advise me as to your own movements?" "i have put up at the hotel europa." "at present it will be best for you to stay there. we are anxious that there should be no appearance of any gathering here, and my friends will not assemble until all the preparations are completed. how did you come over here?" "i drove, general; the carriage is waiting for me." "then it must wait for awhile; or, better still, it can carry my two friends here to the town, where they have much to do. in future it will be best for you to walk over; 'tis but a short distance, and i know that you english are good walkers. of course, the authorities know that i am here; there is no concealment about that. as long as they do not see any signs of preparations for a movement, they will leave me alone. as probably your prolonged stay at the hotel may excite curiosity, it is well that you should visit the galleries and palaces, and take excursions in the neighbourhood. it may be as well, too, that you should mention casually at the _table-d'hôte_ that you know me, as your father was a great friend of mine when we were together in south america, which will account for your paying visits here frequently. we know that we are being closely looked after by government spies, and must therefore omit no precaution. now i wish you to take lunch with me, as i have many questions to ask you. i had heard, of course, of signor forli being missing, and of the correspondence between your government and that of naples on the subject." frank went out and told the driver that he should not be returning for some time, but that two gentlemen would go back in the carriage in a few minutes. "as i took the carriage from the hotel, the hire will, of course, be charged in my bill; but here are a couple of francs for yourself." in two or three minutes the italian officers came out, and thanking frank for the accommodation, drove away, while the lad himself re-entered the villa. "the meal is ready," garibaldi said, when he entered the room where he had left him. "it is very pleasant to me to turn my thoughts for once from the subject of my expedition." the meal was a very simple one, though the general had ordered one or two extra dishes in honour of his guest. "now," he said, when they had sat down, and the servant had retired, "tell me first of all about the loss of my dear friend." frank related the story of his father going out to search for signor forli, and how he had been captured and killed by brigands. as the general listened, his kindly face grew stern and hard, but he did not speak until frank brought the tale to an end. "_cospetto!_" he exclaimed, "he may have been killed by brigands, but i doubt not the neapolitan government were at the bottom of it. i would wager any money that they hired the men of the mountains to disembarrass them of one who was exposing the horrible secrets of their prisons. and you say that his body could not be found. was the search made for it simply by the carabinieri?" "it was made by them, sir, but the secretary of our legation accompanied them, and wrote that, although he had himself searched everywhere in the neighbourhood of the hut, he could find no traces whatever of a newly made grave. i may say that signora forli still believes that my father was not killed, but was, like her husband, carried off to some dungeon." "it is possible," the general said, "though i would not encourage you to hope; the ways of these people are so dark that there is no fathoming them. since his grave could not be found, i regard it as certain that he was not buried there, for his captors would not have troubled to carry his body far, but would have dug a hole close by and thrown the earth over the body; and in that case, when the band returned, one or the other of the men who did the work would most likely have carelessly pointed to the spot, and said, 'there lies the englishman.' but though i believe that he did not die there, he might have died elsewhere. his wounds were evidently very severe, and they may have proved fatal after he was carried off by those who took him away from the brigands; if they were not fatal, he may have been murdered afterwards." "signora forli thought, general, that it was more probable that he had been taken to one of the prisons, and that, just as they hunted down the brigands in order that none of these should have power to betray them, so they might have preferred putting him in prison to having him murdered, because in the latter case the men employed might go to the british legation and accept a large sum for betraying the secret." "it may have been so," the general said; "and if we succeed, perhaps you will find both your father and grandfather. but do not cherish false hopes. even if both were once in the neapolitan dungeons, they may before this have succumbed to their treatment there. you have mourned them as dead; do not buoy yourself up with hope, for if you did so, the chances are all in favour of your suffering a terrible disappointment." "that is just what my mother impressed upon me, general. she said that from the first she had never allowed herself to think of my father as in prison; and it was not until she received your letter, and thought that at last there was really a chance that the inmost cells of all the prisons would be opened, she would admit a possibility of my father still being alive." "at least, she and you will have the consolation that if you do not find those dear to you, you will have aided in restoring fathers and husbands to hundreds of other grieving wives, mothers, and children." "may i ask how large a force you are likely to take over with you, general?" "if the government had remained neutral and not interfered with me, we could have found men for the twelve thousand muskets they have seized; as it is, we have been obliged to write letters to all parts of italy, stopping the volunteers who were preparing to join us. some of these letters will doubtless fall into the hands of the authorities, and we have therefore so worded them that it may be supposed that the expedition has been altogether given up. a thousand men is the utmost that we can hope to embark secretly. these will be all picked men and gallant fellows who fought under me in the alps, or men who have, like myself, been for years living as exiles. these thousand i have chosen, every one; they will die fighting, and will never turn their back to an enemy. would that i had them all safely landed in sicily, and had surmounted all the difficulties and dangers that are caused by the hostility of the government, which will, however, be glad enough to take advantage of our work." "my mother thought that you would probably form the neapolitan states, if you conquered them, into a republic." "that was my dream when i was fighting at rome but i see now that it is impossible. i am for a republic on principle, but i must take what i can get. i cannot conceal from myself that my experience of mazzini and other enthusiasts is that they are not practical, they commit terrible blunders, and the matter ends in a dictatorship, as has twice been the case in france. mazzini would sacrifice the practical to gain his ideal. i care nothing for theory--i want to see italy free; and this can only be done under victor emmanuel. he is popular and energetic. his father suffered for his devotion to the cause of freedom. the son is a stronger man; but at present he is forced by cavour and the other temporisers who surround him to curb his own impetuosity. "i don't like cavour--he gave up my birthplace, nice, to france; but, at the same time, i respect his great ability, and am sure that as soon as he feels the opportunity has come, he will grasp it, and the king will not hesitate to accept the possessions that i hope to gain for him. with victor emmanuel king of northern and southern italy, the rest is simple. then italy can afford to wait its opportunity for driving the austrians from venezia, and becoming, for the first time since the days of the romans, a united kingdom. when i hoist my banner in sicily, it will be as a soldier of victor emmanuel, king of italy." frank was pleased to hear this. his father, though an advanced liberal in matters connected with italy, was a strong conservative at home; and frank had naturally imbibed his ideas, which were that the people of a constitutional monarchy, like that under which he lived, were in every respect freer and better governed than under any republic, still more so than they could be under a republic constituted according to the theories of mazzini or those of the authors of the first and second french revolutions. "by the way, you must have found it a terrible responsibility carrying so much money with you." "i did not carry it, general. the bills were, with the letter to you, sent by post to the care of the countess of mongolfiere, who was a friend of signora forli." "that was hazardous, too," the general said, shaking his head. "to trust ten thousand pounds to the post was a terrible risk." "it was the best way that we could think of, general. the courier who was with my father when he was killed came over to see my mother at her request, as she wished to hear every detail about my father's last days. he professed a great fear of returning to italy, as, having given evidence against the brigands, he would be a marked man." "there is no doubt that is so," garibaldi put in. "his life would not have been worth a day's purchase. these scoundrels have their agents in every town, men who keep them informed as to persons travelling, whom it would be worth while to capture, and of any movements of the carabinieri in their direction." "my mother, therefore, took him into her service," frank went on; "but two days before i started, she discovered that he had been acting as a spy, had been opening her desk, examining her letters, and listening at the door. she and signora forli had no doubt whatever that he had made himself acquainted with the contents of your letter, and believed that i was going to carry this money to you." "the villains!" garibaldi exclaimed, bringing his clenched hand down upon the table: "it is just what they would do. i know that many of my friends enjoyed your father's hospitality; and no doubt it would be a marked house, and the secret police of francisco would keep an eye over what was being done there, and would, if possible, get one of their agents into it. this man, who had no doubt acted as a spy over your father when he was in italy, would be naturally chosen for the work; and his story and pretence of fear served admirably to get him installed there. if he had learned that you were about to start to bring me ten thousand pounds, and perhaps papers of importance, it would have been nothing short of a miracle had you arrived safely with them." "that was what signora forli and my mother thought, sir. they were afraid to send the letter directed to me at the hotel where i was to stop, as the man would doubtless telegraph to agents out at genoa, and they would get possession of it; so instead of doing so, they enclosed it in a letter to the countess. i posted it myself, and there was therefore no chance of the letter being lost, except by pure accident." "but if the spy did not know that you had sent the letter off by post, it would render your journey no less hazardous than if you had taken it with you." "my mother and the signora were both convinced that an attempt would be made to search me and my baggage on the way, but they did not think that they would try to take my life; for after what had happened to my grandfather and father, there would be no question that my murder was the work of neapolitan agents, and a storm of indignation would thus be caused." garibaldi nodded. "no doubt they were right, and if the scoundrels could have got possession of what you carried without injury to you they would have done so. but they would have stuck at nothing in order to carry out their object; and had you caught them while they were engaged in searching your clothes or baggage, they would not have hesitated to use their knives. i cannot now understand how you have come through without their having meddled with you. it might have been done when you were asleep in an hotel, or they might have drugged you in a railway carriage, or in your cabin on board the steamer coming here. the secret police of naples is the only well-organised department in the kingdom. they have agents in london, paris, and other cities, and from the moment you left your mother's house you must have been watched. are you sure that, although you may not know it, you have not been searched?" "i am quite sure, sir. we were so certain i should be watched that i made no attempt to get off secretly, but started by the train i had intended to travel by. i did not stop a night at an hotel all the way, and made a point of getting into railway carriages that contained other passengers. it happened, however, that at vienne the last of those with me alighted. it was one o'clock in the morning when we left the station, and i felt sure that if an attempt was made, it would be before we stopped, especially as a man looked into the carriage just before we were starting, and then went away. i had a loaded pistol in each pocket and a rug over me, and i sat in the corner pretending to be asleep. an hour later a man came and looked in; another joined him. the door was partly opened, and an arm with an extended pistol pointed at me, but i felt perfectly sure that he had no intention of firing unless i woke. "half a minute later his comrade entered the carriage. he had an open knife in one hand, and a cloth in the other; but as he came in i shot him; he fell back through the carriage door. whether in doing so he knocked his comrade down or not, i cannot say; but, at any rate, i saw no more of him. the man whom i shot had dropped what he held in his hand on to the floor. it was as i had expected--a handkerchief, soaked with chloroform. it was seven when i arrived at marseilles. fortunately, a steamer left at twelve. when i went on board i made the acquaintance of three young men, who were, i guessed, on the same errand as myself; their names were rubini, sarto, and maffio. we soon became very friendly, and i found that my conjectures were correct. this being so, i told them what had happened; and as there was no one besides myself in my cabin, rubini most kindly laid a mattress across the door and slept there. as i had not had a wink of sleep the night before, and only dozed a little the one before that, i should have had great difficulty in keeping awake. in the course of the night some one did attempt to open the door; but he was unable to do so on account of the mattress placed there, and we heard no more of him. i asked these gentlemen to come to the hotel europa at eleven, for i was really afraid to come along the road here by myself. they drove with me to the house of the countess, and then here, so that i was well guarded." "i know them all well," garibaldi said. "rubini is a lieutenant in the genoese company of my cacciatori; the others are in his company. you have done well indeed, my friend; it needed courage to start on such a journey, knowing that francisco's police were on your track. you have a right to feel proud that your vigilance and quickness defeated their attempt. it is well that you met rubini and his friends; for as the spies would know directly you entered the palazzo of the countess that you had gone there for some special purpose, probably to obtain documents sent to her, i doubt whether you would have been able to come safely alone, even if the road had been fairly well thronged." "i should not have gone to the countess's unless i had an escort, general. my intention was to come to you in the first place, and ask that three of your officers might accompany me to get the letter; but, of course, after having found friends who would act as my escort, there was no occasion to do so. i suppose there is no fear of my being further annoyed?" "i should think not," garibaldi said; "now they know that your mission has been carried out, you will cease to be of interest to them. but at the same time, it would be well to be cautious. if the fellow you shot was the leader of those charged to prevent the supplies and letter coming to me, we may consider that there is an end of the affair. his death will give a step to some one, and they will owe you no ill will. if, however, the other man was the chief of the party, he would doubtless owe you a grudge. he is sure to be blamed for having been thus baffled by a lad; whereas had he succeeded, he would have received the approval of his superiors. i think, therefore, if i were you, i should abstain from going out after nightfall, unless with a companion, or if you do so, keep in the great thoroughfares and avoid quiet streets. that habit of carrying a loaded pistol in your pocket has proved a valuable one, and i should advise you to continue it so long as you are here. if you see rubini, tell him that i thank him for the aid he and his friends rendered you. he and the others have all been instructed not to come here until they receive a communication that the time for action has arrived. my followers send me their addresses as soon as they reach genoa, so that i can summon them when they are needed. it would never do for numbers of men to present themselves here. the authorities know perfectly well that i am intending to make an expedition to sicily; but as long as they see no signs of activity, and their spies tell them that only some half-dozen of my friends frequent this villa, they may be content to abstain from interference with me; indeed, i do not think that in any case they would venture to prevent my sailing, unless they receive urgent remonstrances from austria or france. were such remonstrances made, they would now be able to reply that, so far as they can learn, i am remaining here quietly, and am only visited by a few private friends." chapter vii. the expedition sails. frank spent a pleasant three weeks in genoa. the three young men did all in their power to make the time pass agreeably to him: they introduced him to their families and friends; one or the other of them always accompanied him to the theatre or opera, or, as much more frequently happened, to gatherings at their own houses or at those of acquaintances. many of these were, like themselves, members of the genoese corps; and both as a relative of two men who had sacrificed their lives in the cause of freedom, and especially for the aid that his mother had sent to garibaldi to enable him to carry out his plans, he was everywhere most warmly received. he himself had not told, even his three friends, the amount that his mother had contributed; but garibaldi's companions had mentioned it to others, and it soon became known to all interested in the expedition. twice a week frank drove out to quarto. matters had been steadily progressing. a thousand rifles, but of a very inferior kind, had been obtained from farini, and a few hundred of a better class had been bought. these latter were for the use of garibaldi's own band, while the others would be distributed among such sicilians as might join him on his landing. these would for the most part come armed, as large numbers of guns and stores of ammunition had been accumulated in the island for use in the futile insurrection a few months previously. on may th all was ready. frank paid his hotel bill, left his trunk to be placed in the store-room until he should send or return for it, and with a bundle, in which his sword was wrapped up in his blanket, cloak, and a light waterproof sheet, and with a bag containing his red shirts and other small belongings, together with his pistols and a good supply of ammunition, drove to the villa spinola. on the previous day he had sent on there a saddle and bridle, valise and holsters. the horses were to be bought in sicily. outside all seemed as quiet as usual, but once within the gates there was a great change. a score of gentlemen were strolling in little groups in the garden, talking excitedly; these were almost all new arrivals, and consequently unknown to frank, who passed on into the house where garibaldi, the officers of his staff, and other principal officers were engaged in discussing the final arrangements. most of the staff were known to him, as they had been there for some days. he joined three or four of the younger men, who were sitting smoking in a room on the ground floor while the council was being held. "so at last the day has arrived, lieutenant," one of them said. "i think everything augurs well for us. i am convinced that the government do not mean to interfere with us, but are adopting the policy of shutting their eyes. of course, they will disavow us, but they will not dare to stop us. they must know what is going on; there are too many people in the secret for it not to have leaked out. i don't know whether you noticed it, but i could see, when i was in the city this morning, that there was a general excitement; people met and talked earnestly; every stranger, and there are a good many there to-day, is watched eagerly. you see, there is no ship of war in the port, which there certainly would have been, had they intended to stop us." "i shall be very glad when we are well at sea," frank said, "though i agree with you that it is not likely we shall be interfered with." they chatted for upwards of an hour, and the council broke up. a list was handed round, appointing the boats to which the various officers were told off; and frank found that he was to go in the third that left the shore, together with orsini, commander of the second company, and turr, the first _aide-de-camp_ of the general. the hours passed slowly. no regular meals were served, but food was placed on a long table, and each could go in and take refreshments as he pleased. the new-comers, and indeed all the officers, with the exception of two or three of garibaldi's most trusted friends, were still in ignorance as to how they were to obtain vessels to take them to messina, and frank, who was behind the scenes, listened with some amusement to the wild conjectures that they hazarded. he knew that the matter had been privately arranged with the owners of the rubattino line of steamers that the _lombardo_ and _piemonte_, both of which were in the harbour, should be seized by the garibaldians. they were warm adherents of the national cause, but could not, of course, appear openly in the matter. they had already been paid the sum agreed on for any damage or injury that might happen to the vessels; while openly they would be able to protest loudly against the seizure of their ships, and, like the government, profess entire ignorance of what was going on. only a few hands would be left on board. these were to offer a feigned resistance, but were to make no noise. among garibaldi's followers were several engineers, who were to take command of and assist in the engine-rooms. in order to save time, the _lombardo_, which was much the larger of the two vessels, was to take the _piemonte_ in tow. there was still, however, some anxiety on the part of the leaders lest, at the last moment, the government should intervene, seize the arms, and take possession of the steamers. the seizure of the great magazine of arms at milan showed that cavour was in earnest in his endeavour to put a stop to an expedition of whose success he had not the slightest hope; but whether he would risk the ferment that would be excited, were garibaldi and his followers to be seized at the moment of starting, was doubtful. this was a question that had been discussed time after time by garibaldi and his friends. that the minister was well informed as to all the preparations, the purchase of fresh arms, and the arrival of so many men at genoa, was certain; but he could not know the exact hour at which the expedition was to start, nor even be sure that it might not march down the coast, and take ship at some other port than genoa. ignorant as were the great bulk of those gathered at the villa spinola of garibaldi's plans, they knew that the movement was to begin that night, and there was a general feeling of restlessness and excitement as evening approached. from time to time messengers brought news from the city. all was well; there was no unusual stir among the troops. the police went about their usual duties unconcernedly, and apparently without noticing the suppressed excitement of the population. at nightfall the word was passed round that all were to lie down as they could, as there would be no movement until one o'clock. the order was obeyed, but there was little sleep. it was known that bixio and some other officers had already left the villa; and a whisper had run round that they were going to seize some ships, and that the embarkation would take place before morning. at one o'clock all were in motion again. the servants of the villa brought round bowls of coffee and milk, and as soon as these were drunk and some bread hastily eaten, all made ready for a start. frank had that evening donned his uniform for the first time, and had been at work, with two other members of the staff, serving out rifles and ammunition, from an outhouse which had been converted into a magazine; the men coming in a steady stream through a back entrance into the garden, and passing again with their arms through another door. another party were at work carrying down boxes of ammunition and barrels of flour and other provisions to the shore. at one o'clock the whole force were gathered there. it was an impressive sight, and frank for the first time fully realised the singularity and danger of the expedition in which he was to share. here were a thousand men, all of whom had fought again and again under garibaldi in the cause of italian liberty. they were about to start, against the wishes of the government of their country, to invade a kingdom possessed of strong fortresses and an army of one hundred and twenty-eight thousand regular troops. success seemed altogether impossible. but frank had deeply imbibed the conviction of his mother and signora forli that the people at large would flock to the standard. he had been carried away with the enthusiasm of the general and those about him, and even the darkness of the night, the mystery of the quiet armed figures and of the boats hauled up in readiness for the embarkation, did not damp the suppressed excitement that made every nerve tingle, and rendered it difficult to remain outwardly impassive. the men talked together in low tones. here were many who had not met since they had parted after the events that had laid another stone to the edifice of italian unity, by the addition of tuscany, parma, and modena to the kingdom of sardinia. the greater part of them were lombards and genoese, but there were many from turin and other cities of piedmont. some were exiles, who had received a summons similar to that sent by garibaldi to captain percival. the greetings of all these men, who had been comrades in many dashing adventures, were warm and earnest, though expressed in but few low words. hour after hour passed, and expectation grew into anxiety. all knew now that bixio had gone to seize two steamers, and that they should have been in the roadstead at two o'clock; but at four there were still no signs of them, and the fear that he had failed, that the government had at the last moment intervened, grew stronger. it was not until dawn was beginning to break that the two steamers were made out approaching, and anxiety gave place to delight. steadily and in good order the men took their places, under the direction of the officers assigned to each boat, and by the time the steamers arrived as near as they could venture to the shore, the boats were alongside with their crews. the embarkation was quickly effected. it was found that there had been no dangerous hitch in the arrangements, the delay having been caused by the difficulty bixio had had in finding the two steamers, which were anchored in the extensive roadstead of genoa among many other ships. the stores were hastily transferred from the boats to the steamers, and these at once started for the spot where two boats, laden with ammunition, percussion caps, and rifles, should have been lying off the coast. either through misunderstanding of orders or the interference of the authorities, the two boats were not at the rendezvous; and after cruising about for some hours in every direction, garibaldi decided that no further time could be lost, for at any moment government vessels might start in pursuit. accordingly the steamers' heads were turned to the south, and the expedition fairly began. delighted as all on board the _lombardo_ and _piemonte_ were to have escaped without government interference, the loss of the ammunition was a very serious blow. they had brought with them from the villa spinola scarcely sufficient for a couple of hours' fighting for those on board. they had neither a reserve for themselves, nor any to hand over with the guns to those they expected to join them on landing. it was, therefore, absolutely necessary to touch at some port to obtain ammunition, and garibaldi chose talamone, at the southern extremity of tuscany, within a few miles of the boundary of the papal states. they arrived there early the next morning, and garibaldi at once went ashore and desired the governor of the fort, in the name of the king, to hand over to him supplies of ammunition and some guns. whatever doubts the governor may have had as to garibaldi's authority, he and the governor of the much larger neighbouring town of orbetello rendered him all the assistance in their power, and gave him a considerable amount of ammunition and several guns. the vessels filled up with coal, and the inhabitants welcomed the expedition with enthusiasm. for this conduct the governor of talamone afterwards received a severe reprimand from the government, who were obliged to clear themselves of any participation whatever in the expedition, and had, a few hours after garibaldi left genoa, despatched a fast screw frigate, the _maria_, under the orders of admiral persano in pursuit. his official orders were to capture and bring back the steamers and all on board; but there can be little doubt that he received secret instructions in a contrary sense. at any rate, the frigate, after a prolonged cruise, returned to genoa without having come within sight of the expedition. before leaving talamone, garibaldi accepted an offer of one of his followers to undertake, with sixty men, to effect a diversion by raising the population in the north of the papal states. the expedition seemed a hopeless one with so small a force; and it would seem that garibaldi assented to it in order to rid himself from some whose impetuosity and violent disposition might have led to trouble later. as was to be expected, the little party failed entirely in their object, and were defeated and captured very shortly after crossing the frontier. all were glad on board the two ships, when they were again under steam, and heading for their goal. as by this time it was certain that the news of their departure from genoa would have been telegraphed to naples, and that the ships of war of that country would be on the look-out to intercept them, it was decided, at a council of war held by garibaldi, that instead of landing near messina, they should make for the little island of maregigimo, lying off the north-west corner of sicily, as by this route they would be likely to escape the vigilance of the neapolitan ships-of-war, which would be watching for them along the coast from the straits of messina to palermo. arriving at maregigimo late on the evening of the th, and learning from the islanders that the coast of sicily was everywhere patrolled, they decided to take the bold step of sailing into the harbour of marsala. as a large mercantile port, this offered several advantages. the true character of the vessels would not be suspected until they arrived there, and hostile ships cruising near might take them for ordinary merchantmen. there was also the advantage that, being only some seventy miles from cape bona, in africa, it afforded a better chance of escape, should they meet with misfortune after landing, and be obliged to re-embark. as they neared the coast they made out several sailing vessels and steamers near it, and in the roadstead of marsala two ships-of-war were anchored. to their joy, they were able to make out through a telescope, while still at a considerable distance, that these vessels were flying the british ensign, and so headed straight for the port, which they found full of merchantmen. they had indeed been attended by good fortune, for three neapolitan ships-of-war had left the port that morning and were still in sight. being evidently suspicious, however, of the two steamers entering the port together, they turned and made for marsala again. not a moment was lost by the garibaldians, and the disembarkation at once began. it happened that the british vessels-of-war were in the line of fire, and consequently the whole of the men were landed before the neapolitans could bring their guns to bear. two-thirds of them were still on the quay, getting the ammunition and stores into the carts, when the enemy opened fire upon them with shell and grape; fortunately the discharges were ill directed, and the garibaldians marched off into the town without loss. they were welcomed with lively acclamation by the working classes of the town; but the authorities, while throwing no opposition in their way, received them under protest, as indeed was natural enough, for they could hardly suppose that this handful of men could succeed against the power of naples, and dreaded the anger of the government should they bestow any warm hospitality upon these adventurers. two days were spent at marsala in gaining information as to the state of the country, making arrangements for the march inland, and for the transport of ammunition and spare rifles, and in obtaining stores of provisions sufficient for two or three days. it was fortunate indeed that no neapolitan troops were stationed in the town, and that they were therefore able to pursue their work without interruption. during the voyage the force had been divided into eight companies, and a ninth was now formed from the sicilians who joined them. the enthusiasm, that had been necessarily shown rather in action than in shouts by the people of marsala, who, with neapolitan ships in the bay, feared that any demonstration might draw upon themselves a terrible retribution, now showed itself openly. the force was accompanied by great numbers of men and women,--even monks joined in the procession,--while from every village parties of fighting men, many of whom had taken part in the late insurrection, joined the party; and when on the day after leaving marsala they reached salemi, the force had been augmented by twelve hundred men. here garibaldi, at the request not only of his own men, but of the authorities of the little town and deputies from villages round, assumed the title of dictator, in the name of victor emmanuel, king of italy--thus proclaiming to the world that he had broken altogether with the republican faction. except when on duty, there was a thorough comradeship among the garibaldians. fully half of the thousand men who had left genoa with him belonged to the upper and professional classes, and were of the same rank of life as the officers; consequently, when the march was done or the men dismissed from parade, all stiffness was thrown aside, and officers and men mingled in the utmost harmony. all were in the highest spirits. the first well-nigh insuperable difficulties had been overcome; the hindrances thrown in their way by the italian government had failed to prevent their embarkation; the danger of falling into the hands of the neapolitan navy had been avoided, and the reception which they met with showed that they had not overestimated the deep feeling of hostility with which the sicilians regarded their oppressors. frank, while on capital terms with all the officers, who were aware how much the expedition owed to his family, and who saw the almost affectionate manner in which garibaldi treated him, kept principally with his special friends, maffio, rubini, and sarto. during the voyage, as an occasional change from the one absorbing topic, they asked him many questions about his school-days, and were intensely interested in his description of the life, so wholly different from that at italian schools and academies. "we don't have such good times as you have," rubini said; "you seem to have done just what you liked, and your masters do not appear to have interfered with you at all." "no, except when in school, they had nothing to do with us." "and you went where you liked and did what you liked, just as if you were grown-up men? it is astonishing," maffio said; "why, with us we are never out of sight of our masters!" "we might not quite go where we liked: there were certain limits beyond which we were supposed not to pass; but really, as long as we did not get into any rows, we could pretty well go anywhere within walking distance. you see, the big fellows to a certain extent keep order; but really they only do this in the houses where we live--outside there is no occasion to look after us. though we are but boys, we are gentlemen, and are expected to act as such. i can't see why boys want looking after, as if they were criminals, who would break into a house or maltreat an old woman, if they had the chance. it is because we are, as it were, put on our honour and allowed to act and think for ourselves, instead of being marched about and herded like a flock of sheep, that our public school boys, as a rule, do so well afterwards. our great general, wellington--at least i think it was he--said, that the battle of waterloo was fought in the playing fields of eton. of course, though he said eton, he meant of all our public schools. certainly we are much less likely to come to grief when we leave school and become our own masters, than we should be, if we had been treated as children up to that time." "that must be so," rubini said thoughtfully. "i wish we had such schools in italy; perhaps we shall have some day. we have many universities, but no schools at all like yours. of course, your masters are not priests?" "well, they are almost all clergymen, but that makes no difference. they are generally good fellows, and take a lot of interest in our sports, which is natural enough, for many of them have been great cricketers or great oarsmen--that is, they have rowed in their university boat. a master who has done that sort of thing is more looked up to by the boys, and is thought more of, than fellows who have never done anything in particular. the sort of fellows who have always been working and reading, and have come out high at the universities, are of course very good teachers, but they don't understand boys half as well as the others do." "but why should you respect a master who has been, as you say, good at sports, more than one who has studied hard?" "well, i don't know exactly. of course it is very creditable to a man to have taken a high degree; but somehow or other one does have a lot of respect for a fellow who you know could thrash any blackguard who had a row with him in a couple of minutes--just the same as one feels a respect for an officer who has done all sorts of brave actions. i heard, some time ago, that one of our masters had been appointed to a church in some beastly neighbourhood in birmingham or one of those manufacturing towns, and the people were such a rough lot that he could do nothing with them at first. but one day, when he was going along the street, he saw a notorious bully thrashing a woman, and he interfered. the fellow threatened him; and he quietly turned in, and gave him the most tremendous thrashing he had ever had, in about three minutes. after that he got to be greatly liked, and did no end of good in his parish. i suppose there was just the same feeling among those fellows as there is with us at school." "it seems impossible," rubini said, in a tone almost of awe, "that a minister should fight with his hands against a ruffian of that kind." "well, i don't know," frank replied: "if you saw a big ruffian thrashing a woman or insulting a lady, or if even he insulted yourself, what would you do? i am supposing, of course, that you were not in uniform, and did not wear a sword." "i do not know what i should do," rubini said gravely. "i hope i should fly at him." "yes; but if he were bigger and stronger, and you could not box, what would be the good of that? he would knock you down, and perhaps kick you almost to death, and then finish thrashing the woman." the three friends looked gravely at each other. "yes; but you say that this man was a priest, a clergyman?" maffio urged. "yes; but you must remember that he was also a man, and there is such a thing as righteous anger. why should a man look on and see a woman ill-treated without lifting his hand to save her, simply because he is a clergyman? no, no, maffio. you may say what you like, but it is a good thing for a man to have exercised all his muscles as a boy, and to be good at sports, and have learned to use his fists. it is good for him, whether he is going to be a soldier, or a colonist in a wild country, or a traveller, or a clergyman. i am saying nothing against learning; learning is a very good thing, but certainly among english boys we admire strength and skill more than learning, and i am quite sure that as a nation we have benefited more by the one than the other. if there was not one among us who had ever opened a latin or greek book, we should still have extended our empire as we have done, colonised continents, conquered india, and held our own, and more, against every other nation by land and sea, and become a tremendous manufacturing and commercial country." the others laughed. "well crowed, percival! no doubt there is a great deal in what you say, still i suppose that even you will hardly claim that you are braver than other people." "not braver," frank said; "but bravery is no good without backbone. if two men equally brave meet, it is the one with most 'last'--that is what we call stamina--most endurance, most strength, and most skill, who must in the long-run win." "but the fault of you english is--i don't mean it offensively--that you believe too much in yourselves." "at any rate," frank replied, "we don't boast about ourselves, as some people do, and it is because we believe in ourselves that we are successful. for example, you all here believe that, small as is your number, you are going to defeat the neapolitans, and i think that you will do it, because i also believe in you. it is that feeling among our soldiers and sailors--their conviction that, as a matter of course, they will in the long-run win--that has carried them through battles and wars against the biggest odds. that was the way that your roman ancestors carried their arms over europe. they were no braver than the men they fought, but they believed thoroughly in themselves, and never admitted to themselves the possibility of defeat. what a mad expedition ours would be if we had not the same feeling!" "i won't argue any more against you, percival," rubini laughed; "and if i ever marry and have sons, i will send them over to be educated at one of your great schools--that is, if we have not, as i hope we may have by that time, schools of the same kind here. can you fence? do you learn that at your schools?" "not as a part of the school course. a fencing master does come down from london once a week, and some of the fellows take lessons from him. i did among others; but once a week is of very little use, and whenever i was in london during the holidays, i went pretty nearly every day to angelo's, which is considered the best school for fencing we have. of course my father, being a soldier, liked me to learn the use of the sword and rapier, though i might never have occasion to use them, for, as i was his only son, he did not want me to go into the army. it is just as well now that i did go in for it." "i don't expect it will be of much use," rubini said. "if the neapolitans do not show themselves to be braver soldiers than we take them for, there will be no hand-to-hand fighting. if, on the other hand, they do stand their ground well, i do not expect we shall ever get to close quarters, for they ought to annihilate us before we could do so. well, i long for the first trial." "so do i. i should think that a good deal would depend upon that. if we beat them as easily as i have heard my father say they were beaten near rome in , it is hardly likely that they will make much stand afterwards. it is not only the effect it will have on the neapolitan troops, but on the people. we cannot expect that the sicilians will join us in considerable number until we have won a battle, and we want them to make a good show. even the most cowardly troops can hardly help fighting when they are twenty to one; but if we are able to make a fair show of force, the enemy may lose heart, even if the greater part of our men are only poorly armed peasants." to most of those who started from genoa, fully prepared to sacrifice their lives in the cause they regarded as sacred, the success that had attended their passage, and enabled them to disembark without the loss of a man, seemed a presage of further good fortune, and they now marched forward with the buoyant confidence, that in itself goes a long way to ensure success; the thought that there were fifty thousand neapolitan troops in the island, and that general lanza had at palermo twenty-eight thousand, in no way overawed them, and the news that a strong body of the enemy had advanced through calatafimi to meet them was regarded with satisfaction. calatafimi stood in the heart of the mountains, where the roads from palermo, marsala and trapani met; and on such ground the disproportion of numbers would be of less importance than it would be in the plain, for the cavalry of the enemy would not be able to act with effect. the ground, too, as they learned from peasants, was covered with ruins of buildings erected by saracens, spaniards, and normans, and was therefore admirably suited for irregular warfare. garibaldi, with a few of his staff, went forward to reconnoitre the position. he decided that his own followers should make a direct attack, while the new levies, working among the hills, should open fire on the neapolitan flanks and charge down upon them as opportunity offered. at marsala the staff had all bought horses, choosing hardy animals accustomed to work among the mountains. it was not the general's intention to hurl his little force directly on the neapolitan centre, situated in the valley, but, while making a feint there, to attack one flank or the other, the rapidity with which his men manoeuvred giving them a great advantage. while, therefore, the six little guns he had obtained at talamonte were to open fire on the enemy's centre, covered by a couple of hundred men, the rest were to act as a mobile force under his own direction; their movements would be screened by the ruins and broken ground, and he would be able to pass in comparative shelter from one flank to the other, and so surprise the enemy by falling upon them where least expected. as they approached the scene of action, the garibaldians left the road, scattering themselves in skirmishing order on either side, and working their way along through the ruins, which so covered their advance, that it was only occasionally that a glimpse of a red shirt or the gleam of the sun on a musket-barrel showed the enemy that their assailants were approaching. on ground like this horses were of little use, and garibaldi ordered all the junior members of his staff to dismount, fasten their horses in places of shelter, and advance on foot with the troops, as he should not require their services during the fight. chapter viii. palermo. frank's heart beat fast with the excitement of the moment. save himself, there was not one of garibaldi's own men but was accustomed to the sound of artillery, and he could scarcely restrain himself from starting when on a sudden the neapolitan batteries opened fire, and their missiles struck rocks and walls round him, or burst overhead. "it is not so bad as it looks," rubini, whom he joined as he ran forward, said with a laugh. "it is fortunate that it is not," frank replied; "it certainly sounds bad enough, but, as i don't think they can see us at all, it can only be a random fire." he soon shook off the feeling of uneasiness which he could not at first repress, and presently quitted his friend and pushed forward on his own account, keeping close to the road and abreast of garibaldi, so that he could run up and receive any orders that might be given. it was not long before the enemy opened a musketry fire. the guns had been following garibaldi, and he now superintended them as they were run into position, three on either side of the road. they were not placed at regular distances, but each was posted where the men would, while loading, be sheltered behind walls, from which the guns could be run out, wheeled round and fired, and then withdrawn. frank was not long in joining the garibaldian line, which was lying in shelter at the foot of the declivity. in front of them was a level space of ground with a few little farmhouses dotted here and there. on the opposite side of this the hills rose much more steeply. near the summit were the main body of the neapolitans, who were altogether about two thousand strong; an advanced guard of some five or six hundred had descended into the valley, and were moving across it; they had guns with them, which were now at work, as were others with the main body. when garibaldi joined his troops he at once ordered the genoese company to attack the advancing enemy and if possible to capture the guns they had with them. followed by a party of the sicilians, and by frank and several other officers who had no special duties to perform, they dashed forward. at the same moment a number of the peasants, who had made their way round on either flank unobserved, opened fire upon the neapolitans, who at the order of the officer in command began to fall back. the garibaldians hurled themselves upon them, and hastened the movement. the guard had no idea of making a frontal attack upon an enemy so strongly posted, and had, as frank had heard him say before he dismounted, intended to compel them to fall back by flank attacks. he was not surprised, therefore, to hear the trumpet sounding the recall. the summons was, however, unheard, or at any rate unheeded, by the genoese, who continued to press hotly upon the neapolitans; the latter had now been joined by their supporting line, and garibaldi saw that the small party, who were now almost surrounded, must be destroyed, unless he advanced to their assistance. the trumpet accordingly sounded the charge, and the men sprang to their feet and dashed forward at full speed. the fighting had been hand to hand, and the garibaldians had only gained the advantage so far from the fact that they were accustomed to fight each for himself, and were individually more powerful men; it was indeed their habit, in all their fights, to rely on the bayonet, and they still pressed forward. frank was now as cool and collected as he would have been in a football match, and had several times to congratulate himself on the training he had received in the use of his sword, having two combats with neapolitan officers, and each time coming off victorious. presently, in front of him, he saw one of the neapolitan standards. in the confusion it had been left almost unguarded; and calling to three or four of the men around him, he dashed at it. there was a short, sharp fight: the men standing between him and the flag fell before the bayonets of the garibaldians. frank engaged in a tough encounter with the officer who held the flag, and finally cutting him down, seized the staff and carried it back into the garibaldian ranks. "well done, well done, percival!" he turned and saw garibaldi himself, who, at the head of his main body, had that instant arrived. the neapolitans, although also reinforced, fell back up the hill. the face of the ascent was composed of a series of natural terraces, and as they retreated up these, a storm of fire from the reserve at the top of the hill and the cannon there, was poured upon the garibaldians. the general halted his men for a minute or two at the foot of the lower terrace, where they were sheltered by the slope from the missiles of the enemy; they were re-formed, and then re-commenced the ascent. it was hot work; the ground was very steep, and swept by the enemy's fire. as each terrace was gained, the men rushed across the level ground and threw themselves down panting at the foot of the next slope, where they were to some extent sheltered. two or three minutes, and they made their next rush. but little return to the enemy's fire was attempted, for the wretched muskets with which they had been supplied at genoa were practically useless, and only the genoese, who had brought their own carbines, and were excellent shots, did much execution. several times the neapolitans attempted to make a stand, but were as often driven back. on this occasion, however, they fought well and steadily; the terror of garibaldi's name had ceased to have its effect during the twelve years that had elapsed since ferdinand's army had fled before him, but the desire to wipe out that disgrace no doubt inspired them, and garibaldi afterwards gave them full credit for the obstinacy with which they had contested his advance. at last the uppermost terrace was reached; there was one more halt for breath, and then the garibaldians went forward with a cheer. the resistance was comparatively slight: the neapolitan troops at first engaged had already exhausted their ammunition, and had become disheartened at their failure to arrest the impetuous assault of their enemies; and when the garibaldians reached the summit of the hill, they found that the enemy were in full retreat. exhausted by their efforts, and having suffered heavy loss, they made a short halt; the horses of the general and his staff were brought up by the small party who had been left with the guns, and who had advanced across the plain at some little distance in the rear of the fighting line. as soon as they arrived the advance continued until the little army halted at calatafimi, some miles from the scene of battle. the garibaldians had captured only one cannon, a few rifles, and a score or two of prisoners, for the most part wounded; but by the defeat of the enemy they had gained an enormous advantage, for, as the news spread throughout the country, its dimensions growing as it flew, it created great enthusiasm, and from every town and village men poured down to join the army of liberation. the neapolitan governor had indeed made a fatal mistake in not placing a much larger force in the field for the first engagement. the troops fought bravely, and though beaten, were by no means disgraced; and had they been supported by powerful artillery, and by a couple of regiments of cavalry, which could have charged the garibaldians in the plain, the battle would have had a very different result. at calatafimi the garibaldians halted. the neapolitan wounded had been left here; their own had, when the fighting ceased, been sent back to vita. the inhabitants vied with each other in hospitality to them, and although saddened by the loss of many of their bravest comrades, all regarded the victory they had won as an augury of future success. already the country had risen; the neapolitans in their retreat had been harassed, and numbers of them killed by the peasants; every hour swelled the force, and next morning they set out in the highest spirits, and with a conviction that success would attend them. and yet there were grave difficulties to be met, for ten thousand neapolitans were massed in two formidable positions on the road by which it was believed that the garibaldians must advance, and twelve thousand remained in garrison at palermo. that evening they reached alcamo, a large town, where they were received with enthusiasm. the excitement was even more lively when the next day they entered partinico, where the inhabitants, who had been brutally treated by the neapolitans in their advance, had risen when they passed through as fugitives, and massacred numbers of them, and pursued them a considerable distance along the road to palermo. at this point the garibaldians left the road, and ascended to the plateau of renne, and thence looked down on the rich plain in which palermo stands, and on the city itself. here two days of tremendous rain prevented farther movement. "you are now seeing the rough side of campaigning, percival," rubini said, with a laugh, as the four friends sat together in a little arbour they had erected, and over the top of which were thrown two of their blankets. "it is not very pleasant, certainly," frank agreed; "but it might be a good deal worse; it is wet, but it is not cold, and we are not fasting; we each of us laid in a good stock of provisions when at partinico, but i certainly never anticipated that we should have to rely upon telegraph poles for a supply of fuel: it is lucky that the wires run across here, for we should certainly have had to eat our meat raw, or go without, if it hadn't been for them." none of the men appeared to mind the discomfort; the supply of wood was too precious to be used except for cooking purposes, and indeed it would be of no use for the men to attempt to dry their clothes until the downpour ceased. two days later, the enemy having sent out a strong reconnoitring party, garibaldi determined to cross the mountains and come down upon the main southern road from palermo. officers had been sent to the various towns on that road to summon all true men to join. the force started in the evening and performed a tremendous march; the guns were lashed to poles and carried on the men's shoulders, the boxes of ammunition were conveyed in the same manner. the rain continued incessantly, and there was a thick fog which added greatly to the difficulties. it was not until daylight that the head of the column began to straggle into parco, on the southern road. they at once seized some commanding positions round the place, and began to throw up entrenchments, but as parco was commanded by hills, it could not be defended against a determined attack. two days later two strong columns marched out from palermo. the first advanced by the road that crossed the valley, and threatened the garibaldian rear by the passage through the hills known as the pass of piana dei greci. garibaldi at once sent off his artillery and baggage by the road, and with a company of his cacciatori and a body of the new levies, who were known as picciotti, hurried to the pass, which they reached before the neapolitans arrived there. on their opening fire, the neapolitans, thinking that they had the whole garibaldian force in front of them in an extremely strong position, retired at once. finding that the freedom of his movements would be embarrassed by his cannon, which under the most advantageous circumstances could not contend against those of the enemy, he sent them away along the southern road, while he withdrew his force from parco, and for a short time followed the guns; he then turned off into the mountains and directed his march to misilmeri, a few miles from palermo, having completely thrown the enemy off his track. the pursuing column, believing that the whole garibaldian force was retreating with its guns, pushed on rapidly, while garibaldi had already turned the strong position of monreale, and was preparing to attack the town. his force had here been increased by the volunteers who had arrived from the southern villages. the neapolitan general, lanza, soon obtained information as to the invader's position, and prepared with absolute confidence to meet his attack, which must, he believed, be made by the coast road. on the evening of the th garibaldi moved across the country by a little-frequented track, and the next morning appeared on the road entering the town at the termini gate. the twelve thousand neapolitan troops who still remained in the town had no suspicion that their foe was near. the day before, the commander of the column that had passed through parco had sent in the news that he was in hot pursuit of the garibaldians, who were flying in all directions, and the governor had given a banquet in honour of the rout of the brigands. the military bands had played on the promenade, and the official portion of the population had been wild with joy. on the other hand, messages had passed constantly between garibaldi's agents and the leaders of the patriotic party in the town, who had promised that the population would rise as soon as he entered the city. it was upon this promise that the general based his hopes of success; for that three thousand badly armed men could hope to overcome twelve thousand troops, well supported by artillery, and defending the town street by street, seemed impossible even to so hopeful a spirit. no time was lost. the garibaldians rushed forward, drove in at once an outpost stationed beyond the barriers at the gate, and carried the barricades, before the troops could muster in sufficient force to offer any serious resistance. but beyond this the opposition became obstinate and fierce; the cacciatori pressed forward by the principal street, the bands of picciotti distracted the attention of the enemy by advancing by parallel streets, and, although the cannon of the castello mare thundered, pouring shot and shell broadcast into the quarter through which the garibaldians were advancing, and though from the large convent of san antonio, held by a battalion of bersaglieri, a terrible fire was maintained upon the flank of the cacciatori at a distance of a couple of hundred yards, they nevertheless pressed on, clearing the street of the troops who opposed their advance, until they reached the square in the centre of the city. all this time the guns of the neapolitan ships-of-war had been pouring a fierce fire into the town, with the apparent object of deterring the populace from rising, for it was upon private houses that the damage was committed, and was, so far as the garibaldians were concerned, innoxious. for a short time the object was attained: so terrible was the fire that swept the principal streets leading down to the water, so alarming the din of exploding shells and falling walls, that for a short time the populace dared not venture from their houses; but fury succeeded to alarm, and it was not long before the inhabitants flocked out into the streets, and under the direction of colonel acerbi, one of the most distinguished officers of the thousand, began to erect barricades. these sprang up with marvellous rapidity; carts were wheeled out from the courtyards and overturned, men laboured with pickaxes and crowbars tearing up the pavements, women threw out mattresses from the windows; all worked with enthusiasm. garibaldi established himself at the pretorio palace, the central point of the city; and here the members of the revolutionary committee joined him. his staff were sent off in all directions to order all the bands scattered throughout the city to assemble there. the people of palermo were wholly without firearms, as all weapons of the kind had been confiscated by the authorities; but armed with hatchets, axes, knives fastened to the end of sticks and poles to act as pikes, long spits and other improvised weapons, they prepared to defend the barricades. a few, indeed, brought out muskets which had been hidden away when all the houses had been searched for weapons, but the greatest difficulty was experienced from the want of powder. garibaldi now stationed his forces so as to intercept all communications between the various points where the neapolitan troops were concentrated. lanza himself, who was at once commander-in-chief and viceroy, was with several regiments at the royal palace. the castello mare was held by a strong force, and there were some regiments at the palace of finance. these points they had only reached after hard fighting; but once there they were isolated from each other, and to join hands they would have to pass along streets blocked by barricades, and defended by a desperate population, and exposed to the fire of the garibaldians from every window and roof. that night hundreds of men and women were set to work to grind charcoal, sulphur, and saltpetre, to mix them together to form a rough gunpowder, and then to make it up into cartridges. such a compound would have been useless for ordinary purposes, but would have sufficient strength for street fighting, where it was but necessary to send a bullet some twenty or thirty yards with sufficient force to kill. the fire of the fleet, castello mare, and the palace was maintained all day. the town was on fire in many places. a whole district a thousand yards in length and a hundred yards wide had been laid in ashes, convents and churches had been crushed by shells, and a large number of the inhabitants had been killed by grape and cannister; but after four hours' fighting there was a lull in the musketry fire: the neapolitans were gathered in their three strong places, and were virtually besieged there. in spite of the continued cannonade, the populace thronged the streets which were not in the direct line of fire, the bells of the churches pealed out triumphantly; bright curtains, cloths and flags were hung out from the balconies, friends embraced each other with tears of joy; while numbers continued to labour at the barricades, the monks and clergy joining in the work, all classes being wild with joy at their deliverance from the long and crushing tyranny to which they had been subjected. frank had entered the city with the chosen band, who had led the attack on the termini gate, and advanced with them into the heart of the city. in the wild excitement of the fight he had lost all sense of danger; he saw others fall around him, his cheek had been deeply gashed by a bullet, but he had scarce felt the pain, and was almost surprised when a man close to him offered to bind up his wound with his sash. one of the first orders that garibaldi gave, after establishing himself at the pretorio palace was to send for him. "lieutenant percival," he said, "i commit to you the honour of leading a party to the prisons, and liberating all the political prisoners you find there. you have won that distinction by having, in the first place, captured the flag of the tyrants at calatafimi, and also by the gallant manner in which you have fought in the first rank to-day. i marked your conduct, and it was worthy of your brave father. i can give it no higher praise." taking twenty men with him, frank went to the prisons. on entering each, he demanded from the officials a list of all prisoners confined, and the offences with which they were charged, so that no criminals should be released with the political prisoners. he hardly needed the list, however, for the criminals were but few in number, the neapolitan authorities not having troubled themselves with such trifles as robberies and assassinations, but the prisons were crowded with men of the best blood in the city and the surrounding country, who had been arrested upon the suspicion of holding liberal opinions, and who were treated with very much greater severity than were the worst malefactors. the thunder of the guns had already informed them that a terrible conflict was going on, but it was not until frank and his men arrived that the prisoners knew who were the parties engaged, and their joy and gratitude was unbounded when they learned that they were free, now and for ever, from the power of their persecutors. as they marched to the prison, several of the men had shouted to the crowd, "we are going to free the captives." the news had spread like wildfire, and as the prisoners issued from the jail they were met by their friends and relatives, and the most affecting scenes took place. although frank considered it unlikely in the extreme that persons arrested on the mainland would be carried across to the island, he insisted on the warders accompanying him over the whole prison and unlocking every door, in spite of their protestations that the cells were empty. having satisfied himself on this head, he went to the other prisons, where similar scenes took place. the fire of the neapolitan ships was kept up until nightfall, and then ceased, rather from the exhaustion of the gunners, who had been twelve hours at work, than from any difficulty in sighting their guns; for in palermo it was almost as light as day, the whole city being lit up by the tremendous conflagration, and in addition every house save those facing the port was illuminated, candles burning at every window. throughout the night work was carried on, fresh barricades were erected, and others greatly strengthened. it was all-important that the three bodies of troops, isolated from each other, should not effect a junction. boats were sent off to the merchant ships in the harbour in order to purchase powder, but none could be obtained; however, by morning so much had been manufactured that with what still remained in the garibaldian pouches there was enough for the day's fighting. at garibaldi's headquarters there was no sleep that night: the revolutionary committee received orders from the general where the armed citizens were to take their posts at the barricades, and how their men were to be divided into sections. they were to impress upon all that, though the fighting must be desperate, it could not last long. at the royal palace there were no provisions of any kind for the troops stationed there, nor were there any in the palace of finance; so that if the struggle could be maintained for another day or two at the most, the troops would be driven to surrender by starvation. frank had time, after he returned from the prisons, to have his wound dressed, and he then received the congratulations of his three friends, all of whom were more or less severely wounded. "you have come out of it rather the best of us, percival," maffio said: "i have a bullet through the arm, rubini has lost two of the fingers of his left hand, and sarto will limp for some time, for he has been shot through the calf of his leg; so we shall have no scars that we can show, while you will have one that will be as good as a medal of honour." "i am sure i hope not," frank said; "i can assure you that, honourable as it may be, it would be a nuisance indeed, for i should be constantly asked where i got it, and when i answered, should be bothered into telling the whole story over and over again. however, i think we can all congratulate each other on having come out of it comparatively unhurt; i certainly never expected to do so,--the row was almost bewildering." "it was almost as bad as one of your football tussles," sarto laughed. "you may laugh, but it was very much the same feeling," frank replied. "i have felt nearly as much excited in a football scrimmage as i was to-day; i can tell you that when two sides are evenly matched, and each fellow is straining every nerve, the thrill of satisfaction when one finds that one's own side is gaining ground is about as keen as anything one is ever likely to feel." the next day the fighting recommenced, the neapolitan troops making desperate efforts to concentrate. the fighting in the streets was for a time furious. at no point did the enemy make any material progress, although they gained possession of some houses round the palace and finance offices. the barricades were desperately defended by the armed citizens and the picciotti, and from time to time, when the neapolitans seemed to be gaining ground, the men of garibaldi's thousand flung themselves upon them with the bayonet. that morning, under the superintendence of skilled engineers, powder mills were established, and the supply of gunpowder was improved both in quantity and quality, men and women filling the cartridges as fast as the powder was turned out. fighting and work continued throughout the night, and all next day. chapter ix. hard fighting. on the following morning frank was riding with a message from the general, when he heard a sudden outburst of firing at some distance ahead of him. he checked his horse to listen. "that must be near the porto termini," he said, "and yet there are none of the enemy anywhere near there. it must be either some fresh body of troops that have arrived from the south of the island, or bosco's column returned from their fool's errand in search of us. if so, we are in a desperate mess. six thousand neapolitan troops, under one of their best generals, would turn the scale against us; they must be stopped, if possible, till the general can collect our scattered troops." frank's second supposition was the correct one. the two columns that had, as they believed, been in pursuit of garibaldi, had returned to the town. so unanimous were the country people in their hatred of the neapolitans, that it was only on the previous day that they had learned that the enemy, who they believed were fugitives, had entered palermo with their whole force. furious at having been so tricked, they made a tremendous march, and arriving at the termini gate early in the morning, made a determined attack on the guard there, who defended themselves bravely, but were driven back, contesting every step. frank hesitated for a moment, and then shouted to a soldier near him: "run with all speed to the palace; demand to see the general at once. say that you have come from me, and that i sent you to say that the porto termini is attacked, i know not with what force, and that i am going on to try to arrest their progress until he arrives with help. as you run, tell every man you meet to hasten to oppose the enemy." the man started to run, and frank galloped on, shouting to every armed man he met to follow him. the roar of battle increased as he rode. when he reached the long street leading to the gate, he saw that the enemy had already forced their way in, and that a barricade was being desperately defended by the little force that had fallen back before them. his horse would be useless now, and he called to a boy who was looking round the corner of a house. "look here, my lad: take this horse and lead him to the general's headquarters. here is a five-franc piece. don't get on his back, but lead him. can i trust you?" "i will do it, signor; you can depend upon me." frank ran forward. the tremendous roll of fire beyond the barricade showed how strong was the force there, and he felt sure that the defenders must speedily be overpowered. numbers of men were running along the street; he shouted to them: "the barricade cannot hold out; enter the houses and man every window; we must keep them back to the last. garibaldi will be here before long." he himself kept on until within some two hundred yards of the barricade; then he stopped at the door of a house at the corner of a lane at right angles to the street, and ran into it. he waited until a score of men came up. "come in here," he said: "we will defend this house till the last." the men closed the door behind them, and running into the lower rooms, fetched out furniture and piled it against it. they were assisted by five or six women, who, with some children, were the sole occupants of the house. "bring all the mattresses and bedding that you have," frank said to them, "to the windows of the first floor. we will place them on the balconies." in three or four minutes every balcony was lined with mattresses, and frank sheltered his men behind them. looking out, he saw that the fighting had just ceased, and that a dense mass of the enemy were pouring over the barricade; while at the same moment a crackling fire broke out from the houses near, into which its defenders had run, when they saw that the barricade could be no longer defended. along both sides of the street, preparations similar to those he had ordered had been hastily made; and the men who were still coming up were all turning into the houses. directly the neapolitans crossed the barricade, they opened fire down the street, which was speedily deserted; but frank had no doubt that, as the garibaldian supports came up, they would make their way in at the back and strengthen the defenders. a hundred yards higher up the street was another barricade; behind this the townspeople were already gathering. frank ordered his men to keep back inside the rooms until the enemy came along. "your powder is no good till they are close," he said, "but it is as good as the best at close quarters." [illustration: "the hinges of the door were broken off"] from time to time he looked out. the roar of musketry was continuous; from every window came puffs of smoke, while the enemy replied by a storm of musketry fire at the defenders. while the column was still moving forward, its officers were telling off parties of men to burst open the doors and bayonet all found in the houses. he could mark the progress made, as women threw themselves out of the windows, preferring death that way to being murdered by the infuriated soldiers. it was not long before the head of the column approached the house; then frank gave the word, and from every window a discharge was poured into the crowded mass. stepping back from the balconies to load, the men ran out and fired again as soon as they were ready; while through the upper part of the open windows a shower of bullets flew into the room, bringing down portions of the ceiling, smashing looking-glasses, and striking thickly against the back walls. several of the party had fallen in the first two or three minutes, and frank, taking one of their muskets and ammunition, was working with the rest, when a woman whom he had posted below ran up to say that they were attacking the door, and that it was already yielding. two or three shots fired through the keyhole had indeed broken the lock, and it was only the furniture piled against it that kept it in its place. already, by his instructions, the women had brought out on to the landing sofas, chests of drawers, and other articles, to form a barricade there. frank ran down the stone stairs with six of the men, directing the others to form the barricade on the first floor, and to be prepared to help them over as they returned. it was two or three minutes before the hinges of the door were broken off, by shots from the assailants, and as it fell it was dragged out, and a number of men rushed in and began to pull down the furniture behind. now frank and his party opened fire, aiming coolly and steadily. but the soldiers rushed in in such numbers that he soon gave the word, and his party ran upstairs, and, covered by the fire of their comrades, climbed up over the barricade on to the landing. here they defended themselves desperately. the enemy thronged the staircase, those who were in front using their bayonets, while the men in the passage below fired over their heads at the defenders. momentarily the little band decreased in number, until but two remained on their feet by the side of frank. the women, knowing that no mercy would be shown, picked up the muskets of the fallen, and fired them into the faces of the men trying to pull down or scale the barricades. but the end was close at hand, when there came a tremendous crash, a blinding smoke and dust. the house shook to its foundations, and for a moment a dead silence took the place of the din that had before prevailed. frank and his two companions had been thrown down by the shock. half stunned, and ignorant of what had happened, he struggled to his feet. his left hand hung helpless by his side. he took his pistol, which he had reserved for the last extremity, from his belt, and looked over the barricade. at first he could see nothing, so dense was the smoke and dust. as it cleared away a little, he gave an exclamation of surprise and thankfulness: the stairs were gone. "thank god!" he said, turning round to the women behind him, who were standing paralysed by the explosion and shock. "we are safe: the stairs have gone." still he could scarce understand what had happened, until he saw a yawning hole in the wall near the stairs, and then understood what had taken place. the ships-of-war were again at work bombarding the town. one of their shells had passed through the house and exploded under the stairs, carrying them away, with all upon them. below was a chaos of blocks of stone, mingled with the bodies of their late assailants; but while he looked, a fierce jet of flame burst up. "what was there under the stairs?" he asked the women. "the store of firewood, signor, was there." "the shell which blew up the stairs has set it alight," he said. "we are safe from the enemy; but we are not safe from the fire. i suppose there is a way out on to the roof?" "yes, signor." "then do one of you see that all the children upstairs are taken out there; let the rest examine all the bodies of the men who have fallen; if any are alive they must be carried up." he looked down at the two men who had stood by him till the last: one had been almost decapitated by a fragment of stone, the other was still breathing; only three of the others were found to be alive, for almost all, either at the windows or the barricade, had been shot through the head or upper part of the body. frank assisted the women, as well as he was able, to carry the four men still alive up to the roof. the houses were divided by party walls some seven or eight feet high. frank told the women to fetch a chair, a chest of drawers, and a large blanket, from below. the chest of drawers was placed against the wall separating the terrace from that of the next house down the lane, and the chair by the side of it. with the aid of this, frank directed one of the women to mount on to the chest of drawers, and then took his place beside her. "you had better get up first," he said, "and then help me a little, for with this disabled arm i should not be able to manage it without hurting myself badly." with her aid, however, he had no difficulty in getting up. there were several women on the next roof, but they had not heard him, so intent were they in watching the fray; and it was not until he had shouted several times that they caught the sound of his voice above the din of fighting. "i am going to hand some children and four wounded men down to you," he said, as they ran up. the children were first passed down; the women placed the wounded men one by one on a blanket, and standing on two chairs raised it until frank and the woman beside him could get hold. then they lowered it down on the other side until the women there could reach it. only three had to be lifted over, for when it came to the turn of the fourth he was found to be dead. "you will all have to move on," frank said, as he dropped on to the terrace; "the next house is on fire: whether it will spread or not i cannot say, but at any rate you had better bring up your valuables, and move along two or three houses farther. you cannot go out into the street; you would only be shot down as soon as you issued out. i think that if you go two houses farther you will be safe; the fire will take some time to reach there, and the enemy's column may have passed across the end of the street before you are driven out." the women heard what he said with composure; the terrors of the past three days had excited the nerves of the whole population to such a point of tension, that the news of this fresh danger was received almost with apathy. they went down quietly to bring up their children and valuables, and with them one woman brought a pair of steps, which greatly facilitated the passage of the remaining walls. one of the wounded men had by this time so far recovered himself that he was able, with assistance, to cross without being lifted over in a blanket. a fresh contingent of fugitives here joined them, and another wall was crossed. "i think that you are now far enough," frank said: "will you promise me that if the flames work this way"--and by this time the house where the fight had taken place was on fire from top to bottom--"you will carry these wounded men along as you go from roof to roof? i have my duties to perform and cannot stay here longer. of course, if the fire spreads all the way down the lane, you must finally go down and run out from the door of the last house; but there will be comparatively small danger in this, as it will be but two or three steps round the next corner, and you will there be in shelter." "we promise we will carry them with us," one of the women said earnestly: "you do not think that we could leave the men who have fought so bravely for us to be burnt?" frank now proceeded along the roofs. two of the women accompanied him, to place the steps to enable him to mount and dismount the walls. there was no occasion to warn those below as to the fire, for all had by this time noticed it. he went down through the last house, opened the door, and ran round the corner, and then made his way along the streets until he reached the spot where the combat was raging. garibaldi had, on receiving his message, hurried with what force he could collect to the scene of conflict; but, as he went, he received a letter from general lanza, saying that he had sent negotiators on board the flag-ship of the british fleet anchored in the roadstead, admiral mundy having consented to allow the representatives of both parties to meet there. the tone of the letter showed how the sicilian viceroy's pride was humbled. he had, in his proclamation issued four days before, denounced garibaldi as a brigand and filibuster; he now addressed him as his excellency general garibaldi. garibaldi at once went on board the english admiral's ship, but the fire of the neapolitan ships and their guns on shore continued unabated. general letizia was already on board, with the conditions of the proposed convention. to the first four articles garibaldi agreed: that there should be a suspension of arms for a period to be arranged; that during that time each party should keep its position; that convoys of wounded, and the families of officials, should be allowed to pass through the town and embark on board the neapolitan war-ships; and that the troops in the palace should be allowed to provide themselves with daily provisions. the fifth article proposed that the municipality should address a humble petition to his majesty the king, laying before him the real wishes of the town, and that this petition should be submitted to his majesty. this article was indignantly rejected by garibaldi. letizia then folded up the paper and said, "then all communications between us must cease." garibaldi then protested to admiral mundy against the infamy of the royal authorities in allowing the ships and forts to continue to fire upon his troops while a flag of truce was flying. letizia, who could hardly have expected that the article would be accepted, now agreed to its being struck out, and an armistice was arranged to last for twenty-four hours. garibaldi returned on shore, and at a great meeting of the citizens explained the terms to them, and stated the condition that he had rejected. it was greeted with a roar of approval, and the citizens at once scattered with orders to increase the strength of the barricades to the utmost. the work was carried on with enthusiasm; the balconies were all lined with mattresses, and heaped with stones and missiles of all kinds to cast down upon the enemy, and the work of manufacturing powder and cartridges went on with feverish haste. now that the firing had ceased, officers from the british and american vessels off the town came ashore, and many of them made presents of revolvers and fowling-pieces to the volunteers. the sailors on a sardinian frigate almost mutinied, because they were not permitted to go ashore and aid in the defence. before the twenty-four hours had passed, general letizia called upon garibaldi and asked for a further three days' truce, as twenty-four hours was not a sufficient time to get the wounded on board. this garibaldi readily granted, as it would give time for the barricades to be made almost impregnable, and for him to receive reinforcements, while it could not benefit the enemy. volunteers arrived in companies from the country round, and orsini landed with the cannon and with a considerable number of men who had joined him. such was the report given by letizia, on his return to the royal palace, of the determined attitude of the population and of the formidable obstacles that would be encountered by the troops directly they were put in motion, that general lanza must have felt his position to be desperate. he accordingly sent letizia back again to arrange that the troops at the royal palace, the finance office, and the termini gate should be allowed to move down towards the sea and there join hands. to this garibaldi willingly assented, as, should hostilities be renewed, he would be able to concentrate his whole efforts at one point, instead of being obliged to scatter his troops widely to meet an advance from four directions. all idea of further fighting, however, had been abandoned by lanza, and before the end of the armistice arrived, it was arranged that all should be taken on to their ships, and the forts, as well as the town, evacuated. the general also bound himself to leave behind him all the political prisoners who had been detained in the castello mare. the enthusiasm in the city was indescribable, as the neapolitans embarked on board their ships. the released prisoners were carried in triumph to garibaldi's headquarters. every house was decorated and illuminated, and the citizens, proud of the share they had taken in winning their freedom, speedily forgot their toils and their losses. the men who had marched with garibaldi from marsala were glad indeed of the prospect of a short time of rest. for nearly three weeks they had been almost incessantly marching or fighting, exposed for some days to a terrible downfall of rain, without shelter and almost without food. since they had entered palermo, they had only been able to snatch two or three hours' sleep occasionally. they had lost a large number of men, and few of them had escaped unwounded; but these, unless absolutely disabled, had still taken their share in the fighting, and even in the work of building the barricades. for garibaldi's staff there was little relaxation from their labours. in addition to his military duties, garibaldi undertook with his usual vigour the reorganisation of the municipal affairs of the town. the condition of the charitable establishments was ameliorated; schools for girls established throughout the island; a national militia organised; the poorer part of the population were fed and employed in useful work; the street arabs, with whom palermo swarmed, were gathered and placed in the jesuit college, of which garibaldi took possession, to be trained as soldiers. the organisation of the general government of the island was also attended to, and recruiting officers sent off to every district evacuated by the enemy. this garibaldi was able to do, as over £ , , sterling had been, by the terms of the convention, left in the royal treasury when it was evacuated by the enemy. contracts for arms were made abroad; a foundry for cannon established in the city, and the powder mills perfected and kept at work. increasing reinforcements flocked in from the mainland; medici with three steamers and two thousand men arrived the evening before the neapolitan troops had finished their embarkation; cosenz shortly afterwards landed with an equal number; other contingents followed from all the italian provinces. great britain was represented by a number of enthusiastic men, who were formed into a company. among these was a cornish gentleman of the name of peard, who had long been resident in italy, and had imbibed a deep hatred of the tyrannical government that ground down the people, and persecuted, imprisoned, and drove into exile all who ventured to criticise their proceedings. he was a splendid shot, and the coolness he showed, and his success in picking off the enemy's officers, rendered him a noted figure among garibaldi's followers. the army was now organised in three divisions: one under general turr marched for the centre of the island; the right wing, commanded by bixio, started for the south-east; and the left, under medici, was to move along the north coast; all were finally to concentrate at the straits of messina. it was now the middle of july. wonders had been accomplished in the six weeks that had passed since the occupation of palermo. garibaldi, who had been regarded as almost a madman, was now recognised as a power. he had a veritable army, well supplied with funds--for in addition to the million he had found in the treasury, subscriptions had been collected from lovers of freedom all over europe, and specially from england--and although there still remained a formidable force at messina, it was regarded as certain that the whole of sicily would soon become his. one of the neapolitan war-ships had been brought by her captain and crew into palermo and placed at the disposal of garibaldi; two others had been captured. cavour himself had changed his attitude of coldness, and was prepared to take advantage of the success of the expedition, that he had done his best to hinder. he desired, however, that garibaldi should resign his dictatorship and hand over the island to the king of sardinia. the general, however, refused to do this. he had all along declared in his proclamations that his object was to form a free italy under victor emmanuel, and now declared that he would, when he had captured naples, hand that kingdom and sicily together to the king, but that until he could do so he would remain dictator of sicily. there can be no doubt that his determination was a wise one, for, as afterwards happened at naples, he would have been altogether put aside by the royalist commissioners and generals, his plans would have been thwarted in every way, and hindrances offered to his invasion of the mainland, just as they had been to his expedition to sicily. cavour sent over farina to act in the name of the king. admiral persano, who, with a portion of the italian navy, was now at palermo, persuaded garibaldi to allow farina to assume the position of governor; but, while allowing this, garibaldi gave him to understand that he was to attend solely to financial and civil affairs. farina's first move, however, was to have an enormous number of placards that he had brought with him stuck all over the city, and sent to all the towns of the island, with the words, "vote for immediate annexation under the rule of victor emmanuel." the sicilians neither knew nor cared anything for victor emmanuel, whose very name was almost unknown to the peasants. it was garibaldi who had delivered them, and they were perfectly ready to accept any form of government that he recommended. garibaldi at once told farina that he would not allow such proceedings. the latter maintained that he was there under the authority of the king, and should take any steps he chose; whereupon the general sent at once for a party of troops, who seized him and carried him on board persano's ships, with the advice that he should quit the island at once. this put an effectual stop to several intrigues to reap the entire fruits of garibaldi's efforts. frank had passed a weary time. his wound had been a serious one, and at first the surgeons had thought that it would be necessary to amputate the limb. garibaldi, however, who, in spite of his many occupations, found time to come in twice a day for a few minutes' talk with him, urged them, before operating, to try every means to save the arm; and two weeks after frank received the wound, the care that had been bestowed upon him and his own excellent constitution enabled them to state confidently that he need no longer have any anxiety upon that account, as his recovery was now but a question of time. the general thanked frank for the early information sent by him of bosco's arrival, and for his defence of the house, and as a reward for these and his other services promoted him to the rank of captain. a fortnight later, he was so far convalescent that he could move about with his arm in a sling. he had already regained most of his bodily strength, and by the end of the second week in july he was again on horseback. he was, then, delighted when, on july th, he heard that garibaldi was going to start at once to assist medici, who, with cosenz, had advanced to within some twenty miles of messina, and had had some skirmishes with a force of six thousand five hundred picked troops with a powerful artillery. the neapolitans, who were commanded by general bosco, had now taken up a very strong position near the town and fortress of milazzo. colonel corti arrived at palermo on that day with nine hundred men in an american ship. he had left genoa at the same time as medici, but the vessel was captured by neapolitan men-of-war, and towed into naples, where she was anchored under the guns of the fort. she lay there for twenty-two days, when the strong remonstrances of the american minister forced the government of naples to allow her to leave. she now arrived just in time for those on board to take part in the operations. garibaldi embarked a portion of them on a british merchantman he had chartered, and proceeded on board with his staff. the next day he landed at the port of patti, some twenty miles from milazzo, and on the th joined medici's force. a strong brigade that had been sent by land had not yet arrived, but garibaldi determined to attack at once. the position of the neapolitan force was a very strong one. their right extended across the front of the fortress of milazzo, and was protected by its artillery; its approaches were hidden by cactus hedges, which screened the defenders from view, and could not be penetrated by an attacking force, except after cutting them down with swords or axes. the centre was posted across the road leading along the shore. its face was defended by a strong wall, which had been loopholed. in front of this the ground was covered with a thick growth of canes, through which it was scarcely possible for men to force their way. the neapolitan left were stationed in a line of houses lying at right-angles to the centre, and therefore capable of maintaining a flanking fire on any force advancing to the attack. the garibaldians suffered from the very great disadvantage of being ignorant of the nature of the ground and of the enemy's position, the neapolitans being completely hidden from view by the cactus hedges and cane brakes. garibaldi had intended to attack before daylight, but the various corps were so widely scattered that it was broad day before the fight began. as soon as the force had assembled they advanced across the plain, which was covered with trees and vineyards, and as they approached the enemy's position they were received with a heavy fire by the unseen foe. for hours the fight went on. in vain the garibaldians attempted to reach their hidden enemies, for each time they gathered and rushed forward, they were met by so heavy a fire that they were forced to retire. the left wing, indeed, gave way altogether and fell back some distance from the battle-field, but the centre and right, where garibaldi himself, with medici and many of his best officers were fighting, still persevered. at one o'clock garibaldi sent off several of his officers to endeavour to rally and bring up some of the scattered detachments of the left wing. after a lot of hard work they returned with a considerable force. garibaldi, at the head of sixty picked men, made his way along the shore, until, unobserved, they reached a point on the flank of the enemy's left wing; then, pouring in a heavy volley, they dashed forward, captured a gun, and drove the neapolitans from their line of defence. suddenly, however, a squadron of the enemy's cavalry fell upon the garibaldians and drove them back in disorder. garibaldi himself was forced off the road into a ditch; four troopers attacked him, but he defended himself with his sword, until missori, one of his aides-de-camp, rode up and shot three of the dragoons. the other troops, who had been following at a distance, now came up; and together they advanced, driving before them the defenders of the enemy's entrenchments, until these, losing heart, broke into flight towards the town. the panic spread, and at all points the garibaldians burst through the defences, in spite of the fire of the guns of the fortress, and pursued the flying enemy into the town. here a sanguinary contest was maintained for some hours, but at last the neapolitan troops were all driven into the fortress, which, now that the town had been evacuated by their own men, opened fire upon it. the gunners were, however, much harassed by the deadly fire maintained by peard and his companions, all of whom were armed with rifles of the best pattern, while the guns of the garibaldian frigate played upon the sea face of the fortress. the position was, in fact, untenable. general bosco knew that no assistance could reach him, for the greater portion of the neapolitan troops had already withdrawn from the island. the little fortress was crowded with troops, and he had but a small supply of provisions. three days later, he hoisted the white flag, and sent one of his officers into the town to negotiate terms of surrender. these were speedily concluded. all artillery, ammunition, and the mules used by the artillery and transport, were left behind, and the troops were to be allowed to march, with their firearms, down to the wharf; there to be conveyed on board the ships in the harbour, and landed on the mainland. frank had not taken part in the battle of milazzo, which had cost the garibaldians over a thousand in killed and wounded; for he had been despatched by garibaldi, when the latter went on board ship at palermo, to general bixio, who was in the centre of the island, to inform him of the general's advance, and to state that probably he would be in messina in a week. he said that some little time must elapse before the arrangements for the passage across to the mainland could be effected; and that bixio was to continue to stamp out the communistic movement, that had burst out in several of the towns there, and to scatter the bands of brigands; and was, a fortnight after frank's arrival, to march with his force to messina. frank would have much preferred to accompany the general, but the latter said: "no doubt, percival, you would have liked to go with me, but some one must be sent, and my choice has fallen upon you. i have chosen you because, in the first place, you are your father's son. you have already distinguished yourself greatly, and have fought as fearlessly and as steadily as the best of my old followers. surely it would be impossible for me to give you higher praise than that. in the next place, you are not yet fit for the hard work of the campaign. mantoni tells me that it will be some weeks before your arm will be strong again; though the bone has healed better than he had expected, after the serious injury you received in your gallant defence of that house, when bosco entered the town. "but even had it not been for that, i think that you have done more than your share. there are many ardent spirits who have arrived from the mainland, who have not yet had a chance of striking a blow for their country; and it is but fair that they should have their opportunity. moreover, your mother sent you out on a special mission, first to hand to me her noble gift, and secondly to search the prisons in the towns we might occupy, for her father, and possibly her husband. she knew that, going with me, you must share in the perils and honours of the campaign. you have done so gloriously, but in that way you have done enough. grievous indeed would it be to me had i to write to your good mother to say that the son she had sent me had been killed. her father has been a victim for italian liberty. her husband has, if our suspicions are well founded, sacrificed himself by the fearlessness with which he exposed the iniquities of the tyrants' prison-houses. it would be too cruel that she should be deprived of her son also. "i regard it as certain that you will not find those you seek in the prisons of this island. as you saw when we opened the doors here, there were no prisoners from the mainland among those confined there. you will be with me when we cross the straits: it is there that your mission will really begin, and it is best that you should reserve yourself for that. the battle i go to fight now will be the last that will be needed, to secure at least the independence of sicily. and i doubt much whether, when we have once crossed, we shall have to fight as hard as we have done. here we landed a handful; we shall land on the mainland over twenty thousand strong; the enemy despised us then--they will fear us now." "thank you, general; i should not have thought of questioning your orders, whatever they might have been, but i felt for a moment a little disappointment that i was not to take part in the next battle. i will start at once to join general bixio. will it be necessary for me to stay with him till he marches to messina, or can i ride for that city when i have delivered your orders?" "in that you can consult your own wishes, but be assured that i shall not attempt to cross the straits until bixio joins me; and i should say that you would find it more interesting with him than doing routine work at messina; moreover, you must remember that the population there are not all united in our favour, as they are here. they are doubtless glad to be free, but the agents of the revolutionists have been at work among them, and, as you know, with such success that i have been obliged to send bixio with a division to suppress the disorders that have arisen. i have not freed sicily to hand it over to mazzini's agents, but that it shall form a part of united italy under victor emmanuel. still there is enough excitement existing there to render it somewhat hazardous for one of my officers to ride alone through the country, and i think that it would be much better for you therefore to remain with bixio." chapter x. with bixio. just as the ship carrying garibaldi and his followers weighed anchor, frank rode out from palermo. the road was the best in the island, and he arrived late that evening at polizzi, a distance of some forty miles from palermo. on the following day he halted at traina; here he found a detachment of bixio's brigade, which was commanded by rubini, who welcomed him most cordially. "who would have thought of seeing you, percival! surely the general is not coming this way?" "he started yesterday to join medici, and give battle to bosco, who has some seven thousand picked troops at milazzo. he has sent me here with an order for bixio." "it is enough to make one tear one's hair," rubini said, "to think that we are out of it." "well, we have done our share, rubini, and although i was disappointed at first, i admit that it is only fair that the men who have done no fighting should have a turn. we have lost about a third of our number, and most of us have been wounded. medici's corps have never fired a shot yet, nor have those of cosenz; we shall have our share again when we cross to calabria. now, what are you doing here?" "we are scattered about in small detachments, giving a sharp lesson, whenever we get the chance, to the revolutionists." "but who are the revolutionists?" "they are agents of the revolutionary committee--that is, of mazzini and his fanatics--and it seems that several parties of them were landed on the east coast to get up a row on their own account; and just as farina has been trying to induce the country to throw over garibaldi, and declare for victor emmanuel, of whom the people know nothing, and for whom they care less, these agents have been trying to get them to declare for a republic, and they have certainly had more success than farina had. there is nothing tangible in the idea of a king, while, when the poor fools are told that a republic means that the land and property of the rich are to be handed over to the poor, the programme has its attractions. at any rate, it has its attractions for the brigands, of whom, at the best of times, there are always a number in the forests on the slopes of etna; and i have no doubt that money was freely distributed among them to inflame their zeal. several houses of well-to-do citizens and country proprietors had been looted, and something like a reign of terror had begun, before bixio's brigade marched to restore order. "you see there are a great many more of these bands in the forests than usual. after the rising in the winter was suppressed, very many of those who took part in it dared not return to their homes, and so fled to the hills; the better class of these men came in as soon as our capture of palermo made it safe for them to do so. a company of them has been formed, and is now with bixio, and i believe that others have enlisted with medici; still there are a good many of the lower class who joined in the rising, still among the hills. in a rebellion like this the insurgents would be divided into two classes--the one true patriots, the other men who join in the hope of plunder, the discontented riffraff of the towns. a life in the mountains offers great attractions to these: in the first place they don't have to work for a living, and in the next there is always the chance of carrying off some rich proprietor and getting a large ransom for him. these therefore go to swell the ranks of the men who have for years set the authorities of the island at defiance, and have terrorised all the people dwelling on the plains at the foot of etna. "just at present all these men call themselves republicans, and had it not been for bixio's arrival they would have established a perfect reign of terror. we here have shot a good many, and i believe bixio has also given them some sharp lessons; at any rate, our presence here has effectually stopped the game of the revolutionists in the towns and villages on the plain, but it will be a long time indeed before brigandage can be suppressed, and of course there is no intention of attempting such a business now; that will be a work that must be undertaken by government, when italy has achieved her freedom, and feels in a position to turn her attention to putting down these bands which have for years past--i may almost say for centuries--been a disgrace to our land. we are here solely to put a stop to the revolutionary movement, just as garibaldi put a stop to the royal movement by sending farina out of the island." "and where is bixio?" "he has been sweeping through the small towns and villages round the foot of the mountains, and will this afternoon, i believe, arrive at bronte, which has been the headquarters of this revolutionary business. i expect he will put his foot heavily on the men who have been foremost in stirring the people up there. bixio is just the man for this work. he knows that one sharp lesson impresses the minds of people like these sicilians, and has far more effect than lenient measures or verbal reproofs. they have to be taught that it is not for them to meddle in affairs of state. all these matters must be left to their representatives in parliament and the government of the country. the petty authorities of these little towns come to regard themselves as important personages, and indulge themselves in prating on public affairs, instead of minding their own business, which, in this case, is to do their best to give protection to the people in their districts against the incursions of bands of brigands. i suppose you go on to-morrow?" "yes; i shall start at daybreak; it is not many hours' ride." "i have about a score of mounted men here, percival. i will send four of them with you." "surely there is no occasion for that," frank said. "well, i don't know: i think there is. there are no large bands, so far as i know, down in the plain at present; but some of these gangs have broken up, especially those that came from the mainland, and have not as yet taken to the mountains. they go about perpetrating crimes at detached houses or on any traveller they meet. i need not say that at present their animosity to the red shirts is bitter, and that in revenge for their comrades who have been shot or hanged, they would certainly kill any of us on whom they could lay hands; so it would be better for you to have four men as an escort. they might as well be doing that as anything else, for just at present there is nothing going on about here, and it is as dull as it would be in a small garrison town in northern italy. how long do you suppose it will be before we join garibaldi at messina?" "not for some little time, i think. if he and medici defeat bosco at milazzo, as i suppose they will, he will at once go on to messina; but his message to bixio was that it must take some time to make the preparations for crossing to the mainland, and that until he sends word to the general to join him, he is to continue his work of stamping out this movement in restoring order, in reorganising the municipal authorities, and in placing the administration of the towns and villages in the hands of well-affected men, so that there can be no chance of mazzini's party causing any serious disturbances again, after he has left." "i see you still wear your arm in a sling?" "yes; mantoni told me that it would not be safe to take it out of the splints for another month, but he had every hope that when i did so i should be able to use it, though i must not put too much strain on it. of course it is a nuisance, but i have every reason to be thankful, for i was afraid for a time that i was going to lose it altogether." "it was a grand thing, the defence of that house, percival." "it was a grand thing that that shell struck the stairs just when it did, for another minute would have seen the end of the defence and of our lives. as it was, that explosion saved four of us, for the wounded men we carried off are all convalescent,--and also the lives of five women and eight children, for, exasperated as the neapolitans were, they would assuredly have shown no more mercy there than they did in the other houses they entered. i have been well rewarded, for garibaldi has made me captain." sarto and maffio returned at this moment, and the three heartily congratulated frank on his promotion. they had been away with a small detachment to a village three miles distant, in search of a man who had been one of the most prominent in stirring up the peasantry, but he had left before they got there. they spent a pleasant evening together, and in the morning frank started with the four mounted men and rode to bronte. just as he approached the town he heard several volleys of musketry, and on inquiry found that thirty men who had been captured on the march or caught in hiding in the town had been shot. all were strangers--either revolutionary agents or brigands. on inquiring for the general, he found that he had just gone to the town hall, where he had ordered the municipal authorities and the principal citizens to meet him. putting up his horse, he went there first. bixio had just begun to speak. "if i had done my duty," he said, "you as well as the men who have been stirring up riot and revolution would be lying dead outside the town. it is scandalous that you, men who have been elected by your fellows for the maintenance of order and good government in this town and district, should allow yourselves to be terrified into obedience by a handful of agitators, instead of calling out all the men capable of bearing arms and suppressing the sedition at once. you have failed miserably in your duty. the man who came as your deliverer is now, in the hour of battle, weakened by being compelled to send part of his army to suppress the disorder at which you have connived. you private citizens are scarcely less to blame: when you saw that these men were allowing brigandage and robbery to go on unchecked and making speeches subversive of order instead of doing their duty, you should have taken the matter into your own hands, expelled them from the offices they disgraced, and appointed worthier men as your representatives." he spoke to an officer standing by him, who went out and returned with twenty soldiers who had been drawn up outside the hall. bixio remained silent during his absence, and now said: "captain silvio, you will arrest the syndic and these municipal councillors, and march them off to prison. they may think themselves fortunate that i do not order them to be shot for conniving at sedition, and permitting these brigands to carry on their work of crime with impunity." the soldiers surrounded the men pointed out, and marched away with them. "now, sirs," bixio then went on to the private citizens, "you will at once placard the town with notices that the most worthy and loyal man in the town, whoever he may be, is nominated by me as syndic, and that twelve others, all of them loyal and true men, are appointed municipal councillors. i leave it to you to make the choice, but mind that it be a good one. of course i wish men of standing and influence to be appointed, but the one absolute qualification is that they shall be men who have shown themselves opposed to the conduct of those who will pass the next six months in prison; who can be trusted to maintain law and order with a strong hand, to punish malefactors, and to carry out all orders they may receive from general garibaldi, dictator of the island of sicily. let me have the names of the men you have chosen in the course of an hour. i shall have inquiries made as to the character and reputation of each before confirming their appointment. i have nothing more to say." the men retired, looking greatly crestfallen; and bixio, turning round, saw for the first time frank, who had quietly taken up his place behind him. the young fellow had been a great favourite of his ever since he saw him on the occasion of his first visit to garibaldi. "ah, percival, i am glad to see you, and that you should be here is a proof that your arm is getting stronger. i suppose you are here on duty?" "yes, sir; knowing that rumours of various kinds might reach you, the general has sent me to tell you that he has started with a portion of cosenz's men to reinforce medici, and to attack bosco at milazzo. he considers that he will have sufficient force for the purpose, but if not, he will, in a couple of days after he arrives there, be joined by the rest of cosenz's command, who are proceeding by land. after beating bosco, he will go on to messina. it will take him a considerable time to make all the preparations needful for the expedition to the mainland, and he wishes you to continue your work here, to put down all disorder, and to organise and establish strong and loyal municipal and district councils in this part of the island, so that when he advances, he need have no cause for any anxiety whatever for the state of affairs here. he will send you ample notice when all is in readiness for the invasion of calabria." "i should like to be at milazzo," bixio said, "but as that is now impossible i should prefer remaining here until garibaldi is ready to start, to hanging about messina for weeks: that sort of thing is very bad for young troops. here they get plenty of marching, and a certain amount of drill every day, and in another month or six weeks even the latest recruits, who arrived before we left palermo, will be fit to take part in a battle by the side of our veterans. are you to stay with me, or to go on to messina?" "i had no explicit order, sir, but from what the general said, i gathered that he thought it better for me to stay, at any rate for the present, with you. the doctor said that i must keep my arm in a sling for some time to come, and although i did not ride here at any great speed, i feel some sharp twinges in it, and think i should wait a few days before i mount again. after that i shall be happy to carry out any orders, or perform any duty, with which you may think fit to intrust me." "quite right, percival. you will, of course, be attached to my staff while you are with me, and i will set you to easy work when i consider you fit to undertake it. now that i have put things in train here, i shall make it my headquarters for a time, but shall be sending parties to the hills. i know that the villages there are all terrorised by the brigands, and although it is hopeless to try to stamp these fellows out, i may strike a few blows at them. the worst of it is, that half the peasantry are in alliance with them, and the other half know that it is as much as their lives are worth to give any information as to the brigands' movements, so that to a large extent i shall have to trust to luck. when you are able to ride again, i will send you off with one of these parties, for i am sure that the air of the slopes of etna will do an immense deal towards setting you up again, while the heat in the plains is very trying, especially to those who are not in robust health, and are unaccustomed to a climate like this." "it is hot," frank said. "i started my journeys very early in the morning, and stopped for five or six hours in the middle of the day; but i think that, even in that way, the heat has taken a good deal more out of me than the fatigue of riding." "i have no doubt that is so; and i should recommend you, for the next week, to rise at daybreak, lie down, or at any rate keep within doors, between ten or eleven and five in the afternoon, and then take gentle exercise again, and enjoy yourself until eleven or twelve o'clock at night. even the natives of the island keep indoors as far as possible during the heat of the day, at this time of year, and if they find it necessary, it is still more so for you. i suppose you came through traina last night?" "yes, sir; and was very glad to find rubini and my other two friends there." the next week passed pleasantly. bixio himself was often away, making flying visits to the towns and villages where he had left detachments; but as there were several of the officers of the force at bronte, who had crossed in the same ship with him from genoa, and by whose side he had fought at calatafimi and palermo, frank had very pleasant society. indeed, as the majority of the force were men of good family and education, there was, when off duty, little distinction of rank, and with the tie of good comradeship, and of dangers and fatigues borne in common, there was none of the stiffness and exclusiveness that necessarily prevail in regular armies. all of the original thousand knew frank well, had heard how largely the expedition was indebted for its success to the aid his mother had sent, and how he had distinguished himself in the fighting, and they welcomed him everywhere with the utmost cordiality. early in the morning he always went for a walk, and was usually accompanied by one or two of his acquaintances who happened to be off duty. after taking a meal, he generally spent the evening sitting in the open air in front of the principal _café_, eating ices, drinking coffee, and chatting with the officers who gathered there. at the end of a week he no longer felt even passing pains in his arm, and reported to bixio that he was ready for work again. "not hard work," the general said; "but i can give you employment that will suit you. i am calling in rubini's detachment from traina, where things are settling down, and shall send fifty men under his command to the village of latinano. it is some three thousand feet above the sea, and you will find it much more cool and pleasant there than it is here. other villages, on about the same line, will also be occupied. the brigands have found that it is no longer safe to come down into the plains, and i am going to push them as far up the slopes as i can: possibly we may then be able to obtain some information from the peasants below that line as to the principal haunts of these fellows in the mountains. at present these villages that i am going to occupy are all used by the brigands, whom the people regard as good customers; and though they ill-treat and murder without mercy any they suspect of being hostile to them, it is of course to their interest to keep well with the majority, and to pay for what they want. terror will do a good deal towards keeping men's mouths shut; but anything like the general ill-treatment of the population would soon drive somebody to betray them. "of course, hitherto the brigands have had little fear of treachery. the commanders of the bourbon troops had no disposition to enter upon toilsome expeditions, which offered small prospect of success, merely to avenge the wrongs of the peasants; but now matters have changed. we are not only willing, but eager, to suppress these bands; and, seeing that we are in earnest, some of the peasantry may pluck up heart enough to endeavour to get rid of those who at present hold them at their mercy. "however, i own i have no very great hopes that it will be so. there exists, and has existed for many years, an association called the mafia, which extends over the whole island. it comprises men of all classes, from the highest to the lowest, and exercises a terrible power. no one, save the leaders, know who are its members, and therefore each distrusts his neighbour. a murder is committed. every one may be perfectly well aware who is its author, and yet no one dare say a word. if by some chance the carabinieri, knowing the assassin had a standing feud with the victim, lay hands upon him, the organisation sets to work. the judge himself may be a member; if not, he speedily receives an intimation that his own life will be forfeited if the murderer is condemned. but it is seldom that this is necessary. the jailors are bribed or terrorised, and when the time comes for him to be brought to trial, it is found that he has mysteriously escaped; and, in the few cases where a man is brought into court, no witnesses dare appear against him, and he is certain to be acquitted. it is a scandalous state of things, and one which, we may hope, will be changed when italy is free, and able to attend to its domestic affairs. but at present the organisation is all-powerful, so that you see it is not only the vengeance of the brigands, but the power of the mafia, which seals men's mouths, and enables criminals to carry on their proceedings with but little fear of the arm of the law." "i am much obliged to you for sending me up with rubini," frank said; "and i shall greatly enjoy the mountain air, but i hardly see that i can be of much service there." "not much, perhaps; but it will fit you to do duty when we land in calabria. rubini's corps is, like the rest, composed partly of men who have seen service before, with a few of the thousand; but with them are a large proportion of fresh arrivals, as brave, no doubt, as the others, but without their experience. he will at times make excursions if he can obtain news of a party of brigands being in the neighbourhood, in which case he will naturally take the men he can most rely upon; and i shall request him when he is away to intrust the command of those left in the village to you, who are one of the thousand. you are a captain, as i heard with much pleasure in a letter from garibaldi, and on the general's staff; and as you showed how stoutly you could defend a house against an overwhelming force, you could certainly hold a village with fifteen or twenty men against any number of brigands who might try to take advantage of the absence of a portion of the force to attack those that remained there. however, it is not likely that anything of the sort will take place: the brigands are not fond of fighting unless there is ample booty to be obtained, though they might endeavour to avenge the losses they have sustained by a sudden attack, if they thought they could take you wholly unawares. rubini will arrive here with his corps to-morrow afternoon, and will start the next day with half his detachment; the other half will go to malfi, a village ten miles from latinano." "you are looking better," rubini said, as frank met him, when the company piled arms in the principal square in the town. "you said you were all right when i saw you the other day, but you were not looking so." "no; i was feeling the ride, and my arm was hurting me a bit. however, ten days' rest has set me all right again, and i am quite equal to moderate work. do you know what you are going to do?" "no, i have only orders to march in here to-day." "well, i can tell you. several detachments, of fifty men each, are going up to the villages some three thousand feet up the slopes of etna. your company is to be divided into two. you with half of them are to go to latinano, and the other half to malfi, a place ten miles from it. your lieutenant, pasco, will take the other wing to malfi. i am going with you." "well, in that case i shall not mind it, though it will not be lively there unless we have a brush with the brigands. it will at any rate be a great deal cooler than traina, which was an oven for six hours every day. are you going as second in command?" "to a certain extent, yes. bixio said that, as i should be no good for fighting at present, i was to take command of the village when you were away brigand-hunting. he said that naturally you would take your best men for that work, and leave some of those who have had as yet no experience in fighting to take care of the village." "well, they could not be left in better hands than yours," rubini said heartily. "i shall be very glad to have you with me." at daybreak the next morning rubini's little column got into motion. frank was the only mounted officer, and he took his place by the side of bixio, who marched at the head of the column. the rise was steady, and though occasionally they came to steeper places, there was no pause, with the exception of a couple of halts for a few minutes, and they reached latinano at eleven o'clock, having been nearly seven hours on the way. there was no demonstration of welcome when they arrived, nor did they expect it. doubtless such of the villagers as felt glad to see them march in would be afraid to show it openly, as they would assuredly suffer, were they to do so, when the troop marched away again. rubini at once quartered his men in twos and threes among the houses. he himself, with frank as his lieutenant, accepted the invitation of the priest, whose house was the best in the village, to stay there. "it is not like the palazzo at palermo, percival," rubini laughed; "but you can scarcely expect that on mount etna; at any rate, it is a vast improvement on our camping ground on the plains." the priest set before them what provisions he had in the house, and assured them that he would provide better for them in the future. rubini, however, knowing how poor were the priests of these mountain villages, told him that, although they thankfully accepted his hospitality on that occasion, they would in the future cater for themselves. "we have," he said, "two waggons following us; they will be up by the evening. we have no idea of imposing ourselves, or our men, upon the inhabitants of this village, who assuredly could hardly fill fifty additional mouths. we have brought with us flour, wine, and other necessaries, and no doubt we shall be able to purchase sheep and goats from your people, who, by the way, did not appear to be very much pleased at our arrival." "you must not blame them, signor. in the first place, they are poor; and once, when a detachment of bourbon troops came up here, they devoured everything, and paid for nothing: happily they only stayed for a week, or the village would have been ruined. after the tales that have been spread of the lawlessness of garibaldi's troops, they must have feared that even worse than what before happened was about to befall them." "they do nothing but tell lies of us," rubini said angrily. "never since we landed at marsala have we taken a mouthful of food without paying for it, unless it has been spontaneously offered to us, as it was when we were fighting at palermo." "i have no doubt that what you say is true, signor; but the poor people have been taught to believe otherwise, so they are hardly to blame if they did not evince any lively joy at your arrival. moreover, they do not know how long you are going to stay here, and are well aware that any who show satisfaction at your coming, or who afford you any aid or hospitality beyond that which they dare not refuse, will be reported to the brigands, who will take a terrible revenge after you have left the village." "i can understand that their position is not a comfortable one," rubini said; "but the people of these districts have largely brought it upon themselves. i do not say that they are in a position to resist large parties of brigands, but their sympathy seems to be everywhere with these scoundrels; they afford them every information in their power, screen them in every way, give false information to the carabinieri, and hinder the course of justice. people who act thus must not be surprised if they are regarded as allies of these bands, and they must put up with the inconvenience of having troops quartered upon them, and may think themselves fortunate that the consequences are no worse. at present we are not here to act against the brigands alone, as that work must be postponed until other matters are settled, and the government has time to turn its attention to rooting out a state of things that is disgraceful to the country. we are here now as the agents of general garibaldi, dictator of sicily, to suppress--not crime--but the stirring-up of insurrection and revolt against the existing government of the island." "i heartily wish that it could be rooted out," the priest said. "i can assure you that we, whose work lies in these mountain villages, feel the evil consequences to the full as much as those who work in the towns and villages lying round the foot of the mountains. it is not that our people suffer so greatly in pocket--for the most part they are too poor to be robbed; the few that are better off pay a yearly contribution, and as long as they do so are left in peace, while the better class down in the plains are liable at any time to be seized and compelled to pay perhaps their all to save their lives. the harm is rather to their souls than to their bodies; as you say, their sympathies are wholly with the brigands, they come to regard them as heroes, and to think lightly of the terrible crimes they commit upon others; and not infrequently some young man more enterprising than the rest, or one who has perhaps stabbed a rival in love or has been drawn for service in the army, takes to the hills and joins them, and for so doing he incurs no reprobation whatever. it is a sad state of things, and i trust that when your general has settled all other matters in the island he will employ his whole force in a campaign against the brigands. it is not a work to be taken up by small parties; the evil has grown to such dimensions that nothing short of an army would root it out, and indeed it could only then be accomplished by months of patient work, so extensive are the forests, so great the facility for concealment." "it will fall to other hands than garibaldi's, father. his mission is to deliver sicily and the mainland from the bourbon rule, and then to hand them over to victor emmanuel, who, a free king over a free nation, will be able to remove all these abuses that have flourished under the bourbons. as for us, we are soldiers without pay, fighting for love of our country. when we have done our work and freed it from its oppressors, we shall return to our homes, and leave it to the king, his parliament, and the regular army to put down such abuses as this brigandage. i suppose, father, it would hardly be fair to ask you if there are many of these fellows in the neighbourhood?" the priest smiled. "i do not mind telling you that there was a band of some fifty of them within five miles of this place yesterday. this morning it was known that several detachments of troops would march from bronte at daybreak, and that their destination was the mountains. i have no doubt whatever that the news was carried to the band half an hour later; and by this time they are probably twenty miles away up in the forests, but in which direction i have no idea, nor do i know what their plans are. it may be that so long as these villages are held they will move round to the other side of etna. it may be that several of the bands will unite and attack one or other of your parties, not for what they think they would get, but as a lesson that it would be better to leave them alone. i should say that, except by pure accident, you are not likely to catch sight of a brigand--unless, indeed, one comes down here as a shepherd from the hills, to make some small purchases, and to gather news." "i think that is likely to be the result of our journey," rubini laughed; "but, nevertheless, our being here will have served its purpose. so long as we and the other detachments are up here, the brigands will not care to venture into the plain; nor will the agents of the revolution who are with them. if they do, they are not likely to get safely back again. i may tell you that signals have been arranged by which smoke from the hill-tops near bronte will give us information that some of these bands have passed down the mountain, the direction in which they have gone, and that in which they are retiring; and i fancy they will hardly regain the mountains without being intercepted by one or other of our parties. it is true that we shall not remain here very long; but by the time we go, there will be a very different system established throughout the island; and they will find in future that they can no longer get friends and abettors among the local authorities, but will have to meet an active resistance, that plunder cannot be obtained without fighting, and that even when obtained it will not be carried off to the hills without a hot pursuit being maintained." "i shall be glad indeed if it is so," the priest said. "if the people of the towns and villages will but combine, and are actively supported by small bodies of troops in all the towns, it will deal a far heavier blow to brigandage than can be effected by sending flying expeditions into the mountains." chapter xi. a hazardous expedition. "i fancy, percival, that the brigands are far more likely to find us than we are to find them," rubini said on the following morning, when he and frank strolled out into the village. "we can expect no information from these people; and as to marching about on the off chance of lighting upon them, it would be simply absurd. on the other hand, the brigands will know, by this time, where all our detachments are quartered, and what is their strength. they must be furious at the losses they have had down in the plains; some forty or fifty of them have been killed in fights, and over a hundred shot, at bronte and other towns. they must be burning for vengeance. i cannot help thinking that some of these bands are likely to unite, and attack some of our posts. even if they came a couple of hundred strong, we might feel pretty safe of beating them off if they ventured by daylight; but a sudden attack at night might be extremely serious." "very serious indeed," frank agreed. "scattered as the men are, through the village, they would be shot down as they came out of the houses." "it is an awkward position, certainly," rubini said, "and one that i don't see my way out of." "i should say, rubini, the best thing we could do would be to quarter ourselves in the church." "it would be a very serious step," rubini said gravely. "we know that one of the great weapons the neapolitans have used against us is, that we are heretics and atheists; and were we to occupy the church, reports would circulate through the island that we were desecrators." "they spread that sort of reports, whether there is any foundation for it or not, rubini; besides, at palermo we used several of the churches as hospitals for the wounded. but there would be no occasion for us to live and take our meals in the church, or to interfere with the services. if we keep half a dozen sentries round the village, we need not fear any surprise during the daytime, but could go on as usual in the houses where we are quartered, taking our meals there, and so on; then at night we could retire to the church, and sleep there securely with a couple of sentries posted at the door." "i think that is a very good idea; at any rate, we will tell the priest when we go in to breakfast, and hear what he says. he is a good fellow, i think--though, of course, his hands are very much tied by the position he is placed in." after they had eaten their breakfast, rubini went with frank to the priest's room. "padre," he said, "we don't like our position here. it is certain that the brigands have no reason to love us, and that after the numbers who have been put out of the way down below, they must be thirsting for revenge." "that is certainly to be expected," the priest said gravely. "therefore we think it is by no means unlikely that several of these bands will unite in an attack on one of our posts." "i hinted as much as that to you last night." "you did, padre; and the more i think of it, the more probable it seems to me that this is what they will do. it may be this post, or another; but i feel that, although we could beat off any attack in the daytime, it would be most serious were they to fall upon us at night, when we are scattered throughout the village." "it would certainly be so, signor. the consequences would, i think, be most grave." "therefore, padre, we intend to retire to the church every evening." "between ourselves, captain rubini, i am not sorry that you have made that proposal, or rather, have announced to me your intention of doing so. you will understand that it was a suggestion that could not come from me, and that i bow to your decision, having no means of resisting it; that being understood, i can say, frankly, that i think the plan a wise one. i hope that you do not intend to occupy it during the day, nor to eat and drink there, but simply to pass the night in the shelter of its walls, and that at all other times our services can be held as usual?" "certainly; that is our intention. we wish to put the people to no inconvenience, and to abstain, as far as possible, from doing aught that would hurt their feelings, by, as they would consider it, desecrating the church. things will simply go on as they do now in the daytime, but at nightfall we shall march into the church, and place two sentries at the door; and in the morning we shall leave it, after placing everything in order, as far as we can, at a quarter to six--so that you can hold your morning mass at the usual hour." "i am well pleased with the arrangement. should my people or others complain of your thus using the church, i can say that it was no proposal of mine, and that you did not ask my opinion on the subject; but simply informed me of your intention, which, of course, i have no power to combat. i may tell you that i have no sure intelligence whatever that the brigands meditate such an attempt, either here or at other villages, where parties of your troops have gone; but knowing the people as i do, i think it very likely that such an attack may be made. i myself, a well-wisher of your general and of his great movement, am convinced that the people can never be raised from their present condition, so long as we are subject to the government of naples. i believe that, with freedom, the island would advance, not only in prosperity, but in orderly life and all the blessings of civilisation; and none will hail more heartily than i the establishment of a constitutional government, such as is enjoyed by that portion of italy under the rule of victor emmanuel. still, so long as things exist as they do in the mountains, it would do more harm than good, were i to declare my feelings. i speak not of personal danger, but i should lose all power and influence over my flock; therefore, though heartily wishing you well, i cannot openly aid you. i shall on sunday speak from the pulpit, pointing out that the conduct of your soldiers shows that the reports that have been circulated regarding them are untrue; that they come here with no evil intentions towards us, and that i trust when they retire they will carry with them the good wishes of all; that i hope above all things, nothing will occur that will cause trouble, still less evil to our guests, for not only have they given no occasion for animosity, but if any harm befall them here, we may be sure that their general at bronte will send up a strong body of troops, who will probably burn the village to the ground, and shoot every man they catch. i should say, signor, that my words would be more likely to have effect were some of your soldiers, and perhaps one of yourselves, to attend mass daily; this would show that you were not, as they have been told, despisers of all religion, and go far to remove the unfavourable impression with which i cannot deny that you are regarded." "the suggestion is a good one, sir," rubini said, "and i will see that it is carried out. i will come each morning. captain percival is an englishman, and what you would call a heretic, so he will, i know, undertake to be on duty about that hour. "then we quite understand each other, padre: openly you protest against our using the church, privately you approve of our doing so?" "my protest will not be a strong one," the priest said, with a smile; "indeed, i shall tell my people that, although i have thought it my duty to protest formally, i cannot but see that it is best that it should be so, as it will ensure peace and tranquillity in the village, and will do away with the risks of broils when men sit drinking after dark in wine-shops." when the church bell rang for the midday mass, the villagers were surprised to see rubini enter the edifice, and that some twenty of his men straggled in, not as a body ordered to take part in a service, but as if it was their regular custom as individuals to attend service. before the bell ceased ringing, frank also went in, and sat down by rubini; when they left together at the close of a short service rubini said, "i did not expect to see you, percival." "why not?" frank replied: "if there were a protestant church, of course i should go to it, but as there is not, i come here. surely it is better to say one's prayers in a church of a religion that on all its main points differs but slightly from our own, than to abstain from going to church at all. and now, what are we to do with ourselves? i suppose we can hardly start for a long walk?" "i should think not," rubini said grimly--"at least, not without taking twenty men with us. it is as likely as not that we are watched from the forest, and if we were to go out alone, we might be pounced upon by fellows lying in ambush for us, or at best get a bullet through our head." "at best?" frank laughed. "certainly at best," rubini replied gravely. "it would be better to die with a bullet through one's head than to fall into the hands of these vindictive scoundrels, who would certainly select some much slower and more painful way of putting an end to our existence. no, there must be no walking about beyond the edge of the village." "then, in fact, rubini, our journey up here is to be a mere useless promenade?" "i am afraid so. there is only one hope. it may be taken as a fact that in every band of scoundrels--whether they are robbers or conspirators or bandits--there are sure to be one or two discontented spirits, men who think that they ought to have been chosen as chiefs, that their advice has been slighted, or that their share of the plunder is insufficient; and should an opportunity occur, men like these are always ready to turn traitors, if they think that they can do so with safety. i do not suppose that the bands in these mountains are any exception; indeed, the chances of dissent are larger than usual, for we may be sure that both the brigands and these men who have been sent over from the mainland to foment discontent and create a counter-revolution in favour of a republic are greatly dissatisfied with the result of their joint undertaking. the prompt step garibaldi took in sending bixio's division here must have upset all their plans. the guerrillas, no doubt, have taken a considerable amount of booty; but this could have been done without the aid of the strangers. the latter counted on doing great things with the assistance of the brigands. they have failed altogether. a good many of both sections have been killed; and i should imagine, at the present time, that there is not much love lost between them. "it is therefore quite possible that some of these men are perfectly ready to betray the rest; and i regard it as on the cards that i may get a message to the effect that one of them will, if promised a pardon and a handsome reward, conduct us to the rendezvous where the band is gathered. in that case we should not return empty-handed. in some respects it is better that we should get at them that way than in any other; for the knowledge that one of their bands had been destroyed by treachery on the part of a member would cause a feeling of distrust and uneasiness in every gang in the mountains. every man would begin to suspect every other man of being a traitor; and although the fear of being either followed or killed, or of being denounced as a traitor and murdered, perhaps days, perhaps weeks, perhaps even months afterwards, but certainly some day or other, would keep the bands together, yet they would lose all heart in the business; quarrels would break out, desperate fights would take place, and many of their parties would finally break up; while the others would, for a considerable time at least, undertake no fresh enterprises." four days passed without incident. an hour after sunset the men marched to the church, the muskets were piled inside, and they were then permitted to sit on the steps outside smoking and talking until nine o'clock, when sentries were posted, and the men lay down inside. late on the following afternoon, as rubini with a sergeant was at the end of the village, a woman, standing half-hidden in some bushes a short distance away, motioned to him that she wanted to speak to him. "there might be half a dozen men hidden in that bush," rubini said. "let us turn off and go to that shed, and beckon to her to come to us. if we stand close to it, no one will see her speaking to us." the woman hesitated for some time, evidently afraid to leave the shelter of the bushes. then, making a sign to rubini that she would join them presently, she went back into the wood. in a short time she came out on the other side and walked a couple of hundred yards away; then she turned and made a wide circuit, keeping as much as possible in shelter, and at last joined them. she was a wild-looking creature: her hair was in disorder; her face bore signs of tears; her clothes were torn in several places, as if she had run recklessly through a thick wood. she might have cried as she came; but at present her flushed face, her fierce eyes, her tightly compressed lips, and her quick breathing, spoke of passion rather than grief. "what do you want with me?" rubini asked. [illustration: "in her excitement she fell on her knees"] "i have come to ask for vengeance," the woman panted. "prato has this afternoon shot my husband, and for what? merely because he said that if the band were not going to do anything, he would return home. that was all; and prato drew his pistol and shot him. my antonio! i cannot bring him to life again, but i can avenge him. signor, the band of prato, the most merciless and most famous of our chiefs, lies but five miles away; i will lead you to the place, but you must swear to me that you will show him no mercy. if you take him prisoner, he will escape: no judge in the island dare convict him, no jailor would dare keep his door shut. i must have his life-blood; unless you will swear this i will not take you to him. as for the others, i care not, but i should like them all to be killed, for they laughed when prato shot my antonio like a dog; but i bargain not for them. do as you will with them, but prato must die. i ask no reward--i would not touch blood money; i ask only for vengeance," and in her excitement she fell on her knees, and waving her arms above her head, poured down a string of maledictions upon the brigand chief. "i can promise you that he shall not be taken prisoner," rubini said. "the villain has committed a score of murders; but he might escape." "he will fight to the last," the woman said; "he is a devil, but he is no coward. but he would find it difficult to escape. his fires are lit at the foot of a crag, and if you approach him on both sides and in front, he must fight." "how many men has he?" "thirty-seven, counting himself, signor; but you will take them by surprise, and can shoot down many before they can fire a shot." "what do you think, zippo?" rubini asked, drawing his comrade two or three paces aside. "the man is one of the most notorious brigands in the mountains. there has been a big reward offered for him, dead or alive, for years past; it would be a grand service if we could destroy him and his band, and we should earn the gratitude of all the towns and villages below there." "yes, it would be a grand exploit," the sergeant said eagerly, "for us to accomplish what the neapolitan troops and carabinieri have so long failed to do. per baccho, 'tis a glorious stroke of luck." "that is what i think," rubini said. then he went to the woman. "we are ready to aid you to avenge your husband," he said. "you know your way through the forest in the dark?" "i know it well. prato's band has been in this neighbourhood for months past, and i have been in here scores of times to buy provisions. there are two or three paths by which you might go, and i know all of them; if you like you can carry a lantern until you are within half a mile of them. the forest goes well-nigh up to the cliff." "i will not start till nine o'clock," rubini said. "at that time my men withdraw into the church; but we can move out by the door of the vestry behind, and no one in the village will dream that any of us have left the place. will you be at that door five minutes after the clock strikes?" "i will be there," the woman said fiercely, turning and shaking her fist in the direction from which she had come. as frank was strolling up the street he met the two friends, for zippo was a cousin of the captain. "i have some very important news to give you, percival," rubini said, as they met him; "but i won't tell you here, for the people loitering about might notice that i was talking seriously, and suspect that something out of the way had occurred. let us walk down quietly to the other end of the village, and out of earshot of any of the houses; until we get there let us chat of other matters. your arm still goes on well?" "it could not be better. five or six days of this mountain air has done me no end of good. i have not felt a single twinge in my arm, and i believe i could use it for all ordinary purposes now with perfect safety." "that is a pretty little child, isn't she, if her face were but clean? i should doubt if it has ever been really washed. i should certainly say that her hair has never been combed. there: the little beggar knows we are speaking of her. did you see how she scowled? she has evidently picked up the popular sentiment concerning us." when fairly beyond the village rubini told his story. "it will be splendid," he said. "why, the capture of prato would cause almost as much sensation in sicily as the taking of palermo!" "yes, it would be a grand thing," frank agreed; "but are you quite sure, rubini, that her story is a true one, and not a feint to draw you into an ambush?" "i am perfectly convinced of the woman's earnestness, percival, and so would you have been had you seen her. do you not agree with me, zippo?" "certainly. i have not the slightest doubt in my mind as to the fact that she was speaking the truth." "well, if you are both perfectly satisfied," frank said, "there can be no doubt that it would be a great service to destroy this fellow's band. how many men do you propose to take with you?" "i should certainly take as strong a force as possible. these brigands are desperate fellows when cornered." "well, there would be no occasion to leave many men with me," frank said; "as you would no doubt get away unnoticed, it would be supposed that the whole force is as usual in the church. if you leave me five good men i shall be quite satisfied, and when you have gone we will barricade the doors, and could hold out stoutly for a long time. there is very little woodwork about the place, and if we were driven into the belfry they could not burn us out. however, it might be a wise precaution if you were to tell three or four of your men to buy a couple of loaves apiece and a skin of wine; as it will be dusk before they go as usual to the church steps, they could bring these with them without being noticed." "i will do as you suggest, percival, but i really think that you are carrying precaution beyond what is necessary." "it will not be an expensive precaution," frank replied, with a smile. "then you think five men would be sufficient?" rubini asked. "so far as i am concerned, i do not see why you should not take them all. i was ordered to assume the command of any men left here, but that did not imply that your force was always to be broken up; certainly i am willing to remain here by myself. i would infinitely rather go with you, but a night march through a dark forest would be more serious for me than going into a pitched battle, for if i were to trip and fall, i should certainly smash my arm again. i do not see why you should leave any here: five men or even ten would be of no great use, and for a business like yours every musket may be of advantage. i shall certainly feel very anxious about you while you are away. i can quite believe that, as you say, the woman was perfectly in earnest; but when she was missed from that camp, after the murder of her husband, the suspicion that she had come here to tell us where they were encamped might very well occur to them, and you might find them vigilant and prepared for you." "that may be so," rubini agreed. "well, then, as the villagers here will not know that we have left until we are back again, i think i will take forty-five men and leave you with five. you shall pick the men." "i should like to have sarto and maffio, if you can spare them; as to the other three i leave it to you entirely." "yes; you can have those two. they are both thoroughly good men, as well as good fellows; as for the others, i will pick you out three of the best of those who last joined us. i should like as many of the old hands with me as possible, for i know that they will keep their heads, whatever happens." it was not until the men were all gathered round the church door, as usual, that rubini told them of the expedition on which they were about to start. the news excited general satisfaction. there had been little doing since palermo was taken, and the old hands were all eager for the fray, while those who had more recently joined burned to show that they were worthy to be comrades of garibaldi's first followers. at nine o'clock all came into the church as usual, and ten minutes later the detachment, with the exception of frank's little command, moved silently out through the vestry door. "so we are to stay behind with you?" sarto said, as he and maffio joined frank, who had taken a seat and was thinking over the course that should be pursued if rubini's enterprise turned out badly. "rubini said that you specially asked for us, which was no doubt a compliment, but one which, if you don't mind our saying so, we would gladly have dispensed with. it will be a nuisance indeed watching here all night, while the others are engaged in a business quite after our own heart." "i was sure that you would feel rather annoyed," frank said; "but i should not have liked to be here without at least two men on whom i know i can rely to the last." "but what can there be for us to do?" sarto asked, in some surprise at the tone in which frank spoke. "i don't know; that is just what i don't know, sarto. i acknowledge that i by no means like this expedition. rubini and zippo are both certain that this woman is acting in perfect good faith. i did not see her, and therefore i can only take their opinion, but she may have been only acting. you know how passionate these women are; and it seems to me possible that, thinking what she would have done had her husband been shot by prato, she might have worked herself up into such a state that no one could doubt the reality of her story. of course, i do not say that it was so--i only say that it was possible. in the next place, even if her story is perfectly true, she may have been seen to leave the camp, or, if she passed out unobserved by any of them, her absence would be noticed, and she might be followed and her interview with rubini observed; and in that case the band may either have moved away when they got the news, or, what is more likely, be prepared to attack rubini's column on its way. i mentioned the possibility to rubini that the woman's absence might have been noticed and the band be uneasy in consequence, and on the look-out; and although it in no way shook his determination to take advantage of her offer, he would, i am sure, take every precaution in his power. still, there is no saying how things will turn out. it may be that, if the brigands anticipate an attack, they may by this time have sent to another party to tell them that the greater part of our detachment will be away, and invite them to come and finish with the men left here, while they themselves tackle those who have gone out against them." "it certainly looks possible in the way you put it," maffio said, "though i hope it may not turn out so. however, i see that we shall, at any rate, have something to think about while they are away. so that is what that bread and wine you brought in was for? rubini asked us, and two others, to bring in a couple of loaves each, and the other to bring in a skin of wine; of course, we thought that it was for the use of the expedition." "i asked him to do so, maffio. he rather laughed at the idea, but it seemed to me possible that they might be of use here while he was away; and at any rate i will guarantee that the food shall not be wasted." "six of us, including yourself, could not hold this church long?" "not against a great effort. but even if they should take advantage of the absence of part of our force to attack us, they would not know how strong a party had been left behind, and would be cautious for a bit; but i do not suppose that we should be able to resist a determined onslaught. i thought that we might take to the tower: we could hold that for hours." "yes; we could do that," sarto said confidently. "well, i don't at all suppose that we are going to be disturbed, but it is a satisfaction to feel that we are not altogether out of the affair." as usual, a dozen candles had been lighted in different parts of the church as soon as it was dark. the three genoese, who had joined the company after the capture of palermo, looked sulky and downcast at being left behind, and frank called to them. "i have no doubt that you are disappointed, gentlemen," he said; "but you should really take it as a compliment. i asked captain rubini to leave me, in addition to my two friends here, the three best men he could pick out from those who had not formed part of the original force, and i have no doubt that he has done so. i may tell you that i consider it possible, i do not say probable, that we may be attacked, and we will first see what steps should be taken in that case. i have not been up to the tower: have any of you?" none of them had mounted there. "then let us investigate," he said. the campanile stood at the north-west corner of the church; it had an exterior door, and another opening into the church. taking a couple of candles, they entered by the latter, and mounted a stone staircase leading to the lower story of the tower; beyond this a wooden staircase led to the rough wooden floor under the bells, and another to the flat terrace above. "the first thing to do," frank said, "is to block up the outside door; at any rate, let us have a look at it." it was roughly made, but very strong. "the door is well enough, but i doubt whether this lock would not give under heavy blows." "we might pile chairs behind it," sarto suggested. "i would rather not do that, if we can help it," frank replied. "they may burn the door down, and the less combustibles there are the better; however, if we can find nothing else, we must use them." nothing could be found, and frank then said, "i think that we can manage with one chair." the others looked puzzled. "we will cut up the legs and back into six-inch pieces, sharpen them into wedges, and drive them in all round the door: i think that would withstand any battering until the door itself splintered." they all fell to work at once, and in a quarter of an hour a score of wedges were driven in. "now we will do the same at the bottom of the church door itself, and put in a few as high as we can reach on each side; that will detain them some time before it yields." when this was done, sarto said, "what next, percival?" "the only other thing to be done in the way of defence is to carry all the chairs upstairs to the first story of the tower, to make a barricade there," maffio remarked. "yes, we might make a barricade of them half way up the stairs, but my main object is to get rid of them here. if they found they could not storm the stairs, they might pile all the chairs in the middle of the church and set them on fire--they are the only things that will burn; and although the flames would scarcely mount to the roof, sparks would fly up, and as there is sure to be a lot of dust and soot on the beams there, which might catch fire, we should be burnt out." "well, at any rate there will be no great trouble in doing that," sarto said; "though i should hardly think that they would attempt to burn the church down. the brigands have no respect for life, but they are not without their superstitions, and might be afraid to burn a church, though they would cut half a dozen throats without a scruple." "yes; but a portion of the band are no doubt composed of revolutionists from the mainland--fellows who have no scruples of any sort, and who, as the men of the same kind did in paris seventy years ago, would desecrate a church in every conceivable manner, for, as a rule, they hate religion as they hate authority." the chairs were accordingly carried up and stowed on the wooden floor beneath the bells. "now," frank said, "i should like to see how this ladder is fastened, and if we can move it." this, however, they found would be well-nigh impossible. it was over thirty feet from the stone floor to the next story, while that in which the bells hung was but some twenty feet. the ladder was very solid and heavy, and as only two could get at it from above, it could not be lifted up that way. "we can manage it," frank said, after thinking for a minute. "we can pull the bell ropes up through their holes, and fasten them somewhere above the middle of the ladder; then, with three of us pulling on each, we could certainly raise it without much difficulty. we should not have to pull it very high--six feet would be ample. if they want to smoke us out, they must bring wood from outside, which will not be easy to do under our fire. now we will leave one on watch above. he shall be relieved every hour. do you take the first watch, pedro. if you hear any stir in the village below, come down and tell us at once; but, above all, listen for distant firing. it is five miles to the spot where the bandits are, but on a still night like this it would certainly be heard here." he and the other four men then descended to the first floor. here those who were to take the next turn of duty said, "if you do not want us further, captain, we will sit here and light our pipes, if you have no objection." "no objection at all. i don't think that i should like to smoke myself in the church below, but that is a matter of opinion; but certainly no one could object to its being done in this detached tower." then, with sarto and maffio, he went down into the church. chapter xii. an ambuscade. "the others will have the laugh at us when they come back," sarto said. "that will in no way trouble me," frank said. "it has given us a couple of hours' work, and it has passed the time away. if all has gone well, we shall hear the firing very soon; we may be sure that they won't be able to go fast through the wood, especially as they will have to be careful not to make any noise. of course, it is all up hill too, and will be as dark as pitch under the trees; they will have almost to crawl along the last mile. i should not be surprised if it were another hour before they are in position to attack. and now that we are prepared to repel any attack upon us, and to hold out, if necessary, for three days or even more on the provisions we have got, we ought to consider another alternative." "what other alternative can there be?" maffio asked. "let us suppose--and it is as well to suppose the worst--that rubini falls into an ambush. it makes no difference whether the woman leads him into one, or whether she has been trapped and the ambush laid without her knowledge. suppose that they are ambushed and that none of them get back here?" an exclamation broke from the others. "i said that we will suppose the worst," frank went on. "this man prato, who is an old hand at such matters, would not improbably, if he expected that rubini would come to attack him, have at once sent off to another band, or to men who sometimes act with him, and instead of their meeting thirty-eight men, they may meet sixty. in that case we might calculate that a third of rubini's force would fall at the first volley; there they would be in the forest, without a guide, in the dark, surrounded by twice their number of men well acquainted with the place, and accustomed to traversing it at night. now i ask you frankly, do you think that many of them, or, indeed, any of them, would be likely to get back here? they might not all be killed; some might hide in the woods, and make their way down the mountain to-morrow, but the chance of any of them returning here seems to me to be small indeed, if things turn out as i have been saying." "but you don't think, you can't think, percival----" sarto said, in a tone of horror. "i don't say that i think so, sarto. i only say that it seems to me to be possible; and, situated as we are, it is always as well to see what, if even the most unlikely thing takes place, could be done. let us suppose that the detachment has been cut to pieces: what is our look-out here? we can defend the place, or rather we can defend ourselves, for three or four days; but what would be the benefit of that? if the news got down to bronte, it would be necessary to send two or three companies up here to rescue us. if, as is very probable, no news got down there, we should have to surrender; and we know what that would mean, especially as, assuredly, we should have killed a good many of the brigands in the course of the fighting. thus, then, nothing would be gained by our resistance. i was appointed to command that portion of troops left here, in case of rubini going away in pursuit of brigands with the rest. i do not suppose that it was ever contemplated that only five men would be left behind, still that does not alter the case. the idea was, that the village might be attacked during the absence of part of the force, and that those here should maintain themselves until rubini returned. but in the event of such a disaster as we are supposing, so far from there being any advantage in holding this church, it would be a serious disadvantage; for we should risk our lives without any point whatever in our doing so." "that is certainly true; but in that case, why should we have made these preparations for defence?" "simply because we hope, and have every reason to hope, that rubini will return, and we are prepared to hold out until he does so. but, once assured that the detachment will not come back, the whole matter is changed." "but how are we to be assured?" "ah! that is a very difficult question to answer. as long as there is the slightest possibility of any part, however small, of the detachment returning, we are bound to hold on here. but, when can we feel certain that this will not be the case, our duty would be to consult our own safety by retreating if possible to bronte." at this moment the sentry on the campanile ran in. "i heard a sudden outburst of firing, captain percival, and it is continuing." followed by all the others, frank ran up to the top of the tower. there was no doubt that a tough fight was going on: the reports of the muskets came in quick succession; sometimes there would be a short pause, and then half a dozen shots would ring out close together. for three or four minutes not a word was spoken; then, as the reports became less frequent, sarto exclaimed, "it is nearly over: rubini has done his work." frank was silent, and sarto added, "do you not think so, percival?" "i hope so," frank replied, "but i am very much afraid that it is not so. had rubini taken the brigands completely by surprise, there would have been one crashing volley, then he would have rushed in with the bayonet, and it would have been all over in two minutes. some of the brigands might have escaped, but there can have been no pursuit, for in the darkness in the forest there would have been no chance whatever of overtaking men perfectly familiar with it. no, i think that they have failed in taking them by surprise, and if they did fail to do so, the brigands would either have moved off, in which case there would have been no fight at all, or have laid an ambush for our party, which would account for the heavy firing we have heard. whether the ambush was successful, or whether rubini has beaten his assailants off, is uncertain." the others saw the justness of his reasoning, and remained silent. an occasional shot was still heard. "what do you think that means?" maffio asked--for both he and sarto were beginning to feel a profound respect for the opinion of their companion. "it means, of course, that one party or the other is pursuing fugitives, and i am afraid that it is a bad sign, for, as i have just said, our men would hardly try and chase these brigands through the wood they know very well." they waited another five minutes. still shots were occasionally heard. the conviction that frank's worst anticipations had been but too surely verified, forced itself upon the others. "will you stay here a short time longer?" frank said to the others; "i will go down into the church. i should like to think over quietly what we had best do." he walked up and down the church. it was a tremendous responsibility for a lad not yet seventeen to bear. some of rubini's party had escaped, and might be making their way back in hopes of finding shelter and safety. what would be their feelings if they arrived and found the party gone? on the other hand, defend themselves as well as they might, six men must finally succumb before a determined attack by a large party of ruffians exulting over their victory and thirsting for complete vengeance. but by the time his companions returned from above he had made up his mind as to the plan that had best be adopted. "we will take a middle course," he said. "we will leave the church, and conceal ourselves within a short distance of the door into the vestry. one of us must hide close to it, so that if any of our comrades come up and knock at the door for admission, he can bring them to us. we can then learn what has happened. if even eight or ten have escaped, we will return to the church and hold it; if only one or two, we will, when the brigands arrive and there is no chance of others coming, start for bronte." "that is a capital plan," sarto exclaimed; and a murmur from the others showed that they too warmly approved. "there is no hurry," frank went on. "we will eat a good meal before we start, then there will be no occasion to burden ourselves with provisions. before leaving, we will light fresh candles: there are four or five pounds in the vestry. we will leave four alight in each floor of the tower, and the rest in different parts of the church, so that, when the brigands do arrive, they will think that we are watchful and well prepared for them. it is not likely they will know exactly what strength rubini had with him, but will think that we have at least ten or twelve men with us, and will be sure to hesitate a little before they make an attack. they will take some little time to burst in the great doors; and even the door of the vestry is strong enough to bear a good deal of battering before they break that in, so that we shall get a good long start of them. of course they may pursue, but we can keep on the road for the first half-mile, and then turn off and make our way through the forest. we can't go very far wrong, as it is always a descent; besides, for aught they will know, we may have been gone a couple of hours before they get here. i think in that way we shall have done our duty to our comrades, and at the same time secured our own safety, for we have no right to throw away our lives when we can still do some work for italy." "it could not be better," maffio said. "in that way we shall have the consolation of knowing that none of our friends, who have been wounded, have dragged themselves here after we had left only to find that they were deserted; while on the other hand it does away with the necessity of our throwing away our lives altogether uselessly. i revert to my former idea, percival. if ever i have sons, i will send them to one of your great schools in england. it is clear that the life there and your rough games make men of you." they first sat down and ate a hearty meal of bread and wine, and then fresh candles were lighted and placed as frank had directed. then they left the church, locking the vestry door behind them. sarto lay down behind a tombstone ten yards from the door, and the others took their places behind the low wall that ran round the church-yard. after waiting an hour frank returned to sarto. "i am going," he said, "to conceal myself at the end of the village, close enough to the road to hear anything that is said by people coming along. if, as i hope, they may be some of our men, i will join them and bring them on here, if not i will make my way here at once, and will give a low whistle. directly you hear me, retire and join us. it will give us a few minutes' extra time, for you may be sure that when they see the church lighted up, those who first arrive will wait for the rest before running the risk of a shot from the tower. when all are gathered no doubt there will be a good deal of talk as to how they had best attack it." leaving sarto, frank made his way through the gardens until he arrived at the end of the village, and then sat down behind a low wall, close to the road. in half an hour he heard footsteps, and judged that six or eight men were coming from the forest. "there is no doubt they are on the watch there," one of them said; "the windows in the tower are lit up,--we shall have some work to do before we finish with them. they fought bravely--i will say that for them; and although half their number fell at our first volley, they killed eight or ten of our men, and wounded as many more, before, when there were only about half a dozen of them left, they broke through us and ran. it was lucky that phillipo's band arrived in time, for notwithstanding the surprise, i doubt whether we should have beaten them, had we been alone. it was a good thought of prato to send young vico to follow that woman, and that he saw her talking to the officer." frank could hear no more, but rising quietly, he retraced his steps at a run, and as soon as he joined his companions gave a low whistle, which in a minute brought sarto to his side. "it is as i feared," he said: "they laid an ambush for rubini, and shot down half his men at once; the rest kept together and fought till all but six or seven were killed, and these burst through them and took to flight; and i am afraid that those shots we heard told that some even of these were overtaken and killed. now let us be going; there were only about eight men in the party who first came along, and we may be sure that nothing will be attempted until the rest arrive. the men had noticed our lights in the tower, and evidently expected that we should sell our lives dearly; at any rate, we can calculate upon at least half an hour before they break into the church and find that we have left." they were obliged to go cautiously before they gained the road beyond the village, and then they broke into a trot. "half an hour will mean something like four miles," frank said; "and as it is not likely that they can run much faster than we are going, we may safely calculate that they will not overtake us for over an hour after they do start, and by that time we shall be well within five miles of bronte. indeed, with the slope in our favour, i am not sure that we may not calculate upon reaching the town itself; they certainly ought not to be able to run fifteen miles while we are running eleven." "if they do we should deserve to be caught," maffio said; "but i should think that they would not follow us far, as, for anything they can tell, we may have left the church a couple of hours ago." there were few words spoken as they ran steadily along. the thought of the slaughter of so many of their friends oppressed them all, and the fact that they had personally escaped was, at present, a small consolation. frank had not been long enough with the company to make the acquaintance of many of the men, but he felt the loss of rubini extremely. at genoa, during the voyage, and on the march to palermo, they had been constantly together, and the older man had treated him with as much cordiality and kindness as if he had been a young brother. frank regretted now that he had not even more strongly urged his doubts as to the expediency of the expedition, though he felt that, even had he done so, his remonstrances would have been unavailing, so convinced were rubini and zippo of the sincerity and good faith of the woman. as it seemed, in this respect they had been right, and he had not pressed more strongly upon them the probability of her being followed when she left the brigands after the murder of her husband. it was so natural a thing that this should be so, that he wondered it had not struck him at once. had he urged the point, rubini might have listened to him, and his fatal expedition might not have taken place. it seemed to him a heartbreaking affair, and as he ran he wiped away more than one tear that ran down his cheeks. after keeping on at the same speed for three or four miles, frank heard, by the hard breathing of his companions, that their powers were failing; he himself was running quite easily, his school training being of good service to him, and after the long runs at hare and hounds across country, four miles down hill was a trifle to him. he had, too, the advantage of not having to carry a musket and ammunition. "we had better walk for a few hundred yards and get our breath again," he said. and the order was thankfully obeyed. "are you ready to trot on?" he asked, five minutes later; and on a general assent being given, they again broke into a run. the more he thought of it, the more persuaded frank was that no pursuit would be set on foot. doubtless, the first step of the brigands would be to surround the church, and to place strong parties at both doors; they would therefore know that the church must have been deserted for at least half an hour before they obtained an entry, while possibly it might have been two or three hours before; so on finding the place empty their impulse would be to go to the wine-shops and celebrate their victory, rather than to start upon a pursuit which offered small prospects indeed of success. every few minutes they halted for a moment to listen for the sound of pursuing feet, but everything was still and quiet; and so confident did they become as to their safety, that the last three or four miles down into bronte were performed at a walk. "i must go and report to bixio," frank said, as they entered the town. "you had better find a shelter somewhere." "there is no occasion for that," maffio replied. "the sky has been getting lighter for some little time, and it must be nearly five o'clock. it was past two when we started." "i will wait for another half-hour," frank said, "before i rouse bixio; he is always out by six, and bad news will keep." shortly before that hour he went to the general's quarters. the house was already astir. "the general will be down in a few minutes, captain," an orderly said. "i called him a quarter of an hour ago." in two or three minutes bixio came down. "have you any news?" he asked hastily, when he saw frank, whose downcast face struck him at once. "yes, general; and very bad news." "come in here," bixio said, opening the door of a sitting-room. "now, what is it?" "i grieve to have to report, sir, that i have arrived here with only sarto, maffio, and three other men of the detachment, and that i fear captain rubini and the whole of the rest of the men have been killed." bixio started. "all killed!" he repeated, almost incredulously. "i trust that you are mistaken. what has happened?" frank briefly related the circumstances. "this is sad indeed--terrible," the general said, when he had brought his story to a conclusion. "rubini's loss is a grievous one; he was a good officer, and was greatly liked and trusted by us all; there were good men, too, among his company. he had fifteen men of the thousand among them. and you say this woman did not betray them?" "no; the men i overheard, distinctly said that she was a traitress, and as soon as she was missed by them she was followed, and her meeting with the officer observed." "but what took you out beyond the village, captain percival? you have told me the main facts of this most unfortunate expedition: please give me the full details of what you did after they had left, and how you came to escape." "i felt uneasy from the first," frank said. "directly rubini told me about the woman, i suggested that she might be merely acting a part, in order to lead them into an ambuscade; but both rubini and zippo, who was with him when he met her, were absolutely convinced of her good faith. "i also suggested that, even if they were right, the woman might possibly have been followed. her disappearance after the murder of her husband would be almost certain to excite suspicion that she intended to avenge herself by bringing our detachment down upon them. i communicated this suspicion to sarto and maffio, and we at once set to work to make the church defensible." he then related in detail the measures they had taken, and how he became convinced, by the sound of the distant conflict, that rubini and his party had fallen into the ambuscade and been destroyed. "for some time i could not make up my mind what course to adopt, sir: we might have defended the tower for two or three days; but it was by no means certain--in fact, it was very improbable--that anything of what was going on would reach your ears. on the other hand, i could not withdraw my little party, as, even if my worst suspicions were correct, some of rubini's men might have escaped and might make their way back to the church." he then proceeded to explain the plan he had adopted, and how it had been carried out. "i do not know whether i have acted rightly," he concluded. "it was a terrible responsibility, but i can only say that i consulted with sarto and maffio, who have had far more experience than i, and that they both approved of my plan. i hope, general, you do not think that i was wrong." "certainly not--certainly not. your position was a most difficult one, and your preparations for defence were excellent; the alternatives that you had to choose between when you became convinced that rubini had been defeated were equally painful. if you stayed and defended the place, i may almost say you would have thrown away the lives of yourself and the five men with you. if you went, any wounded men straggling back from the forest would have found neither friends nor refuge. the middle course you adopted was admirable. you would at once have saved any poor fellows who might arrive, while you ensured the safety of your little party. by illuminating the church you secured for yourself a long start; and by going out so as to overhear the conversation of the first party of brigands who entered the village, you were able to assure yourself that it was useless staying longer in hopes of any survivors of the expedition coming in. "i have received a message from garibaldi, ordering me to move to taormina, on the sea-coast. he has defeated bosco at milazzo; and the neapolitan general and his troops have been permitted to take ship for naples. he said that if i had not concluded my work here i could remain for another week, as it would probably be a considerable time before the preparations made for invading calabria were completed. i was intending to send off some messengers this morning to recall all the outlying detachments. that i shall do still; but i shall certainly remain here three or four days longer, in the hope that some of rubini's party may have escaped. if i thought there was the smallest chance of laying hands on this scoundrel prato and his band, i would march with a couple of hundred men into the mountains. but we may be sure that he did not stop more than an hour or two at the village, after he learned that your party had escaped; and by to-morrow morning they may be fifty miles away, on the other side of etna. however, as soon as our affair is over, i shall urge upon garibaldi the necessity for sending a strong force into the mountains to put down brigandage, and especially to destroy prato's band." the disaster that had befallen rubini's column cast a great gloom over the brigade: not a man but would gladly have undergone any amount of fatigue to avenge his comrades; but all felt the impossibility of searching the great tract of forest which extended over the larger part of the slopes of etna. bixio however, determined to send off a strong party to find and bury the dead, and two hours later a detachment a hundred strong left bronte. their orders were to attack the brigands if they found them in the village; if they had left, however, they were not to pursue. they were to sleep there, and in the morning to compel two or three of the villagers to guide them to the scene of conflict, where they were to find and bury the dead. every precaution was to be observed, although it was regarded as certain that the brigands would not have remained so near the village, but would only stop there a few hours, and then place as great a distance as possible between it and them. frank had offered to accompany the party, but bixio refused to allow him to do so. "you have had a sleepless night, and the anxiety you have suffered is quite sufficient excitement for a convalescent. you could do no good by going there, and had best lie down and take a few hours' sleep." before the party started frank asked the captain in command to see if his horse had been carried off. "it was in a shed adjoining the priest's house," he said; "and it may still be there. the brigands would not be likely to make many inquiries; and when they discovered that we had gone, probably made off directly they had eaten their supper; for had we, as might have been the case so far as they knew, started for bronte soon after rubini left, it would have been possible for reinforcements to reach the village within an hour of daybreak. even if one of the villagers told them that the horse was there--which is not likely, for the whole place must have been in a ferment at the news--the brigands may not have cared to carry it off, as it would be useless to them in a journey over ground covered with forest and broken up by ravines and gorges." the detachment returned two days later, bringing with it, to frank's satisfaction, his horse and saddlery. they had been to the scene of the conflict, and had found and buried all the bodies with the exception of a few, who must either have escaped or have been killed at a considerable distance from the spot where they were attacked. the brigands had, as frank had expected, left the village before daybreak. they had on arriving opened fire at the windows of the church; and a quarter of an hour later, finding that no reply was made, had endeavoured to force an entry. the great door, however, had defied their efforts, and when at last they obtained access by breaking in the door of the vestry, more than an hour had been wasted. the discovery that the church was untenanted had greatly disappointed and disquieted them, and after carousing for a short time they hastily left. early on the day after the return of frank and his comrades, one of the missing party reached the town: he was utterly worn out and broken down, having apparently wandered for thirty-six hours in the forest in a state of semi-delirium. he had at last quite accidentally stumbled upon a small village, and after being fed and cared for, had been brought down to bronte in a cart. he was, he said, convinced that he was the only survivor of the fight. the party had arrived within, as they believed, a quarter of a mile of the brigands' lurking-place, when a whistle was heard, and from the trees on both sides of the narrow path a volley was fired, and half at least of the party dropped. rubini, he believed, was among those who fell; at least he did not hear his voice afterwards. zippo had rallied the men, who, gathering together, endeavoured to fight their way through their assailants. what the effect of their fire was, he could not tell, but his comrades dropped fast, and when there were but a few left, they threw down their muskets and rushed headlong into the forest. they scattered in various directions, but were hotly pursued; several shots were fired at him, but they all missed. after running for half an hour he flung himself down in a clump of undergrowth. he had heard, as he ran, other shots, and had no doubt that his companions were all killed. he lay where he was until morning, and then tried to find his way down to bronte, but he had no distinct recollection of what had happened after he left the bushes, until he found that wine was being poured down his throat, and that he was surrounded by a group of pitying women. the fury of the garibaldians, on their arrival from the various villages at which they had been posted, when they heard of the slaughter of their friends, was extreme; and many of the officers begged the general to allow them to make one effort to find and punish the brigands, but bixio refused. "we have a far greater business on our hands," he said. "italy has to be freed. the first blow has been struck, and must be followed up at once; brigandage can wait--it is an old sore, a disgrace to a civilised country; but italy once freed, this can be taken in hand. we might spend weeks, or even months, before we could lay hands on prato's band; the villagers and woodmen would keep them informed of every movement we made, while not only should we gain no information, but all would be interested in putting us upon the wrong track. it is not to be thought of. moreover, i have garibaldi's orders to march to taormina, and if we had lost five hundred men instead of fifty, i should obey that order, much as i should regret being obliged to march away and leave the massacre unavenged." the day after the fugitive had arrived, the force left bronte. the mountainous nature of the country to the north prevented a direct march towards taormina. they therefore took the road round the foot of etna, through bandazza to gairre, which lay nearly due east of bronte, and then followed the line along the coast to taormina. here the troops were halted, while bixio, with frank and a small escort, rode on to messina, as the general wished to confer with garibaldi, and to ascertain how the preparations for the invasion of calabria were proceeding. chapter xiii. across the straits. garibaldi had, on entering messina, been received with tremendous enthusiasm, and at once, while waiting for the reinforcements now pouring in, set himself to work to improve the condition of affairs in the town. he had taken up his abode in the royal palace, where he retained all the servants of the former viceroy, considering that it would be unjust to dismiss them. he ordered, however, that his own dinner was to consist only of some soup, a plate of meat, and some vegetables. the large subscriptions that flowed in from italy and other countries were entirely devoted to public service, as had been the money taken in the treasury at palermo; the general allowed himself only, as pay, eight francs a day, and this was always spent before breakfast; for although at messina, as at palermo, he endeavoured to clear the streets of beggars, he himself was never able to resist an appeal, and no sooner had he sauntered out in the morning than his eight francs melted away among the children and infirm persons who flocked round him. he received frank on his arrival with real pleasure, and congratulated him upon having so completely recovered from the effects of his wound. "there is plenty for you to do," he said; "almost every hour ships bring me volunteers from all parts. arrangements have to be made for bestowing and feeding these. we found a considerable supply of tents here, but they are now occupied, and all arrivals henceforth will have to be quartered on the citizens or in the villages near the town. a list will be given to you, every morning, of persons who are willing to receive them, and a mark will be made against the names of those of a better sort, among whom the officers will be quartered. i beg that you will act in concert with concini and peruzzi, and as the troops land give them their billets, and in the case of officers conduct them to the houses where they are to be lodged. of course you yourself will take up your abode here; there is an abundance of room, and i will order the servants to set aside a comfortable chamber for you. all who are in the palace take their early breakfast here, the rest of their meals they take in the town. i have enemies enough, and i do not wish it to be said that we are spending the funds so generously subscribed for us in feasting in the palace. in the evening, you know, you will always be welcome here." it was, of course, too late in the day for frank's work to begin; but later on he again went to the room where garibaldi was chatting with several of his staff. "bixio has been telling me of your adventure," garibaldi said: "it was a sad business. the death of rubini is a grievous loss to me. he fought most gallantly in the alps, and distinguished himself greatly since we landed here; he was a true patriot, and i shall miss him sorely. others there were who died with him, whom i also greatly regret. the one redeeming point in the affair is, as bixio has been telling me, the admirable way in which you succeeded in saving the little party of whom you were in command. he has detailed the matter in full to me, and the oldest head could not have made better preparations for defence, or better hit upon a plan by which you might at once save any stragglers of rubini's detachment who might return, and at the same time ensure the safety of the five men with you. there will be a steamer going to marseilles in the morning, and it will be a pleasure to me to again write to your mother, saying how well you have done, and how completely you have recovered from your wound. the last time i wrote, although i had as warm a praise to give of your conduct, i abstained from telling her that you were seriously wounded. no doubt you would give her full particulars in your own letters." frank's duties, in the way of billeting the troops as they arrived, were of short duration. so rapidly did crowds of volunteers arrive from the north of italy, that it was found impossible to house them in messina. many were sent off to outlying villages; thousands bivouacked on the sandy shore. garibaldi himself went across to sardinia, and returned with two thousand five hundred men who had been gathered there for a descent upon the coast of the papal states. the italian government had, however, vetoed this movement, and had promised that their own troops should, when the time came, perform this portion of the operations. the port was crowded with shipping. by the convention that had been agreed upon between garibaldi on his entrance to messina, and the neapolitan general who commanded the force that occupied the citadel, it was arranged that the sea should be open to both parties; and the singular spectacle was presented of the neapolitan navy looking quietly on while ships arrived loaded with troops for garibaldi, while the sardinian ships-of-war viewed with equal indifference the arrival of reinforcements to the garrison of the citadel. garibaldi's force had now increased to over twenty-five thousand men; of these but five thousand were sicilians, the rest, with the exception of a few french and english volunteers, coming from northern italy. here the enthusiasm caused by the conquest of sicily was unbounded. the universities had all closed their doors, the students having left in a body; and among the volunteers were hundreds of boys of from thirteen to fifteen years old. garibaldi had, with the aid of the municipality of palermo, raised a loan of nearly three million pounds, and obtained, not only rifles for his own force, but a large number for distribution among the peasants of calabria. five days after his arrival, garibaldi sent for frank, and said: "i am going to bestow on you an honour which will, i am sure, be one after your own heart. i am going to send missori with two hundred men across the straits; nullo goes with him. they are to choose the men, and the competition for the honour of being among the first to set foot in calabria will be a keen one indeed; i have spoken to missori, and he will gladly take you as his staff officer. of course it is not intended that he should fight. his mission will be to travel about the country, inciting the population of the calabrian villages to prepare to join us when we land; to confuse the commanders of the neapolitan troops by his rapid movements, and to cause alarm at naples by the news that the invasion of calabria has begun." "i should enjoy that greatly, general, and i feel very much obliged to you for your kindness in choosing me." as major missori had been on garibaldi's staff from the time frank joined him at genoa, he was well known to him; and when frank visited him, and placed himself under his orders, he received him with great cordiality. "the general could not have made a better choice," he said. "it is a great satisfaction to have an officer with me on whose activity and energy i can so confidently rely. i have just got through the hardest, and i may say the most trying part of my work, for i have had to refuse the applications of scores of old comrades, who, almost with tears in their eyes, have begged me to enroll them among my party. but i am limited to two hundred, and when i had once selected that number i was obliged to say no to all others. i think that every man of my band is well suited for the work: all are young, active men, capable of long marches and the endurance of great fatigue; all are men of tried bravery, and should we have a brush with the neapolitans can be trusted to hold their own. we hope to seize the fortress of alta fiumara; we have opened communication with some soldiers of the garrison, and have hopes that we may take it by surprise. if we can do so, it will greatly facilitate the passage of the army across the straits. "here is a list of the stores we are to take in the boats. of course the men will each take eighty rounds of ammunition; we can carry no reserve, for if we have to take to the mountains it would be impossible to transport it. therefore, you see, we practically take with us only a day's provisions. these will be carried down before sunset to the boats, and i wish you would see them so divided that each man will carry approximately the same weight. thus one can take four pounds of bread, another four pounds of meat, a third two bottles of wine and so on; once in the hills we can purchase what we require at the villages. there will, at any rate, be no difficulty in obtaining meat, nor, i should say, bread. beyond that nothing is necessary. "three calabrians, who know the country well, crossed yesterday, and will act as our guides. we shall probably have to maintain ourselves for a week or ten days before the main body crosses. a cart will go down at four o'clock with the stores. i will order six men to accompany it, and to place themselves under your orders. in the cart you will find two hundred haversacks, in which the provisions will be placed, after you have seen to their division, together with forty rounds of spare ammunition. by the way, you had better sell your horse. across such a country as we shall have to traverse, it would be impossible to ride, and you will probably be able to buy another on the mainland for the sum that you will get for him here. there are a good many men on the staff of some of the late arrivals, who are on the look-out for horses." frank, indeed, had several times been asked by officers if he could tell them where they could procure mounts; and, in the course of the day, he had no difficulty in disposing of his horse and saddlery, for the same amount as he had given for them at marsala. he took with him only a spare shirt and pair of socks rolled up in a large blanket, that, with a hole cut in the middle, served as a cloak by day and a cover at night. hitherto this had been strapped on his saddle; he now rolled it up in the fashion followed by most of the garibaldians, so as to carry it slung over one shoulder. this, with his sword, a brace of pistols, and a small haversack, was his only encumbrance. at the appointed hour he went down with the cart and escort to the point, some two miles from the town, where the boats were lying. it took an hour to make the division of the stores, and then there was nothing to do until, at half-past nine o'clock in the evening, missori with his two hundred men marched down. there were fourteen boats, and as these were sufficient to carry the men in comfort, no time was lost in embarking. it was a long row, for although the water was perfectly calm there was a strong current through the straits, and they had to row head to this while crossing; but two hours after starting they landed at a short distance from the fort. they soon had evidence that the commandant here was watchful, for they had gone but a hundred yards when they suddenly came upon a small outlying picket, who, after challenging, fired, and then ran off towards the fort, where the beating of a drum showed that the garrison were already falling in to repel any attack. their hopes of a surprise were therefore at an end, and as it was by surprise alone that the little force had the slightest chance of capturing so strong a fortress, orders were given, after a hasty consultation between missori and nullo, to turn off at once and make for the mountains, while the boats were directed to start back for messina. headed by their guides, they mounted the slopes of aspromonte. when they had gained a height of some four or five hundred feet, they came upon a wooden shed; this was hastily pulled down and a great bonfire lighted, to inform their friends on the other side of the straits that they had safely landed and were on their way to the hills. they had, as they ascended, heard a sharp fire break out at the water's edge, and knew that a portion of the garrison of the fortress had sallied out and opened fire on the retreating boats. the march was continued for some hours. the cannon of the fort had also opened fire--the object doubtless being to inform the large bodies of troops, gathered at various points along the coast to oppose the garibaldians should they cross, that a force of the enemy had landed in the darkness. however, the little party made their way unobserved past the enemy's outposts, who remained stationary, as the officers were ignorant of the strength of the force that had thus evaded the vigilance of the ships-of-war, and thought it probable that garibaldi himself with some thousands of men might be at hand. this portion of calabria was admirably suited for guerilla warfare. the garibaldians were received with enthusiasm at the first village at which they arrived. the news of the easy conquest of sicily had at first filled all hearts with the hope that their day of liberation was at hand; but the concentration of troops in south calabria had damped their spirits, for, accustomed for centuries to be treated like cattle by the soldiers of their oppressors, it seemed to them well-nigh impossible that garibaldi would venture to set foot on the mainland in the face of so imposing a gathering. the presence, then, of this band of men in red shirts seemed to them almost miraculous. the inhabitants vied with each other in their hospitality, and the able-bodied men of the place declared their readiness to take up arms the moment that garibaldi himself crossed the straits. many of them, indeed, at once joined the party, while others started, some among the mountains and some by the roads leading to other villages, in order to bring in early news of the approach of any body of neapolitan troops, and the garibaldians were therefore able to lie down for a few hours' sleep. for the next week they continued their march, visiting village after village, gathering recruits as they went, crossing mountains, winding up ravines, and constantly changing their course so as to throw the neapolitan troops off their track. several times from lofty points they caught sight of considerable bodies of the enemy moving along the roads. once a neapolitan officer rode into a village where they were halting with a despatch from general briganti, containing a demand for their surrender. missori simply replied that they were ready to give battle whenever the supporters of tyranny chose to meet them; but, although he thus answered the summons, he had no idea of encountering an overwhelming force of neapolitans. failing the capture of the fortress on first landing, his mission was to arouse the population, not to fight; and he continued his work among the mountains in spite of the efforts of the enemy to surround him. cavalry were useless in so mountainous a country, and the garibaldians, free from all weight of equipment, and unencumbered by baggage carts, were able to move with a rapidity that set at defiance the efforts of the soldiery hampered by knapsacks and belts, and with their movements restricted by their tightly-fitting uniforms. although their course had been devious, the garibaldians had been gradually working their way south, skirting the heights of montalto. before starting, missori had been informed by garibaldi that he intended to land near reggio eight or nine days after he crossed, and that he was to place his band in that neighbourhood in order to join him in an attack on that town. when he reached a point within ten miles of reggio, missori said to frank, "i must keep moving about, and cannot leave my men; but i will send twenty of them under your command down to melito. there are, as we have learnt from the peasants, none of the neapolitan troops there; but at the same time do not on any account enter the town. were you to do so, some of the inhabitants might send word to reggio; and it might be suspected that you were there for some special purpose. therefore hide yourself among the hills a short distance from the town; and after nightfall send one of your men in. he had better take one of the peasants' cloaks and hats: it will be ample disguise for him. it will be his duty to watch on the shore; and then, if he sees two or three steamers--i cannot say what force garibaldi will bring over--approach the shore, tell him to come up to you at once; and you can then lead your men down to cover, if necessary, the landing of the troops, and to give them any aid in your power. tell the general that i have now eight hundred men with me, and am ready to move to any point he orders." these instructions frank carried out, except that he obtained two peasants' cloaks and hats instead of one. he halted late in the afternoon two miles behind the town, and when it became quite dark took down his men within a quarter of a mile of it; then, assuming one of the disguises, he proceeded with one of the party similarly habited into the town. he posted his follower by the shore, and then re-entered the place. a good many peasants in their high conical hats, with wide brims adorned with ribbons--a costume which is now generally associated with italian brigands, and differs but slightly from that of the savoyards--were wandering about the town. all sorts of rumours were current. it was reported that the neapolitan war-ships were on the look-out for vessels in which it was said garibaldi was about to cross from messina and the cape of faro. others reported that garibaldi himself was with the small corps that had been, for the past week, pursued among the mountains, and whose ever-increasing numbers had been greatly exaggerated by rumour. frank seated himself in front of a wine-shop where several of these men were drinking. he could with difficulty understand their patois; but he gathered that all wished well to the expedition. an hour later he heard a tumult, and going to see what was the matter, he found that one of the police officers of the town had accosted the man he had left upon the sea-shore, and finding that he was ignorant of the patois of the country, had arrested him. four or five other agents of the municipality, which consisted of creatures of the neapolitan government, had gathered round the captive; and the inhabitants, although evidently favourably disposed towards the prisoner, were too much afraid of the vengeance of their masters to interfere. after hesitating a moment, frank ran back to the wine-shop where he had been sitting. his great fear was that the neapolitan agents would at once send news to reggio that a spy had been taken, and that the garrison there would be put on their guard. he therefore entered, and throwing aside his cloak, addressed the eight or ten peasants present. "my friends," he said, "i am one of the officers of garibaldi, who will soon come to free you from your tyrants. as true italians, i doubt not that your hearts are with him; and you now have it in your power to do him a real service." all rose to their feet. "we are ready, signor. tell us what we have to do, and you can rely upon us to do it." "i want you to post yourselves on the road to reggio a hundred yards beyond the town, and to stop any one who may try to leave the place, no matter whether he be a police officer or the syndic. we have a large force near; but we do not wish to show ourselves till the proper moment. it is all-important that no news of our being in the neighbourhood should reach the commander of the troops at reggio." "we will do it, signor; be assured that no one shall pass long." "simply turn back the first that comes," frank said; "if more come, kill them; but i want these agents of your tyrant to know that the road is closed. i could place our own men to do this, but i do not wish it known that there are troops near." the men hurried away, and frank went off and followed the little crowd that accompanied the prisoner and his captors to the house of the syndic. he watched them go in, and in a short time several of the police left the house, and ere long returned with some eight or ten persons whom frank judged to be the municipal council. he waited for a minute or two, and then went to the door. "stand back," he said, to two men who barred the entrance. "i am one of garibaldi's officers. i have hundreds of my peasants round the town, ready to lay it in ashes if i but give the word." they slipped back, confounded by the news; and entering, he went into a room of which the door was standing open. the man who had been left on watch was standing between four policemen; his cloak had been torn off, and he stood in the red shirt, blue breeches and gaiters, that had now become the uniform of the greater portion of garibaldi's followers. some ten or twelve men were seated by a large table, and were talking eagerly. frank again threw back his cloak, walked up and struck the table with his fist. [illustration: "'silence! signors,' he said in a loud voice"] "silence, signors!" he said in a loud voice. "i am the master of this town for the present: it is surrounded by armed peasants who are instructed to cut the throats of any one who attempts to leave it. i am an officer of garibaldi, as you may see by my attire. i have but to give the word, and in ten minutes the whole of you will be strung up from the balcony of this house; therefore, if you value your lives, retire at once to your houses, and, agents though you be of the neapolitan tyrant, no harm will befall you; but if one of you attempts to leave the town, or to send any one out with a message, his life will be forfeited. that will do, sirs: leave at once." the astounded men filed out from the room. when they had all left, frank went out with the late prisoner, locked the door, and put the key in his pocket. "put on your hat and cloak again," he said, "and go down to the road by the sea; watch if any one goes along, and stay a quarter of an hour to see if he returns." then, without putting on his own disguise, he went to the spot where the townspeople, among whom the report of what had happened had spread rapidly, were assembled, and mounting on the steps of a large building there, addressed them. "calabrians," he said, "the moment when your freedom will be attained is at hand. you have heard that a party of troops of that champion of freedom, general garibaldi, has crossed to the mainland. the officer in command has sent me to tell you that they are everywhere joined by the brave calabrians, and will speedily have a force capable of giving battle to the armies of your tyrants. it may be that before many days they will come down here from the mountains, and he hopes to find every man capable of bearing arms ready to join him; it will be a bad day for those who, in spite of the wishes of the people, and the certainty that calabria will shortly be freed from the presence of the troops at naples, strive to check the tide. "for your own sakes watch the men who have acted as the agents of the government of naples; station armed men on every road by which they could send a message to reggio, for should they do so troops might be sent here, and then, when the soldiers of freedom come down from the hills, a battle will be fought in your streets, and many innocent persons might suffer. i do not ask any to come forward now, to declare himself for the cause of freedom; i only ask you to hold yourselves in readiness, so that when we come down from the hills you will welcome us, as men welcome those who come to strike the fetters from their limbs. it may be that you will not have long to wait, and that in eight-and-forty hours missori with a portion of his army will be here. but this i do ask you: keep an eye on your syndic and his council, on the police, and all others who represent the authority of naples, and see that no one on any pretence leaves the town for the next forty-eight hours." the town was a very small one, and a large portion of its population were fishermen; these latter shouted loud approval of frank's words, and declared themselves ready to carry out the instructions he had given them, but the trading class was silent. they had something to lose, and had been so long accustomed to the tyranny of the government that they feared to make any demonstration whatever of liberal opinions until they saw how matters went. it was upon them that the taxes pressed most heavily, and they had far more reason than the fishing class to hail a release from these exactions; but they had more to lose, and they felt that it was best to hold themselves aloof from any manifestation of their feelings. the fishermen, however, thronged round frank, and announced themselves ready at once to obey his orders. "divide yourselves into four parties," he went on; "let each choose a leader and take it in turn to watch the roads and see that none passes." at this moment frank's follower returned. "two of the police went out along the road," he said, "but have just come back." "i am not surprised at what i have just heard," he went on, addressing the fishermen. "the police have already endeavoured to send word to reggio that our friends from the hills are shortly coming here, but they have been stopped on the way by some brave peasants whom i stationed on the road for the purpose. how many police are there here?" "only eight, signor," one of the men said. "come with me, and i will warn them that if any attempt is again made to send word of what is going on here they will be at once hanged." followed by forty or fifty fishermen, he went at once to the police quarters. the sergeant who was in command came out with his detachment. "men," frank said, "we bear no ill-will to those who serve the neapolitan government. it has been the government of this country, and none are to be blamed for taking service with it; and i doubt not that when, like sicily, calabria is free, those who have done their duty, without undue oppression and violence, will be confirmed in their appointments. but woe be to those who oppose the impulse of the country! there are thousands of peasants in the mountains already in arms. the neapolitan soldiers, who were powerless to oppose the people of sicily, will be equally powerless to oppose the people of calabria, aided as these will be, when the time comes, by the great army from the other side of the straits. already, as you know, sir," he said to the officer, "the roads leading from here are guarded. you have made an effort, as was perhaps your duty, to send word to reggio that the heart of the people here beats with those of their brethren among the hills. let there be no further attempts of the sort, or it will be bad, alike for those who go and for those who stay, and when colonel missori arrives you will be treated as the enemies of freedom and punished accordingly. "already i have a detachment close at hand, and the sound of a gun will bring them here at once; but if all is quiet these will not enter the place until the main body arrives. i have come on before, to see whether the people here are to be regarded as friends or as enemies. i already know that they are friends; and in the name of colonel missori, and in the cause of freedom, i order you to remain quiet here, to take no steps either for or against us, and i doubt not that, when the time comes, you will be as ready as the brave fellows here to join the army of freedom. at present my orders are that you remain indoors. i will have no going out, no taking notes as to the names of those who join our cause. i do not order you to give up your arms; i hope that you will use them in the cause of freedom." "your orders shall be obeyed, signor," the sergeant said. "i am powerless to interfere one way or another here, but i promise that no further attempt shall be made to communicate with reggio." "i accept your word, sergeant. and now you will send a man round to the houses of all the town council and all functionaries of the neapolitan government, and state that, by the orders of the representative of colonel missori, they are none of them to leave their houses for the next forty-eight hours; and that they are not to attempt to communicate with each other, or to send any message elsewhere. any attempt whatever to disobey this order will be punished by immediate death. which man do you send?" "thomasso," the sergeant said. "you have heard the order. will you at once carry it round?" "let four of your men," frank said to the fishermen, "go with this policeman. see that he delivers this message, and that he enters into no communication whatever with those to whom he is sent, but simply repeats the order and then goes to the next house." four men stepped forward, and at once started with the policeman. the sergeant and the others withdrew into the house. "now, my friends," frank went on to the fishermen, "do as i told you, and let the first party take up at once the duty of watching the roads, and remain there for six hours. it is now ten; at four the second party will relieve them, and so on at intervals of six hours. it will not be long ere the necessity for this will be at an end. each party will detach eight men in pairs to patrol the streets till morning and arrest any one they find about, and conduct him to the hotel where i shall take up my quarters. those not on duty had best retire quietly to their homes, as soon as it is settled to which section they are to belong. i shall not go to bed, and any question that may arise must at once be referred to me." the fishermen went off to the shore to choose their leaders. "rejoin your comrades," frank said to his follower. "tell them that everything is going on well, and that while two of them are to come down at once to keep watch on the beach, the rest can wrap themselves in their cloaks and lie down until they receive orders from me." frank now went to the one hotel in the town and ordered supper to be prepared for him. the landlord, who had been among the crowd when he addressed them, said humbly,-- "i have already ordered supper to be got ready, signor, thinking that when you had arranged matters you would yourself come here. pray do not think that because many of us did not at once come forward and offer to join you, it was because we were indifferent to your news; but you see it is not with us as with the fishermen. if things go badly, they can embark their families and goods in their boats, cross the straits, and establish themselves in the villages there, and earn their living as before. but with us who have something to lose it is different. our property would be confiscated, we should be driven from home, many of us would be shot, and others thrown into their dungeons." "i quite see that, landlord; and i can hardly blame you for hesitating a little, though you must remember that the men who have been the champions of freedom have been almost wholly men who have had much to lose, but have risked all for their principles, and that garibaldi's army is very largely composed of such men." "ah, signor, but we have never seen any chance of success. when garibaldi once lands, we shall not hang back; but at present it is but a revolt of the peasants. they tell us that france and other powers are endeavouring to prevent him from invading calabria; and if he should not come, what can a few thousand peasants do against a hundred thousand trained troops?" "well, i do not think that garibaldi will be restrained from crossing, whatever pressure is put upon him: they tried to prevent him from sailing from genoa--now he is dictator of sicily; he will land somewhere on the coast, never fear." "in that case, signor, i shall shout as loud as any one, and i shall send my son to carry a musket in his ranks." frank smiled. "well, landlord, let me have my supper; to-morrow we may talk over the affair again. bring me a bottle of good wine, and when supper is served you can close the house for the night. i shall not require a bed, but shall remain here till morning. do not fasten up the front door, as i shall have men call frequently. i hope there are plenty of provisions in the town in case three or four thousand men should march in here to-morrow." "for a day, signor, we might feed them; but i doubt if it would go beyond that." chapter xiv. a discovery. at one o'clock one of the men on the look-out brought to frank the news that he could make out two steamers approaching. frank ran down to the shore. the man's eyesight had not deceived him: two steamers were certainly making their way towards melito, and, from the direction of their course, they had almost certainly come from some port in sicily, and did not belong to the neapolitan squadron that were constantly parading the straits. these, indeed, were for the most part lying twenty miles away, while some were anchored off reggio. demonstrations had been made for some days both at messina and the cape of faro, in order to attract their attention, and lead to the belief that it was intended to land near the spot where missori had disembarked, or at some point north of the entrance to the straits. stores had been ostentatiously placed on board steamers at messina and faro; men had embarked in considerable numbers every evening, and smoke pouring from the funnels showed that steam was being got up. these preparations were keenly watched by the neapolitans, and served their purpose by concentrating all their attention upon these points. garibaldi, on arriving from sardinia with the troops which had been collected there, had despatched the _torino_ and _franklin_, carrying a thousand of these men, round the island with instructions to them to put in at giardini, the port of taormina. he himself proceeded to messina, and then, after seeing that all was going on well there, rode down to the port, having previously sent forward seven hundred men. this detachment was so small that its departure attracted little attention, and it was supposed that it had only gone down to reinforce bixio's brigade; thus messina was as ignorant of the fact that an expedition was about to start from giardini as were the neapolitan commanders. on arrival at giardini, on the evening of august th, garibaldi found that bixio had already embarked a thousand men on board the _torino_, which was a steamer of seven hundred tons, and that he was prepared to send another thousand on board. the _franklin_ was a small paddle steamer of two hundred tons, and she was reported to be leaking so badly that no troops had been embarked on her. garibaldi at once went on board with his staff, and found that she was making water fast. the leak could not be discovered, but garibaldi, as an old sea captain, knew what should be done to check the inrush of water, at least for a time, as it was all-important that she should be able to carry her complement of men across the sixteen miles of water between giardini and melito. several of his officers could swim, and he ordered these to dive overboard, and to find, if possible, the position of the leaks. in the meantime, he sent ashore for a boat-load of a mixture of manure and chopped straw. when this arrived, lumps were thrust down at the end of poles, to the points where leaks had been discovered; particles of the composition were drawn into the leaks by the inrush of water, and in a short time the leakage almost entirely ceased, and the work of embarkation recommenced. three thousand men were carried by the _torino_, and twelve hundred on the _franklin_, where garibaldi himself took his place, while bixio commanded on the _torino_. both vessels were crowded to a dangerous extent; men were packed on deck as closely as they could stand, and were even clustered on the shrouds. had there been any wind, it would have been dangerous in the extreme to put to sea overloaded as they were, but fortunately there was not a breath of air, and the water was perfectly calm. at ten o'clock the two vessels started on their eventful voyage, but owing to the difficulties caused by the strong currents, they did not arrive off melito until two in the morning. as soon as frank had assured himself that the approaching vessels were those he expected, he sent off one of his two men to fetch down the party that had for twelve hours been lying outside the place, while he despatched the other to the huts of the leaders of the three parties of fishermen not engaged in watching the roads, to tell them to call up all their men as quietly as possible and to get their boats in the water. in a short time, therefore, after the _franklin's_ anchor had been dropped, frank arrived alongside the _torino_ with half a dozen fishing boats: he had rowed to her both as being the larger craft and being nearest to the shore, and thought that garibaldi would be on board her. on reaching her he found bixio. several lanterns had been placed near the gangway, and the general at once recognised him. "welcome, captain percival!" he said heartily, as he shook hands with him. "we were glad indeed when we saw the boats putting off, and knew that a detachment of missori's men must be there. have you more boats coming out?" "yes, sir; there will be a dozen more off in a few minutes. i set off as soon as i had assembled a sufficient number of fishermen to man those alongside." "i am sorry to say," bixio said, "that we have run aground, and i fear badly. i have just sent a boat to the _franklin_, where garibaldi is, to tell him what has happened. you had better go at once and report to him. what force have you?" "only fifty men, sir. the colonel sent only a small party, as he was afraid that, were he to come with all his force, he would bring the enemy down here at once." "there is no fear of trouble in the town?" "no, sir; i have arranged all that. you will be entirely unopposed; there are no neapolitans nearer than reggio, and they have no suspicions of our being here." frank at once returned to the boat in which he had come off, and rowed to the _franklin_. "ah, it is you, percival!" garibaldi exclaimed when he saw him. "then all is well. we will begin to land at once, and you can tell me as we go ashore what missori has been doing. how many boats have you with you?" "i have brought six, sir; but there will be at least a dozen more in a few minutes." garibaldi descended into the boat, and was followed by as many men as could be crowded into her. "now, first about the state of things here. is there any chance of our being disturbed before the men are all ashore?" "i should think not, sir. with the exception of the fishermen, whom i have roused to man the boats, no one in the place knows anything of what is going on. the great bulk of the people are in your favour. the syndic and all the authorities are prisoners in their houses, and even if they were conscious of your landing, they could not send the news to reggio, as i have armed parties on all the roads. you have therefore certainly six or eight hours before there is any chance of interruption." "that is good news. indeed, everything has gone well with us so far, except this misfortune of bixio's steamer running aground. unless we can succeed in getting her off, i fear that the neapolitans will capture her. however, that is a minor matter. now, what can you tell me about the position of the enemy?" "there are about thirty thousand men under general viale in and around monteleone; there are twelve thousand at bagnara, and the towns between it and reggio, where there are but fifteen hundred men under general galotta; eighteen hundred men are in aspromonte, in pursuit of missori, who has now about eight hundred men with him." "they could hardly be disposed better for our purpose," garibaldi remarked. "we shall take reggio before supports can arrive to the garrison, and our success there will be worth ten thousand men to us." garibaldi remained on shore watching the disembarkation of the men. every boatman in melito was soon employed in the work, and, by four o'clock the whole of the troops were on the shore. while the disembarkation had been going on, garibaldi had sent for the syndic and other authorities, and had informed them that they must now consider themselves under his authority, and obey promptly all orders that he gave them; that he should require bread, meat, and wine, for a day's consumption for the whole of his force; that he was prepared to pay for the food, but that they must obtain it from the inhabitants. except among the fishermen, the arrival of the force was regarded with an appearance of apathy. the townspeople had been told by the authorities that there was no fear whatever of garibaldi and his freebooters coming near them, and believing that he must speedily be crushed, they regarded his arrival with fear rather than pleasure. there were many there who were well-wishers of the cause, but they feared to exhibit any sign of their friendship, lest they should suffer terribly for it when he and his followers had been destroyed by the troops. in sicily there had been previous insurrections and risings, and the people had long hoped that some day they would shake off the yoke of naples; but no such hope had been entertained on the mainland, where the reign of oppression had been so long unbroken that no thought that it could ever be thrown off had entered the minds of the great majority of the ignorant people. at daybreak the war-vessels at reggio could be seen getting up steam, and the greatest efforts were made to get the _torino_ afloat again. unfortunately the reduction effected in her draught of water by the removal of her passengers and a certain amount of stores had been counteracted by the force of the current, which, as fast as she was lightened, carried her up higher on the shoal. the little _franklin_, which was an american vessel chartered for the occasion, hoisted the stars and stripes as soon as the garibaldians had landed, and steamed across to the island. the _torino's_ italian flag remained flying until three neapolitan steamers came up and opened fire upon the garibaldians on shore. three men were wounded by a shell; when the rest, forming up, marched out of the town, taking the path (it could scarcely be called a road) towards reggio. four men had, soon after the landing had been effected, been sent to missori with orders that he should join at reggio. as soon as the garibaldians were out of range, the neapolitan commanders turned their guns on the _torino_, and after keeping up a heavy fire upon her for some hours, they sent parties in boats to board her and set her on fire. the first part of the march towards reggio was an extremely toilsome one. for the first eight miles, from melito to cape d'armi, the slopes of the mountains extend to the very edge of the water, and the troops were continually mounting the steep spurs or descending into ravines. they had with them four mountain guns, and as the path could only be traversed by the men in single file, the difficulty of taking the guns along was immense. the men were in the highest spirits. the fact that, in case of disaster, the destruction of the _torino_ had cut off all means of return to sicily, in no way troubled them. similarly they had thrown themselves on shore at marsala, and the ships in which they had come had been captured by the enemy. their confidence in garibaldi was absolute, and no thought of disaster was for a moment entertained. once past the cape, they halted. it was already evening, and although the distance in miles had been short, the fatigue had been very great, and none had closed an eye on the previous night. it was therefore impossible to go farther. they were received with enthusiasm by the people of the villages scattered here and there on the mountain-side. a greek colony had very many years before settled there, and retained many of their own customs, and even their own language; but although conversation with the north italian garibaldians was difficult, and often impossible, there could be no mistake as to the heartiness of their welcome. everything in the way of provisions was given to the soldiers, and each cottage took in as many men as it could hold; and from the moment, indeed, when the garibaldians set foot in calabria, they met with a far deeper and heartier welcome than had been the case in sicily. in the latter they had been joined by a comparatively small body of volunteers, and the people had contented themselves with shouting and cheering, but had given little else; and even in messina the appeals of garibaldi for aid in the hospitals, and lint and bandages for the wounded, had met with little response: the sicilians had, in fact, fallen to the level of the neapolitans. in calabria, on the other hand, the population was manly, hardy, and hospitable--possessing the virtues of mountaineers in all countries; and as the news of garibaldi's landing spread, the whole population took up arms. here communications were received from missori, who stated that he was pushing forward with all haste; but that, from the ruggedness of the mountains along which he was travelling, he could not hope to be at reggio until late the following evening. the next day the garibaldians advanced along the mountain-side; a detachment sent out from reggio retiring along the road as they advanced. the force halted for the night six miles from the town. a messenger from missori announced that, in spite of his efforts, he was still far distant; garibaldi, therefore, determined to attack the next morning without waiting for him. communications had been opened with the townsfolk, and a message was sent back that the national guard would support him. few towns are more beautifully situated than reggio. it lies on the lowest slope of a spur of aspromonte. behind it rises the castle, with its guns commanding the town, whose scattered suburbs and gardens stretch far away up the mountain-side; while across the straits lies the bay of catania, with numerous towns and villages up the slopes of etna, which forms a background, with wreaths of smoke ascending from the volcano on its summit. away to the right lies messina, and the coast stretching along to cape faro. the intervening strait is dotted with shipping: steamers on their way to the east, or returning to italy and france; sailing-ships flying the flags of many nations, fishing-and rowing-boats. it was settled that bixio with his brigade was to enter the town by the main road, and effect a junction with the national guard in the piazza lying below the castle; and that, when the junction was made, a battalion was to descend to the shore and attack a small fort near the marina. as soon as the news of garibaldi's landing had reached the town, the principal people and the officers of the national guard had called upon gallotta, and begged him, if he intended to fight garibaldi, to go outside the town to do so, and so save the place from the injury that would be effected by a desperate struggle in the streets. the request was a strange one; but the general, who no doubt considered that he would do better in a fight in the open than in the streets, where possibly the inhabitants might take part against him, agreed to do this, and on garibaldi's approach marched out of the fortress with eight hundred men in two detachments, one of which took post at the bridge just outside reggio, while, strangely enough, the other four hundred men took up a position on the opposite side of the town. in order to confuse the italian troops, who would be marching from all the towns on the coast towards reggio, garibaldi had sent orders to cosenz to cross during the night from cape faro with twelve hundred men in boats, and to land near bagnara. expecting some hard fighting, the garibaldians moved on at midnight. when they approached the town the scouts went forward, and found to their surprise that the bridge was unoccupied. bixio at once crossed it; and, reaching the piazza, joined the national guard there without a shot having been fired. similarly, garibaldi with the rest of the force entered the suburbs. they came upon a small outpost, which was at once driven back; and gallotta, who, not dreaming of a night attack, had withdrawn most of his troops into the castle, now beat a hasty retreat with the remainder, and a cannonade was at once opened by its guns upon the town. the neapolitan force on the other side of reggio retreated at once, fearing that they would not be able to enter the castle, and retired along the road, hoping to meet general braganti, who was advancing with a column to reinforce the garrison. bixio's battalion took the little fort on the marina without difficulty. barricades were at once thrown up across all the streets leading to the castle, in order to prevent the garrison from making a sortie, or any relieving force reaching it. it was daylight now, and missori and his column arrived, as arranged, upon the hill-side above the castle, and at once opened so heavy a musketry fire upon its defenders, that the artillery were unable to serve the guns. feeling that the castle could not hold out long, garibaldi despatched a battalion to hold the relieving column in check; but braganti had already heard from the fugitives that the town and seaside fort were in the hands of the garibaldians, and the castle invested upon all sides: he therefore fell back to await further reinforcements, being ignorant of the force under garibaldi's command. at twelve o'clock a loud cheer broke from the garibaldians round the castle, for the white flag of surrender was hoisted. the general granted the same terms that were given to bosco's force at milazzo--namely, that the garrison might march down to the shore, and there embark on board the neapolitan war-ships for conveyance to naples, leaving all munitions of war, money, and all prisoners who might be confined there, behind them. thus, with the loss of only seven men killed and wounded, a castle which had been considered capable of resisting a long siege was captured, and the first blow struck at the bourbon dynasty of naples. the success in itself was a striking one; its consequences were far-reaching. the news that reggio had been captured by the garibaldians, almost without fighting, spread like wild-fire. cosenz's landing had also been successful; and this, added to the news that all southern calabria had risen in arms, created such consternation among the commanders of the various bodies of troops in the towns facing the straits, that all prepared to march at once to join the main force at monteleone. as soon as the castle surrendered, garibaldi despatched boats across the straits, with orders to the troops at messina and cape faro to cross at once in any craft they could get hold of. no advance from reggio was made that afternoon, as the troops required some rest after their exertions. as evening came on the scene was a striking one; every town and village on the other side of the straits from cape faro to giardini being illuminated. the lights twinkled, and bonfires blazed, far up the sides of etna. as soon as garibaldi had entered the castle, he said to frank, who had been near him all day: "take ten men and search the castle thoroughly, and release all political prisoners. there are sure to be many here." frank obeyed the order eagerly. at palermo he had not expected to find any prisoners from the mainland; and he had read through the list of those found and released at messina without emotion--for there, as at palermo, all were men, for the most part of good family, belonging to the city; but now he was on the mainland, and prisoners taken in any part of the neapolitan dominions might be found here. first he obtained the list of those detained from the officer in special charge of them. no familiar name met his eye as he glanced hastily down it. "you are sure that this is the entire list?" he asked the officer. "there are none others," the latter replied; "but if you are searching for a friend you may find him here, though bearing another name. the majority of the prisoners are registered under their real names, but in some cases, where there are particular reasons for secrecy, another name is given when they are brought here, and i myself am ignorant of what their real designations may be." "you had better accompany me round, sir," frank said, "and see that the jailors open all the doors and give me every facility." the officer willingly assented: he felt that his appointment under the neapolitan government was at an end, and was anxious to please those who were likely to be his masters in the future. as a rule some fifteen or twenty men were confined together; these were first visited, but no familiar face was found among them. "those you have seen," the officer said, "are, i believe, all confined here under their own names; as you see, a number are kept together. all are allowed at certain hours of the day to go out into the courtyard and to converse with each other freely. there are four prisoners who are kept apart from the rest, and each other; these are the four who bear, i believe, other names than those given on the list. they go out for four or five hours at a time on to the walls, but each has his separate place for exercise, and they can hold no communication with each other, or with the rest of the prisoners. in all other respects they have the same food and treatment." the scene in each of the rooms that he had hitherto entered had been very painful; the prisoners had heard the sound of firing, but were in ignorance of what it meant. no news from the outside world ever reached them; they had heard nothing of the events in sicily, and the only explanation that they could imagine for the firing was that there had been a revolution in the province, and that the castle had been attacked by a party of insurgents. their hopes had fallen when the firing ceased; and during the hour that had passed while the negotiations were being carried on, had altogether faded away. they had heard no cannon from without; and that a body of insurgents should have captured the fortress seemed out of the question. there had been an attack, but the assailants had evidently fallen back. when, therefore, frank entered, attended by their chief and followed by eight men in red shirts, broad-brimmed hats, and carrying muskets, they were too astonished even to guess at the truth until frank said: "gentlemen, in the name of general garibaldi, who has captured this castle, i have the pleasure to announce to you that from this moment you are free men." for the most part the announcement was received in silence. they could scarce believe the possibility of what he said. the name of garibaldi was known to all. it was he who had commanded at the defence of rome; it was he who, as those who had been longest there had learned from comparatively late comers, had done such signal service in the alps with his volunteers, when, by the aid of france, milan and part of lombardy was wrested from the austrians. they looked at one another almost incredulously; then, as the meaning of frank's words dawned upon them, some fell into each others' arms, murmuring incoherent words, others burst into tears, while some again dropped on their knees to thank god for their deliverance. frank had to wait for a few minutes in each room until they had recovered themselves a little, and then sent out each batch with two of his soldiers to see for themselves that they were really free, and to thank garibaldi for their rescue. "now, signor," the officer said, when they had left the last of the large rooms, "there are only the four special prisoners to visit." the first of these was a man in the prime of life, although with long unkempt hair and beard. as frank repeated the words he had used before, the man looked at him with an unmeaning smile. again and again he spoke to him, but a low childish laugh was the only answer. frank turned angrily to the officer. "the poor fellow's mind has gone," he said. "how long has he been a prisoner here?" "about eight years, signor; for some time his mind has been getting weaker." "the brutes!" frank exclaimed passionately. "here, men, take this poor fellow out to the courtyard, and remain with him: i will ask the general presently what had best be done with him. are the others like this?" he asked the officer, with a thrill of fear that overpowered the hope that he had lately been feeling. "one of them is silent, and seldom speaks, but he is, i believe, quite sensible; the other two are well. the man we shall next see is perfectly so; he never speaks to us, but when alone here, or when upon the wall for exercise, he talks incessantly to himself: sometimes in italian; sometimes, as one of the officers who understands that language says, in english; sometimes in what i have heard our priests say is latin; sometimes in other languages." "before you open the door, tell me what age he is," frank asked, in a low strained voice. "i should say that he was about sixty, signor; he has been here nearly three years," the man said. "now open the door." frank entered almost timidly. a tall man rose from a palette, which was the sole article of furniture in the room. "is it treason, lieutenant," he asked quietly, "to ask what has been going on?" frank with an exclamation of joy stepped forward: "grandfather," he said, "thank god i have found you!" the prisoner started, looked at him searchingly, and exclaimed, "frank! yes, it is frank: is this a miracle, or am i dreaming?" "neither, grandfather. garibaldi has landed; we have taken the castle, and, thank god, you are free." the professor sank back on his bed and sat for a minute or two with his face buried in his hands; then he rose, put his hands upon frank's shoulders, and then clasped him in his arms, bursting as he did so into tears, while frank's own cheeks were wet. the professor was the first to recover himself. "i had fancied, frank," he said, "that i was a philosopher, but i see i am not; i thought that all emotion for me was over, but i feel now like a child. and can i really go out?" "yes," frank said; "but i have two more doors to open, and then i will go with you." "i will wait here for you, frank: i shall be glad to be for a few minutes alone, to persuade myself that this is not a dream, and to thank god for his mercy. one moment, though, before you leave me: is my wife alive and well, and my daughter?" "both are well," frank said; "it is five months since i saw them, but i had letters from both four days ago." then he left the cell. "this is the silent man," the officer said, as he opened the next door. frank repeated his usual speech to the dark-bearded man who faced him when he entered. "you are young to lie, sir," the man said sternly. "this, i suppose, is a fresh trick to see whether i still hate the accursed government that has sent me here." "it is no lie, signor," frank said quietly. "i am an officer of general garibaldi's. he has conquered all sicily, and with some four thousand men crossed the straits three days ago to melito, and has now captured this place." the man burst into a wild fit of laughter, and then, with another cry of "you lie!" he sprang upon frank, and had it not been for the officer and the two garibaldian soldiers, who still accompanied them, would assuredly have strangled him; for, strong as he was, frank was but an infant in the man's hands. after a desperate struggle, he was pulled off, and forced down on his bed. "leave him," frank said: "he will be quiet now.--signor, i can understand your feelings; you think what i have said is impossible. you will soon see that it is not. as soon as you calm yourself, one of my men will accompany you to the courtyard, which is, you will find, full of garibaldians; and the general himself will assure you that you are a free man, and can, if you choose, quit this place immediately." the man's mood changed. "i am calm," he said, rising to his feet. "perhaps this man will take me out to execution, but it will be welcome to me. i have prayed for death so long that i can only rejoice if it has come." then he quietly walked out of the cell, followed by one of the soldiers, who, being by no means satisfied that the prisoner had ceased to be dangerous, slipped his bayonet on to his musket before following him. the fourth prisoner was very feeble, but he received the news with tranquillity. "it does not make much difference to me now," he said; "but it will be some satisfaction to know that i shall be buried outside the prison." "you must not look at it in that light, signor," frank said. "no doubt you will pick up health and strength when you rejoin your friends, and find that the tyranny and oppression you struggled against are at an end." leaving the last of his men to give the poor fellow his arm and lead him out, frank returned to professor forli. the latter rose briskly as he came in. "i am myself again," he said. "your coming here so strangely, and the news you brought, were so great a surprise, that everything seemed confused, and i was unable to grasp the fact. i have heard that a good swimmer, if he falls suddenly into deep water, behaves for a few moments like one who is ignorant of the art, striking out wildly, swallowing much water before he fairly grasps the situation and his skill returns to him. so it was with me: my equanimity has never been shaken since i was first seized. i perceived at once that what was to come was inevitable. i reflected that i was vastly better off than most; that my mind was stored with knowledge accumulated by the great thinkers of all ages, and that, so fortified, i could afford to be indifferent to imprisonment or persecution. but you see the suddenness of the knowledge that i was free, did what captivity, even as hopeless as mine, had failed to do. now, frank, let us go out: you shall take me down to the sea-shore, and then tell me by what marvel you come to be here. if it had been your father, i should not have been so surprised; but that you, whom i had thought of as a boy at harrow, should throw open my prison-door, is past my understanding at present. of course, your father is here with you?" "i am sorry to say that he is not," frank said quietly; "but i will tell you all about it when we get down to the shore. i must, before we start, tell the general that all the prisoners have been freed, and that i have found you, and ask if he will require me just at present." going into the courtyard, frank left his grandfather to look on at a scene so novel to him, and went into the room where garibaldi and bixio were examining, with the syndic, a map of the district. he stood at the door till the general looked round. "pardon me, sir, for interrupting you, but i wish to report to you that among the other prisoners i have found signor forli, and that he is in good health." garibaldi rose from his seat, and holding out both hands grasped those of frank. "i am glad--i am glad indeed, lad," he said with deep feeling, "that my old friend is rescued; glad that the sacrifice that your mother made in parting with you has not been in vain, and that your own bravery and good conduct have been thus rewarded. i pray god that that other that you are seeking for, still nearer and more loved, may also be found." "excuse me," he said to bixio and the syndic: "i must shake signor forli by the hand before i go farther into this." as he hurried out, frank said,--"i have not told him about my father yet, sir. he suggested himself that we should go down together to the sea-shore, where we could talk matters over quietly; and i came in partly to ask you if you would require my services for the next hour or two?" "certainly not, percival. yes, i will be careful; it would be a shock to him to be told suddenly that your father had lost his life in his search for him." led by frank, he hurried to the spot where the professor was standing, quietly regarding the garibaldians laughing and chatting, and the groups of the neapolitan troops, who, now disarmed, were standing talking together with disheartened and sombre faces. "ah, professor," he exclaimed, as he came up to him; "glad indeed am i that you have been found and rescued. your friends were right in not despairing of you. it seems an age since we parted twelve years ago at rome. you are little changed. i feared that if found you would be like so many of the others whose prison doors we have opened--mere wrecks of themselves." "nor have you changed much," signor forli said, as he stood holding the general's hand; "a line or two on the forehead, but that is all. and so you have taken up again the work that seemed postponed for another century at rome?" "yes; and this time i hope that all italy will be freed. now, old friend, you must excuse me for the present--i am full of business; this evening we must have a long talk together; much has happened in the three years that have passed since you disappeared. you can keep this youngster with you. he has well earned a day's holiday." so saying, garibaldi hurried off. chapter xv. the advance from reggio. professor forli was silent until he and frank had passed out through the gate of the castle, then he took a long breath. "the air of freedom," he said, "is no different from that i have breathed daily on the walls there, for well-nigh three years, and yet it seems different. it is a comfort that my prison lay in this fair spot, and not in some place where i could see but little beyond the walls. often and often have i thanked god that it was so, and that, even as a free man and with the world before me, i could see no more lovely scene than this. there was change, too: there was the passage of the ships; i used to wonder where each was sailing; and about the passengers, and how hopefully many of these were going abroad to strange countries in search of fortunes, and how few were returning with their hopes fully satisfied. i smiled sometimes to think of the struggle for wealth and advancement going on in the world round me, while i had no need to think of the future; but my needs, always, as you know, few and simple, were ministered to; and though cut off from converse with all around me, i had the best company in the world in my cell. how thankful i was that my memory was so good--that i could discourse with the great men of the world, could talk with plato and argue with demosthenes; could discuss old age with cicero, or travel with either homer or virgil; visit the inferno with dante, or the heavens with milton; knew by heart many of the masterpieces of shakespeare and goethe, and could laugh over the fun of terence and plutarch: it was a grand company." so the professor continued to talk until they reached the shore. frank was not called upon to speak. the professor was talking to himself rather than to him, continuing the habit of which the officer of the prison had spoken. as yet his brain was working in its old groove. once on the strand, he stood silently gazing for two or three minutes, then he passed his hand across his forehead, and with an evident effort broke the chain of his thoughts and turned to frank. "strange talk, no doubt you are thinking, frank, for a man so suddenly and unexpectedly released from a living grave; but you see, lad, that the body can be emancipated more quickly than the mind from its bonds, and i am as one awaking from a deep sleep and still wondering whether it is i myself, and how i came to be here, and what has happened to me. i fear that it will be some time before i can quite shake off my dreams. now, lad, once more tell me about my wife and your mother. but no, you have told me that they are well. you have said naught of your father, save that he is not here. where is he? and how is he?" "i can answer neither question, grandfather. he, like you, has been lost to us; he disappeared a few months after you did, and we were led to believe that he was killed." the professor was himself again in an instant. the mood that had dominated him was shaken off, and he was keen, sharp, and alert again, as frank remembered him. "he is lost?" he repeated: "you heard that he was killed? how was it? tell me everything. in the early days of my imprisonment, when i thought of many things outside the walls of my gaol, one thing troubled me more than others. my wife had her daughter; no harm would come to her, save the first grief at my loss and the slow process of hope dying out. my daughter had everything that a woman could wish to make her happy; but your father, i knew him so well, he would not rest when the days passed and no news of me came--he would move heaven and earth to find me; and a man in this country who dares to enquire after a political prisoner incurs no small danger. is it so that he was missing? tell me all, and spare no detail; we have the rest of the day before us. we will sit down on this seat. now begin." frank told, at length, how, on the news of the professor's disappearance, his father had interested the english government in the matter, and how to all enquiries made the government of naples had replied that they knew nothing whatever concerning his disappearance; and how, at last, he himself started with an order obtained from naples for him to search all the prisons of southern italy. "it was just like him; it was noble and chivalrous," the professor said; "but he should have known better. an englishman unacquainted with italy might have believed that with such an order he might safely search for one who he suspected was lying in a neapolitan prison, but your father should have known better. notice would assuredly be sent before he arrived; and had he come here, for example, i should a week before have been carried away up into the mountains, till he had gone. he would have been shown the register of prisoners, he would not have found my name among them, he would have been told that no such person as he described had ever been confined here,--it was hopeless. but go on with your story." frank told how his father had visited several prisons, and how he wrote letters, exposing their horrors, that had appeared in the english papers, and had created an immense impression throughout the country. "it was mad of him," the professor murmured; "noble, but mad." then frank told how the news came of his being carried off by brigands, of the steps that had been taken, of the evidence of the courier who saw him fall, and of some of his effects being found in the hut on the mountain when this was captured and the brigand chief killed, of the report given by one of the prisoners that his father had died and been buried shortly after he was taken there, and of the vain search that had been made for his body. "and was this tale believed?" signor forli exclaimed, leaping to his feet. "no italian would for a moment have thought it true--at least, none who had the misfortune to be born under the neapolitan rule. surely my wife never believed it?" "in her heart i know now that she did not," frank said, "but she kept her doubts to herself for the sake of my mother. she thought that it was far better that she should believe that father was dead than that she should believe him buried in one of the foul prisons he had described." "she was right--she was right," the professor said: "it was certainly better. and your mother--did she lose hope?" "she told me that she would not allow herself to believe that he might still be alive, and i believe that she and the signora never said one word on the subject to each other until just before i started." he then related how the courier had been brought over, how he had been installed in the house in cadogan place, and how no suspicion of his being a spy had been entertained until after the receipt of garibaldi's letter, and how they were convinced at last that he had overheard all the arrangements made for his leaving for italy. "and you are alive, frank, to tell me this! by what miracle did you escape from the net that was thrown around you?" this part of the story was also told. "it was well arranged and bravely carried through, frank. so you took up the mission which had cost your father either his life or his liberty? it was a great undertaking for a lad, and i wonder indeed that your mother, after the losses she had suffered, permitted you to enter upon it. well, contrary to all human anticipations, you have succeeded in one half of it, and you will, i trust, succeed in the other. what seemed hardly possible--that you should enter the castle of reggio as one of its conquerors, and so have free access to the secrets of its prison--has been accomplished; and if garibaldi succeeds in carrying his arms farther, and other prison doors are opened, we may yet find your father. what you have told me has explained what has hitherto been a puzzle to me: why i should have been treated as a special prisoner, and kept in solitary confinement. now i understand it. england had taken the matter up; and as the government of naples had denied all knowledge of me, it was necessary that neither any prisoner, who, perhaps, some day might be liberated, nor any prison official should know me, and be able to report my existence to the british representative. you may be sure that, had your father come here, and examined every prisoner and official, privately, he would have obtained no intelligence of me. giuseppe borani would not have been here, he would have been removed, and none would dream that he was the prisoner for whom search was made. and now tell me briefly about this expedition of garibaldi. is all europe at war, that he has managed to bring an army here?" "first of all, grandfather, i must tell you what happened last year." he then related the incidents of the war of , whereby france and sardinia united and wrested milan and lombardy from the austrians; the brilliant achievements of the garibaldians; the disappointment felt by italy at nice and a part of savoy being handed over to napoleon as the price of the services that he had rendered; how bologna and florence, palma, ferrara, forli, and ravenna, had all expelled their rulers and united themselves with sardinia; and how, garibaldi having been badly treated and his volunteers disbanded, he himself had retired disappointed and hurt to caprera. then he related briefly the secret gathering of the expedition; the obstacles thrown in its way; its successful landing in sicily, and the events that had terminated with the expulsion of the neapolitan forces from the island. "garibaldi began with but a thousand men," he said in conclusion. "he is now at the head of twenty thousand, and it will grow every hour; for we have news of risings throughout southern calabria. if a thousand sufficed for the conquest of sicily, twenty thousand will surely be sufficient for that of the mainland. the easy capture of this place will strike terror into the enemy, and raise the enthusiasm of the troops and the calabrians to the utmost. garibaldi has but four thousand men with him now; but by this time to-morrow ten thousand at least will have crossed, and i think it is possible that we shall reach naples without having to fight another battle. at any rate, one pitched battle should be enough to free all southern italy. the papal states will come next, and then, as garibaldi hopes, venice; though this will be a far more serious affair, for the austrians are very different foes from the neapolitans, and have the advantage of tremendously strong fortifications, which could only be taken by siege operations with heavy artillery, and certainly could not be accomplished by troops like garibaldi's. "now about my father. supposing him to be alive, where do you think he would most probably be imprisoned?" "there is no saying. that he is alive, i feel confident--unless, indeed, he died in prison from the effect of the wound given him when he was captured. that he did not die when in the hands of the brigands, we may take to be certain, for his grave must in that case have been discovered. he must have been handed over to a party of police sent to fetch him by previous agreement with the brigands, and would have been confined in some place considered especially secure from search. i should fancy that he is probably in naples itself,--there are several large prisons there. then there would be the advantage that, if the british government had insisted upon a commission of their own officers searching these prisons, he could be removed secretly from one to another, so that before the one in which he was confined could be examined, he would have been taken to another, which had been previously searched. "his case was a more serious one than mine. although i was a naturalised british subject, i had gone of my own free will to italy, in the vain belief that i should be unmolested after so long an absence; and probably there would have been no stir in the matter had not your father taken it up so hotly, and by the influence he possessed obtained permission to search the dungeons. but, as i said, his case was a far more serious one. he went out backed by the influence of the british government; he was assisted by the british legation; he held the order of the neapolitan government for admission to all prisons. thus, had it been found that he had, in spite of their own so-called safe-conduct, been seized and imprisoned, the british fleet would have been in the bay of naples in a very short time--especially as his letters, as you tell me, created so much feeling throughout the country. therefore it would be an almost vital question for the government to maintain the story they had framed, and to conceal the fact that, all the time they were asserting that he had been captured and killed by the brigands, he was in one of their own prisons. "i may say frankly that they would unhesitatingly have had him killed, perhaps starved to death in a cell, were it not that they would have put it in the power of some official or other to betray them: a discovery that would have meant the fall of the government, possibly the dethronement of the king. had he been an italian, he would assuredly have been murdered, for it would not have paid any prison official to betray them; whereas, being an englishman of distinction, in whose fate the british government had actively interested itself, any man who knew the facts could have obtained a reward of a very large amount indeed for giving information. that is the sole reason, frank, that leads me to believe that he may still be alive. he was doubtless imprisoned under another name, just as i was; but at least it would be known to the men that attended upon him that he was an englishman, and these could scarcely have avoided suspecting that he was the man about whom such a stir had taken place. the government had already incurred a tremendous risk by his seizure; but this would have been far greater had foul means been used to get rid of him in prison. "in the former case, should by any extraordinary chance his existence have become known to the british legation, they would have framed some deliberate lie to account for their ignorance of his being captain percival. they might, for instance, assert that he had been taken prisoner in the mountains, with a party of brigands; that his assertions that he was an englishman had been wholly disbelieved, for he would naturally have spoken in italian, and his italian was so good that any assertions he made that he was an englishman would have been wholly discredited. that is merely a rough guess at the story they might have invented, for probably it would have been much more plausible; but, however plausible, it would not have received the slightest credit had it been found that he had been foully done to death. "it is difficult, frank, when one is discussing the probable actions of men without heart, honour, or principle, and in deadly fear of discovery, to determine what course they would be likely to take in any particular circumstances. now, the first thing that i have to do is to cross to messina, and to telegraph and afterwards to write to my wife. can i telegraph?" "yes, but not direct: the regular line is that which crosses the straits to this town and then goes up through italy. that, of course, we have not been able to use, and could not use it now. all messages have been sent by the line from cape passaro to malta, and thence through sardinia and corsica to spezzia. you can send a message by that. there will be no difficulty in getting a boat across the straits. you see the war-ships have steamed away. as soon as the castle was taken they found that their anchorage was within range of its guns. they fired a few shots into the town when the castle was bombarding it, and then retired. i believe that all through the men of the navy have been very reluctant to act against us, except, of course, at palermo." "then i will go at once. it is strange to me to be able to say i will go." "very well, grandfather. of course you have no money, but i can supply you with as much as you like. i have plenty of funds. i can't say where you will find me when you come back, but you will only have to enquire where garibaldi himself is: i am sure to be with him." "i shall stay a couple of days there. after that hard pallet and prison fare i cannot resist the temptation of a comfortable bed, a well-furnished room, and a civilised meal, especially as i am not likely to find any of these things on the way to naples." "by the way, i should think you could telegraph from here," frank said. "garibaldi sent off a message to messina directly the castle was taken." "then let us do so by all means." they went at once to the telegraph office, and from there the professor sent the following message: "dearest wife, frank has found and released me. am well and in good health. shall write fully this evening. shall accompany him and aid in his search for leonard. love to muriel.--forli." having handed this in, they went down to the shore again, and had no difficulty in hiring a boat. frank took twenty sovereigns from his belt. "you will want all this, grandfather, for indeed you must have an entirely new fit-out." "i suppose i must. there has not been much wear-and-tear in clothes, but three years is a long time for a single suit to last, and i have lately had some uneasiness as to what i should do when these things no longer hung together; and i certainly felt a repugnance to asking for a prison suit. i must decidedly go and get some clothes fit to be seen in before i present myself at an hotel. no respectable house would take me in as i am." "will you have more, sir? i can let you have fifty if you would like it." "no, my boy, i don't want to be encumbered with luggage. a suit besides that i shall wear, and a change of underclothes, will suffice. these can be carried in a small hand-bag, and whether we walk, or ride, i can take it with me." after seeing signor forli off, frank returned to the castle. "where is the professor?" garibaldi asked, when he reported himself as ready for duty. "i have just seen him off to messina, general. he is sorely in need of clothes, and he wants to write a long letter home, and he could scarcely find a quiet room where he could do so in reggio. he will rejoin us as we advance." "that is the wisest thing he could do; for although he looks wonderfully well, he can hardly be capable of standing much fatigue after taking no exercise for three years. he will have a great deal to learn as to what has taken place since he has been here, for i don't suppose the prisoners heard a whisper of the great changes in northern italy." "i told him in a few words, sir, but i had no time to give him any details." at reggio twenty-six guns, five hundred muskets, and a large quantity of coal, ammunition, provisions, horses, and mules were captured. on the following morning, major nullo and the guides with a battalion were thrown out towards san giovanni. there was no other forward movement. the general was occupied in receiving deputations from many towns and villages, and there were arrangements to be made for the transport of such stores and ammunition as were likely to be required. the garibaldians had crossed in large numbers. cosenz and medici, with a considerable portion of their commands, were already over, and the former had gone up into the hills. the next morning garibaldi with two thousand men and six captured field-pieces moved forward. it was possible that they would meet with opposition at san giovanni, and they had scarcely started when a messenger arrived from nullo. believing from the reports of the countrymen that the neapolitans were retiring, he had ridden on with six of the guides, till to his astonishment, at a bridge crossing a ravine close to that town, he came upon two squadrons of neapolitan lancers. with great presence of mind, he and his men had drawn their revolvers and summoned the officers in command to surrender. "surrender to whom?" the latter asked. "to garibaldi: he is ready to attack at once, if you refuse." "i will take you to the general," the officer said. to him nullo repeated his command. "i have no objection to confer with garibaldi himself," the general said, "and will go with you to him." "i cannot take you," nullo said: "my instructions are simply to demand your surrender; but i will go myself and inform him of your readiness to meet him. in the meantime, i demand that you withdraw your lancers from the bridge, which must be considered as the boundary between the two forces. you can leave two men on your side, and i will leave two on mine." to this the general agreed; and posting two of his men at the bridge, another was sent back to beg garibaldi to hurry up the troops. messengers went backward and forward between general melendis and garibaldi, who was marching forward with all haste. but, as the terms the latter laid down were that the troops should give up their arms and then be allowed to march away, no agreement was arrived at, and the neapolitans evacuated the town and took up a very strong position on the hill-side above it. they were two thousand five hundred strong, with five guns. in the evening garibaldi with two thousand men arrived near the place, and sending forward two companies to the bridge, made a circuit through the hills, and took up a position above and somewhat in rear of the neapolitans. a messenger was sent to cosenz, who was seventeen miles away, ordering him to start at once, and, if possible, arrive in the morning. a body of calabrian peasantry undertook to watch the enemy, and the garibaldians, wrapping themselves in their blankets, lay down for the night. before daybreak they were on their feet, and moved down the hill. the enemy opened fire with shell, but only two or three men fell, and the fire was not returned. on arrival at a spot where they were sheltered from the fire, garibaldi sent in a messenger with a flag of truce, renewing the offer of terms. the neapolitans shot the bearer of the flag as he approached them, but afterwards offered to treat. garibaldi, however, greatly angered at this violation of the laws of war, replied at first that he would now accept nothing but unconditional surrender. an armistice was however granted, to enable the general to communicate with general braganti. this afforded time, too, for cosenz to arrive from salerno, and for bixio, whose brigade had remained at reggio, to bring up some guns; these were posted so as to entirely cut the neapolitan line of retreat. at five o'clock garibaldi sent an order to the neapolitans to lay down their arms within a quarter of an hour, or he would advance. their general, seeing that he could not now hope to be reinforced, and that he was completely surrounded, assented to the demand. his soldiers piled their arms and soon fraternised with the garibaldians, many of them showing unconcealed pleasure that they had not been called upon to oppose those who had come to free their country. the greater portion of them threw away their accoutrements, and even their caps, and then dispersed, a few starting to join the main force under viarli, the greater portion scattering to their homes. the fort by the water's edge below the town had also surrendered. this was an important capture, as it possessed several heavy guns; and these, with those of faro on the opposite shore, commanded the straits, consequently the neapolitan ships could not pass on their way up towards naples, but were forced to retire through the other end and to make their way entirely round the island, thus leaving the passage between messina and the mainland entirely open. at daybreak garibaldi started at the head of cosenz's column for alta-fiumara, which the first party of garibaldians that landed had failed to capture. this, after a short parley, surrendered on the same terms as those granted the day before, and the men, throwing away their shakoes and knapsacks, started for their various homes. three miles farther, the castle of scylla surrendered, the national guard of the town having taken up arms and declared for garibaldi as soon as they heard that he was coming. bagnara had also been evacuated, viarli having withdrawn with his force and marched to monteleone. a halt was made here. the strictest orders had been given by garibaldi against plundering or in any way giving cause for hostility among the peasantry. sentries were posted, and one of the soldiers found stealing grapes was shot--an example which prevented any repetition of the offence. that evening frank, who was down on the shore, watching the men from messina being landed from several steamers, saw signor forli. "it is lucky indeed that i was down here," he said, "for every house in the town is full of troops, and you might have searched all night without finding me. it is quite useless to look for a bed now, and, indeed, the houses are so crowded that i had made up my mind to sleep here, and i should recommend you to do the same. i see you have got a blanket with you. it will be much cooler and more pleasant than indoors." "i will do so gladly, frank. it will be a fresh luxury for me to see the stars overhead as i lie, and the sand is quite as soft as any of these italians beds are likely to be." frank had indeed slept out every night since the garibaldians first landed. it saved the trouble of endeavouring to find accommodation, and enabled him to have a swim every morning to refresh him for his day's work. day after day the garibaldians marched on without encountering resistance. it was indeed a procession rather than a military advance. the country was lovely, the weather superb. at each village they were saluted by numbers of the country people, who had come down to greet them. they were all armed, and numbers of them joined the garibaldians. they were, for the most part, of fine physique, with handsome faces, and the women of this coast were famous for their beauty. the greek element was still predominant, and in many of the villages no other language was spoken. in the towns, the national guard were drawn up to receive their deliverers with all honour, and the inhabitants of all classes vied with each other in their hospitality. frank had been unable to buy a horse, but had succeeded in purchasing a donkey, on which the professor sat placidly smoking as they went along, with one marching column or another. cosenz's division generally led the way, followed by those of medici and ebers, while bixio followed in the rear, his division having already had their share of glory in sicily and at reggio. the main neapolitan army, retiring from monteleone, passed through each town only a few hours ahead of the garibaldians. the people reported that great insubordination existed among them. general braganti had been shot by his own men at bagnara; the other generals were accused by their men of treachery, and great numbers of these had deserted; and the garibaldians felt that if they could but overtake the retreating foe victory was certain. orders had been sent round by garibaldi to all the villagers that the men were to meet him at maida; and leaving the army at two o'clock in the morning, he, with a few of his staff, rode across the mountain to that town. the calabrians, eager to fight, had obeyed the order, but with some disappointment; for had they been left to themselves they would have occupied the terrible gorges through which the retreating neapolitans would have to pass, and taking their posts among inaccessible hills, would have almost annihilated them. but garibaldi was on all occasions most anxious to prevent bloodshed, and would never fight unless his foes forced him to do so; and it was for this reason that he had ordered the calabrians to meet him at maida, thereby preventing them from occupying the pass. frank, as one of his aides-de-camp, rode with him, the professor preferring to move forward at the more comfortable pace of the marching column. ordering the calabrians to follow, garibaldi went on from maida to tyrola, situated on the backbone of the apennines, and commanding a view of the sea on either hand. arriving there, he found that the neapolitans were but a mile ahead. he therefore halted for an hour, and then rode seven miles farther to samprotro, where he saw the rearguard of the enemy not more than half a mile ahead. leaving a few armed peasants to watch them, garibaldi and his staff went quietly to bed. in the morning they again started in pursuit, at the head of two thousand calabrians. the peasants brought in news that the enemy had halted at a village seven miles ahead, and were endeavouring to obtain food. the calabrians, when they approached the place, were sent forward as skirmishers; the head of cosenz's column was now but a short distance in the rear. colonel peard, who had ridden with garibaldi, was in advance, with three calabrians, when, at a turn of the road, he came upon seven thousand infantry, cavalry, and artillery, huddled together without any appearance of regularity. he rode up at once to the nearest officers, and called upon them to surrender. they took him to ghio, their general, who, saying to peard that it was not customary to talk so loud before the soldiers, asked him to step aside; and on being told that he was surrounded, and had no choice between surrendering and being annihilated, he agreed at once to send an officer to garibaldi. while the officer was absent, the disposition of the troops manifested itself: many of them at once threw down their arms and accoutrements and started on the road, or made their way up the hill. in a few minutes the officer returned with garibaldi's conditions, which were surrender and disarmament, when the troops would be allowed to leave, on their promise not to serve again. in an hour there was not a neapolitan left in the place; and the garibaldians, who had marched thirty miles that day, halted to allow the rest of the troops to come up. there was, indeed, no further occasion for haste. it was morally certain that no battle would be fought before they reached naples. the neapolitan troops were hopelessly dispirited, and the greater part would gladly have thrown away their arms and returned to their homes; the minority, who were still faithful to their oath, were bitterly humiliated at the manner in which large bodies of men had surrendered without striking a blow, and at the way in which the main force fled, as hastily as if it had suffered a disgraceful defeat, at the approach of the garibaldians. already naples was almost in a state of insurrection; and in the other towns the whole populace had risen, and the neapolitan authorities were powerless. "it is wonderful," signor forli, who arrived on the following morning, said to frank, "that the calabrians should have remained passive for a couple of centuries under the rule of a people so much inferior to themselves. that sicily should do so, i am not surprised. its population is not to be compared in physique with these grand fellows. among the mountains of sicily, no doubt, there may be a finer type of people than those of the plains and sea-coast; but, as you have told me, although as pleased as a crowd of children at a new game, they did little to aid garibaldi to free them, and messina once taken, the number that enlisted with him was small indeed. here the population have joined to a man; and what splendid men they are! had they all risen together before, there would have been no need for a garibaldi. what could an army, however numerous, of the frivolous population of naples have done against them? "there are hundreds of passes and ravines. we have ourselves marched through a score that might have been held by a handful of determined men against an army. i believe that it is the fear of cannon rather than of soldiers that has enabled a decaying power, like that of naples, to maintain its hold. cannon would be useful in a mountainous country for those who have to defend the passes, but it is of little avail to an invader: it is notorious that, even on the plains, vastly more men are killed by bullets than by shell. one thing that no doubt has kept the calabrians from rising, as a body, is that blood feuds exist among them, as in corsica. the number of crosses that you have seen by the roadside mark the number of the victims of these quarrels. each little village stands apart from the rest, and there has been no centre round which the country could gather. there has been, in fact, a community of interest, but no community of feeling; and the consequence is, risings have been always partial, and there has been nothing like one determined effort by all calabria to win its freedom." chapter xvi. naples. the resemblance between colonel peard and garibaldi was so great that, being similarly dressed, the englishman, pushing on so far in advance, was everywhere taken for the general, and he utilised this likeness to the utmost. the news of his rapid approach hastened the retreat of the neapolitans. he sent fictitious telegrams to their generals as from private friends, magnifying garibaldi's forces, and representing that he was taking a line that would cut them off from naples, and so sent them hurrying away at full speed and adding to the alarm and confusion of the government. "i suppose we had better push on with garibaldi, grandfather?" frank said one day, as they finished an unusually long march. "certainly, frank," signor forli said, somewhat surprised; "we shall be in naples in another three or four days. i am sure garibaldi will not wait for his troops; he was saying to me yesterday that he was most anxious to enter the city, as he had notice from a friend that cavour's party were hard at work trying to organise a general rising of the city before he arrives, and the issue of a manifesto declaring victor emmanuel king of italy and inviting him to come at once. this garibaldi is determined not to allow. he has from the first always declared that he came in the name of the king, and that when his work was done he would hand over southern italy to him. you know his loyalty and absolute disinterestedness; and the idea that he would endeavour to obtain any advantage for himself is absurd. "if he had chosen, instead of accepting the dictatorship of sicily he could have been elected king; and assuredly it is the same thing here. he is the people's hero and saviour; the very name of the king of sardinia is scarcely known in sicily, and excites no interest whatever. it is the same thing in calabria: the enthusiasm is all for garibaldi, and had he consented to accept the crown he would have been elected unanimously. his wish and hope is to present to victor emmanuel southern italy cleared of all enemies, complete and undivided; and yet, rather than so receive it, cavour, farina, and the rest of them are intriguing at naples, as they intrigued in sicily, in order that the king should appear to take this wide accession of territory as the expression of the will of the people, and not from the hand of garibaldi. "it is pitiful to see such mean jealousy. in time, no doubt, even had there not been a garibaldi, this would have come about, but it might have been fifteen or twenty years hence; and had it been done by means of a royal army, france and austria would probably both have interfered and demanded compensation, and so left italy still incomplete. it is the speed with which the change has been effected, and i may say the admiration with which europe has viewed it, and the assurance of the government at turin that it has had no hand in this business, but has taken all means in its power to prevent it, that has paralysed opposition. i trust that all these intrigues will fail, and that garibaldi may have the sole honour that he craves--namely, that of presenting the kingdom of the two sicilies to victor emmanuel. should cavour's intrigues succeed, and garibaldi be slighted, it will be the blackest piece of ingratitude history has ever recorded. however, why do you ask 'shall we go on to naples?' i thought that you were burning to get there." "i am; but you see we are passing, without time for making any investigations, many places where my father, if alive, may be in prison. at potenza, for example, i know that a large number of political prisoners are confined, and doubtless it is the same at many other towns. i cannot bear to think of the possibility that he may be in one of these, and that we have passed him by." "i can quite understand your feelings, frank; but you know we are agreed that it is at naples we shall most probably find him, if he is still alive. bad as the prisons may be in other places, they are more loosely managed; there would be fewer conveniences for keeping one prisoner apart from the others, while there are ample opportunities in those of naples for many to be kept in secret confinement. certainly i was so kept myself at reggio; but that was a royal fortress, and though used as a prison for political offenders, there were no malefactors there. in the jails in the provincial towns this could not be so, and i know that prisoners are all mixed up together, save those who can afford to pay, who can live in comparative comfort, while the rest are herded together anyhow, and can scarcely exist upon the rations allowed to them. the more i think of it, the more i am convinced that it is at naples that we must look for your father. now that we have arrived at salerno, and that, as we hear, the neapolitan troops are falling back from the capital, and taking up their position round capua and gaeta, there can be little doubt that garibaldi will, in a day or two, go forward. there is, indeed, nothing to prevent you and me from going by train there to-morrow, if you lay aside that red shirt and scarf, and dress in clothes that will attract no attention. but i do not see that anything would be gained by it; you will still have to wait until garibaldi is supreme there, and his orders are respected, and you may be sure that, as soon as he is in power, his first step will be to throw open the prisons and release all who are charged with political offences, to order these hideous dungeons to be permanently closed, and to thoroughly reorganise the system. you have told me that he did this at palermo, and he will certainly do the same at naples." four days later the king issued a farewell notice to the people, and left naples for gaeta; and three hours afterwards romano, his minister, who had drawn up his farewell, addressed the following telegram to garibaldi:-- "to the invincible dictator of the two sicilies.--naples expects you with anxiety to confide to you her future destiny.--entirely yours, liborio romano." a subsequent letter informed him that at a meeting of the ministers it had been decided that the prince of alessandria, syndic of naples, should go to salerno, with the commander of the national guard, to make the arrangements for his entry into the capital. garibaldi, however, did not wait. were he to arrive at the head of his troops, the neapolitan garrisons of the castle and other strong places in the city might oppose him by force; and, as ever, wishing to avoid bloodshed, he determined to rely solely upon the populace of naples. he at once ordered a small special train to be prepared. "i am only taking with me," he said to frank, "a few of my staff. you will be one of the number: you have a right to it, not only as the representative of your mother, to whose aid we are largely indebted for our being now here, but for your own personal services. signor forli shall also go: he stood by me on the walls of rome twelve years ago, he has suffered much for his principles, he is your mother's father, therefore he too shall come." there were but four carriages on the little train that left at nine o'clock in the morning on the th of september for naples. cosenz, and thirteen members of the staff, represented the national army; the remaining seats being occupied by various personal friends and two or three newspaper correspondents. "'tis an affair not without risk," signor forli said to frank, as they walked towards the station. "that the people will receive garibaldi with enthusiasm is certain, but the attitude of the troops is very doubtful. certainly the flower of the neapolitan army will have been left in garrison at naples; and if but a score of these remain faithful to the bourbons, garibaldi's life may be sacrificed. however, i cannot believe that providence will permit one who has done so great and mighty a work to perish, just at the moment of the completion of his enterprise." the station-master at salerno, as soon as the train had started, flashed the news to the various stations on the road; and the consequence was, that at every village the people assembled, and when half the journey was done the crowds were so vast, that they overflowed on to the line, and the train was brought to a standstill. national guards climbed on to the roofs of the carriages, and decorated them with flags and evergreens. at torre del greco, resina, and portici, progress became almost impossible, and the train had to proceed at a snail's pace to naples. here the authorities had prevented all access to the station, but outside the scene was an extraordinary one: horses and carriages, men and women of the highest and of the lowest classes; national guards and gendarmes, members of bertani's and the cavourian committees, were all crowded in confusion together. the houses were decorated with flags and tapestry, and thronged with eager spectators from basement to roof; and as missori and three others rode out from the station on horseback, followed by garibaldi in an open carriage with cosenz, and by a dozen other carriages containing his staff and those who had arrived with him, the roar of welcome was overpowering. it was with the greatest difficulty that the horsemen cleared the way; for all along the road the crowd was as great as at the station. the attitude of the troops, however, at the various points where they were massed, was sullen and threatening. at castel nuovo the guns were pointed on the road; the troops stood ready to fire. one shot, and the course of history might have been changed. garibaldi ordered his coachman to drive slower, and sat in his carriage calmly, with his eyes fixed upon the troops. one officer gave the order to fire; but he was not obeyed. the calmness and daring of the lion-like face filled the soldiers with such admiration that, for the moment, their hostility evaporated; and while some of them saluted as if to a royal personage, others took off their hats and burst into a cheer. garibaldi acknowledged it by lifting his hat, and by a cheery wave of his hand, and drove on as calmly as before. in the carriages behind, all had held their breath at the critical moment. "what an escape! what an escape!" signor forli murmured to frank, who was sitting next to him. "had but one musket been fired, we should all have been dead men in a minute or two; and, what is of more consequence, the freeing of italy must have been postponed for twenty years." "it was horribly close," frank said. "i would rather go through ten hand-to-hand fights, than another time like the last three minutes; it has made me feel quite queer, and i own that what you say about putting back italian freedom for twenty years never entered my mind. the one thought i had was, that we were all going to be smashed up without having the chance of striking a single blow. i went through some pretty sharp fighting at palermo, but i was always doing something then, and did not think of the danger. i don't mind saying that i was in a blue funk just now." garibaldi drove straight, as was the custom of kings on first entering naples, to the palace of the archbishop. here the te deum was sung; and he then went on to the palace of angri, where he and his staff took up their quarters. vast crowds assembled outside the palace, and the general had to appear again and again on the balcony in reply to the roars of acclamation from the enthusiastic population. general cosenz, who was himself a neapolitan, was appointed to organise a government. this he did to the general satisfaction--moderate men only being chosen. garibaldi requested admiral persano in the name of victor emmanuel to take command of the neapolitan navy, decreeing that it should form part of the sardinian squadron; and appointed to the pro-dictatorship the marquis of pallavicini, a staunch friend of the king. he had offered signor forli an apartment in the palace, and as soon as the first excitement had ceased the latter said to frank, who had at salerno received the portmanteau he had left at genoa:-- "let us go out and see the state of the city. but before we do so, you had best put on your ordinary clothes: we should simply be mobbed if you were to go out as one of garibaldi's officers." "yes; we have had quite enough of that as we came along," frank said. "it will really be a comfort to go about for once in peace and quiet." they started in a few minutes, leaving the palace by one of the side entrances, and soon mingled in the crowd. the people seemed half mad with delight. as soon as the news of garibaldi's arrival spread through the town every house was decorated, and the whole population poured out into the streets. among the better classes the joy that the government of the bourbons had come to an end, and that the constitutional government, which had done so much for northern italy, would succeed the despotism which had pressed so heavily on all with anything to lose, was deep and sincere. among the lower classes the enthusiasm manifested was but the excitement of some few minutes, and had francesco returned a month later, at the head of his victorious troops, they would have shouted as lustily. it was a fête, a special fête, and it mattered but little to the fickle and excitable population what was its cause. but here, as on all occasions when italian people give way to bursts of enthusiasm, foreigners were struck with the perfect good-temper, the orderly behaviour, and the entire absence of drunkenness, among the population. in paris the first step of people excited by a change of government would have been to fall upon those whom they considered to be the agents of their oppressors. the gendarmes, who had so long been feared, would not have dared show themselves in the streets; the emblems of royalty would have been torn down in the public buildings; the members of the last government would have been forced to fly for their lives. there was a little of this in naples, but, as in venice, six years later, this feeling of animosity for the past speedily passed away. but how faint was the feeling of real patriotism in the minds of the neapolitans is shown by the fact that only one inhabitant of the city joined garibaldi's army; that not a single house was open for the reception of his officers or soldiers; that after the battle of volturno hundreds of wounded men were left lying all day on the pavements without aid or nourishment, without a single mattress being found for them to lie upon, by the inhabitants. never, except by the king of italy and the civil and military authorities of piedmont to garibaldi and his followers, who had won a kingdom for them, was such national ingratitude displayed as by the people of naples. "it is pleasant to see," signor forli said, as he and frank wandered about; "but it would be far more pleasant if one did not know that it means absolutely nothing. you have told me that it was the same thing at messina: that, in spite of garibaldi's appeal to the ladies of the place, they did nothing whatever to aid the wounded in the hospitals--never contributed so much as a piece of lint or material for bandages; and, frivolous as the people there are, these in naples are worse. if all italy were like the neapolitans, the country would not be worth shedding a drop of blood for. however, one must make some allowances for them. for centuries they have been slaves rather than free people; they have had no voice as to their own disposal, they could not express even an opinion on public affairs, without risking imprisonment or death; there has been nothing left for them but to amuse themselves; they have been treated like children at school, and they have become children. we can only hope that in time, under a free government, they will grow worthy of freedom, worthy of forming a part of an italy to which the lombards, the piedmontese, and the calabrians belong." it was already late in the afternoon, and until some of the troops arrived it would be impossible to take any steps with relation to public buildings. the castle of st. elmo, and the prison of santa maria, with many other places, were still in the hands of the neapolitan soldiers, whose attitude continued to be hostile, and until these retired nothing could be done; and it was by no means certain that the guns at st. elmo, which completely commanded the town, might not at any moment open fire. "i can well understand your impatience to get rid of these troops from the city," garibaldi said the next morning. "i do not forget, percival, the main object that you had in view, and i too long for the time when i may clasp the hand of my old comrade of south america and rome. i promise you that the moment the prisons are evacuated you shall go with the party who will search them, and search them strictly. you know what these jailors are: they are the creatures of the worst men of francesco's government. by years of cruelty and oppression they have earned for themselves the hatred of every one within the walls of the prisons and of their friends and relatives. our victory means their dismissal--that is, as soon as the prisons are cleaned from the lowest dungeons to the roofs. that they shall superintend: it is they who are responsible for it, and they themselves shall be engaged in the work of purification. it may well be that they will try to hide the lowest and worst dungeons from our search, partly from fear that the natural and righteous indignation excited by the discoveries may end in their being promptly punished with death for their accumulated crimes, partly in hopes that the royal troops may yet overcome us and restore francesco to his throne; in which case they would receive approval for still retaining some of the worst victims of the tyranny of his government." "you may be sure that i shall search them thoroughly, general." on going out, they found the streets were still thronged by an almost frenzied populace. these invaded the hotels and cafés, and pressed all they could lay hands on to join in the demonstrations. a few murders were perpetrated; the state of things prevailing affording an excellent opportunity for satisfying private revenge, as it needed only a cry that the victim was a spy of the government to justify it in the eyes of the bystanders. in the quarter nearest to st. elmo the enthusiasm had a good deal cooled down, as the fear that the guns of the castle might at any moment open fire for the time dissipated any desire for marching about and acclaiming garibaldi. at four o'clock, however, it was known that two officers of the castle had gone down to the palace, and at six the welcome news spread that the garrison had capitulated, and would march out on the following morning. frank had little sleep that night. all along his hopes had been high that he should find his father here; but now that the question would be so soon decided, his fears were in the ascendant. he remembered that the evidence in favour of his father's death was extremely strong, the only hopeful fact being that his body had not been discovered. so slight did even his mother and signora forli deem the chance of his being alive, that for two years neither had breathed a word to the other as to the existence of a possibility that he might be still living. undoubtedly the release of his grandfather had increased his own hope, but he felt now that there was but small ground for the feeling. had his father been hidden away in a fortress, he might also have survived; but the probabilities seemed altogether against this. it was not until midday that st. elmo was evacuated, and several companies of the national guard marched in. a colonel of the staff had, with frank, been charged with the duty of searching the dungeons. they had brought with them fifty lazzaroni, who had been engaged for this repulsive work. a dozen of the garibaldian troops were to accompany them; the prison officials were all ordered to go with the party, and they, as well as the lazzaroni, were told to bring pails and brooms. the castle of st. elmo covers an area of no less than four acres; it was cut out of the solid rock, and is surrounded by a sunken ditch, sixty or seventy feet deep, and fifty wide. this great mass of stone is honeycombed in every direction with a network of corridors and subterranean apartments, and there is ample space to hold several thousand prisoners. the upper tiers of chambers were fairly clean; these were, in fact, the barracks of the troops. the guns looked out from embrasures. several batteries of field artillery, with waggons and all fittings, still remained there, and the chambers were littered with rubbish of all kinds, discarded by the troops before leaving. it was not here that prisoners were to be found. the national guard had already opened the doors of the cells and chambers in the stage below, and had liberated those confined there; the work of searching those still lower began at once. the extent was so vast and the windings were so intricate that the work seemed interminable. in order to make sure that each passage had been searched, a pail of whitewash was sent for, and a splash made at each turning. each story was darker, and the air more stifling, than that above it, for they were now far below the level of the castle itself. frank had taken the advice of signor forli, and had bought several bundles of the strongest cigars; and he and the officer in command, the officer of the national guard who attended them and the soldiers all smoked incessantly. at the worst places the lazzaroni and turnkeys were set to work with their buckets and brooms. it was not until late in the evening that they came to the conclusion that every cell and chamber had been searched. about a hundred and fifty prisoners had been found and released, but among them frank looked in vain for his father. the lowest dungeons of all had been found empty; and this, and the solemn assurances of all the prison officials, who had been threatened with instant death should further search discover any prisoners, convinced him that at any rate his father was not there. the next day the neighbouring prison of santa maria was searched. it had formerly been a monastery, and the upper cells were lofty and capacious. the jailors declared, indeed, that these were the only cells, but a careful search showed a door in the rock. this was burst open, and a series of subterranean passages was discovered. the jailors declared that these had never been used in their time, and, they believed, never before. that they had been used, however, was evident, from the marks where lamps had been hung on the walls, and by many other signs. no prisoners were found here, all having been released directly it was known that the garrison of the castle had capitulated. the search occupied the whole day, so extensive were the underground galleries; and a passage was discovered that evidently at one time formed a communication between st. elmo and this prison. as he came out into daylight, frank staggered, and would have fallen had not one of the soldiers caught him. he had been ill the night before; and the effects of the close air, noxious smells, and the work, which had been even more trying than on the previous day, and his bitter disappointment, had now completely overcome him. after some water had been dashed in his face and he had taken a draught of some wine which one of the prison officials fetched, he partially recovered. he was assisted by two of the garibaldians down the road to the town, and then, obtaining a vehicle, was driven to the palace, and managed with assistance to get up to his apartment. a minute or two later signor forli joined him, one of the attendants having summoned him as soon as frank arrived. "do not trouble to speak, my dear boy," he said. frank was lying on the bed sobbing convulsively. "you have failed--that i can well understand; but you must not altogether lose heart. we had thought this the most likely place; but there are still other prisons, and we will not give up hope until every one of these has been ransacked. i am sorry now that i did not accompany you, but i am afraid, after what i have gone through myself, that only a few minutes in one of those places would overpower me; and i wonder how you, young and strong as you are, were able to spend two days in such an atmosphere." "i shall be better to-morrow," frank said. "that last place was awful; but i think that it was as much the strong tobacco, as those horrible stinks, which upset me. it was a choice of two evils; but i would smoke even worse tobacco if i could get it, if i had to go through it again." "i will get you a glass of brandy and water, frank; that will do you more good than anything." the next morning frank was still too unwell to be able to get up; his failure had completely broken him down, and he felt indisposed to make the slightest exertion. at twelve o'clock, however, signor forli came in. "i have a piece of news to give you," he said, "news which affords us some shadow of hope that you have not failed altogether. last night i was talking with the general and one or two of his staff. garibaldi is, as you know, intensely interested in your search, and sympathises with you most warmly. suddenly he said, 'is it not possible that he may have been removed before the king and his court retired?' had percival been found in the prisons, it would have rendered the bad faith and mendacity of the government more glaring than ever, and would have deprived it of any little sympathy that was felt for it in england. therefore, feeling sure that the prisons would be searched as soon as i entered, percival, had he been here, may, with other special prisoners, have been sent to capua, which is so strongly fortified a place that they may well believe it to be impregnable to anything but a long siege by troops possessing a battering train." [illustration: "it was not until nullo ordered four men to load ... that he would answer"] frank sat up. "that is indeed a good idea," he exclaimed. "how stupid of me not to have thought of questioning the prison people! yes; it is quite likely that if any of the prisoners were removed, he would be one of them." "i have no doubt you would have thought of it, frank, if it had not been that you were completely upset by that strong tobacco. mind, i don't blame you for taking it: it is better to be poisoned with nicotine than by the stenches of a neapolitan prison. the thought only struck garibaldi after we had chatted over the matter for some time. i went over there this morning with colonel nullo. although the officials at first asserted that no prisoners had been taken away, they soon recovered their memories when he said that he would interrogate every one of the warders separately, and if he found that any prisoners had been sent away he would have them taken out into the courtyard and shot for lying to him. they then remembered that four prisoners had been taken away, but all declared with adjurations to all the saints that they did not know who they were: they were delivered over to them under numbers only. one had been there seven years, and two had been there five years, and one two years. again threatening to examine all the turnkeys, he learned that the last prisoner received had been confined in one of the lower dungeons, where they yesterday asserted that no one had for years been imprisoned; the other three were also kept in the most rigid seclusion, but in the upper cells. "i insisted on seeing the man who had attended on the prisoner kept in the lower cell. he was a surly ruffian, and it was not until nullo ordered four men to load, and to put the fellow with his back to the wall, that he would answer my questions. he said then that the prisoner was, he should say, between forty and fifty, but it was not easy to judge of age after a man had been below there for a few months. he had never said more than a few words to him, and it had never struck him that he was not an italian. i questioned him more closely as to this, and he admitted that he had sometimes, when he went down, heard the prisoner singing. he had listened, but could not understand the words, and they might have been in a foreign language. he had no more interest in that prisoner than in any other. he supposed, by his being sent down below there, that it was hoped he would die off as soon as possible. they seldom lived many months in those dungeons, but this man seemed tougher than usual, though his strength had failed a good deal lately. he was able to walk up from his cell to the carriage when he was taken away. now we mustn't feel too sanguine, frank, but although there is no proof that this prisoner is your father, the evidence, so far as it goes, is rather in favour of such a supposition than against it." "it is indeed," frank said eagerly. "the fact that they put him down into the cells where, as the man says, it was almost certain he would soon die, and that when it was found that he had not done so, he was at the last moment taken away, shows that there was some very strong motive for preventing the fact that he was a prisoner becoming public; and we know that they had the very strongest reason in the case of my father. the age would be about right, and the fact that he was singing would show, at any rate, that it was some one who was determined not to give in, but to keep up his spirits till the very last, and i am sure my father would have done that. well, i will get up now. i could not lie here quietly; it would be impossible, after what you have been telling me." "i think you are right, frank. i will have a basin of soup sent in for you. when you have eaten that, and dressed, we will take a carriage and go for a long drive by the road along the shore to pompeii. the sea-breeze will do you more good than anything, and the lovely view, and a stroll through pompeii itself, will distract your thoughts. there is nothing to be done until capua is taken, which may not be for a long time yet. however, events are moving. we hear that victor emmanuel and his government, alarmed at the success of garibaldi, and feeling that if they are to have any voice in the matter they must not be content to rest passive while he is carrying all before him, have resolved upon taking some part in the affair. under the pretext that in order to restore peace and order it is necessary that they should interfere, they are about to despatch an army to ancona by sea; and, landing there, will advance into central italy, and act, as they say, as circumstances may demand. all of which means, that now garibaldi has pulled the chestnuts out of the fire for them they will proceed to appropriate them." "it is too bad!" frank exclaimed angrily. "no doubt it is mean and ungracious in the extreme, but garibaldi will not feel it as other men would; he is human, and therefore he would like to present the kingdom of naples and the states of rome, free from the foreigner, to victor emmanuel. but that feeling, natural as it is, is but secondary to his loyalty to italy. he desires to see her one under victor emmanuel, and so long as that end is achieved he cares comparatively little how it comes about. moreover, he cannot but see that, though he has accomplished marvels, that which remains to be done would tax the power of his army to the utmost. the neapolitans have still some seventy thousand men, who are encouraged by their king being among them. they have in capua a most formidable fortress, which could defy the efforts of irregular troops, wholly unskilled in sieges and deficient in heavy guns, for many months. moreover, it would no longer be mountain warfare, but we should have to fight in plains where the enemy's cavalry would give them an enormous advantage. there is another thing: the intrigues of cavour's agents here are already giving him very serious trouble, and this will doubtless increase; therefore i can well understand that he will be glad rather than otherwise that sardinia at last should do her part towards the freeing of italy, from which she will benefit so vastly." chapter xvii. the battle of the volturno. before starting for his drive frank telegraphed to his mother: "have not found him here. i do not yet despair. have a faint clue that may lead to something." that evening he wrote a long letter, acknowledging that he had been bitterly disappointed, but saying that signor forli had found out that some of the prisoners had been sent away to capua before garibaldi entered the town, and that he still hoped his father might be among the number. he gave no detail as to these prisoners, for he was anxious not to raise hopes that might not be fulfilled; indeed, he had in all his letters said little on the subject. he knew his mother had refused to allow herself to cherish any hope, and he had written almost entirely of matters concerning the events of the march, the country through which he had travelled, and the scenes in which he had taken a part. he and signor forli had at salerno received long letters from home full of the delight which the news of the discovery and release of the latter had given them. his mother had said:-- "this is a joy indeed, my boy--one that i had never expected, or even hoped for. but do not let yourself anticipate for a moment that because this unlooked-for happiness has been given to us our other dear lost one will similarly be recovered. that my father had been thrown into a neapolitan prison we never doubted for a moment; and i believed that, should he have survived, garibaldi's success would open his prison doors. but it is not so in the case of your father. the evidence is almost overwhelming that he died in the hands of the brigands who carried him off, and nothing short of knowing that he is alive will induce me to abandon the conviction i have all along felt that this was so. i pray you not to indulge in any false hopes, which can but end in bitter disappointment. you will, of course, search until absolutely convinced that he is not in any of the prisons of the country. the search will at least have been useful, for it will remove the last dread which, in spite of myself, i have occasionally felt ever since he has been missing, that he has been wearing his life out in one of these horrible dungeons." the next ten days passed slowly. frank and the other members of the staff had bought fresh horses a few days after the capture of reggio; and he was now constantly in the saddle, carrying messages between garibaldi's headquarters and the army. garibaldi himself had been distracted by the intrigues going on around him, and had been obliged to go to sicily. depretis, who had been appointed head of the government there, was inclined to the annexational policy, which was opposed by crispi and the other garibaldians, and the consequence was that an alarming state of affairs existed there. garibaldi was therefore obliged to hurry over there himself, and having appointed mordeni, a determined partisan of his own, pro-dictator, and arranged affairs generally, he returned to naples, where his presence was urgently required. [illustration: position round capua] the neapolitan army at capua had been very largely reinforced, and had taken post along the river volturno. turr, who was in command of the garibaldian army, had in consequence, taken up a defensive position at madelone, caserta and aversa, thereby barring any advance on the part of the royal army. the latter's position was an extremely formidable one: its right rested on gaeta near the sea, and forty thousand men were massed on the right bank of the volturno, a river which was here from fifty to a hundred yards in width, their left was at cajazzo, in the mountains of the abruzzi, where the inhabitants were favourable to the royal cause. capua itself, on the left bank of the river, afforded them a means of moving forward to the attack of the garibaldians. three sides of its fortifications were surrounded by the river, which here makes a great loop, and around the town twenty thousand men were massed, one half of whom were in position in front of it. the only bridge across the river was at capua, but there was a ferry near caserta. the position was so threatening that turr, who had under him about seventeen thousand men, pushed a force up to the town of santa maria and the heights of sant'angelo, both of which points were occupied after a skirmish. on the th, six hundred men were sent off to march far up the river, to cross it, and to throw themselves into the mountains above cajazzo, which was occupied by two thousand two hundred men with four guns. garibaldi arrived at caserta on the night of the th, but did not interfere with turr's command. in order to attract the attention of the enemy, and keep them from sending reinforcements to cajazzo, it was arranged that a feint should be made against capua: two battalions were to advance from aversa to menace the southwest of that town, six battalions were to advance directly against it from santa maria, and ebor's brigade was to march to sant'angelo, and then to drive the neapolitans on their left into capua, and to extend on the right along the hills as far as the road to cajazzo. the movement was completely successful. cajazzo was captured, and the force in front of capua obliged to retire under the guns of the citadel. some loss, however, was sustained, owing to the division from santa maria, instead of returning as soon as the work was done, being kept for four hours under the fire of the guns of the fortress, owing to a misconception of orders. the positions now taken were occupied in strength. the next day, six hundred and fifty men were sent off to cajazzo to strengthen the small force of three hundred there, as the place was attacked by no fewer than twelve thousand neapolitan troops. although without artillery, the town was desperately defended for four hours. the barricades at the end of the main streets were held, in spite of repeated attacks and the fire from eight guns. not until two hundred of the little force had fallen, did the garibaldians fall back, and they succeeded in crossing the river at the ferry, covered by two companies and a couple of guns, which had been posted at that point to prevent the neapolitans from crossing. there was an interval now: the garibaldians were far too weak to attack their numerous enemy, posted in an almost impregnable position. garibaldi was so much harassed by the political intriguers, that he left caserta every morning long before daybreak, and remained the whole day at a cottage on the heights of san antonio. he had already done all in his power to satisfy the royal party that he had no intention of favouring a republic. bertram, who had done so much for him as chief organiser and agent, was requested to leave rome. mazzini also was sent away, and other appointments were made, showing how bent he was on handing over his conquest to victor emmanuel. there can be no doubt now that it would have been far better had he from the first abandoned his wish not to present his conquests to the king until they were completed. had he, on his arrival at messina, at once declared victor emmanuel king of the island, and requested him to take possession, he would have allayed the jealousy and suspicion with which his movements were viewed by cavour and the piedmontese ministry. a similar course, as soon as naples was occupied, would have had a still greater effect, and both garibaldi himself and his brave followers would have been spared the bitter humiliations and the gross display of ingratitude, which, however, disgraced those who inflicted them far more than those so undeservedly treated. turr remained idle during the next six days, and beyond throwing up two or three small intrenchments, did nothing to strengthen the position. in fact, it was daily becoming more probable that there would be no further fighting. cialdini's division had landed near alcona, had defeated the army of lamoriciere, and was advancing westwards without opposition. fanti, with another army, had crossed the northern frontier of the neapolitan territory, and was marching south. thus, in a short time, the neapolitans would be surrounded by three armies, and would be forced to lay down their arms. on the th it became evident that a considerable movement was in progress on the other side of the river and fort. forty thousand men were being concentrated at capua and cajazzo. garibaldi's force, available in case of attack, was about twenty-four thousand men, of whom thirteen thousand were northern italians, eleven thousand calabrians and sicilians, and one inhabitant of naples. of these, two thousand five hundred were with conti at aversa, and over seven thousand at caserta; the remainder being at santa maria, sant'angelo, the village of santa lucia, and madalone. the position occupied was nearly thirty miles long, but the reserves at caserta and madalone, lying behind the centre, could be despatched speedily to any point required. frank had come out with garibaldi to caserta, and spent the whole of his time riding between the different points occupied, with communications from garibaldi to his generals. at three o'clock on the morning of october st, garibaldi started as usual for the front. frank, with two or three of the younger staff-officers, rode, and three carriages carried the general and the older members of the staff. they had scarcely left the town when a scattered fire of musketry was heard near santa maria. this rapidly increased in volume; and soon afterwards the guns at sant'angelo opened vigorously. when approaching the town, a mounted soldier, riding at a furious gallop, overtook them. he was the bearer of a message that a telegram had just been received from bixio, who was in command at madalone, saying that he was being assailed in great force. this was even more serious than the attack in front, for, if successful, it would have cut the communication between the garibaldians and naples. galloping on to santa maria, garibaldi sent a telegram to sartori, who commanded at caserta, to tell him to hold a brigade in readiness to support bixio if the latter was pressed; and that turr, with the rest of the reserves, was to hold himself in readiness to move to the front, but was only to send forward a single brigade, till quite assured of bixio's success. at santa maria were the greater part of the old cacciatori, with four thousand other good troops, and garibaldi felt confident that the town was in no danger of being taken. he accordingly started at once for sant'angelo, which was the key of his position. morning had broken now, but a heavy mist, rising from the low ground near the river, rendered it impossible to see more than a few yards. the din of conflict was prodigious. the garibaldian guns at santa maria kept up a desultory fire, answered by those of the neapolitans, and the rattle of musketry was incessant ahead, and, as it seemed, the fight was raging all round; but it was impossible to tell whether santa lucia and other posts to the right were also attacked. suddenly a volley was fired from an invisible enemy within a hundred yards. the balls whistled overhead. "this is uncomfortable," frank said to the officer riding next to him. "they have evidently broken through our line connecting sant'angelo with santa maria. if we had had a few earthworks thrown up this would not have happened. now they will be able to take sant'angelo in rear; and, what is much more important, we may at any moment run right into the middle of them, and the loss of garibaldi would be more serious than that of all our positions put together." the neapolitans had indeed issued out in three columns. one of them, pushing out under cover of the deep water-courses, had broken through the weak line, had captured a battery of four guns and a barricade, and had then mounted one of the spurs of tifata and taken sant'angelo in rear; while a second column, attacking it in front, had captured another four-gun battery and a barricade two hundred and fifty yards below the village on the capua road, and had taken two or three hundred prisoners, the rest of medici's division taking up their position in and around the abbey, which stood on the hillside above the village. [illustration: map of the battle of the volturno october .] three of the guides, who had accompanied garibaldi to carry messages, and the three mounted staff officers, took their place in front of the carriages in readiness to charge should they come suddenly upon the enemy, and so give time to their occupants to escape. the horses were all galloping at full speed; and though occasionally caught sight of by the enemy, and exposed to a fire, not only of musketry but of round shot, they remained uninjured until two-thirds of the distance to sant'angelo, which garibaldi believed to be still in possession of his troops, had been covered. presently, however, they saw, but sixty or seventy yards away, a strong body of neapolitans on the road. "turn off to the right!" garibaldi shouted. as the carriage left the road a round shot struck one of the horses. garibaldi and the other occupants at once jumped out, and shouting to the carriages behind to follow them, ran across the fields. fortunately there was a deep watercourse close by; and the others, leaving their carriages, all ran down into this. the mist was too thick for the movement to be observed, and the neapolitans kept up a heavy fire in the direction in which they had seen the carriages through the mist. as soon as they entered the watercourse garibaldi told frank and his companions to dismount, as, although the bank was high enough to conceal the men on foot, those on horseback could be seen above it. all ran along at the top of their speed. as they did so, frank told his companions and the guides, if they came upon any force of the enemy, to throw themselves into their saddles again and charge, so as to give time to the general to turn off and escape. they had gone but a few hundred yards when a party of the enemy, who were standing on the left bank of the watercourse, ran suddenly down into it. frank and the others sprang into their saddles, and with a shout rode at them; there was a hurried discharge of musketry, and then they were in the midst of the neapolitans. these were but some twenty in number. they had already emptied their muskets, but for a minute there was a hand-to-hand contest. the horsemen first used their revolvers with deadly effect, and then fell on with their swords so fiercely that the survivors of their opponents scrambled out of the watercourse and fled, just as garibaldi and his staff ran up to take part in the conflict. it was well for the general that he had found the road to the village blocked, for, had he ridden straight on, he must have been captured by the enemy, who were already in full possession of it, with the exception of the abbey church and a few houses round it, and the slope of the hill. two of the mounted party were missing. one of the guides had fallen when the neapolitans fired, and an officer had been killed by the thrust of a bayonet. one of garibaldi's party was also missing; but whether he had been killed by a chance shot or had fallen behind and been taken prisoner none knew. as they ascended the slope of the hill they got above the mist, and could now see what had happened. a part of the column that had broken through the line of outposts had pressed on some distance, and then moved to its left, until in the rear of sant'angelo, where its attack had taken the defenders wholly by surprise. the force had then mounted the hill, and from there opened fire upon the defenders of the abbey and the houses round it. these were stoutly held. the houses were solidly-built structures in which resided the priests and servitors of the church, and the only road leading up from the village to it was swept by two twenty-four-pounders, while from the windows of the houses and from the roof of the abbey a steady musketry fire was maintained. garibaldi ordered frank to gallop to the pass, a short distance behind the village, where two companies of genoese carbineers and two mountain howitzers were posted, and to direct them to mount the hill and take up a position on the heights above that occupied by the enemy. with a cheer the men ran forward as soon as they received the order. ignorant of what was taking place in front, but certain from the roar of battle that it was raging round the village, they had been eager to advance to take part in the struggle; but their orders to hold the pass had been imperative, as their presence here was indispensable to cover the retreat of the garibaldians in sant'angelo, and to check pursuit until reinforcements came up from the rear. the movement was unobserved by the enemy, who were fully occupied in their attempts to capture the abbey; and it was not until the two companies were established on a ridge well above that occupied by the neapolitans, and opened a heavy musketry fire, aided by their two guns, that the latter were aware that they had been taken in rear. their position was altogether untenable, as they were unable to reply effectively to the fire of their opponents, and, descending the slopes, they joined their comrades in the village. several desperate attacks were made upon the abbey, but each was repulsed with heavy loss; and as the carbineers had now moved lower down, and their guns commanded the village, the neapolitans lost heart and fell back. a battalion of garibaldi's bersaglieri now came up. they were commanded by colonel wyndham, and occupied the village as the neapolitans fell back, quickened their retreat, and then, descending to the four-gun battery that had first been taken, turned the guns, which the enemy had forgotten to spike, upon them. in the meantime the fighting had been fierce round santa maria. at first the garibaldians had been hard pressed, and the neapolitans had carried all before them, until they came under the fire of the batteries placed on the railway and in front of the gate facing capua. these were well served, and although the assailants several times advanced with both cavalry and infantry, they never succeeded in getting within a hundred yards of the guns. the left wing, however, swept round the town, and captured all the out-buildings, except a farmhouse, which was gallantly defended by a company of frenchmen. on the right the neapolitans fared still more badly, for when their attack upon the battery failed, the garibaldian force at san tamaro, nearly three thousand five hundred strong, advanced and took them in flank, and drove them back with heavy loss. by eight o'clock the attack had ceased all along the line; but as the enemy, while falling back, preserved good order, no attempt was made to follow them. the battle had lasted four hours, and the garibaldians were now strengthened by the arrival of a brigade with four guns from caserta, where the news had just arrived that bixio was confident of being able to hold his ground at madalone. two of the newly-arrived regiments were ordered to endeavour to reopen communications with sant'angelo, and fighting went on with the force still threatening santa maria; these, after suffering heavy loss, the garibaldians, at ten o'clock, drove some distance back, and captured three guns and many prisoners. at eleven a fresh attack was made, count trani, one of the king's brothers, having brought some fresh battalions from the town. this attack was also repulsed, the garibaldians maintaining their strong positions. but the neapolitan troops were still full of spirit, and at a quarter-past one made another determined effort: their field batteries advanced within three hundred yards of the town, and their cavalry charged almost up to the railway battery, but were received with so heavy an infantry fire by the troops protecting the guns, that they were forced to fall back. the infantry, however, pressed on, covered by a storm of fire from their field artillery, while the guns of capua aided them by firing shell into the town. the garibaldians serving the guns at the gate and at the railway suffered very heavily, but volunteers from the infantry regiments took their place, although at one time their fire was arrested by the explosion of a magazine which killed many of the men, and dismounted two or three of the guns. all this time, fighting was going on fiercely round sant'angelo. the two regiments that had been sent out from santa maria to open communications with the village had been unable to effect their object, the enemy's force being too strong for them to move far from the town. at eleven o'clock, the neapolitans being largely reinforced, made a fresh attack on the battery and barricades in front of sant'angelo, and an obstinate struggle took place here; but superior force triumphed, and the royal troops again captured the battery, killing or taking prisoners almost the whole of the force that defended it. infantry and cavalry then advanced against the village; but the garibaldians, having their leader among them, fought with extraordinary bravery, and for three hours maintained themselves, as did those in the abbey, although the enemy brought up their cannon and rocket batteries to within a short distance of it. the walls of the abbey were, however, so massive that even the artillery failed to make much impression upon them. seeing that the assault upon santa maria had been repulsed, garibaldi sallied out with his entire force, retook the houses that had been captured by the enemy, drove them back to the battery, and at last captured this also. knowing that some of the reserve would soon be up, garibaldi at half-past two rode out from the rear of sant'angelo, and making a wide détour, entered santa maria, and at once ordered a general advance. ebor's brigade sallied out by the capua gate, and advanced against the carthusian convent and cemetery on the capuan road, while a brigade moved out to endeavour once more to clear the way to sant'angelo. the former attack was successful. a small squadron of hungarian hussars charged three squadrons of the enemy's dragoons, defeated them, and captured the two guns that accompanied them. the infantry went on at a run, but it required an hour's hard fighting to gain possession of the convent and cemetery. by this time five thousand men with thirteen guns had arrived from caserta, and the advance became general. medici issued out from sant'angelo, and the whole force from santa maria advanced, the neapolitans falling back from all points; and by five o'clock the whole had re-entered capua, abandoning all their positions outside it, and the garibaldian sentries were posted along the edge of a wood half a mile from the ramparts. until the arrival of the five thousand men of the reserve, the garibaldians had throughout the day, although but nine thousand five hundred strong, maintained themselves successfully against thirty thousand men supported by a powerful artillery. at madalone bixio had routed seven thousand men who had advanced against his position, and had captured four guns. the only reverse sustained was at castel morone, which was garrisoned by only two hundred and twenty-seven men of one of garibaldi's bersaglieri regiments. they held out for some hours against a neapolitan column three thousand strong, and then, having expended all their ammunition, were obliged to surrender. the battle of the volturno cost the garibaldians one thousand two hundred and eighty killed and wounded, and seven hundred taken prisoners, while the enemy lost about two thousand five hundred killed and wounded, five hundred prisoners, and nine guns. at two o'clock a detachment of sardinian artillery, which, with a regiment of bersaglieri, had been landed a few days before at garibaldi's request, had arrived at santa maria, and did good service by taking the places of the gunners who had been almost annihilated by the enemy's fire. the bersaglieri did not arrive at caserta till the battle was over. wearied by the day's fight, the garibaldians, as soon as the long work of searching for and bringing in the wounded was over, lay down to sleep. frank and the two other aides-de-camp of garibaldi were, however, aroused, within an hour of their lying down. the news had arrived that the neapolitan column, which had captured castel morone had suddenly appeared on the heights above caserta: their number was estimated at three thousand. orders were sent to bixio to occupy a strong position. columns were directed to start from sant'angelo and santa maria for caserta, while another brigade was to reinforce the garrison of santa lucia. at two in the morning garibaldi himself started for caserta, and moved out with two thousand five hundred calabrians and four companies of piedmontese bersaglieri. the latter soon found themselves obliged to take off their knapsacks, hats, and useless accoutrements, finding themselves, picked men as they were, unable to keep up with the garibaldians, clad only in shirt and trousers, and carrying nothing but ninety rounds of ammunition. there was but little fighting. the garibaldians lost but seven or eight men, among whom were three piedmontese, who were the first men of the sardinian army to shed their blood for the emancipation of naples. by evening over two thousand five hundred prisoners were taken, and this number was doubled in the course of the next few days by the capture of a large portion of the force which, after being defeated by bixio in their attempt to seize madalone, had scattered over the country pillaging and burning. thus, including the fugitives who escaped, the neapolitan army was weakened by the loss of nearly ten thousand men. the explanation of the singular attack upon caserta, after the defeat of the neapolitan army, was that, after capturing castel morone, their commander had received a despatch stating that a complete defeat had been inflicted on garibaldi, and urging him to cut off the retreat of the fugitives by occupying caserta. now that the work was over, and that there was nothing to be done until the royal army advanced from ancona, and, brushing aside all opposition, arrived to undertake the siege of capua, frank broke down. he had not fully recovered from the effects of the two long days spent in the pestilential atmosphere of the prisons; but had stuck to his work until the neapolitans surrendered; then he rode up to garibaldi, and said,-- "general, i must ask you to spare me from my duties, for i feel so strangely giddy that i can scarce keep my seat." "you look ill, lad. hand your horse over to one of the guides. i have sent for my carriage; it will be up in a few minutes. sit down in the shade of that tree. i will take you down to caserta with me, and one of bixio's doctors shall see you at once." on arriving at caserta, the doctor at once pronounced that it was a case of malarial fever, the result of the miasma from the low ground, increased, no doubt, by over-fatigue. garibaldi immediately ordered another carriage to be brought round, instructed two of his men to take their places in it with frank, and despatched a telegram to professor forli at naples, telling him to have four men in readiness to carry him up to his room as soon as he reached the palace, and to have a doctor in waiting. frank was almost unconscious by the time he arrived at the city. everything was ready, and he was soon undressed and in bed, ice applied to his head, and a draught of medicine poured down his throat. in a week the fever left him, but he was so much weakened that it was another fortnight before he could move about again unassisted. "you have lost nothing: things have been very quiet," his grandfather said. "to-day the voting takes place. of course that is a mere farce, and the country will declare for victor emmanuel by a thousand votes to one. medici has been occupied in putting down an insurrection in the mountains, and cialdini has won two battles on his way west; and a large piedmontese force has landed here, and undertaken the work of the garrison." "how long will it be before cialdini arrives with his army before capua?" "i should think that it would be another week." "i must be able to go forward again by that time," frank said. "i must be at capua when it is taken." "i quite understand your feelings, and i am eager to be there myself; but we must have patience. the neapolitans have withdrawn their forces from cajazzo, and the country round, into the town. there are now some nine thousand men there, and if the commander is obstinate he ought to be able to defend the place for some months. still i grant that obstinacy has not been the strong point of the neapolitan generals hitherto; though it must be said that their troops fought gallantly the other day, coming back again and again to the attack. but the commander of the town, however brave he may be, must see that even if he can hold out for the next ten years he would not benefit francesco. the game is already hopelessly lost. the garibaldians, single-handed, have proved themselves capable of defeating the neapolitan troops; and with the army that cialdini has brought from ancona, and that which has marched down from the north, the cause is beyond hope. the army now in gaeta and the garrison of capua alone remain in arms; and i should say that, ere another fortnight has passed, francesco is likely to have left this country for ever." "quite so, grandfather," frank replied; "that is what i have been thinking for the last week, and that is why i am so anxious to go forward again as soon as possible." "that you shall certainly do; at any rate you have a few more days to stay here, then we will get a carriage and go to santa lucia, lying high in the mountains. the change to the splendid air there will benefit you, while a stay at santa maria or caserta would at once throw you back." chapter xviii. capua. garibaldi had been remaining quietly at caserta when, on the th, he received a message from cialdini inviting him to cross the river and be in readiness to co-operate in a general action, which might possibly be brought on the next day. a bridge had to be thrown over the volturno, but at five the following morning he crossed with five thousand men. he found that a strong neapolitan force had fallen back, in the direction of gaeta, on the previous evening. missori was sent on with the guides to reconnoitre, and at teano found the escort of the neapolitan general, who had gone on to hold a conference with cialdini. at five in the evening garibaldi advanced eight miles farther in that direction, and bivouacked in the open air for the night. scarcely had he resumed his march, at daybreak the next morning, when he met the advance-guard of the piedmontese. the force marched off the road and encamped while garibaldi and his staff rode on to meet the king and his general. the latter was first encountered, and the heartiest greeting was exchanged between him and garibaldi, for they were old friends. they then rode together to meet victor emmanuel, whose greeting with garibaldi was extremely cordial. they rode together till the afternoon; garibaldi went with his column to calvi, and on the th retired to caserta. on the news reaching naples, frank, who by this time had almost recovered, drove to santa lucia. the piedmontese and garibaldians had now taken up their position on the south side of capua, the former occupying their old positions at santa maria and sant'angelo, while the piedmontese occupied the ground between the former town and la forresta; the piedmontese general, delia rocca, being in command of the whole. the troops were at once set to work to construct batteries, and a strong chain of outposts was pushed forward to within five hundred yards of the fortifications, to check the frequent sorties made by the neapolitans. the latter were still resolute, and several fierce fights took place. at four o'clock in the afternoon of november st the batteries opened fire, and the guns of the fortress replied vigorously, the bombardment being maintained until dark. preparations were made for an assault on the following morning. in the evening, however, the swiss general, du cornet, sent in to capitulate, and his surrender was accepted on the condition that he and his garrison should be allowed to march out with the honours of war. frank and the professor had driven early that morning from santa lucia, and had taken up their post high up on mount tifata, whence they could obtain a view of the city and surrounding country. they drove back when the bombardment ceased. early the next morning they set out again, and, meeting an officer, were informed that capua had surrendered. signor forli had two days previously gone down to caserta and seen garibaldi, and had asked him to give frank a letter of introduction to general cialdini, requesting him to allow him to enter with the first party to search the prisons of capua. "that i will do right willingly," garibaldi said. "indeed, as i rode with him two days ago, we naturally talked over the past; and i mentioned to him that i in no small degree owed the success of my expedition to the large sum of money sent to me by madame percival, the wife of the gentleman whose murder by brigands had created so much stir two and a half years ago. he remembered the circumstances perfectly; and i told him that her son had accompanied me throughout, and had greatly distinguished himself, even among the gallant men who accompanied me. i mentioned to him that he had still hopes that his father had not been murdered, and might be found in a neapolitan prison, and gave him his reason for hoping that he might yet be found in capua. i need not, therefore, write a long letter." the general at once sat down and wrote a note to cialdini, introducing frank to him, and asking that he might be nominated to accompany the officer charged with the duty of examining the prisons of capua. as soon, therefore, as they learned that the garrison had capitulated, signor forli and frank drove to la fortuna, where cialdini's headquarters were. frank sent in his card and garibaldi's letter, and after waiting a few minutes was shown into his room. "i am glad to see you, captain percival," the governor said warmly. "garibaldi was speaking to me of you in the highest terms, and interested me much in the quest you are making for your father. a party of our troops will enter the town to take possession of the magazines, and see that order is maintained until the evacuation of the town by the garrison, which will indeed commence this afternoon. i shall myself be entering in a couple of hours' time; and the best way will be for you to ride in with me. i will provide you with a horse; and it will save time and relieve you of your anxiety if i send an officer with you to the prisons, ordering that you shall at once have every facility given you for ascertaining whether your father is among those confined there." "i thank you greatly, general," frank said. "i will not trouble you about the horse, but will, with your permission, drive in in the carriage i have outside. my mother's father, whom i found in prison at reggio, is with me; and should i be happy enough to find my father, we can then take him away at once." "very well, we will arrange it so. colonel pasta, please write out an order to the governor of the state prisons in capua to offer every facility to captain percival to visit the jails and inspect the prisoners, with power to liberate his father at once should he find him there. it will save trouble altogether if, when we enter the town, you at once ride with his carriage to the prisons, and see that this order is complied with. you will also, before you set out, give orders to the officer commanding the escort to allow the carriage to follow him. "i heartily wish you success in your search," he said, turning to frank, and again shook him warmly by the hand. signor forli was much pleased when frank told him the result of his interview. "however, my dear frank," he said, "i pray you not to allow yourself to be buoyed up with any strong hope: if you do you may only be bitterly disappointed. you must remember, too, that even should we not find him here, we may discover him at gaeta." "i will try not to let myself hope too much," frank replied; "but at the same time i own that the description you obtained of one of the prisoners sent on here from naples has given me a strong hope that it is my father. should it not be so, i will not despair altogether, but will look forward to the search at gaeta. if that does not succeed i fear that it will be no good to hope any longer, for all the prisons south of naples have been opened long before now, and had my father been confined in one of them, i feel sure that, if able, he would at once have made his way to naples to see garibaldi, and obtain from him funds to enable him to return home." leaving the carriage, they endeavoured to obtain some food, for they had only taken some coffee and milk and a piece of bread before starting. they found it, however, almost impossible to do so--everything in the place had been eaten up; but after some search they succeeded in getting a bottle of wine and a small piece of bread at one of the cafés. having taken this, they went back to the carriage, and sat there until they saw the general and his staff come out from headquarters and mount. just as they were starting, an officer rode up to the carriage. "i have orders, sir, to permit you to follow in rear of the escort, and to enter the city with them. will you please drive on at once?" an hour later they entered capua. shortly before an italian brigade had marched in, placed guards at the gates and all the public buildings, and relieved the neapolitan sentries on the ramparts. cialdini dismounted at the palace of the governor, and ten minutes later colonel pasto rode up to the carriage. he was accompanied by a gentleman on foot, who introduced himself to signor forli as a member of the municipal body, and, taking a seat, directed the driver to the state prison, colonel pasto riding by the side of the carriage. when they arrived at the gate, where two of the bersaglieri were on guard, they alighted, and colonel pasto knocked at the gate, which was at once opened. "i wish to see the governor of the jail," he said. the warder at once led the way to the governor's residence, followed by the colonel, frank, and signor forli. the governor bowed, with evident trouble in his face, as they entered. "this officer," the colonel said, "is the bearer of an order from general cialdini, to search the prison thoroughly for the person of captain percival, a british subject, believed to be confined here, and to free him at once if he is so. i also require a full list of all prisoners confined here, with a statement of the charges on which they have been imprisoned. to-morrow the place will be searched from top to bottom, and all prisoners--i believe that no criminals are confined here--will be released." "i have no such person as captain percival here," the official said humbly. "not under that name, perhaps," frank said. "i demand, sir, in the first place, to see the four prisoners who were brought here from naples on the th or th of september. if captain percival is not one of the four, though i am convinced that he is so, i will postpone a general search until i make it with the royal officials to-morrow." the governor looked somewhat surprised at the knowledge possessed by the young officer; however, he only said, "i will take you to them at once, sir; they are together, and, as you will see, comfortably lodged." "i can believe that they are so at present," frank said sternly, "and have been, perhaps, for the past twenty-four hours"; for he felt sure that as soon as it was known that the general was about to capitulate, all the prisoners from the lower dungeons would be hastily removed to better quarters. "i will accompany you so far, captain percival," colonel pasto said, "in order that i may inform general cialdini if you have met with success in your search." led by the governor, they left the apartment, entered the prison itself, and followed him down several corridors. one of the warders, by his orders, followed him with a bunch of keys. frank was very pale, his face was set, and he was evidently trying to nerve himself to bear disappointment. signor forli walked with his hand on his shoulder, as if to assure him of his sympathy, and to aid him to support joy or disappointment. colonel pasto, deeply interested in the drama, walked a pace or two behind them. at last the turnkey stopped before a door, inserted a key in the lock, and opened it. the governor entered, with the words, "these are the four prisoners, sir." frank paused for a moment, took a long breath, and then entered. three men were lying on pallet-beds; the fourth, who had been seated, rose as they entered. it was on him that frank's eyes first fell, and then paused in doubt: the man's hair was long and streaked with grey, he wore long whiskers, beard and moustache, his face was very white and his figure somewhat bent. he was very thin, and his eyes seemed unnaturally large in the drawn, haggard face. as his eyes fell upon the uniforms of the piedmontese and garibaldian officers, he held out his arms and cried hoarsely: "i was right, then; we heard the firing yesterday, and knew that the town was attacked, and when we were taken from our foul dungeons and brought up here, i felt sure that deliverance was at hand. ah, forli," he broke off, as his eyes fell on the professor, "this is all that was wanted to complete my joy. you too are rescued!" and bursting into tears he sank back upon his pallet and covered his face with his thin hands. [illustration: "he went up to percival and put his hand on his shoulder"] the professor laid his hand on frank's shoulder, as the latter was about to dart forward. "stay a minute or two, lad," he whispered--"it may be too much for him," and he went up to percival and put his hand on his shoulder. "it is a joyful occasion indeed, leonard," he said. "you are free. save for the papal states and venice, all italy is free. i have other good news for you. muriel, your boy and my wife are all well, and will soon be able to rejoin you." "a minute, forli--give me a minute," captain percival said, in a low voice. "i should not have broken down thus. it is almost too much, coming all at once, after so long a time of waiting." two of the other prisoners had half risen at signor forli's words; the other was too weak to do more than turn his face towards them. "the news is true, gentlemen," colonel pasto said. "to-morrow, you and all within this prison will be free men. capua has surrendered, and we have but just entered the town. as there are still nine thousand of the neapolitan troops here, there are many arrangements to be made, and we must find some place for you all until you can be sent to your homes. it is impossible to search the jails until to-morrow, but you need not regard yourselves any longer as prisoners. i have orders from general cialdini to the governor here, that you shall in the meantime be well and plentifully fed, so as to prepare you for leaving this place. "you hear, sir," he said, turning to the governor. "you will procure, regardless of expense, every luxury possible, with a proper supply of good wine; and see that all have a thoroughly good meal this afternoon, and another this evening. i request that you will, without delay, have every prisoner informed of what has happened, and that he will to-morrow be released." "i will see that it is done, colonel," the governor said. "i will at once give the necessary orders. "perhaps it will be better, sir," he went on, speaking to signor forli, "that your friend should take something before he leaves. i have pleasure in placing my private room at your disposal, and will order some refreshment to be served there immediately." captain percival now rose to his feet with an effort. "i am afraid i shall have to be carried, forli," he said, with an attempt at a smile. "i was able to walk across the room this morning, but your news has, for the present, demolished what little strength i had left." "you had better sit down, captain percival," the colonel said. "the governor will doubtless send some men with a stretcher at once, and i need hardly assure you how great a pleasure it has been to me to be employed on so successful a mission. i shall tell general cialdini that you have been found." and so saying, after shaking hands with captain percival and the other prisoners, he left the room with the governor. frank also went outside, as, seeing how weak his father was, he quite recognised the wisdom of signor forli's advice that he should not be told too much at once; and, indeed, he felt that he could no longer suppress his own emotions. leaning against the wall in the passage, he cried like a child. assisted by signor forli, percival went round and shook hands with the other three prisoners. "i was right, you see," he said: "i told you last night, when we were all brought up here, that our deliverance was at hand, but i hardly thought that it could be so near. soon you too will see your friends, from whom you have been kept a much longer time than i have. "we have only met once before," he said to the professor, "when nearly two months ago we were all brought out and placed in a vehicle together, and driven here. on the way we told each other what our real names were, and the addresses of our friends, so that if by some miracle one of us should issue alive from our horrible dungeons, we might let the friends of the others know how and where they had died. thank god, we shall now all be bearers of good news." "i fear that i shall never be so," the weakest of them said, feebly. "do not think that," signor forli said cheerfully: "good food, fresh air, and, more than all, freedom, will do wonders for you. i, like yourselves, have been a special prisoner in a fortress for upwards of three years, and you see me now as strong and as well as i was when i entered it. make up your mind that you will get well and cheat these tyrants, who had thought to kill you by inches." four of the jailors now entered; one of them carried a stretcher, another had a bottle of excellent wine and four large glasses, which he filled and handed to the prisoners. "this is the first taste of freedom," one said, as he emptied his glass. "there, friend," he went on, as one of the jailors partly lifted the sick man and placed the glass to his lips, "that is your first step towards health and strength. i can feel it already tingling in my veins, which years ago a glass of pure spirit would hardly have done. no, we will take no more now," he said, as one of the men was about to refill his glass. "leave it here; another glass now would intoxicate me, after five years on water alone and starvation diet." captain percival was now placed on the stretcher and carried out; frank fell in with signor forli as he followed the party. "unless you are going to tell him soon," he said, "i must go; i cannot stand it, being so close to him." "i will tell him as soon as we are alone," the professor said: "he has calmed down, and that glass of wine will do him a world of good." on arriving at the governor's room, captain percival was placed in an easy chair, and the jailors left. frank went to the window and looked out. "i can hardly believe that it is not all a dream, forli. the strangest part is that, while i had hoped to open your prison doors, you have opened mine." "you are wrong, leonard: the same person who opened my doors has opened yours; as you set out to find me, so another set out to find us both." captain percival looked at him wonderingly. "of whom are you speaking, forli? my head is not very clear at present. but who could have been looking for us both? you don't mean garibaldi?" "no, no, leonard; truly he has opened the doors to all prisoners, but he was not searching for any one in particular. when i tell you that muriel sent out to garibaldi the sum that you had put aside for that purpose, and that she and my wife had never altogether lost hope that you and i were both still alive, whom should she send out with it, and to search for you, but----" "you don't mean frank? you cannot mean him: he is only a boy at school." "he is nearly seventeen now, and there are hundreds of younger lads who, like him, have done their duty as men. yes, it is frank. i would not tell you at first; one shock was enough at a time. frank, my boy, you have your reward at last." frank turned and ran towards his father. the latter rose from his seat. "my boy, my dear lad!" he cried, as he held out his arms, "this is too much happiness!" it was some minutes before either father or son could speak coherently; and fortunately, just as frank placed his father in the chair, one of the attendants brought in a basin of clear soup, two cutlets, an omelette, and a bottle of wine, saying that the governor had sent them from his own table, with his compliments. captain percival smiled faintly when the man left the room. "it is my last meal in prison, and if it had been sent to me a week ago i should have declined to eat it, for i should have made sure that it was poisoned; however, as it is, i will take it with thankfulness." "yes, and you must eat as much as you can," forli said. "you have got a drive before you: we shall take you straight up to santa lucia, where we have rooms; the mountain air has done wonders for frank, who has had a touch of these marsh fevers. it would be difficult to find a place in capua now, so the sooner you are out of it the better." captain percival took a mouthful or two of soup and then stopped. "that won't do, leonard--that won't do; you really must make an effort. do it in italian fashion: pour a glass of wine into it; if you will take that, i will let you off the meat." "i could not touch it whether you let me off or not. i have not touched meat for two years and a half, and i shall be some time taking to it again." he finished the soup, and then, upon the insistence of signor forli, took some of the omelette. "now," the latter said, "we will be off. when we came in here, we told the driver to find some place where he could take the horses out and feed them, and then come here and wait for us. i suppose we must get somebody to let us out of the prison." frank rang the bell. when the attendant came in, he said, "please tell the governor that we are now leaving, and that we shall be obliged if he would send down an official to the gate to let us out." the governor himself came in two minutes later; the gate was close by the entrance to his house; and signor forli said,--"i will go out first, sir, and fetch our carriage round, if you will be good enough to give orders that the gate is to be kept open until i return, and to order the warder there to allow captain percival to pass out with us." ten minutes later they were on their way. captain percival would not be laid on a stretcher again, but leaning upon his father-in-law and son, was able to walk to the carriage. "i have a flask of brandy-and-water in my pocket, leonard, and if you feel faint you must take a little." very few words were spoken on the journey. frank sat by the side of his father and held his hand in his own, and it was not long before captain percival fell asleep. the excitement of the past thirty-six hours had for a time given him a fictitious strength; and now the sense of happiness and of freedom, aided, no doubt, by the unaccustomed meal and the wine he had taken, took the natural effect, and after trying in vain to question frank as to what had taken place, he dozed off. "that is the best thing for him," signor forli said in low tones, when he saw that captain percival was asleep, "i hope he will not wake up till we arrive at santa lucia. he has borne it better than i expected. it has, of course, pulled him down a great deal more than it did me. a strong and active man must naturally feel solitary confinement much more than one who seldom takes any exercise beyond half an hour's walk in the streets of london; who is, moreover, something of a philosopher, and who can conjure up at will from his brain many of his intimate friends. i have no doubt he will sleep soundly to-night, and i trust--though of this i do not feel quite sure--that he will be a different man in the morning. of course it may be the other way, and that when the effect of the excitement has passed off he will need a great deal of careful nursing before he begins to gain strength. at any rate, i shall go into naples to-morrow and send a telegram to your mother, and tell her to come over with my wife at once. it would be of no use going down to caserta; the wires will be so fully occupied by the military and royal telegrams that there will be little chance of a private message getting through. they are sure to start directly they get my message, and may be here in three or four days. i shall advise them to come viâ marseilles; for, as the train service is sure to be upset, they might be a good deal longer coming by land, besides the annoyance of long detentions and crowded trains; for you may be sure that there will be a rush from the north to come down to witness the king's entrance into naples." "i think that will be a very good plan indeed," frank agreed; "and the knowledge that they are coming will, i should think, do a great deal of good to my father." darkness had fallen long before they reached santa lucia. the village was still full of soldiers. as he leapt out from the carriage frank called to four of them standing near to help in carrying his father upstairs; and so soundly was captain percival sleeping, that this was managed and he was laid on the bed without his fairly waking, though he half opened his eyes and murmured something that frank could not catch. "we will not try to take his things off," signor forli said, "but just throw a blanket lightly over him now. i will remain here while you go down and get some supper. you had better stay in the room with him all night; there is no getting hold of another bed, but----" "i shall do just as well without a bed," frank said; "since i landed at marsala i have hardly slept in one; besides, i don't fancy that i shall sleep much, anyhow. i have plenty to think about and to thank god for, and if my father moves i shall be at his bedside in a moment. it is likely enough that he will not have the least idea where he is." "quite so, frank. when you come up from supper bring an extra candle with you: you had better keep a light burning all night." captain percival, however, did not wake up until it was broad daylight. he looked round in a bewildered way until his eyes rested upon frank, who was seated close to his bedside. "that settles it," he said with a smile, holding out his hand to him. "i could not make out where i was. i remember leaving capua in a carriage, and nothing more; i must have slept like a log, as you got me out of the carriage and up here without my waking." "i think it was the professor's fault chiefly, father, in making you take that second glass of wine in your soup. you see you were altogether unaccustomed to it, and being so weak, that and all the excitement naturally overpowered you. however, i think it a capital thing that it did. you had twelve hours' good sleep, and you look all the better for it. i will tell signor forli you are awake. he has peeped in three or four times to see how you are going on." he went out for a minute, and a little later the professor came in with a large cup of hot milk. "you are looking fifty per cent. better, leonard," he said. "you had better begin by drinking this, and then i should recommend you to get rid of those rags you have on, and to have a good wash. i am going into naples, and will bring you some clothes. you certainly could not get into my coat, but i will lend you a shirt, and that is all that you will want, for you had better lie in bed to-day and listen to frank's account of his adventures, having a nap occasionally when you feel tired, and taking as much soup as you can get down, with perhaps a slice of chicken." "what are you going to naples for?" "i am going to send the good news to muriel, and to tell her and my wife to come over at once and help you to build up your strength again. i won't say come over to nurse you, for i think you can do without that,--all you want is building up." before he started the professor showed them the telegram he had written out. "it is rather long," he said, "but a pound or two one way or the other makes little difference." it ran: "prepare yourself for good news, and don't read farther till you have done so. thank god, frank's search has been successful. i dared not tell you when i last wrote that i had found a clue, lest it should only give rise to false hopes. however, it led us to our goal. leonard is recovered and free. he is weak, but needs nothing but good food and your presence. start with annetta at once; come straight to marseilles and take the first steamer to naples. you will find us at the hotel d'italie, where i shall have rooms ready for you." after signor forli left, frank told the story of his adventures bit by bit, insisting upon his father taking rest and food three or four times. the professor returned late in the evening. "i have got rooms at the hotel," he said; "and it is lucky that i did not put off going down till to-morrow, for telegrams are coming in from all parts of italy to secure accommodation. however, fortunately there were still some good rooms left when i arrived there, and i need not say that i did not haggle over terms, outrageous as they were on the strength of the coming crowd. your father is going on all right, i hope?" "very well indeed, i think. i only talked for about half an hour at a time; he has slept a good deal, and he has eaten well, his voice is stronger, and there is a little colour in his cheeks; he was terribly white before." "that was from being kept in the dark, frank, as much as from illness." they went upstairs together. "i hear a good account of you, leonard," the professor said, "so i will give you what i have in my pocket, which i should otherwise have kept till to-morrow morning." he took out a piece of thin paper, handed it to captain percival, and held the candle close, so that he should read the contents. it was but a few words, but it took some time in the reading, for the invalid's eyes were blinded with tears. when he had read it, he dropped it on the coverlet and put his hands over his face, while the bed shook with his deep sobs. frank took up the paper and ran his eye over it. "the good god be praised for all his mercies! oh, my husband, i can say no more now. mother and i start to-night for marseilles.--your most happy and loving wife." two days later the party left for naples. that morning garibaldi, to whom frank had sent a message on the morning after his return from capua, drove up to santa lucia to see his old friend. "i am almost as pleased, percival," he said, after a silent hand-grip had been exchanged, "to have freed you as i am to have freed italy, a matter in which the money your wife sent me in your name had no slight share. you have reason to be proud of your son: he has shown throughout the expedition a courage and coolness equal to that of any of my veterans. he captured the first neapolitan standard that was taken, and has rendered me innumerable services as my aide-de-camp. you are looking better than i expected." "i should be an ungrateful brute, if i were not getting better, after all my son has gone through to rescue me, and the feeding up that i have had since i came here." "you must have suffered intensely, percival?" "it has been pretty hard. i have all the time been in solitary confinement in filthy holes, where scarce a ray of daylight penetrated. i have had nothing but either the blackest of bread or roasted maize to eat, but i have been kept up throughout by the conviction that ere very long there must be an upheaval: things could not go on as they were. i knew that my own letters had excited a general feeling of horror at the accounts of the dungeons in which political prisoners were confined, and i determined to make the best of matters. a year ago--at least, i suppose that it is about a year, for i have lost count of time--a fresh hope was given me, when one of my jailors, who was at heart a good fellow, and occasionally ventured to say a few words to me, told me that the sardinians, with the help of france, had recovered lombardy from austria, and that tuscany and other papal states had all revolted and joined sardinia. that gave me fresh hope and courage. i felt that things could not long remain so, and that the south would soon follow the example of the north. i felt sure that you had borne your part in the struggle with the austrians, and that, just as you headed the roman insurrection, you would certainly throw yourself heart and soul into a rising in the south. i hear now, from my son, that in fact the whole has been entirely your work." "i have done what i could," garibaldi said, "and well have i been rewarded by the gratitude of the people. but i see already that the jealousy of the piedmontese is carrying them beyond all bounds, and that i shall soon be back in caprera. but that matters not: i shall be happy in the thought that i have earned the gratitude of all italy, and that the work i have done can never be undone. the king is a brave and gallant gentleman, but he is prejudiced by the lies of the men round him, who cannot forgive me for having done what should have been their work. it is a pity, but it matters but little. i fought for the cause and not for myself, and my only regret is that my brave companions should suffer by the jealousy and ill-humour of a handful of miserables. i shall be in naples in a few days, and hope to find a still further improvement in your condition." the long drive to naples had no ill effect whatever, and captain percival was able to walk from the carriage up to his room, leaning upon frank's arm. they learned that it would be two days before the next steamer from marseilles arrived, and these were passed by captain percival in the carriage, driving slowly backwards and forwards along the promenade by the sea, sometimes halting for an hour or two, while he got out and walked for a time, and then sat down on a seat, enjoying intensely the balmy air and the lovely view. he was now able to dispense altogether with frank's assistance. his hair had been cut short, and his face clean-shaved with the exception of his moustache, for, as he said, "he hardly knew his own face with all that hair on, and he wanted his wife to see him again as he was when he left her." his cheeks were still very thin and hollow, but the sun and sea air had removed the deadly pallor, and the five days of good feeding had already softened the sharpness of the outlines of his face. on the day when the steamer was due he remained down at the sea until she was sighted. then he returned to the hotel with signor forli, leaving frank to meet the ladies when they landed and to bring them up to the hotel. garibaldi had run down to naples on the previous day, and spent some hours in endeavouring to smooth matters between the contending factions, and had given frank an order to the officers of the custom-house to pass the baggage of signora forli and mrs. percival unopened. the greeting between frank and his mother and the signora was a rapturous one. not many words were spoken, for both ladies were so greatly affected that they hurried at once into the carriage. frank saw the small amount of baggage that they had brought handed up, and then jumped in. "how is he looking?" mrs. percival asked anxiously. "of course he is looking thin, mother. he was very weak when we found him, five days ago; but he has picked up a good deal since then, and in another fortnight he will be walking about with you just as of old." "you are looking thin yourself, frank--very thin. my father mentioned in his letter that you had had a touch of fever." "yes, it was rather a sharp touch; but, as you see, i am all right now, though i have not yet returned to duty. i was able to take a part in the battle of volturno, but collapsed after it was over." "and your grandfather has not changed much, you said?" the signora asked. "he has borne it marvellously," frank said. "as i told you in my letter, he has kept himself up by going through all the authors he knew by heart. you know what a marvellous memory he has, and of course that helped him immensely. of all the prisoners we have released, there was not one who was so well and strong as he was. i really don't think that you will find any change in him since you saw him last--except that, of course, his hair is rather greyer. father is a good deal greyer, mother. i think that, perhaps, it is the result of there being so little light in the places where he has been kept. here is the hotel. now i will take you up to them, and will leave you there while i come down and see after your traps. i should doubt whether any english ladies ever arrived at naples before with so little luggage." he spoke cheerfully, for both his mother and the signora were so much agitated that he was afraid of their breaking down before they got upstairs. on reaching the door he opened it, and, closing it quickly behind him, went away. it was a quarter of an hour before he returned to the room. all had now recovered from the effects of their first meeting. "we have already settled, frank, that we will start for home at once. your grandfather says that he has ascertained that a steamer will leave to-morrow for england; and we mean to go all the way by sea. it will do your father good, and you too, for your grandfather says the doctor told him that, although you have got rid of the fever altogether, you need change to set you up thoroughly, and that a sea voyage would be the best thing for you. and, as we are all good sailors, it will be the pleasantest way as well as the best. fortunately your work is done here. the fighting is over, and even if it were not, you have done your share. you have not told us much about that in your letters, but garibaldi spoke of you in the highest terms to your father; and your grandfather learned, from some of your comrades, what you really did at calatafimi and palermo." "i did just what the others did, mother, and was luckier than most of them, though i was laid up there for a month with the wound i got; but i don't see how i could start to-morrow without leave, and, at any rate, without thanking garibaldi for his kindness." "well, then, you must run over to caserta and see him this evening. the railway is open, is it not? it is only a run of half an hour or so." "very well, mother, i will do that; and very likely he will be over in the morning. he comes here nearly every day, and if he had not intended doing so to-morrow, i am sure he would come, if only to see you and the signora, and to say good-bye to father and the professor. about what time does the steamer start?" "at one o'clock." "oh, that will leave plenty of time; the general is always up at three in the morning." frank was not mistaken: at eight o'clock garibaldi arrived at the hotel and spent half an hour with them. he delighted mrs. percival by the manner in which he spoke of frank, saying that no one had distinguished himself more during the campaign. the voyage to england was pleasant and uneventful, and by the time they arrived at home, captain percival was almost himself again, while frank had entirely shaken off the effects of his illness. it had been agreed that he should not return to harrow; six months of campaigning had ill-fitted him for the restrictions of school life, and it was arranged that he should be prepared for cambridge by a private tutor. he finally passed creditably, though not brilliantly, through the university. he and his family had the pleasure of meeting garibaldi when the latter paid a visit to london, four years after the close of the campaign; and the general, in spite of his many engagements, spent one quiet evening with his friends at cadogan place. four years later frank married, and his father settled upon him his country estate, to which, since his return to england, he had seldom gone down, for, although his general health was good, he never sufficiently recovered from the effects of his imprisonment to be strong enough again to take part in field sports. he lived, however, to a good old age, and it is not very long since he and his wife died within a few days of each other. the professor and signora forli had left them fifteen years before. the end. typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber: the enemey=> the enemey {pg } who assuredy=> who assuredy {pg } guerillas=> guerrillas {pg } the the entrance=> the entrance {pg } fictitous=> fictitous {pg }